Eustace Mullins, The Gentle Art Of Thought Control

World Economic Review
P.O. Box 507
Chalmette, LA 70044
July 1986

The Gentle Art Of Thought Control - Media General

By Eustace Mullins

When I was a child, during the 1930s depression, my school teacher often commented to our class about the sufferings of our native state, Virginia. She spoke not only of the rigors of the Civil War, but of its even more devastating aftermath, the Reconstruction and the carpetbagger empire. She pointed out that, since the conclusion of the Civil War, or the War Between the States, as we termed it, Northern bankers had continued to exercise a dominant role over our businesses and our government.

Some fifty years later, Gary Arnold asked me to look into a firm which had been opposing his conservative philosophy in California. The firm, Media General, was a familiar one to me. It was the result of an expansion by Virginia's leading newspaper monopoly, RICHMOND NEWSPAPERS, which had become an empire composed of newspapers, radio and TV, cablevision, newsprint manufacturers, and financial services. From its power base at the seat of the state government in Richmond in the carpetbagger era, it had become the state's primary news monopoly.

Richmond Newspapers (now Media General) is a $500 million a year operation which was founded by Joseph Bryan in the heyday of the carpetbagger empire. His son, John Stewart Bryan, ran the newspapers from 1900 until his death in 1944. John Stewart Bryan was a lieutenant commander in Naval Intelligence, chairman of the 5th Federal Reserve District, and to prove his stellar liberal credentials, he was appointed to the board of overseers of Harvard University.

John Stewart Bryan's son, David Tennant Bryan, took over Richmond Newspapers in 1944, after his father's death. He is now the chairman of Media General. Like his father, he is a director of Southern Railway. He is mentioned on p. 180 of THE WORLD ORDER as a director of the Hoover Institution, the supposedly "rightwing" thinktank at Stanford University which spark-plugged Ronald Reagan's political career, and which furnished 95% of his staff when he became President in 1980. David Tennant Bryan married into the Standard Oil hierarchy, when he married Mary Harkness Davidson, heiress of the ESSO fortune. Like most of Reagan's principal advisers, such as Secretary of State Shultz (also heir to Standard Oil) and Secretary of Defense Weinberger, Bryan is a member of the exclusive Bohemian Club of San Francisco.

Senior vice president of Media General is James A. Linen IV. Formerly vice president of National Enquirer (long reputed to be a CIA operation), he is the son of James A. Linen III, who was the publisher of TIME for many years. James A. Linen IV is also chairman of the board of American Thai Corp. Thailand has long been known as the marketing area of the drug empire known as "The Golden Triangle," in which CIA has been heavily involved since World War II. So deep was this commitment, that Secretary of State John Foster Dulles appointed William Donovan (founder of OSS - later CIA) as Ambassador to Thailand on Aug. 12, 1953.

Directors of Media General are J. Stewart Bryan III, cousin of David Tennant Bryan; and Douglas H. Lodeman, president of United Virginia Bank (which is Media General's bank), and also director of the Lane Corp., a large furniture manufacturer, and the Chesapeake Corp., a $273 million firm which also has former Governor of Virginia John Dalton as a director.

Other directors of Media General include insurance tycoon George T. Stewart III, who is president of First Colony Life Insurance Co., chairman of United Virginia Bankshares, a subsidiary of United Virginia Bank, of which he is also a director; chairman of Jamestown Life Insurance Co., and American Mayflower Life Insurance Co.; and director of the $1.74 billion petroleum operation, Ethyl Corp., of which former Governor Dalton is also a director. Stewart was a former partner of investment banker Shelby Cullon Davis, who is also mentioned on p. 180 of THE WORLD ORDER as director of Hoover Institution. Davis is also the financial angel of the "conservative" Heritage Foundation, another of the "counterfeit conservative" groups which has guided the Reagan Administration into financial disaster.

More directors of Media General are Archie K. Davis and R.L. Ireland III. Davis, of the North Carolina banking empire (Wachovia Bank), is not only a director of Southern Railroad and Chatham Manufacturing (the textile empire), but he exercises great financial power as chairman of the huge Duke Endowment. He is on the board of the Federal Reserve Bank of Richmond and Norfolk Southern Railroad. Another director of Norfolk Southern is R.L. Ireland III of Brown Brothers Harriman, who is mentioned on p. 77 of THE WORLD ORDER. Brown Brother Harriman has direct connections to the Bank of England through its London branch, Brown Shipley & Co.

Yet another director of Media General is J. Harvie Wilkinson Jr., who for many years has been considered the Kingmaker of Virginia politics, and the state's leading financier. Wilkinson has been a director of many leading Virginia firms which have been known since the Civil War as dominated by Wall Street interests. He is director of Richmond Hotels, Richmond Corp., Life Insurance Co. of Virginia, Philip Morris Co., Miller & Rhoads, Richmond Newspapers, and Garfinckel Brooks Bros. He has the obligator Rockefeller connection as a director of Colonial Williamsburg. As director of Freeport Sulphur, he interlocks with the principal Wall Street financiers, including Brown Brothers Harriman. He is now president of United Virginia Bankshares, a $5.42 billion operation whose other directors include former Governor Dalton and Hugh Cullman of the New York tobacco fortune. His son, I. Harvie Wilkinson III, was assistant attorney general in charge of civil rights at the Department of Justice, and cause consternation when, with no previous judicial experience, he was appointed a federal judge.

