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REFORMERS CONSIDERED the closing of the Stockade a great victory, but it was only one battle in an ongoing war against urban immorality. The war exhibited some unique elements but also mirrored progressive national trends. Citizens across the nation believed that cities posed many moral dangers for young people. Reformers considered prostitution an anachronism of the corrupt, immoral, and inefficient nineteenth-century city and demanded it be abolished instead of regulated. Prostitution was only the most obvious and extreme form of illicit sexuality, however. New patterns of work, residence, and recreation also seemed to lure young people, especially women, into dangerous behaviors. Many citizens called on the state to use its power to control urban immorality, resulting in legislation that often proved intrusive and repressive. In Salt Lake City, the progressive effort to make the city purer and more moral began before the Stockade and picked up momentum with the campaign against it. Gentiles and Mormons took action against alcohol, immoral entertainment, and venues where young people of both sexes met. The Samuel Park administration suppressed prostitution and prevented the reestablishment of a restricted district. Women moved to cheap hotels and rooming houses to sell sex, without the degree of predictability and protection that regulation had offered. City authorities and reformers attempted to crack down on those new venues, further entangling the control of prostitution with intervention into the sex lives of the young and the working class. The subsequent administration's veiled attempt to allow prostitutes to return to the old district aroused determined opposition. Many Utahns welcomed federal intervention in the control of prostitution, first in the form of "white slavery" prosecutions. With the entry of the United States into World War I, many residents enthusiastically supported the federally enforced zone of exclusion around army training posts such as Fort Douglas. Progressive reform in Salt Lake played out in a time of great change. From 1880 to 1910 the population increased nearly fivefold to 92,777 inhabitants. The downtown physical environment was transformed as well. One- and two-story adobe and frame buildings gave way to brick, stone, and steel structures, some of them of ten stories or more. The few adobe buildings remaining by 1911 included the Victoria Alley cribs and 222 south State Street (both still housing prostitutes) and the now-vacant 243 south Main Street. Paved streets, sidewalks, electrical power, sewer systems, street cars, and automobiles gave the city a distinctly "modern" atmosphere. 1 Urban residents nationwide boasted of their cities' rapid growth and modern amenities. Some perceived a dark side, however. One nationally known muckraker wrote that "the City—from scarlet Babylon to smoky Chicago—has always been the great marketplace of dissipation." 2 Utah's reformers agreed that city life broke down traditional, family-based society, since so many residents lived alone or with virtual strangers, surrounded by temptations. They especially feared for unprotected young women who left rural areas to come to the city to work and play. 3 Rapid economic growth opened up retail, clerical, and secretarial jobs for women. 4 These jobs brought young women into public spaces, often without supervision and in the same neighborhoods where prostitutes worked. As more women took urban jobs, many persons expressed concerns about their moral well-being. Governor John C. Cutler offended several of the city's major employers when he suggested that manufacturing jobs "demoralized" girls. 5 Even more disturbing were the new forms of public amusement. Saltair, a bathing resort on the Great Salt Lake, and other venues drew large crowds of men and women who danced, swam, and drank together. Saltair reportedly sold 9,180 quarts of beer in one night, sparking fights among men and "Commercial street ladies," including Helen Blazes. 6 A disgusted Lulu Shepard witnessed the scene and enlisted the Ministerial Association to plead with LDS authorities to bar alcohol from the church-owned resort. 7 Reformers also worried about dance halls, saloons, wine rooms, and cheap rooming houses where men and women congregated. The secretary of the local YMCA claimed that "saloons, dance halls, pleasure resorts, [and] houses of ill-fame" were "dragging men and women down to destruction." 8 Shepard warned of moral and racial threats to young (implicitly white) women: saloons where even "well dressed women" got drunk; moving pictures shown in total darkness where girls were "subjected to insults from libertines," including black men; dance halls that sold liquor; and cheap rooming houses. Shepard called for "legislation, vigilance and better mothers" to protect young women. 9 Mayor Samuel Park complained that girls were being allowed to "go to theatres unattended and go to expensive cafes—places where girls meet their undoing." 10 New music and dance styles outraged some people, especially "ragging," where partners held each other close and executed vigorous steps to ragtime, music created by African Americans and often associated with prostitution. 11 Another source of worry was the cheap cafés or "chili parlors," described as "a new sort of saloon ... for the special benefit of the gentler sex" and condemned by chief of police B. F. Grant as "the most dangerous and law defying we have in the city." 12 Gaurdello Brown agreed that "if we could eliminate the evil of the cafés, the most serious problem with which the juvenile court has to deal would be gone, for more cases of delinquency among young girls and young men and boys have their source in such places than in any other place in the city." 13 One reformer cautioned parents and police to pay attention to higher-class resorts as well. "No one who has designs on the innocence of a young woman will visit with her those places which disgust and repel. They would take her to those places of amusement operating under the guise of respectability where music and decoration and light and song disarm the mind and open gradually the door to importunity. Places of this sort, where the glamour and tinsel abound and fascinate, and the atmosphere hypnotically lulls to sleep the sterner centers of resistance, are far more dangerous than the resorts of dissolute orgies. They are the recruiting grounds, the preserves where the game is hunted." 14 Such complaints indicated at least two related worries. First, reformers expressed conservative middle- and upper-class fears for the virtue of women in public. Unmarried or unchaperoned women in saloons, theaters, and other public spaces were considered in constant danger of "falling" to the corrupting influences of alcohol, immoral entertainment, and lascivious men. Those influences were so strong, and women so weak and passive, that sex was almost inevitable. In past decades, the only women in such places had supposedly already fallen. But in the early twentieth century, the sharp line between the places where respectable and fallen women could be found had blurred. The problem went beyond the geography of respectability. Many women seemed to be dressing like prostitutes; in the logic of many reformers, that meant they were acting like them too. Mayor Samuel Park condemned parents who "let their girls over-dress, let them adopt dress styles that are not in good taste, let them use rouge and cosmetics." 15 Juvenile court officials complained of "peekaboo waists, slit skirts, low neck dresses and the 'shuffling' walk styles.... The prevailing styles in feminine attire ... [are] not only indescent [sic] in themselves, but extremely dangerous to the welfare of the girls and the boys." LDS president Joseph F. Smith claimed modern dress was "derived from the lowest classes of life, and not such as to be adopted by women and girls possessing respect for morals and character." 16 These developments were symptoms of a changing code of behavior, feared and fought by many conservative Americans but created and welcomed by a younger generation. Historian Mary Odem argues that young people, especially women, enjoyed the economic opportunities and relative social freedom of the modern city. After long days working behind shop counters or in offices, they demanded the diversions of dance halls, amusement parks, vaudeville shows, cafés, and cabarets. Since they often had no kitchen facilities in their rooms, they necessarily ate in inexpensive restaurants. When they could afford to, women indulged in fashionable clothing and cosmetics for nights out. Many young people, free of parental supervision, enjoyed greater social contact with the other sex in these public venues. As they always had, some working women indulged in occasional prostitution to supplement their legitimate earnings. 17 Others adopted a more open sexual ethic, sometimes sleeping with boyfriends or dates. One evidence of this change is a climb in the national rate of premarital pregnancy from approximately 10 percent in the mid-nineteenth century to 23 percent by 1910. 18 To many observers, the new sexual ethic resembled prostitution. A Salt Lake City reformer advocated criminalizing all extramarital sex. "Prostitution in the dictionary sense is 'commercialized vice,' 'selling the body for hire.' Broadly speaking it does not mean that there is always a fee directly paid. It may be the price of a supper, or a ride in a taxi; or if one can believe his eyes, in Salt Lake's Louvre, Maxim's or Saltair, it may be the buying of a few drinks or a couple of railroad fares.... Illigitimate [sic] sexual intercourse should be considered as prostitution, no matter where practiced—nor for what returns." 19 Reformers demanded and often got governmental action. In 1902 the city council banned separate wine rooms or screens "where women can be hidden." 20 A year later, the council began requiring keepers of rooming houses with ten or more rooms to keep registers in an effort to discourage prostitution and fornication. 21 In 1905 the chief of police closed the Utahna park dance hall, which he labeled "a rendezvous for disorderly women, a place where street walking and divorces are started." 22 Related concerns for children and juvenile offenders began in the late nineteenth century. Citizens and elected officials concurred that minors convicted of crimes should not be exposed to hardened adult criminals in jails and penitentiaries but rather rehabilitated through schooling, industrial training, and moral instruction. Cornelia Paddock had included the need for an "industrial school for young girls" in an 1886 article outlining the planned Industrial Christian Home for polygamous wives. 23 The Utah legislature established a "Territorial Reform School" in Ogden in 1888. Any boy or girl under eighteen convicted in district court of a crime other than murder could be ordered to the reform school; a justice of the peace could hold a convict in his court to the district court for similar disposition. Students would be "instructed in correct principles of morality and in such branches of useful knowledge as are adapted to their age and capacity." Commitment could range from six months to the achievement of majority. One trustee explained that the school's atmosphere would be homelike, with "the boys comprising one family and the girls another." A "family father and mother" would have charge of each division. 