The Secret History Of The Atomic Bomb
by Eustace C. Mullins
A NEW MISSION
CRIMINALS ON DISPLAY
ATOMIC TERRORISM
A UNITED NATIONS PROJECT
THE JEWISH HELL-BOMB
THE BUCK PASSES TO TRUMAN
LIPMAN SIEW
WILL JAPAN SURRENDER BEFORE
THE BOMB IS DROPPED?
THE HORROR OF HIROSHIMA
MASS MURDER
A PILOT'S STORY
DID THE ATOMIC BOMB WIN THE
WAR AGAINST JAPAN?
THE NAGASAKI BOMB
AMERICAN MILITARY
AUTHORITIES SAY ATOMIC BOMB UNNECESSARY
ANOTHER EISENHOWER SPEAKS
MACARTHUR'S WARNING
THE NEW ATOMIC AGE
THE REBIRTH OF ISRAEL
THE LEGAL ASPECTS OF NUCLEAR
WARFARE
GANDHI SPEAKS
BIBLIOGRAPHY:
THE COURT OF INTERNATIONAL
JUSTICE
When I returned to the
United States, I knew I had to unearth the sinister figures behind greatest of
human catastrophes. It took many weeks of research to uncover what turned out
to be the most far-reaching conspiracy of all time, the program of a few
dedicated revolutionaries to seize control of the entire world, by inventing
the most powerful weapon ever unveiled.
The story begins in
Germany. In the 1930s, Germany and Japan had a number of scientists
icing on the development of nuclear fission. In both of these countries, their
leaders sternly forbade them to continue their research. Adolf
Hitler said he would never allow anyone in Germany to work on such an inhumane
weapon.
The Emperor of Japan let
his scientists know that he would never approve such a weapon. At
that time the United States had no one working on nuclear fission. The
disgruntled German scientists contacted friends in the United States, and were
told that there was a possibility of government support for their work
here. As Don Beyer tells, these immigrants to the United States
pushed their program.
"Leo Szilard, together
with his long time friends and fellow Hungarian physicists, Eugene Wigner and
Edward Teller, agreed that the President must be warned; fission bomb technology
was not so farfetched. The Jewish emigres, now living in America, had personal
experience of fascism in Europe. In 1939, the three physicists enlisted the
support of Albert Einstein, letter dated August 2 signed by Einstein was
delivered by Alexander Sachs to Franklin D. Roosevelt at the White House on
October 11, 1939."
At the Nagasaki Atomic Bomb
Museum, photographs of two men are prominently displayed; Albert Einstein, and
J. Robert Oppenheimer, who developed the atomic bomb at Los Alamos
laboratories, New Mexico. Also on display is a statement from General
Eisenhower, who was then supreme Military Commander, which is found in a number
of books about Eisenhower, and which can be found on p.426, Eisenhower by
Stephen E. Ambrose, Simon & Shuster, NY, 1983.
"Secretary of War
Henry L. Stimson first told Eisenhower of the bomb's existence. Eisenhower was
engulfed by "a feeling of depression'. When Stimson said the United States
proposed to use the bomb against Japan, Eisenhower voiced 'my grave misgivings,
first on the basis of my belief that Japan was already defeated and that
dropping the bomb was completely unnecessary, and secondly because I thought
that our country should avoid shocking world opinion by the use (of atomic
weapons).' Stimson was upset by Eisenhower's attitude 'almost angrily refuting
the reasons I gave for my quick conclusion'. Three days later, Eisenhower flew
to Berlin, where he met with Truman and his principal advisors. Again Eisenhower
recommended against using the bomb, and again was ignored.
Other books on Eisenhower
state that he endangered his career by his protests against the bomb, which the
conspirators in the highest level of the United States government had already
sworn to use against Japan, regardless of any military developments. Eisenhower
could not have known that Stimson was a prominent member of Skull and Bones at
Yale, the Brotherhood of Death, founded by the Russell Trust in 1848 as a bunch
of the German Illuminati, or that they had played prominent roles in organizing
wars and revolutions since that time. Nor could he have known that President
Truman had only had one job in his career, as a Masonic organizer for the State
of Missouri, and that the lodges he built up later sent him to the United
States Senate and then to the presidency.
The man who set all this in
motion was Albert Einstein, who left Europe and came to the United States in
October 1933. His wife said that he "regarded human beings with
detestation". He had previously corresponded with Sigmund Freud about his
projects of "peace" and "disarmament", although Freud later
said he did not believe that Einstein ever accepted any of his theories.
Einstein had a personal interest in Freud's work because his son Eduard spent
his life in mental institutions, undergoing both insulin therapy and
electroshock treatment, none of which produced any change in his condition.
When Einstien arrived in
the United States, he was feted as a famous scientist, and was invited to the
White House by President and Mrs. Roosevelt. He was soon deeply involved with
Eleanor Roosevelt in her many leftwing causes, in which Einstein heartily
concurred. Some of Einstein's biographers hail the modern era as "the Einstein
Revolution" and "the Age of Einstein", possibly because he set
in motion the program of nuclear fission in the United States. His letter to
Roosevelt requesting that the government inaugurate an atomic bomb program was
obviously stirred by his lifelong commitment to "peace and
disarmament". His actual commitment was to Zionism; Ronald W. Clark
mentions in Einstein; His Life And Times, Avon, 1971, p.377, "He would
campaign with the Zionists for a Jewish homeland in Palestine." On p.460,
Clark quotes Einstein, "As a Jew I am from today a supporter of the Jewish
Zionist efforts." (1919)
Einstein's letter to Roosevelt, dated august
2, 1939, was delivered personally to President Roosevelt by Alexander Sachs on
October 11. Why did Einstein enlist an intermediary to bring this letter to
Roosevelt, with whom he was on friendly terms? The atomic bomb program could
not be launched without the necessary Wall Street sponsorship. Sachs, a Russian
Jew, listed his profession as "economist" but was actually a bagman
for the Rothschilds, who regularly delivered large sums of cash to Roosevelt in
the White House. Sachs was an advisor to Eugene Meyer of the Lazard Freres
International Banking House, and also with Lehman Brothers, another well known
banker. Sachs' delivery of the Einstein letter to the White House let Roosevelt
know that the Rothschilds approved of the project and wished him to go full
speed ahead.
In May of 1945, the
architects of postwar strategy, or, as they liked to call themselves, the
"Masters of the Universe", gathered in San Francisco at the plush
Palace Hotel to write the Charter for the United Nations. Several of the
principals retired for a private meeting in the exclusive Garden Room. The head
of the United States delegation had called this secret meeting with his top
aide, Alger Hiss, representing the president of the United States and the
Soviet KGB; John Foster Dulles, of the Wall Street law firm of Sullivan and
Cromwell, whose mentor, William Nelson Cromwell, had been called a
"professional revolutionary" on the floor of Congress; and W. Averill
Harriman, plenipotentiary extraordinary, who had spent the last two years in
Moscow directing Stalin's war for survival.
