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THE 1903 ELECTION OF Reed Smoot to the United States Senate revived the battle over polygamy. The explicitly anti-Mormon "American" Party, which emerged from the controversy, controlled Salt Lake City's government from 1905 to 1911. The Smoot affair, with its revelations of continued Mormon polygamy, allowed the Americans to claim to be the champions of morality and the home. But the Americans established the "Stockade," a new restricted district, and forced most of the city's prostitutes to work there. Dora B. Topham, better known as Belle London, managed the district with the open approval and protection of the municipal authorities. For the first time, a single person dominated the business of prostitution in the city instead of independent madams managing houses within the network of brothels. The high visibility of the Stockade allowed some Mormons and gentiles to claim the moral high ground against the Americans. The district became the leading issue in municipal elections, a point of contention in state politics, and the target of moral reformers across religious, political, and gender lines. After many failed attempts, reformers managed to convict Topham of pandering and she closed the Stockade. The women who sold sex there were thrown out of work, and the Americans were turned out of office. While prostitution was not eliminated, open regulation and political anti-Mormonism based on moral claims were discredited. The B. H. Roberts episode first renewed the polygamy issue in 1898. The Salt Lake Ministerial Association, the Woman's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU), and Protestant women's home missionary groups helped deny Roberts his congressional seat. This campaign damaged the fragile detente between gentiles and Mormons and caused divisions among purity reformers. The Roberts controversy, however, paled in comparison to the Smoot brouhaha. 1 By 1900, Republicans dominated Utah politics. Mining millionaire Thomas Kearns, a gentile, was elected senator in 1901 with the approval of LDS leaders. Kearns purchased the Salt Lake Tribune and fired the paper's longtime editor and antipolygamy crusader, C. C. Goodwin. 2 Kearns and Smoot, also a Republican, had some type of understanding concerning Smoot's candidacy for the other Senate seat, but others had serious reservations. Smoot was a member of the Quorum of Twelve Apostles, the second-highest leadership group in the LDS Church. Many gentiles argued that his election by the state legislature proved that Mormons still dominated Utah politics. They feared that LDS leaders would direct Smoot's Senate vote and that he would wield unacceptable authority over LDS constituents, while his loyalty would be to church rather than country. 3 The Ministerial Association again led the local opposition. In addition to accusations of church influence, the ministers claimed that most apostles lived in polygamy. Smoot had never been a polygamist, and was in fact a prominent voice for compliance with the Woodruff Manifesto. The controversy, however, revealed that plural marriage was far from dead. 4 Thomas Kearns weighed in against Smoot with his newspapers, the Tribune and afternoon Telegram, after LDS leaders declined to support his reelection. Kearns's financial support and his newspapers would be crucial to the emerging political movement. 5 Opposition to Smoot quickly took organized form in Salt Lake City. Within days of the legislature's vote, a group of citizens sent a protest to the president and the Senate. Its signatories included Presbyterian Rev. William M. Paden, for the Ministerial Association; Edward B. Critchlow, an attorney and a Republican; and Clarence E. Allen, Utah's first congressman, also a Republican. The protest claimed that Mormons "protect and honor those who themselves violate the laws of the land and are guilty of practices destructive of the family and the home." 6 The protestors included several men who, sometimes with their wives, had histories of opposing polygamy. Paden had helped fight B. H. Roberts. C. C. Goodwin was among the best-known opponents of plural marriage and Mormon domination of politics. Clarence Allen was a longtime Liberal, although he had cooperated with many Mormons in politics since 1890. His wife Corinne and Mary Willis (Mrs. E. B.) Critchlow had been officers of the Industrial Christian Home Association. 7 Many of these people were also active in the social purity movement. C. E. Allen had challenged Liberal law enforcement in the early 1890s. 8 Corinne Allen was a trustee of the Municipal League in its fight against prostitution in 1897. 9 Paden was among those who tried to keep the rescue home alive after Cornelia Paddock's death. 10 At the time of the Smoot controversy, E. B. Critchlow was a member of the committee investigating Victoria Alley in the wake of the murder of Daniel Ryan. Critchlow led a group of Mormons and non-Mormons who requested that a grand jury investigate conditions in the alley. 11 The latter effort, supported by the LDS First Presidency, the Ministerial Association, and the WCTU, was among the last cooperative reform ventures of the early 1900s. When the battle over polygamy erupted again, joint action against prostitution became difficult. Gentiles such as the Allens and Critchlows viewed polygamy and prostitution as similar threats to the home, just as reformers had in the 1880s. While Smoot was allowed to take his seat, the Senate began an investigation that stretched from March 1904 to February 1907, but the most inflammatory evidence came early. LDS president Joseph F. Smith admitted that some plural marriages had been solemnized since the Woodruff Manifesto, and that he personally continued to cohabit with all of his wives. To quiet the resulting outcry and reaffirm the church's stance against plural marriage, Smith issued a "Second Manifesto" in April 1904, declaring that polygamists would be cut off from the church. A number of members were excommunicated, and the practice gradually faded in the mainstream LDS Church. 12 The campaign to unseat Smoot became national, encompassing organizations that had fought polygamy before 1890 and had opposed B. H. Roberts in 1898. Once again, Protestant home mission women and other reform groups protested the corrupting effects of Mormonism, this time on national politics as well as on the home. The Utah Mothers' Assembly (or Congress), as its name indicates, stressed mothers' responsibility for protecting children and advocated maternalist solutions to such public problems as cigarettes, alcohol, and the presence of minors in saloons. The group was founded in 1898; early members included Mormons Emmeline B. Wells and Zina D. Young and gentiles Corinne Allen and Lulu Shepard. 13 During the Smoot controversy, Corinne Allen used her position as president of the Utah congress to bring the matter before the national congress, which formed an anti-Smoot coalition that conducted a massive campaign of petitions and speaking tours. 14 The Smoot controversy particularly sparked the revival of anti-Mormon politics in Salt Lake City. On 14 September 1904, prominent gentiles launched the "American" Party, which promised to fight "Smootism" and to "free people from apostolic rule." The Tribune championed the new party; its managing editor was among the founders. While Thomas Kearns was not publicly among the founders, his influence was undoubtedly key. 15 The Americans soon gained the support of a well-known figure. Frank J. Cannon, the son of the late LDS leader George Q. Cannon and a former U.S. senator, had become estranged from the LDS leadership following his father's death. He accused Joseph F. Smith of violating the Woodruff Manifesto and promises made during the statehood campaign that the church would not influence politics. In 1904, Cannon began writing Tribune editorials harshly critical of Smith and LDS Church interference in politics. In March 1905, he was excommunicated. The ex-Mormon would be an important player in the fight against polygamy for over a decade, writing a series of muckraking articles and becoming a sought-after speaker. 16 Gentile women organized a ladies' auxiliary to the American Party, which heard from Angie F. Newman, the founder of the Industrial Christian Home. 17 In language that could have come from the Anti-Polygamy Standard, the Tribune issued a stirring call for female votes:
Mormons thought the Americans were reviving a dead conflict for partisan gain. The Deseret Evening News claimed that the party's name should be the "Amalgamated Order of Disgruntled Office Seekers"; the party was "Turning Back the Wheels of Progress Twenty Years." The participation of Frank J. Cannon, whose past indiscretions with prostitutes and alcohol were an open secret in Mormon circles, made the party's claims of moral superiority seem particularly hypocritical. 19 In 1905, American cofounder Ezra Thompson, a former Republican mayor, won election as mayor along with American councilmen W. Mont Ferry, Arthur J. Davis, Lewis D. Martin, and Martin E. Mulvey. 20 Thompson's chief of police, George Sheets, was implicated in a bribery case. Although he was cleared, the chief resigned in July 1907; five days later, Thompson left office. 21 John S. Bransford finished Thompson's term and won reelection in 1907. Bransford, a mining partner of Thomas Kearns, seldom if ever indulged in anti-Mormon rhetoric and was respected by many Saints despite heading the American party. 22 The Smoot controversy raged throughout this period, with some Salt Lake City women's groups lining up on opposite sides. The controversy split the Utah Mothers' Assembly, which temporarily disbanded. 23 Elizabeth Cohen, former president of the Woman's Democratic Club (which included many Mormons), led the Woman's American Club in attacks on senators who supported Smoot. When Cohen accused most LDS leaders from the bishop level up of practicing plural marriage, Mormon women charged that Cohen had unsexed herself by spreading lies. 24 Mormons complained that women's groups had become "the blind tools of certain political conspirators engaged in a relentless persecution of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints ... to degrade American womanhood." 25 The anti-Smoot forces were ultimately unsuccessful, as the Senate voted in February 1907 to seat the Utahn. Many people had come to view the campaign against him as an overreaction. Polygamy was obviously declining with the death of older Mormons and the LDS leadership's purging of recalcitrant polygamists. Theodore Roosevelt's support helped turn the tide in Smoot's favor. 26 City politics continued to split along the religious divide, however. Another issue was Smoot's Republican organization. The "Federal bunch," as the Tribune named it for the number of federal offices filled by Smoot allies, regularly defeated the Americans for state and county offices, but the Americans managed to keep control in the city. One of the "Bunch's" chief tools was the Inter-Mountain Republican (later the Herald-Republican) newspaper under manager Edward H. Callister, a member of the "Federal bunch." 27 Prostitution came to play a major role in the political debates of the early twentieth century, and eventually brought the American Party to grief. The origins of the party's policy on prostitution are cloudy, but the first public notice came from the police, always the most consistent advocates of regulation. In his 1907 annual report, American-appointed chief Thomas Pitt suggested that regulation, practiced informally since the 1870s, be formalized.
Pitt's suggested district was part of a broad moral reform program that proposed limits on saloons, vagrancy, Sunday liquor sales, and gambling, and that advocated the creation of a juvenile detention home. 28 Pitt's proposal was a logical extension of previous policy. The Deseret Evening News claimed it had first surfaced during Mayor Thompson's term, with "a fellow who found out that bad houses pay an enormous interest on the investment," but Thompson turned it down. 29 Police captain John Burbidge had expressed similar views after troubles on Victoria Alley in September 1907. 30 The press response was immediate and dismissive. The Deseret Evening News declared that "nothing like it was ever before recommended by a chief of police in this city, and it is safe to say never will be again." 31 The Inter-Mountain Republican labeled the proposal a "Prison Home for Fallen Women" which the chief based on his experience as a sheepherder. The plan exposed Pitt as "brutal, nasty, vulgar, coarse, unfit for decency and he represents a party of pretended superior quality." 32 Reed Smoot's supporters seized on the idea as a political weapon. A letter to the editor of a newspaper that opposed Smoot noted that "the anti-Mormon political party, ... advocates a stockade for the fallen women of the town,—a stockade maintained by the City, within which all the bad women shall be kept—a municipal bawdy house." 33 The American's own organ also attacked the plan, foreshadowing fatal divisions in the party. The Tribune denounced the "indecent proposition" as "so absolutely grotesque and impossible as to be astounding in its hardihood and lack of common decency and moral perception, to say nothing of common sense." The American paper, however, carefully attributed the idea to Burbidge, perhaps to insulate the Bransford administration from the proposal. 34 The stockade 35 plan did not at first arouse much public interest. The Women's League (later the Women's Welfare League), a social purity group formed in February 1908, proposed a reform agenda that resembled Pitt's, except for the prostitution district. The league's directors included Lulu Shepard, who addressed the founders on "The Social Evil." Shepard made "an earnest plea for the women of the streets whose lives of shame are made still more sordid and shameful by the exorbitant rents demanded by landlords." While she did not specifically mention the stockade proposal, Shepard insisted "fifty determined men with a band of good women behind them can paralyze any tenderloin that ever existed." 36 The Tribune used the Woman's League to attack polygamy. The American paper noted that to purify the city, the women would have to overcome "a low standard of morality, an execrable rule, as to the relations of the sexes; an evil rule and a blight at the root of purity that elsewhere is not encountered." 37 The league quickly allied with the revived antipolygamy movement. Lulu Shepard introduced the league to the American Woman's Club, and the American women under their president, Elizabeth Cohen, enthusiastically joined the movement for social purity. 38 Meanwhile, the proposed district moved forward. By late May 1908, agents were quietly purchasing large sections of Block 64, between 100 and 200 South and 400 and 500 West. "A notorious woman of Ogden" reportedly led the project and invested $20,000. Mayor John Bransford did not fully explain his participation, but endorsed the plan on business, law enforcement, and moral grounds.