24 The State Industrial School, as it was officially named, became the institution of choice for the control of wayward minor females. A young girl in an Ogden brothel swore that she merely served drinks, but her mother testified that the girl was "incorrigible" and the judge committed her to the industrial school. One observer felt the precedent would allow the police court justice "to dispose of the girls who are from time to time brought to his attention by distracted parents." 25 Police courts sometimes treated the industrial school and rescue homes as alternatives for the disposition of girls accused of chastity offenses. For example, one woman wanted her thirteen-year-old daughter committed to the school for spending the night with Fort Douglas soldiers; the judge sent her instead to the rescue home. 26 Another mother charged her fifteen-year-old daughter with incorrigibility "in the hope that she would be committed to the Reform School, but a Christian woman now has her in charge and is attempting to teach her the error of her ways." 27 The industrial school was not always popular, nor successful in its reform mission. Minerva Reeves, committed to the school in 1901, allegedly attempted to burn down the facility a year later. By 1906, she was an inmate of 243 south Main Street. 28 Concern for juveniles led to other institutions in the new century. The Utah Federation of Women's Clubs pushed for a juvenile court system and detention homes for juveniles awaiting trial. 29 The Utah state legislature adopted a juvenile court in 1905. Children could be judged delinquent for a wide variety of offenses, including violating any law, "growing up in idleness or crime," visiting or entering a house of ill repute, or "immoral conduct." A child's home circumstances could also result in an appearance in juvenile court, if the only surviving parent was perceived as "a person of notorious and scandalous conduct, or a reputed thief or prostitute" or the child was "found in the custody of vicious, corrupt, or immoral people, or surrounded by vicious, corrupt, or immoral influences." Juvenile law permitted the court broad latitude in the disposition of a child. The court could allow the parents to continue custody or it could commit the child to another family home or to any state, county, or state-chartered institution "for care, correction, or advancement of children" or to the state industrial school. In fact, the court could dispose of the child in any way (except to commit him or her to jail or prison) "that may in the discretion and judgment of the court ... be for the best interest of the child, to the end that its wayward tendencies shall be corrected and the child be saved to useful citizenship." 30 The juvenile court system gave the state another means of dealing with young women accused of prostitution or other sexual behavior. These moral reform efforts had a strong element of social control to them, as reformers and the state attempted to convince or coerce young, mostly working-class women to conform to their notion of gender-appropriate behavior. Most of Salt Lake City's moral reformers could be broadly categorized as middle class: professionals, business people, ministers, schoolteachers, and their spouses. However, such reform efforts may have been as much about generational as class control. Working-class parents also used the new apparatus to deal with unruly daughters. Susannah Blundell, for example, lodged a charge of incorrigibility against her sixteen-year-old daughter Elizabeth in October 1898. Elizabeth promised that she would reform, and was allowed to go to the WHA Rescue Home. The girl ran away in December, however; her parents and a WHA officer testified "they could do nothing with her." Upon her parents' request, Elizabeth was sentenced to the reform school until she achieved majority. 31 Christian Nyborg used the system to break up a romance between his daughter and a black man. He charged sixteen-year-old Ragna with incorrigibility because she refused to stop seeing her black lover. Ragna testified that a white man she refused to name had "accomplish[ed] her downfall" and wanted her to enter a house of ill fame. Ragna broke with him over this and met her new lover, who "proceeded to take up the white man's burden [a child?]." She was sentenced to the industrial school. 32 Citizens sometimes protested too-vigorous attempts to impose moral control over young working-class women. In May 1900 police confronted three girls eating dinner in a restaurant and brought them to the station where they were examined to determine their virginity and possible infection with venereal disease. In the course of newspaper publicity and a city council investigation, their names and the examinations' results were published. All three were reportedly found uninfected, while two were found "virtuous" and the third "immoral." 33 The press unanimously declared that the examinations violated the girls' civil rights. One paper noted that none of the girls had fathers or brothers to protect them from police abuse. The Deseret Evening News argued that the incident threatened all women:
The Herald editorialized that "the commonest street-walker of the city ought to be immune from such indignities." 35 The outcry bewildered the police, who claimed to be protecting the community's morality, health, and racial hierarchy. Chief Thomas Hilton explained the girls had often been seen on the streets after curfew and that police had shadowed them to their rooms in the company of black men. Hilton claimed that he had received complaints about their immoral conduct and that rumors abounded that they carried "a loathsome disease." 36 Detective George Sheets, who arrested the three, argued that "the girls were a bad lot all through, and had been brought in several times.... Sheets thought the police had the right to act as they had, and that the action was solely in the interest of morality and for the good of the girls." 37 City officials condemned the examinations but stopped short of dismissing the officers. The council censured Chief Hilton, but a motion to include Sheets and the city physician failed. Hilton took responsibility for the action and apologized, which seemed to satisfy the officials. The girls' mothers, however, were not so easily mollified and fought to restore their daughters' reputations. One produced a sworn document from the city physician denying that he had found her daughter to be not "virtuous." All three mothers filed lawsuits against the officers but quickly dropped them. 38 The uproar indicates that the public acknowledged limits on the actions it was willing to sanction in pursuit of moral order. If the authorities followed accepted processes, however, few people seemed to object. A year after the examinations, two of the same girls were before a judge to show cause why they should not be sent to reform school. Despite an impassioned defense by one mother, the girls were judged "incorrigible" and committed to the school with no public outcry. 39 The apparent emergence of a new sexual ethic concerned many Mormons and non-Mormons alike. In past years, such comments as B. F. Grant's, Gaurdello Brown's, or Joseph F. Smith's quoted above might have triggered gentile attacks on Mormon morality. But the informal antiprostitution alliance that had emerged during the anti-Stockade fight continued to strengthen. The new sense of common cause was demonstrated in 1913 when an Illinois purity reformer urged a fight against "Mormonism, white slavery, cocaine, morphine and other institutions of evil." Mormons and many Utah gentiles condemned her remarks. The Salt Lake Commercial Club protested the statement, as did the secretary of the Salt Lake City WCTU, a Methodist. C. C. Goodwin dismissed the comments and claimed that "in Illinois there are more men confessing one wife and supporting two than ever have been in Utah." 40 After decades of conflict, many gentiles and Mormons realized that when it came to the protection of young women from alarming new developments, they were on common ground. Some Mormons congratulated progressives for apparently accepting long-held LDS moral positions. When the New York Bureau of Social Hygiene concluded that segregation of prostitutes was a failed policy, the Deseret Evening News noted archly that "it is well known that the 'Mormon' Church was assailed on all sides as seeking the impossible when it took a stand against segregation and toleration in Salt Lake City." 41 By 1912, antiprostitution activism was peaking across the nation. Reformers demanded abolition and attacked vice districts in virtually every city. A Salt Lake reformer argued that regulation was illogical in an imaginary dialogue between "Segregation" and "Extirpation." "Extirpation" believed "segregation isolates the individual from society for the very purpose of allowing a regulated continuance of evil conduct. Segregation admits an evil and then strives to regulate it instead of annihilate it. How preposterous! How terribly fatal to the ideal which humanity holds and must maintain, that evil is eradicable!" 42 Prostitution increasingly seemed not only a moral threat but also a disturbing symptom of urban cultural change. Progressive-era reformers often linked prostitution to the vast influx of immigrants who brought alien and supposedly licentious cultures. Many activists also worried about "social hygiene" or the general sexual health of the population. They feared that prostitutes were infecting men with venereal diseases, who in turn were passing on hereditary weaknesses to their children. 43 Some researchers concluded that prostitutes were "feeble-minded" and dangerous to the race. George Snow Gibbs, a Utah reformer, claimed that "the formidable quartette of social evil—alcoholism, pauperism, prostitution, and criminality—are shown by definite investigations of recent years to be problems much more nearly within possible solution since it has been found that about 50 per cent of the cases are those of the feeble-minded." Gibbs advocated confining the feeble-minded to institutions to prevent them from reproducing "as the public mind is not yet ready to use sexual sterilization." 44 Prostitutes still received some qualified public sympathy. LDS president Joseph F. Smith argued that