These four men represented
the awesome power of the American Republic in world affairs, yet of the four,
only Secretary of State Edward Stettinius Jr., had a position authorized by the
Constitution. Stettinius called the meeting to order to discuss an urgent
matter; the Japanese were already privately suing for peace, which presented a
grave crisis. The atomic bomb would not be ready for several more months.
"We have already lost Germany," Stettinius said. "If Japan bows
out, we will not have a live population on which to test the bomb."
"But, Mr.
Secretary," said Alger Hiss, "no one can ignore the terrible power of
this weapon." "Nevertheless," said Stettinius, "our entire
postwar program depends on terrifying the world with the atomic bomb."
"To accomplish that goal," said John Foster Dulles, "you will
need a very good tally. I should say a million." "Yes," replied
Stettinius, "we are hoping for a million tally in Japan. But if they
surrender, we won't have anything." "Then you have to keep them in
the war until the bomb is ready," said John Foster Dulles. "That is
no problem. Unconditional surrender." "They won't agree to
that," said Stettinius. "They are sworn to protect the Emperor."
"Exactly," said John Foster Dulles. "Keep Japan in the war
another three months, and we can use the bomb on their cities; we will end this
war with the naked fear of all the peoples of the world, who will then bow to
our will."
Edward Stettinius Jr. was
the son of a J.P. Morgan partner who had been the world's largest munitions
dealer in the First World War. He had been named by J.P. Morgan to oversee all
purchases of munitions by both France and England in the United States
throughout the war. John Foster Dulles
was also an accomplished warmonger.
In 1933, he and
his brother Allen had rushed to Cologne to meet with Adolf Hitler and guaranteed
him the funds to maintain the Nazi regime. The Dulles brothers were
representing their clients, Kuhn Loeb
Co., and the Rothschilds.
Alger Hiss was the golden
prince of the communist elite in the United States. When he was chosen as head
of the prestigious Carnegie Endowment for International Peace after World War
II, his nomination was seconded by John Foster Dulles. Hiss was later sent to
prison for perjury for lying about his exploits as a Soviet espionage agent.
This secret meeting in the
Garden Room was actually the first military strategy session of the United
Nations, because it was dedicated to its mission of exploding the world's first
atomic weapon on a living population. It also forecast the entire strategy of
the Cold War, which lasted forty-three years, cost American taxpayers five
trillion dollars, and accomplished exactly nothing, as it was intended to do.
Thus we see that the New World Order has based its entire strategy on the agony
of the hundreds of thousands of civilians burned alive at Hiroshima and
Nagasaki, including many thousands of children sitting in their schoolrooms.
These leaders had learned from their master, Josef Stalin, that no one can rule
without mass terrorism, which in turn required mass murder. As Senator
Vandenberg, leader of the Republican loyal opposition, was to say (as quoted in
American Heritage magazine, August 1977), "We have got to scare the hell
out of ’em."
The atomic bomb was
developed at the Los Alamos Laboratories in New Mexico. The top secret project
was called the Manhattan Project, because its secret director, Bernard Baruch, lived in Manhattan, as
did many of the other principals. Baruch had chosen Maj. Gen. Leslie R. Groves
to head the operation. He had previously built the Pentagon, and had a good
reputation among the Washington politicians, who usually came when Baruch
beckoned.
The scientific director at
Los Alamos was J. Robert Oppenheimer,
scion of a prosperous family of clothing merchants. In Oppenheimer; the Years
Of Risk, by James Kunetka, Prentice Hall, NY, 1982, Kunetka writes, p. 106,
"Baruch was especially interested in Oppenheimer for the position of
senior scientific adviser." The project cost an estimated two billion dollars. No other nation in the world
could have afforded to develop such a bomb. The first successful test of the
atomic bomb occurred at the Trinity site, two hundred miles south of Los Alamos
at 5:29:45 a.m. on July 16, 1945. Oppenheimer was beside himself at the
spectacle. He shrieked, "I am become Death, the Destroyer of worlds."
Indeed, this seemed to be the ultimate goal of the Manhattan Project, to
destroy the world. There had been considerable fear among the scientists that
the test explosion might indeed set off a chain reaction, which would destroy
the entire world. Oppenheimer's exultation came from his realization that now
his people had attained the ultimate power, through which they could implement
their five-thousand-year desire to rule the entire world.
Although Truman liked to
take full credit for the decision to drop the atomic bomb on Japan, in fact, he
was advised by a prestigious group, The National Defense Research Committee,
consisting of George L. Harrison, president of the Federal Reserve Bank of New
York; Dr. James B. Conant, president
of Harvard, who had spent the First World War developing
more effective poison gases, and who in 1942 had been commissioned by
Winston Churchill to develop an Anthrax bomb to be
used on Germany, which would have killed every living thing in Germany.
Conant was unable to perfect the bomb before Germany surrendered, otherwise he
would have had another line to add to his resume. His service on Truman's
Committee which advised him to drop the atomic bomb on Japan, added to his previous
record as a chemical warfare professional, allowed me to describe him in papers
filed before the United States Court of Claims in 1957, as "the most
notorious war criminal of the Second World War". As Gauleiter of Germany
after the war, he had ordered the burning of my book, The Federal Reserve
Conspiracy, ten thousand copies having been published in Oberammergau, the
site of the world-famed Passion Play.
Also on the committee were
Dr. Karl Compton, and James F. Byrnes, acting Secretary of State. For thirty
years, Byrnes had been known as Bernard Baruch's man in Washington. With his
Wall Street profits, Baruch had built the most lavish estate in South Carolina,
which he named Hobcaw Barony. As the wealthiest man in South Carolina, this
epitome of the carpet-bagger also controlled the political purse strings. Now
Baruch was in a position to dictate to Truman, through his man Byrnes, that he
should drop the atomic bomb on Japan.
Despite the fact that the
Manhattan Project was the most closely guarded secret of World War II, one man,
and one many only, was allowed to observe everything and to know everything
about the project. He was Lipman Siew, a Lithuanian Jew who had come to the
United States as a political refugee at the age of seventeen. He lived in
Boston on Lawrence St., and decided to take the name of William L. Laurence. At
Harvard, he became a close friend of James B. Conant and was tutored by him.
When Laurence went to New York, he was hired by Herbert Bayard Swope, editor of
the New York World, who was known as Bernard Baruch's personal publicity
agent. Baruch owned the World. In 1930, Laurence accepted an offer from the New
York Times to become its science editor. He states in Who's Who that he
"was selected by the heads of the atomic bomb project as sole writer and
public relations." How one could be a public relations writer for a top
secret project was not explained. Laurence was the only civilian present at the
historic explosion of the test bomb on July 16, 1945. Less than a month later,
he sat in the copilots seat of the B-29 on the fateful Nagasaki bombing run.