When the district was near completion in December, Bransford publicly revealed his role. He insisted "I would prefer to see the city in a condition where there would be no such houses at all. That is, of course, the ideal which, I am sorry to say, is at present unattainable." The mayor had visited eastern cities with three councilmen, including Mulvey, to investigate methods of regulating prostitution. Upon returning, the officials consulted with unnamed "prominent residents" and "business men of all parties and former city officials" and decided on Block 64 as the best location for a restricted district. Bransford asked Mulvey to find investors, and "we got into communication with the Ogden people [Dora Topham and her associates]." Bransford reported that he promised the investors "I would see to it that the women of the downtown district were removed to the new location." The mayor boasted that he had helped create "one of the very best regulated districts of its kind in the country." Bransford did not propose to legalize prostitution, but he was committing his administration to open defiance of the law. 40 The choice of Block 64 was both pragmatic and steered by class and ethnic biases. Councilman L. D. Martin explained that the block was already partially isolated by railroad tracks, and no children would pass it on the way to school. Besides, "most of the better class of residents were leaving that vicinity anyway, because of the influx of Italians and Japs." 41 The authorities' reasoning, however, was not publicly known when work on the district began. In June, a group of "West Side Citizens" organized to defend their neighborhood. They condemned the plan by "some of the most influential capitalists of our town" to move the tenderloin. These "poor but honest" citizens wondered how those capitalists would enjoy having their children exposed to "that class of people." 42 The group's leaders included Elias C. Ashton, an attorney, and Alice Butterworth, a grocer. The other members were mostly residents and small business people. 43 The West Siders were not necessarily against regulated prostitution. One member argued that the tenderloin should stay where it was, since "it would take half a century to put Commercial street on its feet as a business street, ... Franklin alley, Plum alley, Victoria and the other alleys now inhabited by this class, will never amount to anything." Alice Butterworth was more concerned with moral corruption:
The West Side group continued its campaign against the district for months. By the end of June, most of the details of the Stockade were publicly known. The "notorious woman from Ogden" was revealed to be Dora B. Topham, or Belle London, for two decades the leading madam in Ogden. Why officials did not choose a Salt Lake madam is unclear. Several women, including Emma DeMarr, Helen Blazes, Ada Wilson, and Beatrice "Bee" Bartlett, had been operating houses with the connivance of the authorities for years. Perhaps the district's backers felt that Topham had the political skills and financial savvy necessary to keep an illegal business thriving in the face of opposition, or perhaps the local women passed on the venture. 45 Topham created the innocuous-sounding Citizens' Investment Company to manage the project. The company issued 2,500 shares of stock, valued at $100 each, and granted the Salt Lake Security and Trust Company a trust deed for $200,000 to secure four hundred bonds of $500 each to provide the necessary capital. The corporation was virtually a one-woman show: Topham was president, treasurer, and general manager, with 1,260 shares outright and the control of 1,200 more as trustee. Four other officers received ten shares each. While the company and its officers were named in early legal actions, opponents of the district quickly focused on two targets, one political and one legal: John S. Bransford and Dora B. Topham, respectively. 46 While Bransford risked only his political future, Topham's freedom and livelihood were at stake. Construction work commenced in late summer 1908. Eventually, the district covered about one-third of block 64, from 100 to 200 South, and from about 530 to 560 West. Some existing buildings were converted into parlor houses, while others were demolished. Rows of cribs were constructed along the west, north, and east edges. The outside of the district featured stores and storage buildings, and a ten-foot wall surrounded the enclosure, with gates at the northern and southern ends (the northern gate was apparently sealed off at some point). About 150 cribs were built, although the frame partitions could easily be moved to accommodate more or fewer women. The parlor houses could accommodate between three and six women each (see figure 3). 47 Opposition intensified as construction progressed. The West Side citizens met with the city council in July but complained that the majority of the councillors either favored the scheme or claimed the council had no say in the matter. Councilman T. R. Black, representing the Fifth Ward, which included the traditional brothel district, claimed a remarkable ignorance of the social realities of his constituency: "As far as I am concerned, I do not know that [prostitutes] live here.... The mayor and the chief of police are the ones to appeal to in regard to this matter. The council has no power to order these women to remain on Commercial street any more than we have the authority to order a man to build a butcher shop when he wants to build a grocery store." 48 One of the leading proponents of the plan, in fact, was former councilman Augustus R. Carter, who sold part of the land to the Citizens Investment Company. A sitting councilman, L. D. Martin, was the architect for the project, while Martin Mulvey was among its creators and most enthusiastic boosters. 49 The man who publicly broached the idea, however, now expressed reservations. Chief Pitt declared that he could not support a district in a residential neighborhood. Why Pitt changed his mind is unclear. Publicly, he cited a desire for strict adherence to the law, which earned ridicule from those who noted that he had long tolerated prostitution. Perhaps the reason lay closer to home, as Pitt's wife was an officer in the WCTU. 50 Other organizations joined in the opposition. The city Board of Education called the district "pernicious and subversive to the interests of the school children." 51 The Women's Democratic Club protested to the council, with all councilmen present, including L. D. Martin, concurring in the protest. The Westminster Presbyterian church, located in the same block as the Stockade, also filed a complaint. 52 Some "Americans" also opposed the plan. The city's American Club understood that the district belied the party's moral pretensions and could damage it politically. The club members declared that "the principles of 'Americanism' demanded that a vigorous stand be taken for the 'purity of the home in every form' and that this was a signal opportunity to prove that they were for decency and morality." 53 They asked Republican governor John C. Cutler to rescind the charter of the Citizens' Investment Company. Cutler sharply accused the American Club of "the rankest piece of hypocrisy that has come to my attention for a long time." The governor noted that the American administration had profited from prostitution fines for three years. He called on city officials to eliminate brothels and promised the assistance of county and state officials in repressing the new district should it begin operations. 54 Salt Lake County sheriff C. Frank Emery did not wait for the new district to open. In September his sheriffs raided brothels on Commercial Street. 55 Although Emery, a Republican, denied any political motives, county and state elections were only weeks away. The Democratic Herald insisted the raid was a blatant effort to deprive the Americans of tenderloin support. 56 While the American county and state platforms denounced the Stockade, they characterized Emery's campaign as "both an imposture and a pretense, ... his purpose is not for the betterment of moral conditions, but rather to advance the interests of the political party with which he is affiliated." 57 At an American rally, one campaign sign read: "Emery's deputies are working for Belle London's cribs!" 58 The Deseret Evening News cast the elections in stark terms, urging its readers to "vote against immorality" by rejecting the American ticket. Whatever Emery's motives, the Republicans swept the 1908 elections. 59 By late December, the Stockade was ready. Chief Pitt refused to move prostitutes to the new district and stated flatly that it would not open. Bransford fired him, with the council's backing, and publicly declared his sponsorship of the new district. 60 Now that it was nearly a reality, reactions grew warmer. Many of the city's clergy sermonized against the Stockade. While two called for eradication of prostitution, another suggested a rescue home instead of a municipal brothel. W. M. Paden called prostitution and polygamy related vices that were equally "violations of the laws of God and the laws of man." Paden visited the district and noted that "if the hundred or so cubby holes, cribs or white slaves of this 'establishment' had been planned by a pimp [which, of course, they had been] they could not have been more evidently, impudently and brutally planned for the most degraded type of prostitution." An LDS leader called on Mormons "to raise their voices against the contemplated outrage." 61 The West Side citizens began legal action in November 1908, a month before the Stockade opened. A group of nearby property owners charged that the buildings being erected were suitable only for prostitution and that the area was already being referred to as "the redlight district." If the Stockade opened, the plaintiffs' property values would be adversely affected. Plaintiffs' attorneys asked for a temporary restraining order to prevent the use of the property for the purpose alleged. Judge C. W. Morse issued the order on 22 December, as the district began to fill, and made it permanent on 15 February 1909. 62 Public reaction, however, was not wholly negative. Several businessmen told the Deseret Evening News that prostitution should be segregated, preferably beyond the city's limits. The reporter may not have known that one of those businessmen was president of the bank that had loaned Topham her capital. 63 The Herald characterized the call for a crackdown on prostitutes as unchristian. As for a rescue home, the Herald reminded readers that "the 'home' experiment has been tried right here in Salt Lake.... A pest-house could not have been regarded with more horror—and this in a Christian community." 64 The Herald stopped short of endorsing the Stockade but declared that "sound policy still calls for [prostitutes'] restriction to some district where they can be kept under supervision and control." 65 That paper published two letters of support for the Stockade, one from "A WEST SIDE WOMAN." The second, signed by some fifty persons and businesses, argued that the district would clean up "vice and immorality" on West Second South Street. Some of the signatories may have believed that, but others may have expected jobs or increased business from the Stockade. 66 The press also cast the issue in Mormon-gentile terms. The Tribune condemned the Stockade and predicted that it would never open, since "powerful interests in the dominant church are vitally concerned in protecting and retaining their Commercial street tenants because of the enormous revenue derived therefrom." 67 The Telegram claimed that a district had existed for decades without Mormon opposition. 68 The Deseret Evening News replied by likening the gentile clergy's opposition to the district to the reformers of 1890 who protested the Liberal regime they had helped elect. 69 The Inter-Mountain Republican adopted the harshest tone. The Stockade promoters had "crucified John Bransford and damned the American party.... STOP! LOOK! LISTEN! Don't play further with fire!" 70 Governor Cutler said "I do not believe that it is for any financial gain that [Bransford] has taken the stand he has, and I admire the man for coming out in the open ... , but I believe he has made a mistake." 71 No newspaper called for abolition. The press seemed to imply that while regulation was the best policy, the Stockade was unacceptable because it made explicit official toleration. Some members of Bransford's administration opposed the project. City Attorney Harper J. Dininny, a founder of the American Party, promised to prosecute women in the new district. Bransford replied that "it does not make any difference to me what the opinion of the city attorney may be or what his pre-election promises may have been." 72 A historian of the Americans concludes: "For the American Party, the announcement of Mayor Bransford's considered position on the stockade was the beginning of the end." 73 The plan moved forward. On 17 December, policemen visited the city's brothels and told the managers they must close and would not be allowed to reopen. The women were reportedly not told where to go, as that would imply official approval of their illegal activities (a familiar if rather absurd pretense), but the police made clear that prostitutes could either leave town or move to the Stockade. 74 The Inter-Mountain Republican reported that Dora Topham had amassed a $25,000 fund to lure women into her brothels:
Topham offered houses to several established madams, including Cleo Starr, a keeper at 222 south State Street and Commercial Street; Madge Daniels, of the Palace and other Commercial Street addresses; Lou Sheppard, a Commercial Street veteran; Irene McDonald, of Commercial Street and Topham's Ogden brothels; and Rose Bartlett, of 243 south Main Street. 76 All but Sheppard accepted the offer. 77 Some madams refused to move. One unidentified woman defended her financial independence: "I own property here and the chief of police, the mayor nor anyone else will drive me away. I'll not go into any district or stockade and any woman who does, that is one who owns a house, is a fool. They can't bluff me. I'll stay where I am." 78 Interestingly, Salt Lake County sheriff Joseph C. Sharp cited antitrust as another reason to oppose the Stockade: "The segregated district controlled by one woman, to whom tribute is paid on all the drugs, liquors, laundry and almost everything else used by the inmates, is a monopolistic institution and wrong in theory and fact." 79 Ada Wilson apparently left town. 80 Helen Blazes leased 7 Victoria Alley to Edna Prescott (formerly of 243 south Main) in February 1908 and left the business, possibly because she foresaw the Stockade move. 81 Prescott managed 7 Victoria and 222 south State Street successively throughout the life of the new district. 82 Bee Bartlett operated 7 Victoria from early 1910 through at least June 1911, defying repeated attempts by the police and Dora Topham to force her into the Stockade. 83 The persistence of the older district testified to the desire of many women to retain some independence and control over their work. Their tenacity would prove embarrassing to the Bransford administration, which promised that one of the benefits of the Stockade would be the "cleansing" of the old district. In general, however, the Stockade period marked the end of the era of the independent house-owning brothel operator and saw the departure from the scene of a number of long-term madams. By early spring 1909, the district was in full operation. The Inter-Mountain Republican sarcastically congratulated the Americans. "The unexpected has happened. The stockade has been built. The red-light women have been ordered down there, and they are going as rapidly as the most sanguine of the promoters could have expected. The order of the court, faithfully served by the sheriff, is ignored, the injunction disregarded by the Citizens' Investment company, and the black word 'TRIUMPH!' has been written across the Kearns party's effort to make a municipal bawdy house there in the new stockade." 84 The experienced Dora Topham may have trusted the mayor's promise of protection, but she also prudently insulated herself from most direct responsibility. She acted as the overall manager and leased parlor houses to madams who furnished the brothels and procured inmates, while she apparently controlled the crib women herself. The population of the Stockade varied, but between 60 and 170 women worked there at any given time. 85 Most women evidently came from elsewhere, although a handful had worked in established houses in Salt Lake City. 86 At least one woman, Ray Woods, had long worked in a Victoria Alley crib. 87 Topham reportedly advertised for women in other cities and towns. 88 The residents of the Stockade were a heterogeneous lot. The new tenderloin, like the old, acknowledged differences in race and class. The parlor houses were generally for higher-status white prostitutes, although at least one had a black keeper and inmates and black and white women worked together in two others. Black women reportedly worked in cribs along the north side, and Japanese women on the west. 89 Two inmates were identified as "Spanish," although they probably were Latin American. The men who provided ancillary services also reflected the city's variety: Koreans, Greeks, and Japanese liquor servers; a Hungarian piano player; and Chinese opium vendors all worked in the district and sometimes lived in the parlor houses. 90 The Stockade, purpose-built for prostitution and related businesses, was considerably more self-contained and segregated from the outside world than the older district. Customers could mingle with women in the dance hall and patronize saloons, opium dens, restaurants, and cigar stores. Liquor and food storehouses ensured that those necessaries were plentiful. Dora Topham's office was located just inside the northern entrance, while a small jail cell for unruly patrons was built at the south end. "Special policemen," sometimes off-duty city patrolmen, provided security. The buildings were electrically wired for ordering food and liquor and to warn of police raids. An "immense indicator" in the main saloon tallied calls for beer at one dollar per bottle. While the Stockade had only one acknowledged entrance, with a guard to keep minors out, there were reportedly "several secret openings in the walled enclosure, known to the inmates and most of the incorrigible young males of the fair city." 91 In court and sometimes out, women talked about the conditions of employment at the Stockade. Their working lives were evidently tightly controlled, and women probably had less independence and less financial opportunity than outside the district. Topham claimed that every woman underwent a physical examination before she was hired and every ten days afterward, and that many refused or failed the exam. 92 The woman whose case eventually closed the Stockade testified that a doctor examined her but only after she had already worked one night. 93 Topham knew the high turnover rate in the prostitution trade, and therefore charged daily for rent. Ray Woods moved from a parlor house to a crib in 1910 for unknown reasons; possibly she could earn more money there by servicing more customers in a night. First she had to obtain the consent of her "landlady" to leave the house, then see "Miss Belle" to obtain a key to the crib. Woods paid $2.50 daily rent for the crib to "Mrs. Lee"; if Lee was absent, she paid Topham. Medical examinations and hospital fees cost $1 each per week. 94 A year later, parlor house inmates were reportedly paying $7 nightly for rooms and $3 a week to the physician, while crib women paid $3 a night. 95 These fees and rents were not the only expenses. Crib women were not allowed (and probably did not want) to sleep in their tiny quarters but rather occupied rooming houses surrounding the district at $5 per week, especially the Washington just outside the south entrance, which Topham owned, and the Plumas, which Mayor Bransford owned. 96 Inmates were also forced to patronize Stockade businesses. 97 One woman complained that she was constantly dunned, including for a fund to buy off the police. 98 Eva Edwards, who lived at the Plumas, told a disguised reporter that she "had to surrender most of her earnings to landladies, politicians, policemen and others." 99 In return, women enjoyed virtual immunity from arrest. Arrests for prostitution-related offenses, which numbered over one thousand in 1908, dwindled to practically nothing from 1909 through 1911. 100 City Attorney Dininny complained that Dora Topham even issued "passes" allowing inmates to solicit on outside streets without interference. When inmates began selling or giving such passes to other women, Topham told the police that her "mark of approval" would henceforth be a nontransferable piece of cloth sewn to the skirt of each Stockade woman. 101 Little wonder that the police favored the Stockade—Dora Topham had solved their old dilemma of recognizing prostitutes by providing a fail-safe visual cue. Judge Morse's injunction remained in effect throughout the Stockade's life, but enforcing it was another matter. Bransford replaced his dissenting police chief with the more amenable Samuel Barlow. 102 Barlow took no action on the injunction and effectively protected the district from prosecution for almost three years. The Republican county sheriff did attempt to enforce the injunction. County sheriffs arrested some forty Stockade women in April 1909, but few were brought to trial. County Attorney Job Lyon treated the women in accordance with traditional regulationist practice. He set bail at $10, the standard amount for prostitutes. The Republican paper accused Lyon of "introducing" Ogden's system of monthly fines and urged the authorities to ignore "the miserable women" and instead to go after "the people higher up." 103 Apparently no one seriously suggested arresting the district's patrons, nor taking legal action against the authorities who built and protected the Stockade. Just as before, women bore the brunt of legal responsibility for prostitution; the only "higher up" in real jeopardy was Dora Topham. The 1909 state legislature deliberately took aim at the Stockade by stiffening laws against owning, leasing, or acting as the agent of property used for prostitution. 104 The Civic Betterment League filed complaints under the revised law against Topham and the Citizens' Investment Company in May 1909. 105 The league, founded in 1906, included many of the city's business and political elite and addressed a variety of concerns, including civic beautification and structural reform of municipal government. Members included both advocates of regulated prostitution, such as Frank B. Stephens and W. Mont Ferry, and some dedicated to abolition. Brigham Frederick Grant of the latter faction headed a committee fighting the Stockade. Grant was a Mormon businessman, the son of Salt Lake City's first mayor, and a member of the Salt Lake Stake High Council. He had worked as a "special policeman" concentrating on disorderly rooming houses and saloons. Other committee members included Lorenzo (Lon) J. Haddock, another Mormon businessman; George Q. Morris, a Mormon officer of a stone products company; and Elias Woodruff, bishop of the LDS Fourteenth Ward. Gaurdello Brown, probation officer of the juvenile court and a Mormon, was also involved. 106 Haddock explained the group's motives for fighting the Stockade: "It is simply a case of whether Salt Lake shall be known as the most depraved city in the country with regard to its fostering and protecting the social evil or whether we shall have a city that is known as moral and decent and law abiding." 107 These men visited the district, where women solicited them. They filed dozens of complaints against individual women, the Citizens' Investment Company, and Dora Topham. At least two women were convicted on the group's testimony, but the real target remained Topham. 108 Judge Morse issued an order to show cause why she should not be cited for contempt of court for violating his injunction. 109 While these cases pended, opposition to the Stockade widened. Attendees at a June 1909 meeting in the LDS Fifteenth Ward house adopted resolutions demanding its closure and sent them to the city council, Governor William Spry, and the state attorney general. B. F. Grant acknowledged that Mayor Bransford might have had altruistic motives in establishing the Stockade, but he noted that the promised cleanup of the older district had not materialized and that even more prostitutes now worked in the city. 110 F. S. Fernstrom, an LDS member of the city council, moved that the council adopt the reformers' resolutions. He "had listened to hot air from the manageress of the Stockade, but did not at the time think that it would convert anyone to a belief that the thing should be tolerated." L. D. Martin employed the timeworn polygamy issue to defend the district. Martin told Fernstrom "your high ecclesiastics are living in violation of the laws of the country.... Suppose we insisted upon prosecuting President Smith every day, wouldn't you get tired of it?" Nevertheless, the council adopted the resolutions. 111 The American organ also rang the familiar changes on this theme. The Tribune claimed that Mormons "have a favorite vice very much akin ... to the vice of the Stockade, and yet they are the ones that are most loud-mouthed in denouncing the Stockade and all its works." Both polygamy and prostitution, "kindred forms of the same vice," needed to be abolished. 112 The Salt Lake County sheriff continued to apply pressure on the Stockade's women. On 18 June, deputies arrested thirty-one crib workers, whose bonds were fixed at $750 each, remarkably high for such a minor charge. Dora Topham reportedly refused to put up the bonds as she had in the past. The court quickly reverted to standard practice, however; the judge reduced the charges to vagrancy and gave all the women "floaters." 113 Ten days later, deputies accompanied by Lon J. Haddock and Gaurdello Brown raided the parlor houses at 3 A.M. They kicked in doors and forced windows to capture forty-two women. 114 On 29 June 1909 Dora Topham surrendered, announcing that the Stockade was closed and that all women must leave. 115 Significantly, she declared her intention to keep an office at the site. The women forced out of work scattered to rooming houses throughout the city or left Salt Lake entirely, and all furniture other than Topham's personal belongings was sold. A reporter interviewed Topham, who claimed that her motives for opening the Stockade were both altruistic and commercial.
When the Stockade apparently closed, Judge Morse dismissed the contempt of court charges against Topham. 117 The closing of the Stockade resulted from citizen pressure in the form of the betterment committee and legal pressure in the form of county prosecution. The campaign also had a strong political element. The Republicans (much stronger at the time than the Democrats) stood to gain by attacking the Stockade. Conversely, the district made the American Party potentially vulnerable. With the 1909 municipal campaign on the horizon, the Republicans vigorously employed the issue despite the closure. They opened with traditional charges of political exploitation, claiming that Martin Mulvey used the police to force "negroes and women of the under-world" to register to vote. 118 A woman in a downtown brothel reportedly confirmed the action and complained that the police demanded frequent bribes.