Most activists, however, demanded repressive legislation to combat the "social evil." Smith went on to note that "while her despairing and desperate condition must be considered as an element of cause if not of mitigation, she is nevertheless a criminal under the secular law and a grieveous [sic] offender against the mandate of the Almighty." 46 Amey B. Eaton, a University of Utah sociologist and a representative of the American Vigilance Association, insisted that only abolition could end prostitution. 47 The confluence of nativism and social purity resulted in the campaign against white slavery, defined by one scholar as "the enslavement of white women or girls by means of coercion, trick, or drugs by a non-white or non-Anglo-Saxon man for purposes of sexual exploitation." 48 The white slavery issue first emerged in England in the 1880s, but the uproar in the United States really began around 1907, when George Kibbe Turner and other muckrakers wrote magazine exposés of urban conditions. White slavery fed on fear of the city and growing disquiet among native-born Americans over undesirable immigrants. 49 The term was used in Salt Lake City, but often simply as a synonym for "prostitution." A 1908 newspaper recalled Kate Flint and "the white slaves whom she owned." 50 Another referred to "Belle London, the Cyprian Queen, and Her White Slaves." 51 The first version of Dogney Lofstrom's tale, with its accusations of drugs and coercion, is a classic white slavery story. Indeed, her testimony at Dora Topham's preliminary hearing was described as "a chapter out of the 'House of Bondage,'" a popular 1910 white slave novel. Like anti-Mormon fiction, white slave stories drew from nineteenth-century captivity narratives. 52 The federal government took action against "white slavers," including in Utah. In July 1908, an immigration inspector removed a French woman from a Commercial Street brothel, where a French procurer had reportedly placed her. 53 By 1910, concern over white slavery became so intense that Congress passed the White Slave Traffic or Mann Act to punish trafficking in women across state or national borders. 54 One Salt Lake paper looked to the Mann Act as a solution to prostitution. "At the present time in Salt Lake a greater part of the women engaged in shameful occupations are of foreign birth. Many have secured citizenship papers, but these papers were secured during the time when they were engaged in the lawless occupation and consequently according to the recent laws which are enacted they can be deported at the expense of the companies who brought them to this country. When the enforcement of the law starts it is estimated that one-third of the underworld population of this city will be transported across the Atlantic." 55 In reality, over 90 percent of Salt Lake prostitutes claimed to be U.S.-born. 56 While federal officials prosecuted a handful of cases in Utah under the Mann Act, including at least two people accused of placing women in the Stockade, the federal effort did not affect the district. 57 Salt Lakers praised the campaign, but noted that it only applied to interstate cases. They called on local officials to display the same kind of energy and efficiency against prostitution that marked the federal effort. 58 By 1914, the national outcry over white slavery had largely died down. Most reformers had come to realize that no single "ring" of alien conspirators existed which placed women in brothels; rather, the same general economic and social conditions that obtained in past years caused women to turn to prostitution. Clifford Roe, the Chicago district attorney and muckraker who became a national reform figure, told a Utah crowd "there has been too much hysteria over white slavery.... Everything that pertains to the social evil has been classed as white slavery. The idea that women are being forced against their will to become inmates of immoral houses after being drugged and by coercion is preposterous. The real white slaver is the man who profits through commercialized vice or the women who run the houses in which commercialized vice is permitted." 59 Despite the easing of the white slavery scare, social purity reformers across the country convinced municipal and state governments to take vigorous action against prostitution. Scores of cities and three states created special vice commissions that universally condemned regulation and called for eradication to eliminate the many dangers that prostitution posed. 60 The advocates of regulated prostitution were everywhere in retreat. When Samuel Park ran against John S. Bransford in 1911 in the wake of the Dora Topham conviction, both men promised to eliminate restricted vice districts. Park won and embarked on a tour of western cities, where he studied how those municipalities managed prostitution. Several commissioners-elect visited Des Moines, Iowa, the model for Salt Lake City's new commission government. The Salt Lakers were impressed by the lack of public prostitution and expressed confidence that similar results could be obtained in Utah. The new administration began with a self-consciously "progressive" agenda that emphasized the control of vice. 61 Park chose as his chief of police Brigham F. Grant of the Betterment League, which had played the leading role in closing the Stockade. Grant declared his fitness for the job, since his "particular hobby [was] to guard the young from disreputable and demoralizing influences." 62 Grant replaced nearly the entire police force and instituted new standards of discipline and training. 63 Mayor Park and Chief Grant explicitly rejected the regulationist argument and declared a policy of "no necessary evils." 64 The new chief told an audience at the YMCA that he supported a single sexual standard and that prostitutes deserved Christian sympathy: "When they are turned out on the streets they have no home to go to; no father, no mother, no brother, no sister to whom they may apply for help. I have gone to some citizens and asked them to give these girls employment, but they were stricken with horror at the thought of taking them into their homes." 65 Grant moved against brothels at the commission's direction in April 1912. Police officers visited houses on State Street, Victoria Alley, West Temple Street, Commercial Street, and elsewhere and told the operators they had thirty-six hours to cease operations. The chief later claimed that some women who had managed houses for years were impressed. "They looked at me in surprise and asked if this was only another political spasm, but I told them no. They said that word had come to them that this all would blow over and things would open up again. 'You can't stop prostitution. You will scatter it all over the residence section of your city,' they told me. But the houses were closed. When the women were ready to leave the city they came to me, some of them did, and said, 'Chief, if you really intend to stop this business, this is the only way.'" Grant's crackdown even forced women out of the remaining longtime parlor houses in Block 57. 66 Women continued to sell sex, but they no longer worked in established houses under a de facto licensing system that provided a minimum of predictability and protection. Some moved elsewhere in the city and sold sex; undoubtedly some took other jobs, while many reportedly left the city. City authorities had adopted suppression of prostitution in earnest for the first time since the 1870s. While Chief Grant was pledged to stamp out the prostitution district, he showed leniency toward the women involved. Most were arrested as vagrants and given "floaters." Grant allowed prostitutes anywhere from a few days to two weeks to save enough money and arrange their affairs so that they could leave the city permanently. He claimed that most women could be trusted to take the "floater," but those who remained were arrested again. 67 The crackdown scattered the remaining prostitutes throughout downtown. Without regulated brothels, many women who sold sex had to use hotels or rooming houses, many owned or managed by men. While "white slavery" gained headlines, Salt Lake officials moved against these more realistic, if more difficult, targets. The authorities had always worried about sex (commercial and otherwise) in venues other than regulated brothels, but the concern peaked in the 1910s. Differentiating between legitimate and "disorderly" houses was often as problematic as telling respectable from fallen women. A house could gain an unsavory reputation just as a woman could, with legal consequences for those who lived or visited there. During the era of regulation, women listed their brothels in city directories as "rooming houses" and called themselves "housekeepers" and their inmates "boarders" or "lodgers." The prostitution district always contained numerous legitimate houses that rented rooms on a daily, weekly, or monthly basis. As the city's population grew, the number of rooming houses followed suit. In 1910, the city contained over three hundred rooming houses providing cheap lodging for newly independent young women and men working in downtown businesses. Precisely because of that independence, reformers and authorities saw them as locales for illicit sex. The crackdown on brothels meant that women living in rooming houses were even more suspect. 68 In June 1912 the city commissioners enacted ordinances stipulating that rooming house license applications be referred to the police department, which created a "purity squad" to investigate for liquor or moral violations. 69 Chief Grant explained that new officers were usually assigned to undercover work in rooming houses, as prostitutes and keepers did not yet recognize them as policemen. 70 While the authorities promoted these measures as antiprostitution devices, they also represented state intrusion into the private morality of working-class citizens as a response to the new sexual ethic. The new laws and the purity squad's actions encountered resistance. Attorney William Newton, who had represented women charged with vagrancy and prostitution-related offenses for years, complained that the ordinances violated constitutional guarantees against warrantless searches. 71 Some proprietors resisted in a variety of ways. Veteran detective Hugh L. Glenn headed the "purity squad." His chief targets were Kenneth and Ingeborg Martin, who operated the Norge rooming house. Glenn was convinced that the Norge was a brothel, and over the course of two years he charged the Martins with dozens of liquor, prostitution, and register ordinance violations, but the couple managed to parry most of his efforts. 72 When the detective charged Ingeborg Martin with conducting a disorderly house, the commission revoked her license. She obtained a court order restraining Glenn from arresting her on the grounds that the commission lacked legal authority over rooming houses and continued to run the Norge. She accused Glenn of attempting to ruin her reputation by sending women of ill repute to stay in her house and then arresting her. The city attorney eventually ruled that proprietors were entitled to a hearing before the commission. 73 Rooming house hearings nearly swamped the city government. Owners and tenants of suspect houses and detectives testified for much of January 1913. Among the witnesses for the city were Nellie Elder and Lucille Walker, "women detectives" hired by Glenn (undoubtedly the "women of ill repute" of whom Ingeborg Martin complained). Elder and Walker testified that they had stayed at hotels and rooming houses throughout the city and had sometimes been approached by tenants for sex. At one hotel, they arranged with the manager to be introduced to men. 74 The commission was equally concerned about noncommercial sex. Lulu Shepard told of a young woman who was "induced" to share a room with a man. Shepard investigated with two plainclothes detectives and attempted to charge the man under the Mann Act, but he fled the city. The matron of the county detention home testified of "orgies and disgraceful scenes in rooms when girl performers from a theatre and drunken men were the principals." 75 The hearings discouraged some women from attempting to run houses that might have been brothels. Irene McDonald, who had kept houses in the Stockade and before, gave up and withdrew her application. Belle Clark, another Stockade veteran, also fell under suspicion and apparently abandoned her effort. 76 The commission eventually denied eleven licenses. Several proprietors followed the Martins' lead, however, and obtained restraining orders until the district court could rule on the legality of the rooming house ordinances. 77 The "purity squad" continued its vigorous work, sometimes flouting the courts. Lucy Walker charged one man with attempting to recruit her for prostitution at his hotel, which had already been denied a license. The hotelier's lawyers attempted to prove that both Walker and Elder had been arrested for soliciting and were promised immunity from prosecution if they worked for the city. Although Walker denied those charges, the hotelier was acquitted. 