WILL JAPAN SURRENDER BEFORE THE BOMB
IS DROPPED?
There were still many
anxious moments for the conspirators, who planned to launch a new reign of
terror throughout the world. Japan had been suing for peace. Each day it seemed
less likely that she could stay in the war. On March 9 and 10, 1945, 325 B-29s
had burned thirty-five square miles of Tokyo, leaving more than one hundred
thousand Japanese dead in the ensuing firestorm. Of
Japan's 66 biggest cities, 59 had been mostly destroyed. 178 square
miles of urban dwellings had been burned, 500,000 died in the fires, and now
twenty million Japanese were homeless. Only four cities had not been destroyed;
Hiroshima, Kokura, Niigata, and Nagasaki. Their inhabitants had no
inkling that they had been saved as target cities for the experimental atomic
bomb. Maj. Gen. Leslie Groves, at Bernard Baruch's insistence, had demanded
that Kyoto be the initial target of the bomb.
Secretary of War Stimson objected, saying that as the ancient capital of Japan,
the city of Kyoto had hundreds of historic wooden temples, and no military
targets. The Jews wanted to destroy it precisely because
of its great cultural importance to the Japanese people.
While the residents of
Hiroshima continued to watch the B-29s fly overhead without dropping bombs on
them, they had no inkling of the terrible fate which the scientists had
reserved for them. William Manchester quotes General Douglas MacArthur in
American Caesar, Little Brown, 1978, p.437
“
There was another Japan, and MacArthur was one of the few Americans who
suspected its existence. He kept urging the Pentagon and the State Department
to be alert for conciliatory gestures. The General predicted that the break
would come from Tokyo, not the Japanese army. The General was right. A dovish
coalition was forming in the Japanese capital, and it was headed by Hirohito
himself, who had concluded in the spring of 1945 that a negotiated peace was
the only way to end his nation's agony. Beginning in early May, a six-man
council of Japanese diplomats explored ways to accommodate the Allies. The
delegates informed top military officials that "our resistance is finished".
”
On p.359, Gar Alperowitz
quotes Brig. Gen. Carter W. Clarke, in charge of preparing the MAGIC summary in
1945, who stated in a 1959 historical interview,
"
We brought them down to an abject surrender through the accelerated sinking of
their merchant marine and hunger alone, and when we didn't need to do it, and
knew we didn't need to do it, we used them as an experiment for two atomic
bombs."
Although President Truman
referred to himself as the sole authority in the decision to drop the bomb, in
fact he was totally influenced by Bernard Baruch's man
in Washington, James F. Byrnes. Gar Alperowitz states, p. 196,
"Byrnes spoke with the authority of—personally represented—the president
of the United States on all bomb-related matters in the Interim Committee's
deliberations." David McCullough, in his laudatory biography of Truman,
which was described as "a valentine", admitted that "Truman
didn't know his own Secretary of State, Stettinius. He had no background in
foreign policy, no expert advisors of his own."
The tragedy of Hiroshima
and Nagasaki was that a weak, inexperienced president, completely under the
influence of Byrnes and Baruch, allowed himself to be manipulated into
perpetrating a terrible massacre. In the introduction to Hiroshima's Shadows,
we find that " Truman was moving in
quite the opposite direction, largely under the influence of Byrnes. The atom
bomb for Byrnes was an instrument of diplomacy - atomic diplomacy." (p.ix)
On August 6, 1945, a
uranium bomb 3-235, 20 kilotons yield, was exploded 1850 feet in the air above
Hiroshima, for maximum explosive effect. It devastated four square miles, and
killed 140,000 of the 255,000 inhabitants. In Hiroshima's Shadows, we find a statement
by a doctor who treated some of the victims; p.415, Dr. Shuntaro Hida:
"It
was strange to us that Hiroshima had never been bombed, despite the fact that
B-29 bombers flew over the city every day. Only after the war did I come to
know that Hiroshima, according to American archives, had been kept untouched in
order to preserve it as a target for the use of nuclear weapons. Perhaps, if
the American administration and its military authorities had paid sufficient
regard to the terrible nature of the fiery demon which mankind had discovered
and yet knew so little about its consequences, the American authorities might
never have used such a weapon against the 750,000 Japanese who ultimately
became its victims."
Dr. Hida says that while
treating the terribly mangled and burned victims, "My eyes were ready to
overflow with tears. I spoke to myself and bit my lip so that I would not cry.
If I had cried, I would have lost my courage to keep standing and working,
treating dying victims of Hiroshima."
On p.433, Hiroshima's
Shadows, Kensaburo Oe declares,
"From
the instant the atomic bomb exploded, it became the symbol of all human evil;
it was a savagely primitive demon and most modern curse.... My nightmare stems
from a suspicion that a 'certain trust in human strength' or 'humanism' flashed
across the minds of American intellectuals who decided upon the project that
concluded with the dropping of the bomb on Hiroshima."
In the introduction to Hiroshima's
Shadows, we find that
"One
of the myths of Hiroshima is that the inhabitants were warned by leaflets that
an atomic bomb would be dropped. The leaflets Leonard Nadler and William P.
Jones recall seeing in the Hiroshima Museum in 1960 and 1970 were dropped after
the bombing. This happened because the President's Interim Committee on the
Atomic Bomb decided on May 31 'that we could not give the Japanese any
warning'. Furthermore, the decision to drop 'atomic' leaflets on Japanese
cities was not made until August 7, the day after the Hiroshima bombing. They
were not dropped until August 10, after Nagasaki had been bombed. We can say
that the residents of Hiroshima received no advance warning about the use of
the atomic bomb. On June 1, 1945, a formal and official decision was taken
during a meeting of the so-called Interim Committee not to warn the populations
of the specific target cities. James Byrnes and Oppenheimer insisted that the
bombs must be used without prior warning."
"Closely linked to the
question of whether a warning of an atomic bomb attack was given to the
civilian populations of the target cities is the third 'article of fifth' that
underpins the American legend of Hiroshima; the belief that Hiroshima and
Nagasaki were military targets. The Headquarters of the Japanese Second army
were located in Hiroshima and approximately 20,000 men—of which about half, or
10,000 died in the attack. In Nagasaki, there were about 150 deaths among
military personnel in the city. Thus, between the two cities, 4.4% of the total
death toll was made up of military personnel. In short, more than
95% of the casualties were civilians."
On p.39 of Hiroshima's
Shadows we find that (at Hiroshima) "strictly military damage was
insignificant." How are we to reconcile this statement with Harry Truman's
vainglorious boast in Off The Record; the Private Papers of Harry S. Truman,
Harper, 1980, p.304, "In 1945 I had ordered the
Atomic Bomb dropped on Japan at two places devoted almost exclusively to war
production." In fact, many thousands of the Hiroshima casualties
were children sitting in their classrooms.