The last director of Media General, whom we find of great interest, is Paul Manheim. Now 80 years old, Paul Manheim has been a general partner of Lehman Brothers bankers since 1928. In SECRETS OF THE FEDERAL RESERVE, I quote Arthur Howden Smiths -- "Men Who Rule America," on the Lehman bankers: (p. 112)

"(During the Civil War), they were often agents, fixers for both sides, intermediaries for confidential communications and handlers of the many illicit transactions in cotton and drugs for the Confederacy, purveyors of information for the North. The Lehmans, with Mayer in Montgomery, the first capital of the Confederacy, Henry in New Orleans, and Emanuel in New York, were idealy situated to take advantage of every opportunity for profit which appeared. They seem to have missed few chances."

After the Civil War, these "fixers" became tycoons in many fields, among them Cuban sugar, and later, the movie industry. Paul Manheim arranged the merger of Postal Telegraph and Western Union. As an art adviser he directed the multi-million dollar collection of his boss, Robert Lehman, which is now at the Metropolitan Museum. Manheim is trustee of the Metropolitan Museum, the Brooklyn Museum, and president of the Robert Lehman Foundation. Although Richmond Newspapers was supposedly the property of the Bryan family, for many years Paul Manheim was chairman of the board, because of Lehman Brothers investments in the operation. Manheim also is a trustee of Fordham University, chairman of Vertientes Camaguey Sugar Co., director of General Sugar Estates, Cuban Sugar Plantations, and the One William Street Fund.

It was as the financial director of Paramount Pictures that Paul Manheim exercised so great an influence over the American mind for several generations. Lehman Brothers was the principal financier for the major Hollywood producers. Manheim's brother Frank, also of Lehman Brothers, was director of Warner Bros. during the years that Paul was a director of Paramount. During these years, Hollywood churned out relentlessly leftwing pictures. While Congress "investigated" a few Communist Party members who were writers, actors or directors, no Congressman ever stopped to consider that no matter how Communistic these people were, they had no money. They had to turn to Lehman Brothers to finance their pictures, and Lehman Brothers never refused financing for any of them. However, Lehman Brothers saw no reason to finance any anti-Soviet pictures during this period, or since. Paul Manheim was also a director of Bankers Trust Co. of New York.

Paul Manheim's brother Frank, also a general partner of Lehman Brothers, and now head of A. Manheim Co., New York, financed the postwar growth of Mercedes-Benz Company. He is now director of Mercedes-Benz of North America, Mercedes-Benz Ltd. of London, Insilco (International Silver), and chairman of Amex Bank., Ltd. of London, and Amex Ind. Ltd. of London. He is director of Finance and Building Investments Ltd. of London.

Thus we see that Media General typifies the "dogged determination" of the carpetbaggers and their heirs to maintain ironbound thought control over the citizens of our Republic, through their financial sway over newspapers, television and the movie industry.

Money And Freedom
A Book By Hans Sennholz

Reviewed by Eustace Mullins

Much of my forty year writing career has been spent in combating the flood of disinformation with which the minions of the World Order poisons the minds of the captive populace. During those decades, I have seldom come across a more flagrant example of disinformation than a current work Money and Freedom by a reputedly "conservative" professor, Hans Sennholz. On p. 12, under the amazing heading, "Federal Reserve Independence", Sennholz writes, "The Fed's commander in chief is the President of the United States; no one in the System can resist his wishes and suggestions." Sennholz cites not one instance of the "commander in chief" making known a wish or suggestion to the Fed, nor can he. This is scholarship?

Sennholz could be excused such misconceptions if he is bemused by the quasi-governmental setup which Paul Warburg (a name apparently unknown to Sennholz) invented during his conspirtorial authorship of the Federal Reserve Act. Warburg decreed that the President should name the members of the Federal Reserve Board of Governors. From this Warburg invention, Sennholz naively concludes that the President who has power to name these Governors retains total power over their subsequent decisions. He is blissfully unaware that the power which directs the naming of the Federal Reserve Board of Governors also directs the selection of Presidential candidates and their subsequent election or defeat, according to their plans. Sennholz seems not to have read my "Secrets of the Federal Reserve". On p. 179, I quote the New York Times, July 26, 1979, "David Rockefeller, the chairman of Chase, and Mr. Roosa were strong influences in the Mr. Carter (not President Carter - editor's note) decision to name Mr. Volcker for the Reserve Board chairmanship." I go on to point out that not only did Rockefeller and Roosa "influence" Carter to name their protégé chairman of the Federal Reserve Board; they also had previously selected Carter as the Trilateral Commission candidate for President, David Rockefeller being the founder of the Trilateral Commission and Roosa its executive secretary.