78 Glenn's squad also arrested some of the proprietors who had obtained restraining orders, opening the city to contempt of court citations. 79 The Utah Supreme Court finally ruled in May 1914 that the city commission had legal authority to deny licenses to disorderly rooming houses, but some proprietors had managed to stall the process and continue to offer venues where women could sell sex. 80 While the rooming house campaign hung fire, new citizens' groups joined the purity effort. In June 1911, Episcopal bishop Franklin Spalding created a "Social Service Commission" under Rev. Ward Winter Reese. Its duties were "to encourage the study of moral and economic conditions within the District and to tabulate and publish their findings, ... [and] to suggest methods of social work and encourage movements of social reform." 81 Reese joined the Women's Welfare League in its protests against the Stockade in September 1911. Reese and many of his fellow reformers, however, moved beyond the traditional tactics of clubwomen and voluntary associations and their petitions and protests. In November 1912, a group of "citizens interested in checking the spread of social evil" called for a statewide "social service conference" at which professionals would plan systematic investigation and action. The founders of this movement, from which the Social Service Society of Utah emerged, included Dr. Ephraim G. Gowans of the state industrial school, Rev. Reese, Judge Alexander McMaster of the juvenile court, Elizabeth Cohen, and Amey B. Eaton. Many participants differed from their reform predecessors in their positions within relatively new state institutions and in their self-consciously scientific approach to urban problems. Rev. Reese, for example, advocated a favorite progressive-era tool, the social survey, to obtain data upon which to base reforms. 82 In October 1912, the Social Service Commission began investigating "the moral condition of Salt Lake." Reese asked Chief Grant to furnish the names, dates, and addresses of all women and men arrested "on charges of immorality" and the disposition of those cases. 83 Grant, who could be sensitive to criticism, reportedly did not respond. As a Mormon, he may have harbored resentments against the Episcopal clergy. Bishop Spalding had authored "Joseph Smith as a Translator," which purported to expose the fraudulent origins of the Book of Mormon. Some people may have disapproved of Spalding and Reese's Christian Socialist sympathies. 84 Grant was convinced that his antiprostitution tactics were succeeding. He declared in his annual report in January 1913 that "we have not now one known public house of prostitution." That claim was misreported or misinterpreted by some to read "we have not now one disorderly resort," a rather different statement. Grant was more emphatic in the official Municipal Record, where he claimed to have achieved "the complete elimination of all houses of prostitution." 85 The chief's report came out just before the rooming house hearings began, embarrassing Grant and inspiring the Social Service Commission to carry on its own investigations. The commission's first report demonstrates how broad the campaign against immorality had become. The report cited nine "disorderly resorts." These ranged from no. 85 Stockade place, where a woman had recently been arrested for running a house of ill fame (apparently the last such arrest in the Stockade), to a house where women reportedly solicited passers-by, to several cafés "fitted up with stalls wherein girls and young men were drinking and very hilarious, contrary to city ordinance." 86 Reese and his commission viewed rowdy, mixed-sex cafés as the first step on a path that led to the brothel. The Herald-Republican agreed that there was an inevitable progression:
The commission's second report of similar conditions at six more "resorts" prompted a testy open letter from Chief Grant, who wondered where Reese had been during the "days that tried the souls of would-be reformers." The chief boasted that he had destroyed the brothel district. "Any fair minded citizen who will contrast conditions of today with those of four years ago or two years ago, who will walk at night through Commercial street or Victoria alley, or the Stockade, or any of the well-known haunts of immorality and note the change, cannot conscientiously deny that there has been some progress made, cannot censure without laying his motives open to question." While Grant resented Reese's criticisms, he had nothing but praise for other reformers. "The women of Salt Lake, especially the club women, have given loyal support to the city and to this department in its efforts to enforce the slot machine ordinance, the rooming house ordinance, the crusade against wine rooms and closed restaurant booths, against houses of ill-fame, against gambling and opium selling, until their work has become our work and their cause our cause." 88 Indeed, the chief claimed to be explicitly carrying out the will of women reformers. When state Senate president W. Mont Ferry reportedly sneered that Grant was "a Sunday school chief, who is trying to remodel Salt Lake to suit the women's clubs"; Grant answered "I only wish it were possible to do this." 89 Grant undoubtedly meant the members of the Women's Welfare League, the Utah Mothers' Congress, the Utah Federation of Women's Clubs, and Salt Lake's Association of City Clubs (after 1915, the Salt Lake City Federation of Clubs). Some clubwomen had also adopted new reform tactics, with notable success. Elizabeth Cohen chaired the Utah federation's "Industrial and Legislative Committee," which lobbied the state legislature for a wide variety of legislation to protect women and children. Cohen praised the cooperation she received from the LDS women's auxiliaries, the Relief Society and the Young Ladies' Mutual Improvement Association, as well as the WCTU and YWCA. 90 The women of the Relief Society expressed many typical progressive concerns, although they carefully couched their activism within Mormon doctrine. For instance, the society's officers "upheld" LDS president Joseph F. Smith's counsel to observe the Word of Wisdom, which included shunning alcohol. Similarly, while non-Mormon reformers condemned revealing female dress, the Relief Society promised to "show reverence for the sacred garment of the holy Priesthood by refusing to wear short sleeves or low-necked dresses." 91 Social purity reformers welcomed a new and potentially powerful weapon in May 1913. Betterment groups and women's clubs successfully lobbied the state legislature to pass an injunction and abatement of nuisances law. Such "red light" abatement laws defined any premises where prostitution was carried on as a nuisance and allowed any citizen or law enforcement official to petition a court for an injunction against the site. Testimony of the place's general reputation was admissible evidence. If the court concurred, it issued an order of abatement directing the sale of the premises' contents and closing the place for up to one year, in addition to levying a fine of up to $1,000 and/or six months imprisonment for the person judged responsible. These laws allowed private reformers to take the initiative against houses of prostitution, rather than relying on reluctant police forces. These laws became some of the most powerful weapons in the nationwide campaign against restricted vice districts. 92 The Utah law, however, proved ineffective. Detective Hugh Glenn immediately invoked it against his nemeses, Kenneth and Ingeborg Martin. Glenn notified the Martins that they were in violation of prostitution and liquor laws and had three days to abate those violations. When no changes were made, he arrested the Martins and two lodgers. 93 While one lodger was convicted of resorting to a house of ill fame, the judge ruled that the city had failed to prove its case against the Martins and refused to grant an injunction. 94 While the law remained on the books, authorities wielded it more as a threat than a reality. Chief Grant considered the law unworkable and seldom used it. 95 Glenn, however, did not give up; he filed pandering charges against Kenneth Martin, then followed with charges of violating the register ordinance and keeping a house of ill fame. Once again, the Martins won acquittal or dismissal in all cases. 96 Other reformers' efforts were also stymied. The Ministerial Association complained to Governor William Spry of "cabaret shows" where women performed in violation of city ordinances. Spry replied that the association should gather specific evidence of their charges and present them to law enforcement officials; if they neglected their duties, he would take action. 97 When the association sent a delegation to Mayor Park and the city and county attorneys, they were rebuffed. Those officials asked for specific evidence. City attorney Harper Dininny also claimed that the ordinances had been enacted to control "hurdy-gurdies," which no longer existed, and that no court would convict based on those statutes. 98 Having gotten nowhere with the authorities, the ministers appealed to the public: "We only ask of our fellow citizens that they judge the movement we are undertaking according to their own ideals of civic righteousness ... , so that the children of the other man's family may have the same protection you wish for your own." 99 The Ministerial Association and the Social Service Commission soon gained LDS allies. The parents' classes of the Sunday schools of the Liberty Stake, under Dr. Joseph H. Grant Jr. and Orson Hewlett, a veteran of the Stockade fight, formed the Liberty Stake Betterment League in summer 1914, and other stakes soon followed suit. The Liberty Stake league presented a petition with over three thousand signatures to the city commission protesting women performers in cabarets and sale of liquor to minors. As they had with the previous petitioners, however, the mayor and county attorney told the stake representatives that the laws they cited were obsolete, and suggested they gather more evidence for the district court. 100 In September 1914 reformers established a countywide betterment league. The league continued to pressure officials on the issue of cafés and wine rooms. 101 The associated leagues promoted "betterment days" on which citizens were asked to act on a dizzying list of moral reforms: "the liquor habit; public dance halls; dangers and temptations of cabarets; wine and beer gardens; roadhouse resorts; care in conduct of resorts and parks; cigarette smoking; swearing habit; observing the Sabbath; good influence of home life; election of good men to public office, men who will enforce the laws; vaudeville and picture shows should be clean and not suggestive; pride in city, home and surroundings, and encouragement of others to do likewise." 102 The league concentrated its campaign against cafés on the Semloh-Louvre and its manager, E. L. Wille. They accused Wille of selling liquor to an underage girl who was later "guilty of immoral conduct" with two men. Reformers and representatives of state institutions united to condemn the café. A young telephone operator claimed "she became a woman of the underworld through the influence exerted over her by men she met in the Louvre cafe, and as a result of liquor she first tasted there." Once again, reformers were frustrated; although Wille was convicted in city court, he was acquitted on appeal. 