The bomb was dropped
because (p.35) "The Manhattan Project's managers were lobbying to use the
atomic bomb. Byrnes sat in on these meetings. Maj. Gen. Groves seems to have been the author
of the claim that the use of the bomb would save a million American lives—-a
figure in the realm of fantasy."
Truman himself variously
stated that the use of the use of the atomic bomb saved "a quarter of a
million American lives", a "half-million American lives", and
finally settled on the Gen. Groves figure of "a million American lives
saved."
Meanwhile (p.64) William L.
Laurence, who was writing for the New York Times at full salary while also
receiving a full salary from the War Department as the "public relations
agent for the atomic bomb" published several stories in the New York Times
denying that
there had been any radiation effects on the victims of the Hiroshima bombing (Sept.
5, 1945 et seq.) in which he quotes General Groves' indignant comment, "The Japanese are still continuing their propaganda
aimed at creating the impression we won the war unfairly and thus attempting to
create sympathy for themselves."
(p.66) "The Legation
of Switzerland on August 11, 1945 forwarded from Tokyo the following memorandum
to the State Department (which sat on it for twenty-five years before finally
releasing it): 'The Legation of Switzerland has received a communication from
the Japanese Government.' On August 6, 1945, American airplanes released on the
residential district of the town of Hiroshima, bombs of a new type, killing and
injuring in one second a large number of civilians and destroying a great part
of the town. Not only is the city of Hiroshima a provincial town without any
protection or special military installations of any kind, but also none of the neighboring
regions or towns constitutes a military objective."
The introduction to Hiroshima's
Shadows concludes that (p.lxvii)
" The claim that an
invasion of the Japanese home islands was necessary without the use of the atomic bombs is untrue. The claim that
an 'atomic warning' was given to the populace of Hiroshima is untrue. And the
claim that both cities were key military targets is untrue."
Corroboration of these
statements is found in the remarkable record of Ellsworth Torrey Carrington,
"Reflections of a Hiroshima Pilot",
(p.9) "As part of the
Hiroshima atomic battle plan my B-29 (named Jabbitt III, Captain John Abbott
Wilson's third war plane) flew the weather observation mission over the
secondary target of Kokura on August 6, 1945."
(p. 10) "After the
first bomb was dropped, the atom bomb command was very fearful that Japan might
surrender before we could drop the second bomb, so our people worked around the
clock, 24-hours-a-day to avoid such a misfortune." This is, of course, satire on Carrington's
part.
(p. 13) "in city after
city all over the face of Japan (except for our cities spared because reserved
for atomic holocaust) they ignited the most terrible firestorms in history with
very light losses (of B-29s). Sometimes the heat from these firestorms was so
intense that later waves of B-29s were caught by updrafts strong enough to loft
them upwards from 4 or 5,000 feet all the way up to 8 or 10,000 feet. The major
told us that the fire-bombing of Japan had proven successful far beyond
anything they had imagined possible and that the 20th Air Force was running out
of cities to burn. Already there were no longer (as of the first week in June
1945) any target cities left that were worth the attention of more than 50
B-29s, and on a big day, we could send up as many as 450 planes!"
"The totality of the devastation in Japan was extraordinary, and this was
matched by the near-totality of Japan's defencelessness." (as of June 1,
1945, before the atomic bombs were dropped.)
(p. 14) "The Truman
government censored and controlled all the war information that was allowed to
reach the public, and of course, Truman had a vested interest in obscuring the
truth so as to surreptitiously prolong the war and be politically able to use
the atom bomb. Regarding the second element of the Roosevelt-Truman atomic Cold
War strategy of deceiving the public into believing that Japan was still
militarily viable in the spring and summer of 1945, the centerpiece was the
terribly expensive and criminally unnecessary campaign against Okinawa.
Carrington quotes Admiral
William D. Leahy, p. 245, I Was There, McGraw Hill:
"A
large part of the Japanese Navy was already on the bottom of the sea. The
combined Navy surface and air force action even by this time had forced Japan
into a position that made her early surrender inevitable. None of us then knew
the potentialities of the atomic bomb, but it was my opinion, and I urged it
strongly on the Joint Chiefs, that no major land invasion of the Japanese
mainland was necessary to win the war. The JCS did order the preparation of
plans for an invasion, but the invasion itself was never authorized."
Thus Truman, urged on by
General Groves, claims that "a million American lives were saved"
by the use of the atomic bomb, when no invasion had ever been authorized, and
was not in the cards.
Carrington continues, p.
16,
"The
monstrous truth is that the timing of the Okinawa campaign was exclusively
related to the early August timetable of the atomic bomb. J'accuse! I
accuse Presidents Franklin Roosevelt and Harry Truman of deliberately
committing war crimes against the American people for the sole purpose of
helping set the stage for the criminally unnecessary use of atomic weapons on
Japan."
Carrington further quotes
Admiral Leahy, from I Was There,
"It
is my opinion that the use of this barbarous weapon at Hiroshima and Nagaski
was of no material assistance in our war against Japan. The Japanese were
already defeated and ready to surrender because of the effective sea blockade
and the successful bombing with conventional weapons."
Carrington concludes, p.22,
"Truman's
wanton use of atomic weapons left the American people feeling dramatically less
secure after winning World War II than they had ever felt before, and these
feelings of insecurity have been exploited by unscrupulous Cold War Machine
Politicians ever since."
As Senator Vandenberg said,
"We have to scare the hell out of 'em" in order to browbeat the
American people into paying heavy taxes to support the Cold War.
DID THE ATOMIC BOMB WIN THE WAR
AGAINST JAPAN?
Admiral William Leahy also
stated in I Was There,
"My
own feeling is that being the first to use it (the atomic bomb) we had adopted
an ethical standard common to the Barbarism of the Dark Ages. I was not taught
to make war in that fashion, and wars cannot be won by destroying women and
children."
Gar Alperowitz notes, p.
16,
"On
May 5, May 12 and June 7, the Office of Strategic Services (our intelligence
operation), reported Japan was considering capitulation. Further messages came
on May 18, July 7, July 13 and July 16."
Alperowitz points out,
p.36,
"The
standing United States demand for 'unconditional surrender' directly threatened
not only the person of the Emperor but such central tenets of Japanese culture
as well."
Alperowitz also quotes
General Curtis LeMay, chief of the Air Forces, p.334,
"The
war would have been over in two weeks without the Russians entering and without
the atomic bomb. PRESS
INQUIRY: You mean that, sir? Without the Russians and without the atomic bomb? LeMay: The atomic bomb had nothing to do
with the end of the war at all." September 29, 1945, statement.