The Republicans expressed respect for John Bransford, who remained popular, but worried about the women in the Stockade.
The Herald-Republican insisted that the closure was a ruse and that Bransford and Topham would reopen in the event of victory. 121 Prostitution became the centerpiece of the paper's campaign. A long series of cartoons featured "The Red-Light Triplets"—Bransford, Mulvey, and Chief of Detectives George Sheets—in a variety of comic situations. The "triplets" were accused of running a "wide-open" town, with all vices tolerated. Interestingly, Topham does not appear in these cartoons, probably because she was not running for office, although in one drawing Bransford rides a horse labeled "Midnight Belle." The paper repeatedly published the mayor's December 1908 acknowledgment of his sponsorship of the Stockade in the weeks prior to the election. 122 The antiprostitution material proved ineffective, as Bransford outpolled his Democratic, Republican, and Socialist rivals combined. The Americans won all city offices save two councilmen. 123 The result may indicate not only Bransford's popularity but the depth of resentment and fear of LDS Church domination into which the Americans had tapped. The victory also showed the weakness of the Stockade as a campaign issue. Many voters probably agreed that regulation was the best solution. The Herald-Republican dropped its anti-Stockade campaign and its concern for the law and the women of the district. The paper explained that since voters had overwhelmingly chosen the Americans, that meant they supported the Stockade, so it "was a dead issue so far as the Republican party was concerned." 124 Republican charges of plans to reopen the district proved true. By March 1910, Dora Topham was back in operation, and citizens again rose in protest. The West Side committee filed a petition with the city council, which called on city officers to enforce the law. 125 Topham met the renewed action with a curious public relations campaign. She tried and failed to gain an audience with the juvenile court judge and an unnamed LDS Relief Society worker, but did meet with several unnamed "prominent Salt Lake women," one of them the wife of a Protestant minister. The party of women visited Topham's "palatial apartments" in Ogden, and the madam took them on a tour of her parlor houses and cribs. Topham also met with an unnamed juvenile court officer (Gaurdello Brown?) with whom she promised to cooperate in keeping girls under eighteen out of her brothels. She bragged to her guests that she was "the greatest woman reformer in the world," because she warned every woman of "the awful shame, degradation, and misery that is invariably the final result of seamy life in the underworld. But if, in spite of my persuading efforts toward conversion, a woman wilfully [sic] insists upon throwing her life away, then I receive her into my district." The madam personally lived a life of "absolute chastity of body and purity of soul," and she wanted her daughter to "continue the grand work that I am trying to do." The visitors claimed not to be fooled by the "mistress of satanic vice." 126 This remarkable interview raises many questions. The Deseret Evening News might have fabricated the incident for political or legal purposes, but that seems unlikely; the Deseret News was never very concerned with the Stockade. If it was authentic, Topham must have had her own reasons. The madam may have sincerely believed that she could convince reformers that she shared their goals and that her system was a practical means to minimize the harmful effects of prostitution. She showed easy fluency with the language of true womanhood and the stereotype of the fallen woman. Topham almost certainly was careful about the women she hired, especially underage girls, since enticing minors or women "of previous chaste character" into brothels carried severe penalties. Perhaps she was flaunting her ill-gotten wealth and political clout while enjoying a private laugh at the expense of her fascinated and horrified audience. Harold Ross, a young Tribune reporter who went on to found the New Yorker magazine, recalled years later that he had accompanied Topham on an inspection of the Stockade before it opened. "Belle had been represented in print as a 'friend of the fallen woman,' and so on—their benefactor. There was never a hint that she was in the game for profit and, by God, I was so young then that I fell for the publicity and assumed she was an old Methodist. I asked the old girl a lot of questions that dazed her.... She stood the high-level conversation as long as she could, and then said, 'Jesus Christ, kid, cut the honey. If I had a railroad tie for every trick I've turned x x [sic] I'd build a railroad from here to San Francisco.'" 127 The threatened campaign against Topham did not materialize. A frustrated F. S. Fernstrom pushed another in a series of resolutions ordering the police to suppress the district. 128 Chief Barlow, presumably at the mayor's orders, refused to act. City Attorney Dininny took advantage of Barlow's and Bransford's absence to launch his own campaign, nicknamed by the papers the "Stockade war." On 15 June 1910, Dininny filed nine complaints against Topham for conducting houses of prostitution and selling liquor without a license. The acting chief of police served the complaints and claimed to be dedicated to closing the district. 129 Dininny also moved against the women who sold sex. A police squad, supposedly acting on secret orders and armed with Jane Doe warrants, descended on the district but found it in darkness. The inmates had evidently been tipped off by a friendly policeman and had removed their valuables the day before, then returned and operated until 8:30 P.M. , about forty-five minutes before the raid. Patrolmen staking out the empty district arrested six women who returned to get belongings they had forgotten, but they were given "floaters." This raid set the pattern for the ersatz "war." 130 The city attorney broadened the campaign to include the embarrassing downtown brothels, resulting in the arrest of "eighteen women of the silken plane of the demimonde." 131 The prosecution of Topham ran into immediate difficulties. The jury selection process in the city court demonstrated the popularity of regulation. Several prospective jurors insisted they believed the laws should be enforced but also favored a restricted district. Chief Barlow followed instructions and claimed ignorance of the Stockade; he reportedly testified that "he knew only from hearsay" that Topham operated brothels. The jury was unconvinced that she was responsible for the liquor sales; upon her acquittal on the first charge, the others were dismissed. 132 The city fared no better on the prostitution charges. An attorney reportedly testified that he had acted as the agent for one Herman J. Mundt of Washington State, who purchased the property when the Stockade temporarily closed. Mundt, whom the attorney admitted having never met, suggested that a "Mrs. Lee" be made manager of the district. The prosecutor was unable to produce other witnesses, including prostitutes and (presumably) "Mrs. Lee," and Topham was acquitted. Topham had made it very difficult for those authorities who desired to prosecute her. Her tactics of transferring ownership, inserting a layer of management between herself and day-to-day operations, and using prostitutes' traditional anonymity and mobility had foiled legal action. 133 Dininny asked the city court justice to investigate the police for obstructing prosecution. He noted that he had issued hundreds of warrants in the weeks previous, but only the six stragglers had been arrested. Nearly all efforts to serve the warrants had come between 10:00 and 11:00 P.M. Newspaper reports confirmed that the district ran as normal until watchmen, some of them off-duty patrolmen probably in contact with police headquarters, warned of the impending raids. The district then closed and officers were unable to serve the warrants. "Five minutes after the officer had gone the lights were turned on, pianos started drumming, girls were disporting themselves and the Stockade was again running full blast." American officials, worried that Dininny would damage the party, reportedly telephoned Mayor Bransford to return to the city immediately. 134 Bransford's return ended the "war" and proved that Dininny lacked either the desire or the clout to close the district. Bransford reportedly met with Barlow, Dininny, and several councilmen, including Mulvey, who in turn conferred with Topham. They agreed to some changes: Topham was to remove herself from direct management; all cribs were to be closed; no liquor or drugs were to be sold; and all brothels outside the Stockade were to be suppressed. The city court justice's investigation of the police was delayed (later dismissed). The Herald-Republican viewed the agreement cynically: "The old ruse of 'closing the stockade' is re-enacted, for this is the second time that matters have been forced to such an issue, and in each case Belle London has announced that she will quit. Likewise, in both instances, she started up again and the stockade ran as before." 135 The last condition—the only one that would improve the Stockade's business—was the only one carried out. Police staked out Bee Bartlett's brothel at 7 Victoria Alley and reportedly took down patrons' names. The madam was convicted in city court of keeping a house of ill fame, but appealed. Barlow reported that other downtown houses would also be closed. 136 The papers claimed Topham directed the police to suppress the downtown brothels, which would give her a monopoly on prostitution. (Of course, those same sources had also condemned the Americans for allowing those houses to continue to operate.) As for the rest of the deal, the cynics were proved correct. Dora Topham remained in charge, and opened makeshift cribs in the back of the parlor houses. 137 With county elections looming, the Americans' opponents again used prostitution as a political weapon. The Deseret Evening News offered a campaign song for Chief Barlow, to the tune of "Tammany":
At the request of Governor Spry, the county sheriff launched new raids on the Stockade. Deputies arrested most of the women for vagrancy and gave them "floaters." 139 The Americans were accused of attempting to extort $225 from each remaining downtown brothel. 140 The Republicans did not, however, stress the Stockade as much in 1910 as they had a year earlier, probably because of its proven weakness as an issue. Not everyone believed that Republicans wanted the Stockade closed. B. F. Grant of the Civic Betterment League, nominally a Republican, assailed Governor Spry, a member of the "Federal bunch" and a fellow Mormon, before a Democratic audience. Grant claimed that Spry "begged" the sheriff to cancel a planned raid, then telephoned Dora Topham to assure her that she was safe. 141 Despite these charges, the Republicans swept the county offices. 142 Within ten days after the election, H. J. Dininny again attempted to prosecute the women of the Stockade. Chief Barlow again delayed serving the warrants, arguing that they had not been properly signed. Dininny accused Barlow of protecting the district and threatened legal action. 143 Mayor Bransford's use of the police to protect the Stockade drew increasing fire from within the party. An American meeting in early 1911 called on Barlow to clean up his department. Bransford himself was reportedly nearly thrown out of the party. 144 The city attorney waited until Bransford again left town in February 1911 before he tried one more time to prosecute Topham and other women. These cases proved no more successful. The city court justice ruled that the city had not proven that Topham owned the property and directed a verdict of not guilty. After three inmates were acquitted, Dininny moved that all but liquor charges be dropped, stating that "I am satisfied that we cannot secure convictions of women in the Stockade by a jury in this court. I do not know of any way but to get a grand jury to enforce the law." 145 The city council, still dominated by Americans, also attempted to force Chief Barlow to carry out his duty. The chief denied that he had impeded past prosecutions and promised to cooperate with the city attorney. 146 Bee Bartlett's appeal reached the Third District court in May 1911, and she revealed details of Topham's efforts to monopolize prostitution with the backing of the authorities. Bartlett testified that in April 1909 Chief Barlow and Tom Matthews, Dora Topham's lieutenant (and perhaps her lover) 147 visited her at 222 south State Street. While Barlow sat silently, Matthews told Bartlett that she must move to the Stockade; she refused. Another visit from Matthews and a meeting with Topham did not change her mind, and the latter warned Bartlett that she would be "pulled." Police officers admitted that Bartlett's house had been particularly targeted, while others were unmolested. While the judge upheld her conviction, her testimony convinced him that the Bransford administration illegally protected the Stockade. The court fined Bartlett one dollar, noting that "this court will not permit itself to be used as an implement to aid the police or anyone in forcing women into the stockade." 