103 Although convictions on morals charges remained elusive, the fight against cafés showed the extent of cooperation between Mormon and gentile voluntary associations. One newspaper noted that the demands of the Ministerial Association, Social Service Commission, and the LDS Betterment Leagues were virtually identical. 104 Writing on progressive legislation in the Social Service Commission's Utah Survey, Lily Munsell Ritchie noted in 1914 that reconciliation across the religious divide had happened since 1911 (by implication, since the defeat of the "American" Party). 105 The Survey's editor noted the "Marvelous Coincidentility" [sic] between citizens' campaigns and government responsiveness. When the non-Mormon Ministerial Association attacked cafés, for example, the county attorney investigated; when the LDS Mutual Improvement Association attacked a disorderly club, the authorities quickly closed it. The demands for cabaret reform promised to yield similar positive results. The editor of the Episcopal service newspaper concluded that "in the long run, it is not the saloon or cafe man who will advance our interests, but the sober and home-loving citizen. In this particular we are indebted to the strict principles of many of our old Mormon families, whose example newcomers may well regard with profit." 106 "Betterment" formally became a shared Mormon and gentile concern in April 1917. Officers of the Civic Betterment League and the LDS Betterment Leagues organized the nonsectarian Civic Betterment Union, reportedly numbering over two thousand members from twenty-five churches and civic organizations. 107 A closely related area of cooperation that resulted in successful legislation was prohibition. Prohibitionists blamed alcohol for causing or exacerbating a myriad of health and social problems, including prostitution. Some reformers expected prohibition to kill the brothel as well as the saloon. 108 The issue gained urgency within the LDS Church at the same time as the national campaign grew to critical strength. Joseph Smith Jr. reported an 1833 revelation that counseled abstinence from alcohol, tobacco, and "hot drinks." Nineteenth-century Mormons generally treated this "Word of Wisdom" as advisory rather than doctrinal, but by the early twentieth century, LDS leaders were preaching strict abstinence. Some high officials, especially Apostle Heber J. Grant (half-brother of B. F. Grant), urged Church support for statewide prohibition. LDS president Joseph F. Smith hesitated to align the LDS Church with prohibition forces, however. His reasons were political, and Senator Smoot shared them. Smoot argued that a strong Republican stance on prohibition would alienate many gentiles and renew accusations of LDS political interference. Instead of prohibition, Smoot's "Federal bunch" advocated local option legislation. Governor Spry, at Smoot's urging, opposed statewide prohibition but signed a local option law in 1911. The great majority of Utah towns voted to go "dry," while Salt Lake City and Ogden, with substantial gentile populations, remained "wet." By 1916, Smoot and Smith decided that prohibition had broad enough support among gentiles to make it safe to support a statewide bill. 109 Secular and non-Mormon reformers also supported prohibition. The Ministerial Association declared that its members "almost to a man were thorough prohibitionists." 110 Orson Hewlett invited the Ministerial Association to join "in the work of obtaining legislation on the prohibition question and enforcing the already existing liquor laws." 111 Lulu Shepard of the WCTU, of course, enthusiastically advocated a statewide ban. 112 When the "Federal bunch" delayed such legislation, however, she decided that the LDS Church was in league with the saloon and became an outspoken anti-Mormon. 113 Cooperation and constant activism paid off in 1916. Both gubernatorial candidates, Democrat Simon Bamberger, a Jew, and Republican Nephi L. Morris, a Mormon, supported prohibition. Bamberger won, and after close consultation with Heber J. Grant and betterment organizations, signed a statewide prohibition bill on 8 February 1917. 114 Prohibition legislation gave authorities another weapon to use against brothels, since so many brothel patrons and prostitutes alike considered alcohol almost indispensable. Of course, not all Salt Lake residents favored antivice efforts. The city's prostitution policy came under attack from opposite sides. On one side were abolitionist reformers like W. W. Reese and the Betterment Leagues, who complained that Chief Grant's tactics were tentative and ineffective. On the other side were the advocates of regulation—brothel keepers, businessmen with direct investments, and a few civil libertarians—who, while they no longer dominated the argument, still wielded considerable influence. In 1914, Chief Grant gave his second annual report, in which he stressed the success that his department had achieved against prostitution in the face of determined legal opposition. Grant reiterated his claim that "not a known house of prostitution is running in this city." 115 Some citizens and city officials rejected Grant's assurances. C. C. Goodwin, a longtime advocate of regulation, wrote that "you are either willfully misrepresenting the facts or else you are too ignorant of local conditions to occupy the position of chief of police," although he offered no contradictory evidence. 116 Councilman Henry W. Lawrence, a veteran antiprostitution activist, objected when the chief recommended that a license be granted to Mae Donnelly's Brunswick rooming house. Grant later admitted that "I have had men and women planted in Mae Donnelly's place for a week at a time, but she is smooth enough to get onto my game and prevent them from getting evidence. I am satisfied right now that Mae Donnelly is not running a straight house, but I can't get the evidence to close her up. I have tried and tried hard, but she is a shrewd woman and I can't get the evidence." 117 Lawrence hired a private investigator who found Donnelly running "a full-fledged house of ill fame of the sort that once flourished within the stockade." 118 Detective Hugh Glenn bore the brunt of criticism from both sides. His tactics were understandably wearing thin with rooming house keepers, but some city officials also sought his dismissal. 119 On 29 January 1914, the day after Lawrence reported on his investigation of Mae Donnelly's house, Mayor Park submitted Glenn's letter of resignation. The detective insisted he was resigning because "I have incurred the ill will of some of the most persistent lawbreakers in the state as well as some of their friends who happen to be among the active politicians who are now asking for my removal as the price of their work in the last city campaign." 120 Just who the "active politicians" were, Glenn did not specify. Park noted vaguely that Glenn had "incurred enmities and brought upon himself censure and a large degree of unpopularity" and claimed to be submitting the resignation "in order to relieve the commissioners of persistent complaints from certain quarters." 121 Chief Grant was outraged that his valued detective had been forced out by "rooming house keepers, prostitutes and panderers." 122 Glenn, however, now claimed that Grant and/or Park had fired him. The detective explained that his letter was simply a precautionary measure taken before the November 1913 city elections. He feared that commission candidates Heber M. Wells and William Shearman would, if elected, demand that he be fired, and he wanted to save the mayor that embarrassment. Wells and Shearman won, but did not call for the detective's head. Instead, Glenn claimed the mayor and chief used his letter as a pretext to rid themselves of a controversial subordinate. 123 One day after Glenn's resignation, Commissioner Shearman proposed an alternative to the rooming house campaign that would supposedly lift the control of prostitution above petty politics. He suggested a vice commission composed of "a minister, a lawyer, a doctor, a business man and possibly a newspaper man"; later, he suggested that "five of the very best men and women" be chosen. The commission would employ an independent force of detectives and officers to investigate and act against prostitution. Shearman argued that such a body could handle the "moral situation" more efficiently and fairly than the current police force, while eliminating the temptation to graft. In any event, two commissioners opposed delegating any of the commission's powers to such a body, and Shearman dropped the proposal. 124 In summer 1915, scandal erupted in the police department concerning alleged extortion and graft. In a lengthy series of hearings, reporters, current and former police officers, attorneys, and alleged brothel keepers testified about prostitution. Ex-detective Hugh Glenn swore that a "real estate combination" protected immoral rooming houses. The "combination" had pressured the city commission to ease the pressure on favored houses since "[t]he business district wants prostitution and a wide-open town." 125 The ex-detective hinted that the combination was behind his dismissal. Several former and current police officers corroborated that claim, some stating that their superiors, including the veteran Benjamin Siegfus, had ordered them to ignore certain houses. 126 Other witnesses refuted these assertions. The Martins' attorney, S. P. Armstrong, was accused of working for the "real estate combination" but insisted "it would not be possible for two real estate men to combine on everything." Chief Grant agreed and praised several "big business interests" and real estate men who had assisted the police in keeping their properties free of prostitution. As for the supposed commission plot against Glenn, Grant was equally dismissive. The chief acknowledged that some women still sold sex, but he maintained that the policy of "no necessary evils" had resulted in a cleaner city than ever before. 127 Several reformers affirmed the department's effectiveness. Orson Hewlett praised Grant and blamed defendants and lawyers who employed traditional tactics to delay the prosecution of prostitutes. "We found that the chief of police made the arrests, but that the cases were appealed and would never be brought to trial. We found when the appeals were called in the district court that the witnesses were either spirited away or had left the state. If a man had a few dollars to hire an attorney, he could take an appeal and the case would hang fire for two years. After our investigation we did not feel that we could criticize the police." 128 E. T. Ashton, who supported the West Side citizens' league against the Stockade, thanked Grant for helping to close that district. 129 The hearings sputtered to an ambiguous conclusion. Glenn refused to name those he accused of hampering his work but promised to tell a grand jury. 130 The commissioners' report, with two dissensions, concluded that nearly all of the testimony consisted of rumor, hearsay, or suspicion, and that no substantive charges could be made. 131 No grand jury was impaneled, and Glenn moved on to other reform campaigns. 132 The hearings provided one of several indications of the continuing strength of regulationist sentiment and the determination of prostitutes. Keepers like Mae Donnelly attracted enough customers to stay in business and skillfully managed to avoid being caught for at least two years until early 1916, when she reportedly closed her house. 133 Whether a "real estate combination" existed or not, rooming house keepers had successfully parried legal efforts and perhaps pressured the city government to fire a vigorous antivice crusader. Prostitution continued to be more profitable for some property owners and landlords than legitimate business. The failure to obtain convictions may indicate that many citizens on juries continued to favor regulation. Some people resented what they considered paternalistic and repressive reforms. As usual, C. C. Goodwin was among these critics. The vice commission proposal invited his scorn, as did the Ministerial Association:
Attorney William Newton told the city commission "the utility of the police department has been almost destroyed because it has been compelled to follow out the fool sanctimonious notions of such sapheads as Orson Hewlett, Sam Park and Upstart George [George Startup, a Mormon prohibitionist and advocate of the abatement act]." Newton claimed that the police could not enforce vice laws with fifteen hundred officers, and suggested that they ignore prostitution unless it became obnoxious: "I am in favor of blowing off the lid and let a man get anything he wants as long as he can lay the money down for value received." 135 "I believe that decent people with common sense don't have to have a lot of pinheads try to legislate morals into them. It can't be done." 136 Some who held or sought political power shared Newton's views. A self-described progressive candidate for the city commission declared, "I believe in a restricted district with close police supervision. I am opposed to having the residents of the underworld scattered through the hotels and residential districts, as at the present time." 137 The candidate lost, but another regulation advocate won. W. Mont Ferry, a former American Party city councilman and one-time owner of 243 south Main Street, was elected mayor in 1915. Ferry had headed the Civic Betterment League in 1908, but he did not share all of its goals, as his "Sunday school chief" swipe at B. F. Grant indicated. 138 His election aroused speculation that the "lid would be tilted." Ferry denied those rumors, although he stopped well short of promising to abolish prostitution.
B. F. Grant would not be the man to enforce this policy, as Ferry removed him within weeks of taking office. The Deseret Evening News condemned the move, arguing that those who favored "a morally clean city" supported Grant. 140 Grant reported that the new mayor promised him he would follow a policy of "no necessary evils" but suggested that houses of ill fame would exist "until we have raised a generation of people that does not believe they are necessary to a community." 141 Grant's successor lasted fewer than four months before it was discovered that he was ineligible for office. Some welcomed his departure, claiming that prostitution had risen sharply under his brief tenure. 142 Reformers could at least celebrate the appointment of the city's first policewoman in April 1916. The Salt Lake City Federation of Clubs extracted a promise from each candidate for mayor and commission in 1915 that he would appoint "two police women or 'street mothers' whose duty shall be the supervision and protection of the welfare and morals of our young girls, boys, and children in all places of amusement as well as the public streets." The clubwomen reasoned such a "street mother" could provide needed maternal influence and discipline for youths threatened by urban dangers (she reported she spent most of her time on "mashers, loafers, and spitters"). 143 Mayor Ferry settled on J. Parley White as his police chief. White immediately declared his intention to "drive gamblers, immoral women and undesirables from town." 144 Within months, however, prostitutes were working openly on Commercial Street. The chief insisted "his orders to his men were as to where the women should not be permitted to be or live, but that no orders were issued as to where they would be permitted to stay." The boundaries White informally established—State Street to the east, West Temple to the west, South Temple to the north, and Third South to the south—encompassed the traditional district. White implied that discreet brothels would once again be tolerated when he explained that women would not be allowed to solicit on the streets or advertise their establishments and that his men had broken red and green lights outside some Commercial Street houses. 145 Mayor Ferry claimed that these developments were part of an evolving policy. The police had already forced prostitutes out of the residential districts, rooming houses, cafés, cabarets, and streets. Now the police were "gathering evidence, names, pictures and other data in relation to all these women and men of the city" so that they could be forced out of the city under the vagrancy laws. 146 If that was ever actually Ferry's plan, he did not get the chance to carry it through. In September 1916, county attorney H. J. Mulliner threatened to order the sheriff to raid Commercial Street if the city authorities did not take action against prostitutes within the week. Two days later, Ferry declared that he intended to close all houses of prostitution permanently. 147 Police arrested some twenty-one proprietresses and eighty inmates of Commercial Street brothels. Those who pleaded not guilty were released on $25 bail for inmates and $100 for keepers. The court released the majority who pleaded guilty on their own recognizance. Chief White addressed them:
To ensure that Commercial Street remained free of undesirable tenants, Mulliner issued abatement notices to five property owners, including the Clayton Investment Company and the Joseph J. Snell estate. A week later, Mulliner declared that he was satisfied with the actions of the landowners and would take no further legal steps. 149 Chief White's campaign caused frustration and hardship for several madams. Edna Black claimed that police captain John Hempel had told her during the summer that she must move her brothel from West Temple to Commercial Street (which he denied). Black and three other women told the city commission they had moved to Commercial expecting to operate regulated brothels with the authorities' approval. With brothels now under ban, several Commercial Street rooming house keepers applied for legitimate licenses. The commission eventually denied licenses to any women who had previously pleaded guilty to keeping a brothel. 150 Despite the spectacular raid, Commercial Street did not stay free of prostitution for long. A traveling evangelist declared two months later that resorts were openly operating. The Mormon press agreed that the situation was deplorable and suggested that the civic and betterment leagues were shirking their duties. 151 Chief White responded with another raid, taking in 136 women and men and seizing pianos, paintings, furniture, and $2,500 worth of liquor. 152 Once again, the crackdown proved temporary and prostitutes returned to Commercial Street. The police did finally move against female entertainers in cabarets, using the same laws the authorities had dismissed as obsolete three years earlier. 153 The apparent resurgence of prostitution and the impending statewide ban on alcohol on 1 August prompted the April 1917 formation of the Civic Betterment Union from the Civic Betterment League and the LDS stake Betterment Leagues. The union presented Chief White with a list of twenty-five houses of prostitution and demanded he take action. 154 By this point, reformers throughout the nation had another overriding concern. With Congress's declaration of war in April 1917, thousands of American men prepared to go overseas. Fort Douglas became a training camp for the American Expeditionary Force. Secretary of War Newton Baker, determined that the American forces be kept "pure," created the Commission on Training Camp Activities and sought protective legislation. Military authorities quickly forbade serving alcohol to uniformed soldiers. 155 Some reformers expressed concerns about young women attracted to the uniformed men at Fort Douglas. A traveling lecturer suggested "the forces of evil follow the camps" and warned young women away from training posts. 156 Patriotic civilians and military officials leapt to the defense of the troops. The commanding officer at Fort Douglas declared that his men "are as a class clean, moral young men" and that "it is for the women of Salt Lake to see that their daughters are protected by the ordinary usages which society throws about all young women." 157 Governor Bamberger agreed that the soldiers were not to blame for any untoward activity, but rather the young women for abandoning proper gender roles: "Girls should not run around unchaperoned at night, and ... should dress modestly. They should spend more of their leisure hours at their homes, learning housekeeping." 158 The Forty-second Regiment barred women from their cantonment without a special permit. 159 A local woman established a "hostess house" where "under proper chaperonage, men in uniform are given an opportunity to become acquainted with young women and to join them in wholesome social activities." 160 The Civic Betterment Union joined those worried about the moral health of soldiers. The union charged that prostitutes were pouring in from towns that were suppressing their vice districts. 161 A CBU committee met with the mayor, chief of police, city attorney, and head of the "purity squad." In a scene reminiscent of the Grant police regime, the city authorities welcomed the CBU's interest but insisted on the correctness of their own policy while suggesting that the betterment group seek more evidence. Ferry did agree to appoint six members of the CBU as special police officers. 162 Not all reformers agreed that the city had a major problem, however. The Zion Aid Society hired a former police matron to investigate. She reported that "the morality of Salt Lake is far above the average, in my opinion. As a matter of happy fact, the absence of social evil is easily noticeable. My inquiries proved the rumors to be absolutely unfounded." 163 The CBU remained unmollified, and during the autumn 1917 election campaign, they determined to seek a grand jury if city officials did not crack down on prostitution. The CBU's Orson Hewlett told commissioners that many citizens believed "that the police and some of the commissioners want a wide-open city." After the election, the CBU called on the new board to replace J. Parley White with a union member. 164 Federal action preempted the CBU campaign against prostitution. In January 1918 city officials received notice that by federal order, prostitution was barred within a five-mile radius of any military facility. The order, part of the Selective Service Act, had actually been issued the previous May but had not been enforced. Now, a U.S. district attorney and a special agent from the Department of Justice were directed to work with Salt Lake City officials in carrying out the ban. The Civic Betterment Union and other opponents of prostitution rejoiced over the order. The secretary of the state board of health welcomed the move as an antivenereal disease measure. Some CBU members wondered if they should disband since the federal government would now enforce their goals. 165 One national correspondent explained that a vigorous federal government was using modern scientific techniques to eliminate a source of contagion against which earlier reformers had been powerless.