Without knowing these facts, how does Sennholz presume to mislead American citizens on "Money and Freedom"? Sennholz continues, "He (the President) has the power to direct its policies; he appoints the seven governors and designated the chairman and vice-chairman. It is obvious that this power of appointment affords the President the power to direct the course of monetary policies." Sennholz totally misunderstands the operation of the present World Order and its direction of the American bureaucracy. The President, presently starring Ronald Reagan in his best role to date, has become a largely honorary figure, like the Queen of England, perhaps more honorary, since he does not head the world drug trade, as the present Queen is reputed to do. As an actor whose every "opinion" and statement is scripted and reviewed for him, our President can do little but echo the desires of those who have surrounded him with such powerful members of the World Order as Frank Carlucci, Casper Weinberger, William Casey, and George Pratt Shultz. These too are names which Sennholz forbears to discuss in his book. However, Sennholz asks us to believe that this President has the power to direct the course of monetary policies, even if this President had any notion of what those policies should be, which he does not. He has proved that by becoming the biggest spender ever to occupy the Governorship of California, and the biggest spender ever to occupy the White House.

In his efforts to convince us of the President's power to direct monetary policy, Sennholz offers another strange omission. He neglects to mention the Federal Advisory Council, a group of carefully chosen bankers (chosen by the banks, we must emphasize, not by the President) who meet with the Federal Reserve Board four times a year in Washington. It is at these meetings (closed to the public and the President of the United States) that monetary policy is decided. Early members of Federal Advisory Council included J.P. Morgan and Paul Warburg, who directed its policies during the crucial first ten years of the Federal Reserve System. Sennholz states that the Chairman of the Board of Governors is like an advisor to the President. There is no record that any chairman of the Board of Governors has ever functioned in this capacity.

Sennholz claims that the Federal Reserve System was drafted in 1917 for the purpose of financing government expenditures for World War I. I proved in my work that it was secretly drafted in 1910 by Paul Warburg at the behest of the Rothschilds in order to finance World War I and provide capital for the various belligerent powers, not merely the United States. Here again, one is appalled at the consistent disinformation.

Sennholz claims that the Federal Reserve System differs materially from all other central banks, another misleading conception. In my work, I define the central bank as a bank of issues, controlling the nation's money and credit, owned by private individuals who would benefit from ownership of shares, and providing war finance for international adventurists. I showed in The World Order that the same interests control all of the major central banks for their own purpose. Sennholz would have us believe that our central bank exists virginal and pure for the sole interest of "the people". In his chapter on the "The Monetarists", Sennholz identifies Milton Friedman as a disciple of Henry C. Simons. In "The World Order", I give Milton Friedman's true origins, apparently unknown to Sennholz, as stemming from the Royal Colonial Society, a group financed by English bankers who later centralized their world drug profits in the Hong Kong Shanghai Bank. The staff economist of the Royal Colonial Society was Alfred Marshall, inventor of the monetarist theory which Milton Friedman peddles under the aegis of the Hoover Institution and other supposedly rightwing think-tanks. Marshall, through the Oxford Group, became the patron of Wesley Clair Mitchell, who founded the National Bureau of Economics Research for the Rockefellers in the United States, and became the teacher of Pan Europe, the latest incarnation of the Austrian School of Economics financed by the Rothschilds as an integral plank in their World Order. All of this is carefully ignored by Sennholz. Why ?

Sennholz gets down to the real purpose of his book in Chapter 5, "Advocates of Social Credit". This is a frenetic attack on those who have been influenced by the scholarly work of Ezra Pound, including one "H.S. Kenan". Sennholz's scholarship may be rated by the fact that he seems unaware the "H.S. Kenan" was the pen name of one of the nation's most notorious plagiarists, who reprinted the text of my book, "The Federal Reserve Conspiracy" under that name, and made one million dollars during years of active promotion of this stolen book. Incredibly, Sennholz concludes that these advocates of social credit echo Marxist and Leninist lines.

Finally, "Money and Freedom" is a ripoff, selling for $5.95 plus $2.00 handling for an 83 page pamphlet which is an indirect attack on many conservatives who are genuinely interested in freeing our nation from the control of the international syndicalists. Its real purpose may be better understood when we realize it has been backed by a notorious centimillionaire whose malign influence was concentrated for years on destroying me and my work. He hired the two most influential law firms in Virginia to despoil me of the proceeds of "Secrets of the Federal Reserve" through "legal" procedures, while continuing to pose as a "philanthropist". It was just this type of malignant philanthropy which saddled us with the conspiratorial activities of the Carnegie, Rockefeller and Brookings foundation. Sennholz may be an unwitting tool of this "philanthropist", but his book peddles the "Establishment" theory that the Federal Reserve System is what he claims it to be, and not what Paul Warburg set it up to be. You should get the facts, but you won't get them by paying $7.95 for this pamphlet.