When the Air Force dropped
the atomic bomb on Nagasaki, with William Laurence riding in the co-pilot's
seat of the B-29, pretending to be Dr. Strangelove, here again the principal
target was a Catholic church. P.93, The Fall Of Japan, by William Craig,
Dial, NY, 1967, "the roof and masonry of the Catholic cathedral fell on
the kneeling worshippers. All of them died." This church has now been
rebuilt, and is a prominent feature of the Nagasaki tour.
After the terror bombings
of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the victorious Allies moved promptly to try Japanese
officials for their "war crimes". From 1945-51 several thousand
Japanese military men were found guilty of war crimes by an International
Military Tribunal which met in Tokyo from 1946 to 1948. Twenty-eight Japanese
military and civilian leaders were accused of having engaged in conspiracy to
commit atrocities. The dissenting member of the Tokyo tribunal, Judge
Radhabinod of India, dismissed the charge that Japanese leaders had conspired
to commit atrocities, stating that a stronger case might be made against the
victors, because the decision to use the atomic bomb resulted in indiscriminate
murder.
A very popular movie in
Japan today is Pride, The Fateful Moment, which shows Prime Minister
General Hideki Tojo in a favorable light. With six others, he was hanged in
1968 as a war criminal. During his trial, his lawyers stated to the
International Tribunal for the Far East, the Asian version of Nuremberg Trials,
that Tojo's war crimes could not begin to approach the dropping of the atomic
bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. The prosecutors immediately objected, and
censored their statements. That was the last time there was any official
recognition of the atomic bomb massacres in Japan. Japanese officials have been
effectively prevented from taking any stand on this matter because the American
military occupation, which officially ended in 1952 with the Treaty with Japan,
was quietly continued.
Today, 49,000
American troops are still stationed in Japan, and there is no public discussion
of the crimes of Hiroshima and Nagasaki.
AMERICAN MILITARY AUTHORITIES SAY
ATOMIC BOMB UNNECESSARY
The most authoritative Air
Force unit during World War II was the U.S. Strategic Bombing Survey, which
selected targets on the basis of need, and which analyzed the results for
future missions. In Hiroshima's Shadow, the U.S. Strategic Bombing Survey report of July 1, 1946 states,
"The Hiroshima and Nagasaki atomic bombs
did not defeat Japan, nor by the testimony of the enemy leaders who ended the
war did they persuade Japan to accept unconditional surrender. The Emperor, the
lord privy seal, the prime minister, the foreign minister, and the navy
minister had decided as early as May 1945 that the war should be ended even if
it meant acceptance of defeat on allied terms.... It is the Survey's opinion
that certainly prior to December 1, 1945 and in all probability prior to
November 1, 1945, Japan would have surrendered even if the atomic bombs had not
been dropped and even if no invasion had been planned or contemplated."
Both military, political
and religious leaders spoke out against the atomic bombing of Japanese
civilians. The Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America issued a
formal statement in March 1946 (cited by Gar Alperowitz):
"The
surprise bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki are morally indefensible. Both
bombings must be judged to have been unnecessary for winning the war. As the
power that first used the atomic bomb under these circumstances, we have sinned
grievously against the laws of God and against the people of
Japan."—Commission on the Relation of the Church to the War in the Light
of the Christian Faith.
On p.438, Gar Alperowitz
quotes James M. Gillis, editor of Catholic World,
"I
would call it a crime were it not that the word 'crime' implies sin, and sin
requires a consciousness of guilt. The action taken by the Untied States
government was in defiance of every sentiment and every conviction upon which
our civilization is based."
One of the most vociferous
critics of the atomic bombings was David Lawrence, founder and editor of U.S.
News and World Report. He signed a number of stinging editorials, the first on
August 17, 1945.
"Military
necessity will be our constant cry in answer to criticism, but it will never
erase from our minds the simple truth, that we, of all civilized nations,
though hesitating to use poison gas, did not hesitate to employ the most
destructive weapon of all times indiscriminately against men, women and
children."
On October 5, Lawrence
continued his attack,
"The
United States should be the first to condemn the atomic bomb and apologize for
its use against Japan. Spokesmen for the Army Air Forces said it wasn't
necessary and that the war had been won already. Competent testimony exists to
prove that Japan was seeking to surrender many weeks before the atomic bomb
came."
On November 23, Lawrence
wrote,
"The
truth is we are guilty. Our conscience as a nation must trouble us. We must
confess our sin. We have used a horrible weapon to asphyxiate and cremate more
than 100,000 men, women and children in a sort of super-lethal gas chamber— and
all this in a war already won or which spokesman for our Air Forces tell us we
could have readily won without the atomic bomb. We ought, therefore, to
apologize in unequivocal terms at once to the whole world for our misuse of the
atomic bomb."
David Lawrence was an
avowed conservative, a successful businessman, who knew eleven presidents of
the United States intimately, and was awarded the Medal of Freedom by President
Richard M. Nixon, April 22, 1970.
Although Eisenhower never
changed his opinion of the use of the atomic bomb, during his presidency he
repeatedly voiced his opinion, as quoted by Steve Neal, The Eisenhowers
Doubleday, 1978. P.225, "Ike would never lose his scepticism of the weapon
and later referred to it as a 'hellish contrivance'."
His brother, Milton
Eisenhower, a prominent educator, was even more vocal on this subject. As
quoted by Gar Alperwitz, p.358, Milton Eisenhower said,
"Our
employment of this new force at Hiroshima and Nagasaki was a supreme
provocation to other nations, especially the Soviet Union. Moreover, its use
violated the normal standards of warfare by wiping out entire populations,
mostly civilians, in the target cities. Certainly what happened at Hiroshima
and Nagasaki will forever be on the conscience of the American people."
During his Presidency,
Dwight Eisenhower tried to find peaceful uses for atomic energy. In The
Eisenhower Diaries, p.261, we find that "The phrase 'atoms for peace'
entered the lexicon of international affairs with a speech by Eisenhower before
the United Nations December 8, 1953." Control of atomic energy had now
given the New World Order clique enormous power, and Eisenhower, in his
farewell speech to the American people on leaving the Presidency In Review
(Doubleday, 1969), on January 17, 1961, warned, "In the councils of
government we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence,
whether sought or unsought, by the miliary-industrial complex. The potential
for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist."
By failing to name the
power behind the military-industrial complex, the international bankers,
Eisenhower left the American people in the dark as to he was actually warning
them against. To this day they do not understand what he was trying to say,
that the international bankers, the Zionists and the Freemasons had formed an
unholy alliance whose money and power could not be overcome by righteous
citizens of the United States.