Newly appointed commissioner of public safety Karl Scheid and Chief White promised to cooperate with the federal government. White's critics noted that the federal government was forcing him to enforce state and municipal laws that had long existed. The chief retorted that the reformers' own publicity was responsible for the city's prostitutes, since disorderly women had heard from the reformers that Salt Lake was a "wide-open" town. Commissioner Scheid vowed to drive prostitutes and bootleggers from the city if it meant hiring a new police force. Apparently that proved necessary. Veterans Benedict D. Siegfus, John Hempel, and five other officers were fired. The first two, with decades of experience in regulation, may have balked at the new abolitionist policy. The head of the purity squad was named captain of police, and longtime antiprostitution reformer Gaurdello Brown was appointed to head the purity squad. 167 The authorities turned the full weight of city, state, and federal prosecution against prostitution. Chief White authorized the arrest of all "immoral women" and announced that the nuisance abatement law would be invoked against any house or resort after the second complaint of liquor or moral violations. County sheriffs arrested women under state laws and threatened to invoke the new federal statutes as well. A U.S. attorney warned owners of property used for immoral purposes that they would be prosecuted under federal law. Any woman living alone was suspect. White suggested that unmarried women residing in lodging houses should be made to supply a detailed accounting of their means of support. He added that the federal government should draft prostitutes and put them to work in munitions factories. Although White's drastic measures were ignored, dozens of women reportedly left the city within days of the commencement of the campaign. 168 Constant pressure kept most prostitutes from operating. By midsummer 1918, police raids were yielding so few prostitutes and so little liquor that the Herald declared Salt Lake City "practically free of bootleggers, women of the underworld and other law violators." 169 Salt Lake City's purity reformers and authorities on the municipal, county, state, and federal level had joined forces to drive prostitution underground, at least temporarily. The intervention of the federal government in the control of prostitution in Salt Lake City demonstrated a remarkable culmination of efforts to implement social policy. In some ways, the process mirrored that occurring nationally. Across the country, reformers forced municipal authorities to abandon regulation and abolish restricted districts, a development that historian John Burnham calls the single largest tangible change in American urban social life in the Progressive Era. 170 Much of the credit for that change must go to female moral reformers who had long worked for a single standard of morality. Historian Paula Baker argues that throughout the nineteenth century, women pursued moral reform efforts mostly through voluntary associations. 171 These activists necessarily used mostly nonelectoral means, often achieving attention and respect but limited results. In the Progressive Era, however, women's social concerns became state concerns as electoral politics became less local and women began to gain suffrage rights. 172 Women in Salt Lake City did much more than vote, however. Female activists turned from individual rescue work to influencing state mechanisms and made some of their reform concerns the subject of legislation. Eventually male-dominated associations such as the Civic Betterment League took up their reform concerns. In Baker's term, politics had become "domesticated." Notes1. For population, see table 21, Statistical Abstract of Utah, pp. 27-28. On physical changes, see Alexander and Allen, Mormons and Gentiles, pp. 107-9, 123, 131, 153-54; and McCormick, Salt Lake City, pp. 44-51, 63-73. 2. Turner, "City of Chicago." 3. Boyer, Urban Masses and Moral Order in America, pp. 121-251 passim; Meyerowitz, "Women and Migration"; Meyerowitz, "Introduction" to Women Adrift; and Odem, Delinquent Daughters, pp. 19-24. 4. Kessler-Harris, "Women's Choices in an Expanding Labor Market," chap. in Out to Work; Benson, Counter Cultures, pp. 177-78. 5. Salt Lake City Herald, 17 May 1907. See also Kessler-Harris, "'Why Is It Can a Woman Not Be Virtuous If She Does Mingle With the Toilers?'" chap. in Out to Work. 6. Salt Lake City Daily Tribune, 31 May 1900; for the beer, see Tribune, 2 June 1900. 7. Tribune, 2 June 1900. 8. Herald, 11 Feb. 1902. See also Tribune, 2 June 1900; and Herald, 17 Sept., 11 Dec. 1901. On national concerns over women's new freedom, see Meyerowitz, Women Adrift. 9. Salt Lake City Herald-Republican, 13 Jan. 1913. 10. Herald-Republican, 18 Mar. 1913, in SCP. 11. Herald-Republican, 10 Apr. 1912; Berlin, Ragtime, pp. 21-31, 32-60; Leonard, "Reactions to Ragtime." 12. Annual Message of the Mayor with the Annual Reports of the Officers of Salt Lake City, Utah, for the year 1913, p. 262. 13. Herald-Republican, 24 Mar. 1914. 14. "Beginning of the Descent." 15. Herald-Republican, 18 Mar. 1913, in SCP. 16. Herald-Republican, 5 Oct. 1913. 17. On sexual attitudes, see D'Emilio and Freedman, Intimate Matters, pp. 171-200. On nightlife, see Nasaw, Going Out. 18. Odem, Delinquent Daughters, pp. 22-24; Meyerowitz, Women Adrift, pp. 102-94. 19. "Commercialized Prostitution," p. 2. This paper, in the Ralph Taylor Richards Papers, JWM, is anonymous and is stamped "Timpanogos Club, 1913." See also Herald-Republican, 24 Nov. 1916. The Louvre and Maxim's were Salt Lake City cafés. 20. Herald, 9 Dec. 1902. 21. Utah, Revised Ordinances, sec. 449; Herald, 22 May 1903. 22. Tribune, 31 Jan. 1905. 23. Paddock, "Industrial Home for Mormon Women." See also Odem, Delinquent Daughters, pp. 115-18, 128-56; Hobson, Uneasy Virtue, pp. 130-36; Platt, Child Savers; Brenzel, "Domestication as Reform"; and Lindsey and O'Higgins, Beast, pp. 80-83. 24. Reform School, in Utah, Compiled Laws (1888). 25. Tribune, 21 May 1891. 26. Tribune, 26, 27 July 1893. 27. Tribune, 19 Aug. 1893. See also Tribune, 24 Sept. 1895; Tribune, 18 Dec. 1898. 28. State v. Eva Curtis, Maggie Curtis, Minerva Reeves, case no. 838 (3d dist. criminal case files, 1901); Herald, 30 Nov., 8 Dec. 1901, 9 Mar. 1903; Salt Lake City Court Criminal Division, "Minute Book, 1905," p. 750, 21 Dec. 1905; and Deseret Evening News, 23 Jan. 1906. 29. See Utah Federation of Women's Clubs Records, especially Knudsen, History of Utah Federation of Women's Clubs, p. 5, in Utah Federation of Women's Clubs Records, JWM. 30. "Juvenile Courts," in Laws of the State of Utah, Passed at the Sixth Session of the Legislature, p. 182; and "Juvenile Courts," in Utah, Compiled Laws (1907). 31. Tribune, 31 Jan. 1905. See State v. Elizabeth Blundell, case no. 389 (3d dist. criminal case files, 1898); and Tribune, 30 Oct., 3 Dec. 1898; 22 Jan. 1899. See also Odem, Delinquent Daughters, pp. 128-56. 32. Tribune, 3 Mar. 1899. See also State v. Ragna Nyborg, case no. 434 (3d dist. criminal case files, 1899); and Tribune, 2, 8 Mar. 1899. 33. For the examinations, see Committee on Police and Prison Department report 5311, "Salt Lake City Council Minutes," Book V, p. 195, 16 May 1900. See also Deseret Evening News, 7, 8, 11 May 1900; "virtuous" from 8 May. Herald, 11 May 1900; and Tribune, 8, 10, 13, 15, 17, 20, 21 May, 2 June, 1900; "immoral" from 10 May. 34. Deseret Evening News, 8 May 1900. 35. Herald, 11 May 1900. 36. Tribune, 8 May 1900. 37. Tribune, 11 May 1900. 38. Tribune, 12, 20, 21 May 1900. 39. State v. Pearl Kessler, case no. 743 (3d dist. criminal case files, 1901); Tribune, 29 May 1901; and Herald, 2 June 1901. 40. For the reformer's remarks, see Herald-Republican, 11 Oct. 1913. For responses, see Herald-Republican, 15 Oct. 1913, and Deseret Evening News, 15 Oct. 1913, in JH, 10 Oct. 1913. For Goodwin, see Salt Lake City Goodwin's Weekly, 18 Oct. 1913, in JH, 18 Oct. 1913. On the WCTU's campaign against polygamy, see Iversen, Antipolygamy Controversy, pp. 218-19, 248. 41. Deseret Evening News, 31 Jan. 1914, in JH, 31 Jan. 1914. 42. J. H. W., "Dialogue. Segregation vs. Extirpation." 43. Boyer, Urban Masses and Moral Order in America, p. 191; Hobson, Uneasy Virtue, pp. 150-59; Connelly, Response to Prostitution in the Progressive Era; Keller, Regulating a New Society; Rosen, Lost Sisterhood, pp. 111-40; Lubove, "Progressive and the Prostitute"; Feldman, "Prostitution, the Alien Woman and the Progressive Imagination"; and D'Emilio and Freedman, Intimate Matters, pp. 202-15. 44. Gibbs, "Need of a State Institution for Feeble-Minded"; and Herald-Republican, 2 Dec. 1912. 45. J. Smith, "Unchastity the Dominant Evil of the Age," pp. 6-9. 46. Ibid., p. 9. 47. Tribune, 16 Dec. 1912. 48. Grittner, White Slavery, p. 5. See also Cordasco and Pitkin, White Slave Trade and the Immigrants; Feldman, "Prostitution, the Alien Woman and the Progressive Imagination"; Connelly, "American Dilemma: Prostitution and Immigration," chap. in Response to Prostitution; Odem, Delinquent Daughters, pp. 11-13, 96-98; and Boyer, Urban Masses and Moral Order in America, pp. 191-218. On international white slavery, see E. Bristow, Vice and Vigilance; Evans, "Prostitution, State and Society in Imperial Germany"; and Walkowitz, "Politics of Prostitution." 49. Turner, "City of Chicago." Turner inspired, among others, Jane Addams; see her New Conscience and an Ancient Evil. On this literature, see E. Anderson, "Prostitution and Social Justice," p. 205. 50. Tribune, 26 Sept. 1908. 51. Salt Lake City Inter-Mountain Republican, 16 May 1909. See also Deseret Evening News 24, 25, 26, 27 May 1910. 52. For the "chapter" see Herald-Republican, 26 July 1911. See also Kauffman, House of Bondage; de Young, "Help, I'm Being Held Captive!"; and Grittner, White Slavery, pp. 18-32. 53. Herald, 7, 21 July 1908. 54. Langum, Crossing over the Line; Boyer, Urban Masses and Moral Order in America, pp. 191-94; Grittner, White Slavery, pp. 70-73, 83-106; Addams, New Conscience and an Ancient Evil, pp. 23-24; and Beard, Woman's Work in Municipalities, pp. 114-18. 55. Herald-Republican, 20 Aug. 1910.
56.