148 Change loomed that further threatened the Americans. The Civic Betterment League, like similar organizations around the country, had long argued that a commission form of government would be more efficient and businesslike. Such a change would likely doom traditional ward politicians like Martin Mulvey. The state legislature approved a commission measure to take effect on 1 January 1912. While Mayor Bransford professed to be in favor of the change, the reform tide was moving against him. 149 The same legislature passed another bill that ultimately proved fatal to the Stockade. Lawmakers strengthened Utah's pandering statute, almost certainly as a direct weapon against the district. 150 "Inveigling" or "enticing" a woman into a house of ill fame had long been a crime, although the offense depended on the woman being "of previous chaste character." 151 That clause put the onus on a woman to prove her virginity; the obvious implication was that "fallen" women were no longer of concern. Nellie Davis, a Franklin Avenue brothel keeper, was convicted of abducting a woman for the purposes of prostitution in 1895, but the case was appealed and dismissed because the woman was not "of previous chaste character." 152 The 1911 law removed the chastity provision, and provided for imprisonment for up to twenty years. On 22 July, one Helen Lofstrom invoked this law against Dora Topham. She swore a complaint that Topham did "by promises and threats, and by divers devices and schemes cause, induce, persuade and encourage one Dogney Gray, being then and there an inmate of a certain house of prostitution, to remain therein as such inmate." 153 The wording of this complaint, taken directly from the statute, would prove problematic for the prosecution. Helen Lofstrom initially told a dramatic story through the newspapers. Dogney Gray, née Lofstrom, was Helen's sixteen-year-old daughter. Helen operated a rooming house, and claimed "when I found it hard to get along in conducting a rooming house from an absolutely honorable standpoint, in which I had placed a ban on liquor or women of questionable character, I advised my daughter to find work somewhere." 154 Dogney 155 went to work at a laundry, where she met a woman later identified as Lillian Evans. Evans took Dogney to dinner on 8 May. The girl noticed that her coffee tasted bitter just before she lost consciousness. When she came to, she found herself in No. 140, the Stockade, a brothel operated by one Ethel Clifford. Her clothing was gone, and she was dressed in the Stockade uniform, described by Helen Lofstrom as "a short red dress, only to her knees, the neck was cut very low and she had red stockings. Her cheeks were covered with pink powder, her lips had been painted very red and her eye-lashes and eye-brows blackened." Dogney begged to be allowed to call her mother but was prevented from contacting anyone or leaving the Stockade. Finally she convinced Dora Topham to call Helen, who armed herself with a revolver and, accompanied by one T. J. Gray, stormed the madam's office and confronted her. When all involved lived in Ogden, Topham had reportedly broken up Lofstrom's marriage to a tailor who made uniforms for Topham's inmates. For some reason, Topham had supposedly sworn vengeance against Helen Lofstrom. The madam told her "now, I am getting even with you. I have got your daughter in a house of ill fame." Helen rescued her frantic daughter, who then married Gray, and lodged the complaint against the Stockade madam. 156 This lurid tale appears to be pure fantasy, concocted by the Lofstroms, the prosecution, or the Herald-Republican. A reporter for that paper managed to combine maternal courage with two of the era's foremost concerns—white slavery and monopoly—in a single sentence: "Bringing tears to the eyes of attorneys and spectators ... , Mrs. Helen Lofstrom, mother of the girl, told a heart-rending story of unflinching mother's love, in which she had valiantly dashed into the maw of Salt Lake's 'white slave' trust and snatched her daughter from a life of shame which enveloped her." 157 The fragmentary evidence paints a different picture. Helen Lofstrom apparently did have a history with Dora Topham in Ogden. In 1906 she rented "furnished rooms" at 250 25th Street, a house later under Topham's management. 158 At the trial, Dogney testified that Topham vaguely remembered her; she told the madam they had been acquainted in Ogden when she was a child. The Utah Supreme Court later concluded that Dogney entered the Stockade voluntarily, was allowed to come and go as she pleased, and that Topham did not even know she was there until the following day. 159 She apparently sought work there for mundane economic reasons, as she had lost her $5 per week job in a laundry strike. 160 The case against Topham boiled down to statements she had allegedly made to Dogney on 9 May 1911. Dogney had entered the Stockade the night before, and according to the Supreme Court decision "voluntarily prostituted her person to divers men, some of whom had roomed at her mother's rooming house and with whom she was acquainted." The next day she reported to Topham's office for her medical examination and met the madam. Topham thought she recognized her, but Dogney gave the madam a false name. The next few fragments of conversation were crucial. Dogney testified that she told Topham she was sixteen years old. "I asked her if I was not too young to be down there, and she said 'No, you are just the right age.' She said I was a blonde and could make good money down there; that there were several calls for blondes. She said I could make good money and I could get me some good clothes." When pressed for the exact words Topham had used, Dogney declared that the madam said "'if your mother don't object I'll buy you a nice suit of clothes and send you to Ogden,' or 'if your mother don't object she would send me to Ogden and give me some clothes.'" "A night or two thereafter" the young woman spoke to Topham in the dance hall. "'I asked her if she would telephone to my mother and she said yes. Then she told me to get in and hustle.'" A day or so later "the husband of the inmate's sister, ... who was a piano player in one of the houses, informed the defendant who the inmate was." Dogney's sister may have also been in the Stockade. She testified that Topham told her "'I don't know why your mother should have any objections for you to do a little sporting when you have had one sister down here who has been doing sporting.'" 161 Dora Topham realized the seriousness of the case against her and evidently tried to keep the Lofstroms from testifying. She reportedly sent Norman Mathews, Helen Lofstrom's piano-playing son-in-law, to Lofstrom's rooming house with an offer of money and tickets to Sweden if she disavowed Dogney's story. Lofstrom rejected the offer but may have reconsidered. Another Topham confederate approached her during the trial and was arrested. Helen Lofstrom herself was arrested, reportedly to prevent her from leaving the state, and charges were lodged against Dogney to keep her in custody. The Supreme Court suggested that Topham might have influenced the mother's and daughter's testimony. 162 Some local authorities were willing to attest to Topham's character and reform credentials. Ogden chief of police Thomas Browning reportedly testified that she had a good reputation for truth and veracity, and like Chief Barlow, "he didn't know whether she was interested in the red light district in Ogden or not." 163 If the newspapers reported his testimony accurately, Browning perjured himself, since he is recorded as having personally arrested Belle London almost a dozen times for keeping a house of prostitution. 164 A parole officer at the state industrial school claimed that he "had found Belle London always ready to help him in any way she could in getting young girls away from lives of shame." Topham herself testified that she had tried for two hours to convince Dogney not to enter the Stockade. 165 The jurors, however, had heard enough; they concluded that Dogney had been induced to remain in the Stockade. On 23 September 1911, they found Topham guilty. The verdict brought congratulations from the papers for the prosecution team and the anti-Stockade reformers. Gaurdello Brown reportedly "secured practically all of the evidence that went to convict Mrs. Topham," although his role was not further explained. 166 The anti-Stockade activists could rejoice that the "mistress of satanic vice" had finally been brought to justice. With a possible twenty-year sentence hanging over her head, Topham issued a statement on 27 September declaring that the Stockade would close permanently at noon the next day. The madam denied all wrongdoing and expressed confidence that she would be exonerated. She credited female moral reformers with her conviction and offered her assistance to purify Salt Lake City.
On 20 October, Topham was sentenced to eighteen years at hard labor. Her attorneys filed immediate notice of appeal. 168 The reforming women to whom Topham referred included the Women's Welfare League. Just before the trial, Elizabeth Cohen and Corinne Allen addressed the WCTU about the need to eradicate the Stockade. 169 Several women attended the trial, including Allen and Georgiana McMahon, president of the Utah Federation of Women's Clubs. 170 The day before Topham's announcement, Cohen chaired a meeting that resolved to work for the abolition of prostitution in the Stockade, downtown rooming houses, and cheap hotels. Elmer O. Leatherwood, the district attorney who prosecuted Topham, addressed this group. He declared that her conviction was the beginning of moral reform in the city and congratulated the women in the courtroom for influencing the verdict. Leatherwood soon declared his candidacy for mayor on a "good government" platform. 171 Topham's attribution of the Stockade's closure to the Woman's Welfare League was almost certainly disingenuous. The pandering conviction forced her to close the district, while the league had apparently become involved only after her arrest. Reformers did offer aid to the women thrown out of work and home by the closure of the Stockade. The adjutant of the Salvation Army told Dora Topham that the army would house any girls "with a determination to live decent lives." Elizabeth Cohen opened a "bureau of information and assistance" at St. Paul's Episcopal church, where she proposed to offer women help in finding employment or transportation back to their families. The Herald-Republican described the prostitutes' response in unlikely language: "The outcasts were told that Christian women were downtown waiting to receive them. The straw was grasped eagerly at first, then each asked the other: 'What can they do—these Christian women; what can they do for women whose lives have been devoted to the scarlet kimono?' Hope was killed by the question. Of the three score whose lives had been designated to the 'under half,' many would have welcomed a suggestion pointing the way to the straighter path, but what could that suggestion be?" When no inmates had visited the bureau by lunchtime, a Women's League committee headed to the Stockade. Corinne Allen, Kate Hilliard, and Ruth May Fox interviewed the inmates in Dora Topham's now-famous office, where they took down each woman's name, age, former residence, name of parents, and future plans. The reformers did not impress the Stockade women. "With ribald jests and coarse laughter, the human derelicts swarmed into the room where the three good women, on an errand of mercy and sister love, awaited them. Nor did the presence of the three motherly-looking matrons serve to awe their erring sisters into respect. The inmates of the place appeared to take delight in covert remarks of offense without openly showing their contempt for the visitors." 172 The Woman's League offered the same kind of work that the city's previous rescue homes had: domestic labor, cooking, and sewing, none of which paid well nor carried much status. The majority of women recognized the dim prospects offered and "declared their aversion to 'slaving in a kitchen for twelve or fourteen hours every day.'" One woman, who gave her age as thirty-eight, declined to be a servant but "if she could enter a home as a daughter, she might consider such a proposition. Another said she might cook for a husband, but she'd like to see herself cooking for anybody else." Dora Topham claimed to empathize with the women's predicament.