General Douglas MacArthur
also tried to warn the American people of this threat, as quoted in American
Ceasar, by William Manchester, Little Brown, 1978, p.692,
"In
1957, he lashed out at large Pentagon budgets. 'Our government has kept us in a
perpetual state of fear—kept us in a continuous stampede of patriotic
fervor—with the cry of grave national emergency. Always there has been some
terrible evil to gobble us up if we did not blindly rally behind it by
furnishing the exorbitant funds demanded. Yet, in retrospect, these disasters
seem never to have happened, seem never to have been quite real."
This was the restatement of
Senator Vandenberg's famous comment, "We have to scare the hell out of
'em."
The scientists who had
built the atomic bomb were gleeful when they received the news of its success
at Hiroshima and Nagasaki. In the book, Robert Oppenheimer, Dark Prince, by
Jack Rummel, 1992, we find, p.96,
"Back
in the United States the news of the bombing of Hiroshima was greeted with a
mixture of relief, pride, joy, shock and sadness. Otto Frisch remembers the
shouts of joy, 'Hiroshima has been destroyed!' 'Many of my friends were rushing
to the telephone to book tables at the La Fonda Hotel in Santa Fe in order to
celebrate. Oppenheimer walked around "like a prizefighter, clasping his
hands together above his head as he came to the podium".'"
Oppenheimer had been a
lifelong Communist. "He was heavily influenced by Soviet Communism ":
A New Civilization, by Sidney and Beatrice Webb, the founders of Fabian
Socialism in England. He became director of research at the newly formed U.S.
Atomic Energy Commission, with his mentor, Bernard Baruch, serving as chairman.
Oppenheimer continued his many Communist Party Associations; his wife was Kitty
Peuning, widow of Joe Dallet, an American Communist who had been killed
defending Communism with the notorious Lincoln Brigade in Spain. Because
Oppenheimer was under Party discipline, the Party then ordered him to marry
Kitty Peuning and make a home for her.
Baruch resigned from the
Atomic Energy Commission to attend to his business interests. He was replaced
by Lewis Lichtenstein Strauss, of Kuhn, Loeb Co. Strauss was apprised of
Oppenheimer's many Communist associations, but he decided to overlook them
until he found that Oppenheimer was sabotaging progress on developing the new
and much more destructive hydrogen bomb. It seemed apparent that Oppenheimer
was delaying the hydrogen bomb until the Soviet Union could get its own version
on line. Furious at the betrayal, he asked Oppenheimer to resign as director of
the Commission. Oppenheimer refused. Strauss then ordered that he be tried. A
hearing was held from April 5 to May 6, 1954. After reviewing the results, the
Atomic Energy Commission voted to strip Oppenheimer of his security clearance,
ruling that he "possessed
substantial defects of character and imprudent dangerous associations with
known subversives".
Oppenheimer retired to
Princeton, where his mentor, Albert Einstein, presided over the Institute for
Advanced Study, a think tank for refugee "geniuses", financed by the
Rothschilds through one of their many secret foundations. Oppenheimer was
already a trustee of the Institute, were he remained until his death in 1966.
Einstein considered the
atomic age merely as a stage for the rebirth of Israel. On p.760 of Einstein;
His Life And Times we find that Abba Eban, the Israeli Ambassador, came to
his home with the Israeli consul, Reuben Dafni. He later wrote, "Professor
Einstein told me that he saw the rebirth of Israel as one of the few political
acts in his lifetime which had an essential moral quality. He believed that the
conscience of the world should, therefore, be involved in Israel's preservation."
by Ronald W. Clarke, Avon Books 1971.
On March 1, 1946, Army Air
Force Contract No. MX-791 was signed, creating the RAND Corporation as an
official think tank, defining Project RAND as "a continuing program of
scientific study and research on the broad subject of air warfare with the
object of recommending to the Air Force preferred methods of techniques and
instrumentalities for this purpose." On May 14, 1948, RAND Corporation
funding was taken over by H. Rowan Gaither, head of the Ford Foundation. This
was done because the Air Force had sole control of the atomic bomb, RAND Corp.
developed the Air Force and atomic bomb program for the Cold War, with the
Strategic Air Command, the missile program, and many other elements of the
"terror strategy". It became a billion dollar game for these
scientists, with John von Neumann, their leading scientist, becoming world
famous as the inventor of "game theory", in which the United States
and the Soviet Union engaged in a worldwide "game" to see which would
be the first to attack the other with nuclear missiles.
In the United States, the
schools held daily bomb drills, with the children hiding under their desks. No
one told them that thousands of schools children in Hiroshima had been
incinerated in their classrooms; the desks offered no protection against
nuclear weapons. The moral effect on the children was devastating. If they were
to be vaporized in the next ten seconds, there seemed little reason to study,
marry and have children, or prepare for a steady job. This demoralization
through the nuclear weapons program is the undisclosed reason for the decline
in public morality.
In 1987, Phyllis LaFarge
published The Strangelove Legacy, The Impact Of The Nuclear Threat On
Children, chronicling through extended research the moral devastation
wreaked on the children by the daily threat of annihilation. She quotes Freeman
Dyson, who stated the world has been divided into two worlds, the world of the
warriors, and the world of the victims, the children. It was William L.
Laurence, sitting in the co-pilot's seat of a B-29 over Nagasaki, and the
children waiting to be vaporized below. This situation has not changed.
THE LEGAL ASPECTS OF NUCLEAR WARFARE
Because Japan was occupied
by the U.S. Military in 1945, the Japanese Government was never allowed any
opportunity to file any legal charges about the use of the atomic bombs on
Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Although Japanese leaders were tried and executed for
"war crimes" no one was ever charged for the atomic bombings. It was
not until 1996 that the World Court delivered an opinion on the use of nuclear
weapons, (p.565, Hiroshima's Shadows) "In July 1996, the World court took a stand in its first formal opinion on
the legality of nuclear weapons. Two years earlier, the United Nations had
asked the Court for an advisory opinion. The General Assembly of the United
Nations posed a single, yet profoundly basic, question for consideration. It
the threat of use of nuclear weapons on any circumstances permitted under
international law? For the first time, the world's pre-eminent judicial
authority has considered the question of criminality vis-a-vis the use of a
nuclear weapon, and, in doing so, it has come to the conclusion that the use of a
nuclear weapon is 'unlawful'.
It is also the Court's view
that even the
threat of the use of a nuclear weapon is illegal. Although there
were differences concerning the implications of the right of self-defense
provided by Article 51 of the U.N. Charter, ten of the fourteen judges hearing
the case found the use of threat to use a nuclear weapon to be illegal on the
basis of the existing canon of humanitarian law which governs the conduct of
armed conflict. The judges based their opinion on more than a century of
treatise and conventions that are collectively known as the 'Hague' and
'Geneva' laws."
Thus the Court ruled that
nuclear weapons are illegal under the Hague and Geneva conventions , agreements
which were in existence at the time of the Hiroshima and Nagasaki bombings.
They were illegal then, and they are illegal now.