Of likely prostitutes who reported a birthplace in the 1910 census (N= 57. Herald-Republican, 9 Jan., 24 Feb., 6, 10, 13, 15, 26, 30 Apr., 16, 23 May, 18 June, 14 July, 28 Sept., 26 Nov. 1911, 30 Jan., 21 Nov. 1912, 18, 19 Feb. 1913; and Tribune, 22 Dec. 1913. 58. Herald-Republican, 7 Apr., 10 June 1911. 59. Herald-Republican, 30 Jan. 1914. On the waning of concerns, see Grittner, White Slavery, pp. 72-75. On Roe, see E. Anderson, "Prostitution and Social Justice." 60. Boyer, Urban Masses and Moral Order in America, pp. 193-98; E. Anderson, "Prostitution and Social Justice"; Felt, "Vice Reform as a Political Technique"; and Hass, "Sin in Wisconsin." For contemporary views, see "Organized Vice as a Vested Interest"; and "Putting Out the Red Lights." 61. Herald-Republican, 26 Nov., 3, 6 Dec. 1911; Alexander and Allen, Mormons and Gentiles, p. 163. 62. Tribune, 10 Dec. 1911, in SCP. 63. Herald-Republican, 25, 30 Dec. 1911; 12 Jan., 14 Feb. 1912; "Manual of the Salt Lake City Police Department," passed and adopted by Board of Commissioners, 16 Dec. 1912. On police reform, see Fogelson, Big-City Police, pp. 93-116. 64. Herald-Republican, 28 July 1915. 65. Tribune, 8 Mar. 1912, in SCP. 66. Herald-Republican, 6 Apr. 1912; Herald-Republican, 28 July 1915; quote from latter. 67. Herald-Republican, 16 Jan. 1912. 68. Polk, Salt Lake City Directory (1900, 1910). On rooming houses, see Groth, Living Downtown, pp. 57, 90-130; Meyerowitz, Women Adrift, pp. 44-112. 69. Salt Lake City, Revised Ordinances (1913), secs. 849, 861. See also Deseret Evening News, 22 May, 4 June 1912, in SCP; Herald-Republican, 23 May 1912; and "For Moral Betterment," Municipal Record 1, no. 5 (1912): 14. 70. Herald-Republican, 28 July 1915. 71. Deseret Evening News, 4 June 1912, in SCP. For Newton as prostitutes' lawyer, see Tribune, 22 May 1891; 12 July 1892; Deseret Evening News, 20 Oct. 1910; State of Utah v. Ray Woods, case no. 1843 (3d dist. criminal case files, 1908); State of Utah v. Babe Rivers, case no. 2523 (3d dist. criminal case files, 1910); Salt Lake City v. Ethel Cockron, case no. 2595 (3d dist. criminal case files, 1910); and Salt Lake City v. Margaret Duran, case no. 2598 (3d dist. criminal case files, 1910). Newton allegedly tried to blackmail Dora Topham into hiring him; see Herald-Republican, 27 June 1910. 72. State v. Kenneth Martin et al. (3d dist. criminal case files, 1913). 73. For the restraining order, see Herald-Republican, 15 Dec. 1912. For the ruling, see Herald-Republican, 8 Jan. 1913. 74. Herald-Republican, 11, 14, 15 Jan., 23, 24 May 1913. 75. For Shepard, see Herald-Republican, 11, 13 Jan. 1913. For the hearings, see Herald-Republican, 17, 22, 25, 28, 29 Jan., 1 Feb. 1913. Quote from 29 Jan. 76. Herald, 28 June 1909; Herald-Republican, 29 Jan. 1913. 77. Herald-Republican, 31 Jan., 1 Feb. 1913. 78. Herald-Republican, 1 Feb., 11, 12 Apr. 1913. 79. Herald-Republican, 17, 18 Feb. 1913. 80. Herald-Republican, 2 May 1914. 81. Journal of the Proceedings of the Fourth Annual Convocation of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the Missionary District of Utah (1911), pp. 14, 22; and Journal of the Proceedings of the Fifth Annual Convocation of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the Missionary District of Utah (1912), p. 14. 82. Herald-Republican, 27 Oct., 23, 24, 26 Nov. 1912. 83. Herald-Republican, 27 Oct. 1912. 84. On Spalding, see Melish, Franklin Spencer Spalding. For "Joseph Smith as a Translator," see Melish, pp. 171-74. For his Christian Socialism, see Melish, pp. 236-56. See also Missionary District of Salt Lake, Journal of Convocation (1907); Mercer, "Joseph Smith as an Interpreter and Translator of Egyptian"; Goodwin's Weekly, 30 Sept. 1911, in JH, 30 Sept. 1911; and Scholefield, "Social Service Commission—Why?" 85. Annual Message of the Mayor with the Annual Reports of the Officers of Salt Lake City, Utah, for the year 1912; Tribune, 12 Jan. 1913. For "not now one disorderly resort," see Herald-Republican, 28 Jan. 1913. For "complete elimination," see Municipal Record 1, no. 12 (1912): 11. 86. Herald-Republican, 6 May 1913. 87. Herald-Republican, 20 May 1913. 88. For the commission's second report, see Herald-Republican, 11 May 1913; for Grant's letter, see Herald-Republican, 13 May 1913. See also "Appendix XIV. Report of the Social Service Commission," in Journal of the Proceedings of the Seventh Annual Convocation of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the Missionary District of Utah (1914), pp. 46-47; Noble Warrum to Rev. W. W. Reese, 9 Oct. 1913, Utah Survey, 1, no. 2 (Oct. 1913): 1-4. 89. Deseret Evening News, 26 Feb. 1913, in SCP. 90. See "Report of Industrial and Legislative Committees," in Utah Federation of Women's Clubs Yearbook, 1910-11; and Knudsen, History of Utah Federation of Women's Clubs, pp. 3-5; both in Utah Federation of Women's Clubs Records, JWM; Ritchie, "What Utah Women Have Done with the Vote"; "Book One Association of City Clubs 1912-1917," in Salt Lake Council of Women Records, JWM; "List of Officers of the Board of Directors of the YWCA, 1906-1934," in Young Women's Christian Association of Salt Lake City Records, JWM. 91. "Resolutions passed by the Officers and Members of the Relief Society of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latterday Saints, Oct. 7, 1912," quoted in Derr, Cannon, and Beecher, Women of Covenant, p. 185. On general reform, see Derr, Cannon, and Beecher, pp. 183-90. On auxiliary organizations, see Alexander, Mormonism in Transition, pp. 125-53; Scott, "Mormon Women, Other Women." 92. Mackey, Red Lights Out, pp. 8, 121, 124-30. For Utah's law, see Startup, Effective Liquor and Vice Law; "Commercialized Vice and the Remedy," in JH, Aug. 1914; Knudsen, History of Utah Federation of Women's Clubs, pp. 3-4, in Utah Federation of Women's Clubs Records, JWM. For the actual law, see "Abatement of Common Nuisances," in Utah, Compiled Laws (1917). 93. Herald-Republican, 28 May, 1 June 1913. 94. Herald-Republican, 24, 27 June, 6 July 1913. 95. Herald-Republican, 9 Jan., 2 July 1914; 18, 23 Sept., 1 Oct. 1916. For Grant on the law, see Tribune, 28 July 1915. 96. For pandering, see State v. Kenneth Martin, case no. 3308 (3d dist. criminal case files, 1913). For the register, see City v. Kenneth and I. Martin, case no. 3341 (3d dist. criminal case files, 1913). For keeping, see City v. Kenneth and I. Martin, case no. 3343 (3d dist. criminal case files, 1913); Herald-Republican, 12 Nov. 1913. 97. For the first letter, see Herald-Republican, 3 Feb. 1914; for the second, 6 Mar. 1914. For Spry's answer, see Deseret Evening News, 16 Mar. 1914, in JH, 14 Mar. 1914. 98. Herald-Republican, 8 Apr. 1914; and Tribune, 8 Apr. 1914. See also "Ministers and Ministrators." 99. Herald-Republican, 29 Apr. 1914. 100. Herald-Republican, 1, 2, 8 July 1914. 101. Herald-Republican, 22 July, 18 Sept. 1914. 102. Deseret Evening News, 7 Jan. 1915, in JH, 7 Jan. 1915. See also Deseret Evening News, 10 Aug. 1914, in JH, 10 Aug. 1914. 103. For "guilty of immoral conduct" see Herald-Republican, 26 Dec. 1914. For reformers, see Herald-Republican, 28 Dec. 1914. For the Herald-Republican on prohibition, see 27, 28 Dec. 1914. For the league affidavit, see Herald-Republican, 29 Dec. 1914. For Wille's case, see State of Utah v. E. L. Wille, case no. 3858 (3d dist. criminal case files, 1915). 104. Herald-Republican, 2 July 1914. 105. Ritchie, "What Utah Women Have Done with the Vote," p. 8. 106. "Marvelous Coincidentility," "Hurting the Town." 107. Herald-Republican, 25 Apr., 25 May 1917; Deseret Evening News, 29 June 1917, in JH, 29 June 1917. 108. Herald-Republican, 14 Oct. 1916. 109. Thompson, "Utah's Struggle for Prohibition"; Shipps, "Utah Comes of Age Politically"; Nelson, "Utah Goes Dry"; and Alexander, "Adoption of a New Interpretation of the Word of Wisdom," chap. in Mormonism in Transition. 110. Herald, 13 Jan. 1903. 111. Herald-Republican, 5 Jan. 1915. 112. Deseret Evening News, 3 Sept. 1913, in JH, 2 Sept. 1913. 113. See, for example, Shepard, "Utah Dry in November"; and "Mormonism Militant." 114. Thompson, "Utah's Struggle for Prohibition," pp. 83-89. 115. Annual Message of the Mayor with the Annual Reports of the Officers of Salt Lake City, Utah, for the year 1914. 116. Goodwin's Weekly, 24 Jan. 1914, in SCP. 117. Herald-Republican, 28 July 1915. 118. "Salt Lake City Commission Minutes," 29 Jan. 1914, 73. See also Herald-Republican, 29, 30 Jan. 1914. 119. Tribune, 7 Aug. 1913; and Herald-Republican, 7 Aug., 1 Oct. 1913. 120. "Salt Lake City Commission Minutes," 29 Jan. 1914, p. 74; and Herald-Republican, 30 Jan. 1914. 121. Herald-Republican, 30 Jan. 1914. 122. Herald-Republican, purporting to quote Deseret Evening News of 29 Jan. 1914. 123. Herald-Republican, 19, 27 Mar. 1914. 124. Herald-Republican, 30 Jan., 11, 17, 20 Feb. 1914. Quotes are from 30 Jan. and 17 Feb. 125. Herald-Republican, 10 July 1915. See "Salt Lake City Commission Minutes," pp. 8, 9, 12-16, 19, 20, 26-28, 30 July, 2 Aug. 1915. 126. Tribune, 10 July 1915; and Herald-Republican, 13, 17 July 1915. 127. Herald-Republican, 28 July 1915. 128. Herald-Republican, 10 July 1915. 129. Deseret Evening News, 11 Aug. 1915, in SCP. 130. Herald-Republican, 10, 13 July 1915; State of Utah ex rel. the Board of Commissioners of Salt Lake City v. Hugh L. Glenn, case no. 20166 (3d dist. civil case files, 1915); and State of Utah ex rel. the Board of Commissioners of Salt Lake City v. Guy La Coste, case no. 20115 (3d dist. civil case files, 1915). 131. Herald-Republican, 12 Nov. 1915. 132. Herald-Republican, 14 Oct. 1916; 24 May 1917. 133. For Donnelly, see Herald-Republican, 22 July 1915; 17, 29 Mar. 1916. 134. Goodwin's Weekly, 7 Feb. 1914, in SCP. See also Goodwin's Weekly, 11 Apr. 1914, in SCP. 135. Herald-Republican, 10 July 1915. 136. Tribune, 10 July 1915. 137. Herald-Republican, 9 Oct. 1913. 138. Herald, 29 Aug. 1908; and Alexander and Allen, Mormons and Gentiles, p. 144. 139. Herald-Republican, 6 Jan. 1916. 140. Deseret Evening News, 18 Jan. 1916, in JH, 18 Jan. 1916. 141. Herald-Republican, 29 Jan. 1916. 142. Herald-Republican, 7, 9 May 1916. 143. "Book One Association of City Clubs 1912-1917," in Salt Lake Council of Women Records, pp. 26-28, 47, 94-95, in JWM. See also Herald-Republican, 21, 25 Apr. 1916; for "mashers, etc.," see Herald-Republican, 24 May 1916; Municipal Record 5, no. 12: 7. 144. Herald-Republican, 10 June 1916. 145. Herald-Republican, 12 Aug. 1916. See also Tribune, 4 Aug. 1916; and Herald-Republican, 4 Aug. 1916. 146. Herald-Republican, 14 Sept. 1916; see also 15, 17 Sept. 1916. 147. Herald-Republican, 18, 20 Sept. 1916. See also Alexander and Allen, Mormons and Gentiles, pp. 166-67. 148. Tribune, 21 Sept. 1916; and Herald-Republican, 21 Sept. 1916. 149. Herald-Republican, 23 Sept., 1 Oct. 1916. Snell had died two months prior; see "Salt Lake County Probate Record Book 60," p. 92, 47; and Salt Lake City Death Records, Death Certificate No. L890. See also Deseret Evening News, 11 July 1916; in JH, 10 July 1916; and Tribune, 14 July 1916, in JH, 13 July 1916. 150. Herald-Republican, 4, 11 Oct. 1916. 151. Herald-Republican, 19 Nov. 1916; and Deseret Evening News, 21 Nov. 1916, in JH, 21 Nov. 1916. 152. Tribune, 27 Nov. 1916; and Herald-Republican, 26, 27, 28, 29 Nov. 1916. 153. Herald-Republican, 22, 23, 24 May 1917. 154. Herald-Republican, 25 Apr., 25 May 1917. 155. N. Bristow, Making Men Moral, pp. 98-113; Keller, Regulating a New Society, pp. 123-24; and Odem, Delinquent Daughters, pp. 121-27. 156. Herald-Republican, 10, 11 Sept. 1917. Quote is from 11 Sept. On national concerns, see N. Bristow, Making Men Moral, 113-36. 157. Herald-Republican, 11 Sept. 1917. 158. Herald-Republican, 12 Sept. 1917. 159. Herald-Republican, 7 Sept. 1917. 160. Herald, 16 Aug. 1918. 161. Deseret Evening News, 10 Mar. 1917, in JH, 10 Mar. 1917; Deseret Evening News, 29 June 1917, in JH, 29 June 1917; and Herald-Republican, 25 May, 30 June 1917. 162. Alexander and Allen, Mormons and Gentiles, pp. 166-71; and Herald-Republican, 3 July 1917. 163. Herald-Republican, 21 Oct. 1917. 164. Herald-Republican, 8, 9, 12, 13 Oct. 1917. Quote is from 9 Oct. For the chief, see Herald-Republican, 28 Dec. 1917; 22 Feb. 1918. See also Alexander and Allen, Mormons and Gentiles, pp. 166-68. 165. Herald-Republican, 31 Jan., 1 Feb. 1918. See also Odem, Delinquent Daughters, pp. 121-27. 166. Frederic J. Haskin, "Federal Cleanup of American Cities," in Tribune, 19 Mar. 1918, in JH, 15 Mar. 1918. 167. Tribune, 8 Feb. 1918; and Herald-Republican, 8, 12 Feb. 1918. Siegfus had been on the force since at least 1890; Hempel, 1903. See Polk, Salt Lake City Directory (1890, 1903). 168. Herald-Republican, 4, 10, 11, 12, 13 Feb. 1918. Quote from 13 Feb. 169. Herald, 5 Aug. 1918. 170. Burnham, "Progressive Era Revolution in American Attitudes toward Sex." 171. Baker, "Domestication of Politics." See also Ethington, "Recasting Urban Political History"; Flanagan, "Gender and Urban Political Reform"; and McGerr, "Political Style and Women's Power." 172. For an explanation by a prominent Mormon woman, see Susa Young Gates to Arthur W. Page, Deseret Evening News, 18 Oct. 1913, in JH, 18 Oct. 1913. |
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