Five women accepted the committee's aid. Two were offered unspecified medical treatment, two were "placed in good homes," and one asked for help to reach her family. With the reformers offering unsatisfactory alternatives, forty women reportedly marched on the county commissioners' office and insisted they be provided with rooms. The county officials disavowed any responsibility and referred them back to the rescue committee. 174 Dora Topham faced a long prison term and had undoubtedly lost a great deal of money (although she claimed neither circumstance bothered her). The other women who had worked in the Stockade were in much less dire circumstances, and most were probably used to sudden and frequent moves. But in the short run, they faced hardships as well: no home and no income. Many had reportedly paid Topham in advance for their rent, but she refused to return any money. Reformers were not the only ones interested in their futures. One reporter watched two "white slavers" approach Topham and ask to take some of the "'prettiest' girls" to brothels in other states; Topham reminded them of her legal predicament. Hotel runners competed to offer women inexpensive lodging. Topham predicted that the women "will stream the streets and rob and plot and commit every possible crime. They ask me what they are going to do. I tell them frankly to go to the streets or do what they please." 175 Many women probably left the city, but as advocates of regulation had always warned, many others scattered to hotels and rooming houses. The rescue committee recognized its failure and looked to government for a solution, this time a coercive one. Since most of the women refused to perform respectable labor, Elizabeth Cohen and her fellow workers called on the police to force the women to return to their home towns. 176 While the committee offered little to tempt the Stockade women, it was noteworthy for a different reason. The rescue attempt united gentiles and Mormons in a common reform effort. Elizabeth Cohen and Corinne Allen had been major figures in the campaign against Reed Smoot and Mormon polygamy just a few years prior. Cohen's actions especially elicited the scorn and anger of Mormon women, while Allen's antipolygamy activism continued for decades. 177 The committee also included Mormons Ruth May Fox, a prominent leader in the Young Ladies Mutual Improvement Association, and Emily Richards. 178 The decline of polygamy conflict allowed some Mormon and gentile women to put aside their differences. Institutionalized, government-supported and -protected prostitution so egregiously violated the tenets of true and Mormon womanhood that it united erstwhile enemies and allowed respectable, middle-class Mormons and non-Mormons to feel comfortable offering rescue to fallen women. The political campaign of 1911 also brought people together. John Bransford faced a storm of criticism, including accusations that he benefited financially from the Stockade. The Herald-Republican disclosed that the mayor owned the Plumas rooming house on 200 South Street, across from the Stockade's entrance, and had refurbished it just before the district's opening to house Stockade inmates and their "macquereaux." 179 The mayor also owned a single share of stock in a company that sold a rooming house to Dora Topham, who used it to house crib workers. 180 Bransford's opponents dismissed the closure of the Stockade as the same political ruse that had fooled voters twice previously. If the Americans won, they warned, the district would open again. The continued presence of a few prostitutes within the Stockade's walls seemed to support this prediction. 181 The timing of the Topham case could not have been worse for the city's Americans, facing reelection in November. Some of their earliest supporters were now deserting. Rev. William M. Paden cited prostitution as grounds to oust Bransford. 182 The American Club resolved to work for the Stockade's abolition, while prominent party members including H. J. Dininny mulled challenges to Bransford. 183 The reform women entered the contest with a list of questions soliciting candidates' positions on the suppression of prostitution in general and a restricted district in particular. 184 Bransford grudgingly replied that he would bow to the reformers' will. 185 The reform women endorsed E. O. Leatherwood for mayor. 186 While the Tribune dismissed him as the "Federal bunch" candidate, 187 Senator Reed Smoot was cautious. Smoot was confident that the Americans were doomed, but he cautioned E. H. Callister to ease the attacks on Bransford in the Herald-Republican "as I believed it was creating sympathy for him." The emergence of a "Citizen's Non-Partisan" ticket, headed by Samuel R. Park, a gentile businessman, further complicated the situation. Smoot advised Callister to wait until the primaries, and then support whichever ticket emerged opposite the Americans. Perhaps because of antipathy toward Elizabeth Cohen, the senator advised two women not to support any ticket "proposed by the Woman's Purity League." 188 Samuel Park defeated Leatherwood and faced Bransford in the general election. Republicans supported Park and again accused the Americans of colonizing voters and coercing prostitutes' votes. 189 If true, those efforts were in vain. According to the Herald-Republican, on 7 November 1911 the city was "Redeemed From Bransford Rule by a Great Avalanche of Ballots." The paper did not mention the Stockade in its congratulatory editorial, perhaps an indication that the issue had been a tactical expedient. The Deseret Evening News exulted "NOW FOR PEACE, PROGRESS AND REFORM," since the victory had eliminated "religious strife" from local politics. Predictably, the Tribune saw "THE CHURCH VICTORIOUS." The American Party would never again be a major force in Utah politics. 190 Meanwhile, Dora Topham's appeal proceeded. Her attorneys complained of the confluence of law, politics, and reform that they claimed had led to her conviction. Several of the major players in the trial had close political ties. Judge Frederick Loofbourow was the ex-chairman of the Republican city committee and part of the convention that nominated District Attorney Leatherwood for mayor. Senator Reed Smoot met with Loofbourow, Leatherwood, Governor Spry, Herald-Republican manager Callister, and Sheriff Sharp shortly before the trial began to, in Smoot's words, plan "the best way to handle the coming city election as far as the Republican Party is concerned." No evidence suggests they discussed the trial. The Women's Welfare League also figured in Topham's appeal. Another affidavit noted that Loofbourow had invited "fifteen or twenty" women, including Corinne Allen, to sit within the bar of the court in sight of the jury, prejudicing the case against the madam. Yet another affidavit complained of Leatherwood's statement to the league that the reformers' presence contributed to Topham's conviction. The Supreme Court apparently did not credit these implications of conflict of interest or undue influence. 191 The madam's optimism proved well-founded, however. On 4 May 1912, the Utah Supreme Court reversed her conviction. The court ruled that the information (based on the statute's precise wording) did not spell out the alleged crime in sufficient detail that Topham could prepare an adequate defense. The court further held that Topham's promise to get Dogney new clothes was based solely on her mother's approval and did not constitute an inducement. 192 While some people feared that Topham's victory could mean the reopening of the Stockade, the city and county authorities declared they would not tolerate it. 193 The Tribune took the overturned verdict philosophically. "Salt Lake City has suffered nothing, ... either morally or in any other way, by the ruling of the Supreme Court; but the law has been vindicated, and definite public effort in morality and penalty has been crowned. The chief offender has not been punished, true, but she is not in the least likely to repeat her offensive efforts within the jurisdiction of the Third District Court. The proposition or scheme for a red-light district in Salt Lake is absolutely dead." 194 The Herald-Republican expressed remarkable respect for Topham's managerial skills and suggested that just as a prostitute could reform through respectable work, Topham could also reform—indeed, had a duty to reform—through legitimate commercial enterprise. "Mrs. Topham is an extremely clever woman.... She is known to have executive ability of a high order, to be gifted with business acumen above that of many men and of most women. Should she turn her talents to legitimate use she could accomplish much constructive work that would be of benefit to society, and it behooves her to remember that, because of her ability, much is required of her." 195 Dora Topham returned to her properties in Ogden, although she quietly continued to lease a brothel in the southwest corner of the Stockade until early 1913. 196 By 1920, she was living in California under another name. 197 The Stockade did not reopen, although a few women were occasionally arrested in buildings there. 198 Dora Topham had played an unwitting role in reconciling old antagonisms in Salt Lake City and in creating a new reform alliance. The campaign against the Stockade resembled other contemporary fights against urban problems such as political machines and corrupt franchises. Regulated prostitution, however, could be put to rhetorical uses that other issues could not. A reformer could not, for example, easily argue that a suspect streetcar franchise was inherently immoral, or that it violated the sanctity of the Christian home. By particularly targeting prostitution, however, a progressive LDS reformer like B. F. Grant could draw on a traditional and widely respected (if often impotent) body of argument about prostitution's violation of the Victorian and Mormon moral codes. By this process he gained powerful allies among the gentile clergy and other opponents of prostitution like Elizabeth Cohen and Lulu Shepard. The alliance between progressives and moralists could then mobilize public opinion through the popular press, and more importantly effective legal action through the courts, to abolish the Stockade. By firmly associating John Bransford's administration with regulated prostitution (and conveniently ignoring the long tradition of that practice before the Americans took office), opponents united moralists with progressive supporters of commission government and prohibition across religious, political, and gender lines in a moral reform effort that for some also served political ends. The victory must have been particularly sweet for Mormons. Reversing the gentiles' use of polygamy as a political tool against them in the 1880s, Mormons had used accusations of immorality to help defeat anti-Mormonism. In effect, B. F. Grant and his betterment committee succeeded where B. Y. Hampton's clumsy effort had failed. However expedient it might have been for some, the antiprostitution alliance represented both a real sense of reconciliation between Mormons and gentiles and a mutual moral vindication. The "Second Manifesto," the LDS Church's vigorous purge of recalcitrant polygamists, and the inevitable passing of the older generation convinced most people that polygamy would soon be part of the Mormon past. 199 Some of polygamy's staunchest opponents conceded that the mainstream LDS Church was leaving the practice behind. 