Among world leaders who
spoke out about the United States' use of atomic weapons in Japan, Mahatma
Gandhi echoed the general climate of opinion. P.258, Hiroshima's Shadow:
"The
atomic bomb has deadened the finest feelings which have sustained mankind for
ages. There used to be so-called laws of war which made it tolerable. Now we
understand the naked truth. War knows no law except that of might. The atomic
bomb brought an empty victory to the Allied armies. It has resulted for the
time being in the soul of Japan being destroyed. What has happened to the soul
of the destroying nation is yet too early to see. Truth needs to be repeated as
long as there are men who do not believe it."
Memorial Day, 1998
Cast of Characters: The
House of Rothschild; international bankers who made enormous profits during the
nineteenth century, and used their money to take over governments.
Bernard Baruch: New York
agent of the Rothschilds who at the turn of the century set up the tobacco trust,
the copper trust and other trusts for the Rothschilds. He became the grey
eminence of the United States atomic bomb program when his lackey, J. Robert
Oppenheimner, became director of the Los Alamos bomb development, and when his
Washington lackey, James F. Byrnes, advised Truman to drop the atomic bomb on
Hiroshima and Nagasaki.
Albert Einstein; lifelong
Zionist who initiated the United States' atomic bomb program with a personal
letter to President Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1939.
The Private Lives Of Albert
Einstein, by Roger Highfield, St. Martins Press, NY, 1993.
The Wizards Of Armageddon,
by Fred Kaplan, Simon & Shuster, NY, 1993.
Albert Einstein, by Milton
Dank, Franklin Watts, 1983.
Off The Record; The Private
Papers Of Harry S. Truman, Harper & Row, 1980.
The Eisenhowers, by Steve
Neal, Doubleday, 1978.
The Eisenhower Diaries,
W.W. Norton, 1981.
In Review, Dwight D.
Eisenhower, Doubleday, 1969.
Eisenhower, Stephen E.
Ambrose, Simon & Schuster, 1983.
The Strangelove Legacy,
Phyllis LaFarge, Harper & Row, 1987.
Einstein, His Life &
Times, Ronald W. Clark, Avon books, 1971.
Robert Oppenheimer, Dark
Prince, by Jack Rummel, 1992.
The Manhattan Project, by
Don E. Beyer, Franklin Wat, 1991.
The Great Decision, The
Secret History Of The Atomic Bomb, Michael Amrine, Putnams, NY, 1959.
Eisenhower At War, by David
Eisenhower, Random House, NY, 1986.
The Fall Of Japan, by
William Craig, Dial, NY, 1967.
Oppenheimer, The Years Of
Risk, Jas W. Kunetka, Prentice Hall, 1982.
Target Tokyo, Gordon W.
Prange, McGraw Hill, 1984.
Hiroshima's Shadow, edited
by Kai Bird, Pamphleteer Press, 1998.
The Decision To Use The
Atomic Bomb, by Gar Alperowitz, Knopf, NY, 1995.
Was Einstein Right? by
Clifford M. Will, Basic Books, 1986.
THE COURT OF INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE
Eustace C. Mullins, Ezra
Pound, World Peace Foundation, Japanese-American Friendship Society and the
People of Japan, Plaintiffs,
The United States
Government, Defendant.
The plaintiffs bring this
action before the World Court of International Justice to resolve the following
charges:
1. Defendant
conspired to commit war crimes against the people of Japan during World War II.
2. Defendant
conspired to commit atrocities against the people of Japan during World War II.
3. Defendant
conspired to subsequently evade and cover up these crimes by militarily
occupying the nation of Japan, effectively preventing the people of Japan from
seeking legal recourse for the actions of defendant. Defendant
continues to militarily occupy Japan today, with 49,999 troops stationed there,
on the pretext that the Soviet Union might attack. This pretext ignores
the geopolitical fact that the Soviet Union collapsed in 1989 and does not pose
a threat to anyone.
4. Defendant
conspired to commit crimes of genocide against the people of Japan, motivated
by racial hatred and religious bigotry.
5. Defendant violated
the Hague agreements and the Geneva Convention, as determined by the World
Court in June 1996, by making war against civilians and inflicting
millions of casualties by firebombing Japanese cities and the atomic bombing of
Hiroshima and Nagasaki during World War II.
6. After committing
these crimes, defendant conspired to cover up these crimes by issuing a number
of false statements, denying war crimes, and distortions of fact to evade any
punishment for these war crimes.
7. Defendant also
conspired to conceal from the American people the circumstances behind the
commission of these war crimes, that a small group of conspirators, refugees
from Europe, came to the United States and infiltrated the government of the
United States, and in total secrecy launched the project to manufacture an
atomic bomb for use against Germany and Japan. At no time during this
conspiracy were the people of the United States aware of what was taking place,
nor consulted for their approval, in violation of republican principles and the
Constitution of the United States.
8. Since World
War II, defendant has conducted a worldwide program of atomic terrorism,
called atomic diplomacy, to ensure that its program continues unabated, and
without punishment.
9. Although Japan had been
reduced to ashes by June 1945, defendant insisted that an invasion was
necessary, while ignoring peace tenders from Japan since May 1945, and
defendant further claimed that the American military would suffer one million
war dead while invading Japan, and that it was necessary to drop the atomic
bombs on Hiroshima, August 6, 1945, and Nagasaki, August 9,
1945. In fact, as Admiral William D. Leahy pointed out in his book,
I Was There, "the invasion itself was never authorized."
General Dwight D. Eisenhower, Supreme Military Commander, Admiral William D.
Leahy, Air force General Curtis LeMay, and many other American military
leaders, made public statements that it was not necessary to drop the atomic
bombs. Political considerations dictated that it be dropped on Japan, in order
to test it on a living population, and, if possible, to "tally" a
million or more victims with the bombs, for the purpose of postwar intimidation
of all other nations.
10. The atomic bomb
was the creation of a small group of European refugees, whose efforts to
develop such a bomb in Europe had been indignantly rejected. Albert Einstein, the physicist, wrote a
personal letter to President Franklin D. Roosevelt, August 2, 1939,
recommending that this bomb be built by the United States. His
letter was hand-delivered to Roosevelt by Alexander Sachs, a Wall Street
speculator. The atomic bomb program was directed from behind
the scenes by another Wall Street speculator, Bernard Baruch, an agent of the
Rothschilds. Baruch selected Major General Leslie Groves as the director
of the project, and J. Robert Oppenheimer as science director of the program.
Baruch continued to issue directives throughout the program, insisting to Major
General Groves that the city of Kyoto be the primary target of the atomic
bombs. Military leaders opposed this selection, pointing out
that Kyoto was the ancient capital of Japan, and a religious center with more
than two hundred ancient temples. Hiroshima and Nagasaki were
finally chosen, although neither of these cities offered a primary military
target. Baruch continued to dictate decisions on the atomic
bomb, through the President's National Defense Research Committee, chaired by
Baruch's Washington representative, James F. Byrnes.
11. After the
devastation of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, defendant perpetrated a number of
outright falsehoods to avoid blame for these massacres of civilians.
The first was that the inhabitants were warned by leaflets dropped over the
city that an atomic bomb would be used. In fact, the leaflets were
not dropped until August 10, after the bombs had
exploded. The President's Committee had resolved on May
31, 1945 that "we could not give the Japanese any
warning." The second falsehood was that an invasion of Japan
would be necessary if the atomic bomb was not used; this would cost a million
American lives. Many leading American military authorities state this is
absolutely false. The third falsehood was that both cities were "key
military targets". President Truman boasted in his private papers
that "in 1945 I had ordered the atomic bomb dropped on Japan at two places
devoted almost exclusively to war production."
In fact, more than 95% of
the dead at Hiroshima and Nagasaki were civilians. Only 4.4% of the death toll
was made up of military personnel. A fourth falsehood, printed in the New York
Times September 5, 1945, was that the victims had suffered no radiation damage.
This story was written by William L. Laurence, the paid propagandist for the
War Department with exclusive rights to material on the atomic bomb. Laurence
quoted Major General Groves that the Japanese "are attempting to create
sympathy for themselves".
12. The Legation of
Switzerland in Tokyo forwarded to the defendant a statement from the Japanese
government, the complaint that "the city of Hiroshima is a provincial town
without any protection or military installations of any kind, but also none of
the neighboring regions or towns constitutes a military objective." Observers on the scene recorded that
"strictly military damage was insignificant."
13. The most
authoritative official United States unit during World War II was the U.S.
Strategic Bombing Survey, which selected targets and analyzed the results of
the bombings for the benefit of future missions. Their report of
July 1, 1946 states, "the Hiroshima and Nagasaki bombs did not
defeat Japan, nor by the testimony of the enemy leaders who ended the war did
they persuade Japan to accept unconditional surrender. The Emperor, the lord
privy seal, the prime minister, the foreign minister, and the navy minister had
decided as early as May 1945 that the war should be ended even if it meant
acceptance of defeat on allied terms... It is the Survey's opinion that
certainly prior to December 1, 1945, and in all probability prior to November
1, 1945, Japan would have surrendered even if the atomic bombs had not been
dropped and even if no invasion had been planned or
contemplated."
14. This proves
that the destruction of Hiroshima and Nagasaki were war crimes deliberately
committed, with foreknowledge that it was not necessary to drop the atomic
bombs on these two cities. As David Lawrence, founder and editor of U.S.
News And World Report, wrote in his editorial November 23, 1945, "the
truth is we are guilty. Our conscience as a nation must
trouble us. We must confess our sin. We have used a
horrible weapon to asphyxiate and cremate more than 100,000 men, women and
children in a sort of super-lethal gas chamber—and all this in a war already
won or which spokesman for our Air Forces tell us we could have readily won
without the atomic bomb."
15. The world
leader and pacifist Mahatma Gandhi spoke sadly about the tragedy of
Hiroshima and Nagasaki. "The atomic bomb has deadened the finest
feelings which have sustained mankind for ages. There used to be
so-called laws of war which made it tolerable. Now we understand
the naked truth. War knows no law except that of might.
The atomic bomb brought an empty victory to the Allied
armies. It has resulted for the time being in the soul of
Japan being destroyed. What has happened to the soul of the destroying
nation is yet too early to see."
16. Defendant is in
violation of the Geneva Convention. Protocol 2, Scope of
Application of Humanitarian Law, states: 1. "International
humanitarian law is applicable to international armed conflicts. The international
law of peace existing between the states concerned will thus be large
superseded by the rules of international humanitarian law.... A
state can not, therefore, be allowed to invoke military necessity as a
justification for upsetting that balance by departing from those rules."
17. IV.
Humanitarian Requirements and Military Necessity. "In war, a
belligerent many apply only that amount and kind of force necessary to defeat
the enemy. Acts of war are only permissible if they are directed
against military objectives, if they are not likely to cause unnecessary
suffering, and if they are not perfidious." The bombing
of Hiroshima and Nagasaki clearly falls outside the scope of this ruling, being
civilian targets, the bombing caused unnecessary suffering, and defendant's
attempted justification was openly perfidious.
18. 129. If an
act of war is not expressly prohibited by international agreements or customary
law, this does not necessarily mean that it is actually
permissible. The so-called Martens Clause, developed by the
Livonian professor Friedrich von Martens (1845-1909) delegate of Tsar Nicholas
II at the Hague Peace Conferences, which has been included in the Preamble to
the 1907 Hague Convention IV and reaffirmed in the 1977 Additional Protocal I
as stated below, will always be applicable. In cases not covered by
the Protocol or by other international agreement, civilians
and combatants remain under the protection and authority of the principles of
international law derived from established custom, from the principles of
humanity, and from the dictates of public conscience. (Artl., pars. 2
AP 1; see also Preamble pars. 4 AP II)
19. Protocol I—Part
IV. Section i. "....the obligation of the Parties to the
conflict to 'at all times distinguish between the civilian population and
combatants'." Article 48—Basic rule, "the prohibition of
'indiscriminate attacks'." Article 51—Protection of the civilian
population, paragraph 4, in particular
"an attack by bombardment by any method or means which
treats as a single military objective a number of clearly separated and
distinct military objectives, located in a city, town, village or other area
containing a similar concentration of civilians or civilian objects"
(Article 51—Protection of the civilian population paragraph 5 (a) and "an
attack which may be expected to cause incidental loss of civilian life, injury
to civilians, damage to civilian objects, or a combination thereof, which would
be excessive in relation to the concrete and direct military advantage
anticipated (article 51—Protection of the civilian population, paragraph 5
[b]).
20.
Protocal I—Part IV,
Section 1. "Protection of civilians from arbitrary and
oppressive enemy action, outlined in 1899, and later in 1907, was expressed in
its most complete form in the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949, which is now
supplemented by this Protocol.
WHEREFORE, the plaintiffs
respectfully move this Court to hear these charges of conspiracy to commit war
crimes and atrocities, conspiracy to cover up their crimes, motivated by racial
hatred and religious bigotry, and having intimidated the government of Japan
and prevented them from seeking any redress for these crimes, and by
defendant's ongoing program of atomic terrorism, perfidious falsehoods, and
their continuing conspiracy to cover up crimes of genocide, mass murder and
undue suffering among their victims, and that the Court shall hear these
charges, decide upon appropriate damages, and punishment for the offenders.
Respectfully submitted
Eustace C. Mullins
as a citizen in party, the
movant, having firsthand knowledge of the facts.
Eustace C. Mullins 126
Madison Place Staunton, VA 24401 540-886-5580 ^
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