200 The American Party (with help from its opponents) had discredited anti-Mormonism based on claims of gentile moral superiority. Since some gentiles had joined in the fight against prostitution, they no longer appeared hypocritical and unfair in the eyes of Mormons. After 1911, "prostitution" lost its rhetorical value as a weapon in a war over comparative morality that appeared over. As plural marriage gradually (and never wholly) faded as an issue of contention, many conservative gentiles and Mormons realized they shared much of the same moral code, and many of the same concerns about the changing morality of young people. In effect, they worried about the preservation of what historian Mark Connelly calls "the code of civilized morality": an insistence on premarital chastity, an emphasis on companionate marriage, an abhorrence for extramarital sexuality (especially prostitution), and respect for the pure, selfless wife and mother within the Christian home. 201 Historian Joan Iversen notes that the first federal morals legislation was the Morrill Anti-Bigamy Act of 1862, deliberately aimed at Mormon polygamy. 202 The Saints stoutly resisted federal pressure to change their marital system until the government brought effective coercive measures to bear by 1890. After the turn of the century, however, many Mormons welcomed and helped lead state-sponsored efforts to eradicate prostitution, ban alcohol, and curb immoral recreation. The conviction of Dora B. Topham and the defeat of the Americans marked the beginning of the end of regulated prostitution in Salt Lake City. While some future governments practiced regulation, no administration dared to openly plan and help build a district and then use its police force to protect its operations. The turn away from regulation made it harder for those women who sold sex. Although reporters and reformers often deplored the supposed plight of the exploited women in the Stockade and those thrown onto the streets by its closure, they offered few realistic alternatives to prostitution. When women rejected those alternatives and continued to sell sex in unregulated venues, most respectable citizens viewed them as a dangerous plague to be eliminated. Inspired by the reform climate sweeping the nation, self-styled progressives turned to campaigns to stamp out all forms of urban immorality. Ironically, reformers would also discover that without a regulated district and its easily identifiable inhabitants, the control of prostitution would become even more complex and difficult. Notes1. On Roberts, see the previous chapter and Merrill, Reed Smoot, pp. 13-16. 2. On Kearns, see Larsen, "Life of Thomas Kearns," pp. 57, 7See also Malmquist, First 100 Years, pp. 178-205; Merrill, Reed Smoot, pp. 17-18. 3. Holsinger, "For God and the American Home"; Merrill, Reed Smoot, pp. 18-22. 4. For the ministers' protest, see Salt Lake City Herald, 24 Nov. 1902, in JH, 24 Nov. 1902. On Smoot and polygamy, see Merrill, Reed Smoot, pp. 37-39, and 56-59; and Brudnoy, "Of Sinners and Saints." 5. Larsen, "Life of Thomas Kearns," pp. 110-14; and Malmquist, First 100 Years, pp. 238-41. 6. U.S. Congress, Senate, Proceedings Before the Committee on Privileges and Elections of the United States Senate in the Matter of the Protests Against the Right of Hon. Reed Smoot, A Senator from the State of Utah, to Hold His Seat, 1:1; cited in Merrill, Reed Smoot, p. 30. 7. Iversen, Antipolygamy Controversy, pp. 186-87; Salt Lake City Deseret Evening News, 29 July 1899, in JH, 29 July 1899; and Roberts, Comprehensive History: Century I, 6:390. For Paden, see Iversen, Antipolygamy Controversy, pp. 188-89. 8. Salt Lake City Daily Tribune, 13 Jan. 1891. 9. Tribune, 26 Mar. 1897. 10. Tribune, 24 Jan. 1896, 8 Feb. 1898, 18 Jan. 1899, 8 Feb. 1900. 11. Herald, 20, 30 Dec. 1902. See also chap. 3. 12. Merrill, Reed Smoot, pp. 47-50; Callister, "Political Career of Edward Henry Callister," p. 55; and Iversen, Antipolygamy Controversy, p. 216. On the "Second Manifesto," see Alexander, Mormonism in Transition, pp. 64-65; Quinn, Mormon Hierarchy: Extensions of Power, pp. 182, 193-94; and Quinn, "LDS Church Authority and New Plural Marriages." 13. For the Utah Mothers' Assembly/Congress, see "Minutes of Utah State Mothers' Congress," 1898-1902, USHS. For membership, see pp. 4-19; for constitution, pp. 22-23. 14. Iversen, Antipolygamy Controversy, pp. 216-17. 15. Tribune, 15 Sept. 1904. On the creation of the party, see R. Snow, "American Party in Utah," pp. 60-78. 16. Larsen, "Life of Thomas Kearns," pp. 123-25; Malmquist, First 100 Years, pp. 236-38; K. Godfrey, "Frank J. Cannon"; Tribune, 15 Mar. 1905; and chap. 2 of this study. See also F. Cannon and O'Higgins, Under the Prophet in Utah. 17. Tribune, 29 Sept. 1904; and R. Snow, "American Party in Utah," p. 87. 18. Tribune, 10 Oct. 1904. 19. Deseret Evening News, 15, 17 Sept. 1904. For accusations against Cannon, see Salt Lake City Herald-Republican, 7, 21 Apr. 1911. 20. Tribune, 18 Oct., 7, 8 Nov. 1905. 21. Herald, 3, 10 Jan. 1906, 1, 6 Aug. 1907; and R. Snow, "American Party in Utah," pp. 154-57. 22. Alexander and Allen, Mormons and Gentiles, p. 142; Larsen, "Life of Thomas Kearns," pp. 23, 133-34; Herald, 14 Aug., 6 Nov. 1907. 23. Iversen, Antipolygamy Controversy, pp. 247-48. 24. Tribune, 18 Oct. 1906, in JH, 16 Oct. 1906; Deseret Evening News, 27 May 1908, in JH, 27 May 1908; and Tribune, 2 June 1906, in JH, 2 June 1906. For the Mormon response, see Deseret Evening News, 15 June 1908. 25. Deseret Evening News, 22 June 1905, in JH, 22 June 1905. 26. Merrill, Reed Smoot, pp. 96-99; Iversen, "Masculine Backlash, 1903-1912," chap. in Antipolygamy Controversy. 27. On the "Federal bunch," see Merrill, Reed Smoot, pp. 177-86; Callister, "Political Career of Edward Henry Callister," pp. 45-49; and Thompson, "Utah's Struggle for Prohibition," p. 6. For the founding of the Salt Lake City Inter-Mountain Republican, see Callister, p. 70. On the merging of the Herald and the Inter-Mountain Republican, see Callister, p. 73, and Herald-Republican, 14 Aug. 1909. 28. Annual Message of the Mayor with the Annual Reports of the Officers of Salt Lake City, Utah, for the year 1907, p. 375. 29. Deseret Evening News, 21 Aug. 1908, in JH, 21 Aug. 1908. 30. See Herald, 5, 6 Sept. 1907. Chief Roderick McKenzie expressed almost identical sentiments; see Herald, 7 Sept. 1907. 31. Deseret Evening News, 21 Jan. 1908. 32. Inter-Mountain Republican, 21, 23 Jan. 1908. 33. LeRoy Armstrong to the editor, apparently of the Chicago Interior, 8 Feb. 1908, Mormonism file, Westminster College Archives. See also Merrill, Reed Smoot, pp. 91, 179. 34. Tribune, 22 Jan. 1908. 35. The first use of "stockade" which I could locate was Inter-Mountain Republican, 23 Jan. 1908. See also McCormick, "Red Lights in Zion." 36. Herald, 21 Feb. 1908; Tribune, 21 Feb. 1908. 37. Tribune, 22 Feb. 1908. 38. Herald, 3 Mar. 1908. 39. Herald, 30 May 1908. 40. Herald, 8 Dec. 1908. 41. Herald, 10 Dec. 1908. A similar quote appears almost verbatim in McCormick, "Red Lights in Zion," p. 178. McCormick, however, identifies the speaker as Councilman Martin Mulvey, speaking of "Italians and Greeks"; he cites the Herald, 18 Dec. 1908, p. 2. The proposed district was in the heart of "Greektown"; see Papanikolas, "Exiled Greeks." 42. Herald, 7 June 1908. 43. Herald, 12 June 1908; Inter-Mountain Republican, 12 June 1908; and Polk, Salt Lake City Directory (1907). 44. Herald, 12 June 1908. 45. Tribune, 27 June 1908; and Herald, 27, 29 June 1908. The first mention of Topham found was Ogden Police Court, "Justice's Docket, 1889," 14 Aug. 1889, p. 387. According to the 1900 census, Topham was born in Illinois in 1866. See U.S. Bureau of the Census, Twelfth Census (1900), Weber County, Enumeration District No. 187, sheet 8, line 1. See also U.S. Bureau of the Census, Thirteenth Census (1910), Weber County, Enumeration District No. 226, sheet 8, line 69; and Polk, Ogden City Directory (1903-16); Barnes, "Ogden's Notorious 'Two-Bit Street,'"; Twenty-fifth Street, vertical file, Archives and Special Collections, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, Utah. Topham may have worked in Denver: "Belle London" reportedly operated a house in Denver called the "Fashion" at some point in the 1880s or 1890s; Topham managed a house in Ogden called the "Fashion." See Parkhill, Wildest of the West, p. 15. See also Held, Most, p. 100. 46. Articles of Incorporation of the Citizens Investment Company, file no. 6976, Corporation Files, Salt Lake County Clerk; Plaintiff's Exhibit C, State of Utah v. Citizens Investment Company, case no. 2135 (3d dist. criminal case files, 1909). For the trust deed, see SLCR, "Book of Mortgages" 6J, trust deed, pp. 108-12, 25 June 1908. The bonds bore the date 20 June 1908, came due on 1 July 1918, and paid 10 percent annually. 47. See "Fire Insurance Map of Salt Lake City, 1911"; Herald, 24 July, 13, 20 Aug. 1908; and U.S. Bureau of the Census, Thirteenth Census (1910), Salt Lake County, Enumeration District No. 120, sheets 13B, 15A, 15B, supplemental. 48. Herald, 11 July 1908. 49. Herald, 30 May, 27, 29 June 1908; and Tribune, 27 June 1908. 50. Herald, 30 May, 27 June, 3 July 1908. For Mrs. Thomas D. Pitt, see Herald, 15 Mar. 1908; and Herald-Republican, 16 Oct. 1909. 51. Herald, 6 Sept. 1908. 52. For the Democratic Club petition, see petition number 1031, "Salt Lake City Council Minutes," p. 642, 14 Sept. 1908. For the Westminster protest, see Herald, 14 Sept. 1908. 53. Herald, 9 Sept. 1908. 54. For the letter to Cutler, see Herald, 13 Sept. 1908. For his response, see John C. Cutler to Trustees of "American" Club of Utah, 12 Sept. 1908, in Herald, 14 Sept. 1908. 55. Deseret Evening News, 23 Sept. 1908, in JH, 23 Sept. 1908; Herald, 24, 25, 26, 29 Sept., 8 Oct. 1908; and Deseret Evening News, 25 Sept. 1908. 56. Herald, 9 Oct. 1908. 57. For the American county and state platforms, see Herald, 29 Sept. 1908. 58. Deseret Evening News, 31 Oct. 1908, cited in R. Snow, "American Party in Utah," p. 187. 59. Deseret Evening News, 31 Oct. 1908; Herald, 4 Nov. 1908; and R. Snow, "American Party in Utah," p. 190. 60. Herald, 8, 9, 15 Dec. 1908; Inter-Mountain Republican, 8 Dec. 1908; Deseret Evening News, 8 Dec. 1908; and Tribune, 9 Dec. 1908. 61. See Deseret Evening News, 14 Dec. 1908. For Paden, see Herald, 14 Dec. 1908. 62. Exhibit "A," John Lloyd et al. v. Dora P. [sic] Topham et al., case no. 10741 (3d district civil case files, 1909). See also Herald, 15 Nov. 1908; Deseret Evening News, 22 Dec. 1908; Herald, 23 Dec. 1908; Inter-Mountain Republican, 29, 31 Dec. 1908; Herald, 13, 14, 15 Jan. 1909; Inter-Mountain Republican, 13, 14 Jan. 1909; Deseret Evening News, 13 Jan. 1909, in JH, 13 Jan. 1909. 63. The banker was Frank McGurrin. See Deseret Evening News, 9 Dec. 1908; Polk, Salt Lake City Directory (1908). 64. Herald, 15 Dec. 1908. 65. Herald, 9 Dec. 1908. 66. Herald, 13 Dec. 1908; Polk, Salt Lake City Directory (1908). 67. Tribune, 9 Dec. 1908. The paper undoubtedly referred to the Clayton Investment Company, the successor to the Brigham Young Trust Company; see Brigham Young Trust Company Records, file no. 853, Corporation Files, Salt Lake County Clerk. 68. Salt Lake City Telegram, 12 Dec. 1908, in JH, 12 Dec. 1908. 69. Deseret Evening News, 16 Dec. 1908, in JH, 16 Dec. 1908. 70. Inter-Mountain Republican, 17 Dec. 1908, in JH, 17 Dec. 1908. 71. Inter-Mountain Republican, 22 Dec. 1908. 72. Herald, 9 Dec. 1908. 73. R. Snow, "American Party in Utah," p. 193. 74. Deseret Evening News, 18 Dec. 1908; Tribune, 18 Dec. 1908; Herald, 18 Dec. 1908; and Inter-Mountain Republican, 19 Dec. 1908. 75. Inter-Mountain Republican, 19 Dec. 1908. 76. See subpoenas in Lloyd et al. v. Topham et al., and Inter-Mountain Republican, 14 Jan. 1909. For McDonald in Ogden, see Ogden Police, "Arrest Records, 1902-1904," 17 May 1902, p. 11. 77. For Starr, McDonald, and Daniels in the Stockade, see Herald, 28 June 1909. Starr returned to 222 south State Street; see Herald-Republican, 25 June 1910. For Bartlett, see State v. Dora Topham, case no. 2710 (3d dist. criminal case files, 1911). 78. Quote from Deseret Evening News, 18 Dec. 1908. See also Inter-Mountain Republican, 20 Dec. 1908. 79. Deseret Evening News, 7 May 1912. 80. See Lloyd et al. v. Topham et al.; Inter-Mountain Republican, 13 Jan. 1909; Deseret Evening News, 13 Jan. 1909. 81. Helen Smith v. H. J. Robinson et al., case no. 11444 (3d dist. civil case files, 1909); and Herald, 6, 9 June 1909. 82. Deseret Evening News, 9 Mar. 1911; 27 May 1910. For Prescott at 243 south Main, see Rose Bartlett v. Edna Prescott, case no. 10905 (3d dist. civil case files, 1909); for 7 Victoria, see Deseret Evening News, 13 Jan. 1909 and Helen Smith v. H. J. Robinson et al.; for 222 State, see Salt Lake City v. Edna Prescott, case no. 2979 (3d dist. criminal case files, 1912). 83. U.S. Bureau of the Census, Thirteenth Census (1910), Salt Lake County, Enumeration District No. 145, sheet 2b, line 61; Herald-Republican, 25 May, 10 June 1911. 84. Inter-Mountain Republican, 18 Apr. 1909. 85. Herald, 1 July 1909; Inter-Mountain Republican, 16 June 1909; Herald-Republican, 5 Aug. 1911; and U.S. Bureau of the Census, Thirteenth Census (1910), Salt Lake County, Enumeration District No. 120, sheets 13B, 15A, 15B, supplemental. 86. Only five women have been identified before and in the Stockade: Irene McDonald, a brothel keeper; see Salt Lake City Court Criminal Division, "Minute Book, 1908," 22 Apr. 1908, p. 155; 24 Aug. 1908, p. 364; 1 Oct. 1908, p. 428; and Herald, 28 June 1909. Florence or Flossie Devine; Salt Lake City Court Criminal Division, "Minute Book, 1908," 3 Aug. 1908, p. 331; Herald, 27 May 1909. Bessie Richmond, U.S. Bureau of the Census, Thirteenth Census (1910), Salt Lake County, Enumeration District No. 120, sheet 15A, line 35; Salt Lake City Court Criminal Division, "Minute Book, 1908," 2 July 1908, p. 280. Lillie Wilson, U.S. Bureau of the Census, Thirteenth Census (1910), Salt Lake County, Enumeration District No. 120, supplemental, line 7; Salt Lake City Court Criminal Division, "Minute Book, 1908," 26 Feb. 1908, p. 76. Ray Woods, see below. 87. For arrests of Woods, see Salt Lake City Court Criminal Division, "Minute Book, 1905," 23 Jan. 1905, p. 37; 21 Aug. 1905, p. 479; 20 Dec. 1905, p. 746; Salt Lake City Court Criminal Division, "Minute Book, 1908," 24 Apr. 1908, p. 157; 16 June 1908, p. 252; 17 July 1908, p. 302. For Woods on Victoria Alley, see State of Utah v. Ray Woods, case no. 1843 (3d dist. criminal case files, 1907). See also Deseret Evening News, 12, 14 July 1910; and Herald-Republican, 15 Sept. 1910. 88. Deseret Evening News, 15 June 1909, in JH, 15 June 1909; Inter-Mountain Republican, 16 June 1909; Herald, 16 June 1909; and Herald-Republican, 30 Sept. 1911. 89. For the black inmates and keeper, see Herald-Republican, 4 Sept. 1910; for houses with black and white women, see U.S. Bureau of the Census, Thirteenth Census (1910), Salt Lake County, Enumeration District No. 120, sheets 13B, lines 53-55; 15A, lines 24-28; 15B, lines 69-71. For the cribs, see Deseret Evening News, 18 Dec. 1908; Inter-Mountain Republican, 16, 24 May 1909. 90. For the "Spanish" inmates, see Herald, 11 Apr. 1909, and U.S. Bureau of the Census, Thirteenth Census (1910), Salt Lake County, Enumeration District No. 120, sheet 15A. For Korean, Greek, and Japanese liquor servers, see Herald-Republican, 8 July 1910; and Deseret Evening News, 12 July 1910. For the Hungarian piano player, see Deseret Evening News, 13 Jan. 1909, in JH, 13 Jan. 1909. For Chinese opium sellers, see Herald-Republican, 16, 17, 18, 20 July 1911. For men in Stockade houses, see U.S. Bureau of the Census, Thirteenth Census (1910), Salt Lake County, Enumeration District No. 120, sheets 13B, lines 32, 38; 15A. 91. This description is taken from a number of sources; conditions probably changed over time. The "Fire Insurance Map of Salt Lake City, 1911," shows stores and storehouses outside of the district but does not specify their purposes. For Topham's office, see Polk, Salt Lake City Directory (1910). For the dance hall, see Herald-Republican, 5 May 1912. For saloons and restaurants, see Inter-Mountain Republican, 23 May 1909. For the "immense indicator," see Inter-Mountain Republican, 22 May 1909. For opium dens, see Herald-Republican, 16, 17, 18 July 1911. For the liquor and food storehouses and "indicators and bells," see Herald-Republican, 7 July 1910. For the jail, see Deseret Evening News, 18 Dec. 1908. For the "special policemen," see Herald-Republican, 8 July 1910; 16 May 1911. For the "secret openings," see Held, Most, pp. 100-101. 92. Herald, 1 July 1909. 93. State v. Topham, case no. 2710. 94. Deseret Evening News, 12 July 1910. 95. Herald-Republican, 5, 17 Aug. 1911. 96. Inter-Mountain Republican, 22 May 1909; Deseret Evening News, 24 May 1910; Herald-Republican, 30 Aug. 1910, 12, 13 Aug. 1911; and U.S. Bureau of the Census, Thirteenth Census (1910), Salt Lake County, Enumeration District No. 120, sheets 13B, 15A, supplemental. 97. Herald-Republican, 5 Aug. 1911. 98. Herald-Republican, 24 May 1910. 99. Herald-Republican, 13 Aug. 1911. 100. For 1908 figures, see Annual Message of the Mayor with the Annual Reports of the Officers of Salt Lake City, Utah, for the year 1908, p. 485. In 1909, two persons were convicted for keeping; eight for prostitution, and ten for resorting; see Annual Reports, 1909, p. 23. In 1910, three persons were arrested for keeping; three for prostitution; and three for resorting; see Annual Reports, 1910, pp. 15-16. In 1911, twelve were arrested for keeping (ten for "allowing house of ill fame on premises"); eight for prostitution; and two for resorting; see Annual Reports, 1911, pp. 16-17, 334. In 1912, after the closure of the Stockade, seventy-nine prosecutions were made for keeping; eighteen for prostitution; and 184 for resorting. Chief B. F. Grant usually charged prostitutes with vagrancy; 1,680 vagrants were prosecuted. See Annual Reports, 1912, p. 89. 101. Herald-Republican, 27, 28 Aug. 1911. 102. Herald, 22 Dec. 1908; Deseret Evening News, 23 Dec. 1908, in JH, 23 Dec. 1908. 103. Herald, 11 Apr. 1909; Tribune, 17 Apr. 1909, in JH, 17 Apr. 1909; and Inter-Mountain Republican, 16 May 1909. Quotes from Inter-Mountain Republican, 18 May 1909. 104. "An Act to Amend Section 4251, Compiled Laws of Utah, 1907, Relating to Owning or Renting Buildings, Keeping, Residing in, or Resorting to Houses of Ill-fame," in Laws of the State of Utah, Passed at the Eighth Regular Session of the Legislature. For debate on this bill, see Herald, 13 Mar. 1909; and Inter-Mountain Republican, 13 Mar. 1909. 105. State of Utah v. Citizens Investment Company, cases no. 250, 251, 2135, and 2152 (3d dist. criminal case files, 1909); State of Utah v. Dora B. Topham, cases no. 2146 and 2147 (3d dist. criminal case files, 1909); Inter-Mountain Republican, 23, 29 May 1909; Herald, 23 May, 5, 13 June 1909; and Deseret Evening News, 1 June 1909, in JH, 1 June 1909. 106. See Polk, Salt Lake City Directory (1908); Deseret Evening News, 28 June 1902, in JH, 28 June 1902; and Inter-Mountain Republican, 19, 20 May 1909. On the Improvement/Betterment League/Union, see Alexander and Allen, Mormons and Gentiles, pp. 142-50, 155, 164-72; Herald, 8 Apr. 1906. For Stephens, see Herald, 17 Mar. 1908. For Grant and Woodruff, see Appendix G, "High Council of Salt Lake Stake, 1847-1972"; and Appendix H, "List of Wards of Salt Lake Stake with their Bishops, 1847-1972," in Hilton, Story of Salt Lake Stake. 107. Inter-Mountain Republican, 18 May 1909. 108. Inter-Mountain Republican, 21, 22, 25 May 1909. 109. "Order to Show Cause," 27 May 1909, in Lloyd et al. v. Topham et al. 110. Deseret Evening News, 15 June 1909, in JH, 15 June 1909; Inter-Mountain Republican, 16 June 1909; and Herald, 16 June 1909. 111. Herald, 22 June 1909. 112. Tribune, 25 June 1909, in JH, 25 June 1909. 113. Herald, 19, 20 June 1909. 114. Herald, 28 June 1909. 115. Herald, 30 June 1909; and Inter-Mountain Republican, 30 June 1909, in JH. See also Tribune, 30 June 1909, in JH. 116. Herald, 1 July 1909. 117. Herald, 7 July 1909. 118. Herald-Republican, 13 Oct. 1909; see also 16 Oct. 119. Herald-Republican, 19 Oct. 1909. 120. Herald-Republican, 16 Oct. 1909. 121. Herald-Republican, 20 Oct., 1 Nov. 1909. 122. For the p. 1 cartoons, see Herald-Republican, 17, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 27 Oct. 1909. "Midnight Belle" appears on 20 Oct. For Bransford's statements, see Herald-Republican, 17, 20, 25, 26 Oct. 1909. 123. R. Snow, "American Party in Utah," p. 201. For election results, see R. Snow, pp. 209-11; and Herald-Republican, 3 Nov. 1909. 124. Herald-Republican, 24 Sept. 1910. 125. Deseret Evening News, 2 Mar. 1910, in JH, 2 Mar. 1910; J. W. Ure et al., petition no. 228, "Salt Lake City Council Minutes," p. 143, 7 Mar. 1910; and Herald-Republican, 12, 13, 18 Mar. 1910. 126. Deseret Evening News, 19 Mar. 1910, in JH, 19 Mar. 1910. 127. Harold Ross to John Held, Jr., undated, Held Papers, Archives of American Art, in Carmack, "Before the Flapper," p. 317. See also Rosen, Lost Sisterhood, p. 102. 128. Herald-Republican, 22 Mar. 1910. 129. Herald-Republican, 16, 18, 22 June 1910; Deseret Evening News, 16 June 1910; and Deseret Evening News, 22 June 1910, in JH, 22 June 1910. 130. Herald-Republican, 24, 25 June 1910. 131. Herald-Republican, 25, 26, 27 June 1910; quote from 25 June. See also Deseret Evening News, 27 June 1910, in JH, 27 June 1910. 132. Deseret Evening News, 6, 7, 8 July 1910; and Herald-Republican, 7, 8, 9 July 1910. Barlow quote is from 8 July. 133. Herald, 30 June 1909; Deseret Evening News, 12, 13 July 1910; Herald-Republican, 13 July 1910; 10 Feb. 1912. On the mobility of present-day prostitutes, see James, "Mobility as an Adaptive Strategy." 134. Herald-Republican, 14 July 1910. For Dininny's affidavit, see Herald-Republican, 17 July 1910. For the warnings, see Deseret Evening News, 14 July 1910; quote from Herald-Republican, 15 July 1910. 135. Herald-Republican, 23 July 1910. See also Herald-Republican, 8 Sept. 1910; Deseret Evening News, 22 July 1910. 136. State v. B. Bartlett, case no. 2482 (3d dist. criminal case files, 1911); Deseret Evening News, 1 Aug. 1910; and Herald-Republican, 1 Aug. 1910. 137. Herald-Republican, 9, 19, 21 Aug. 1910; Deseret Evening News, 3 Sept. 1910. 138. Deseret Evening News, 21 Oct. 1910. 139. Deseret Evening News, 18 Oct. 1910. See also Herald-Republican, 19, 20 Oct. 1910. 140. Herald-Republican, 5 Nov. 1910. 141. Tribune, 6 Nov. 1910, in JH, 6 Nov. 1910. See also Deseret Evening News, 4 Nov. 1910, in JH, 4 Nov. 1910. 142. R. Snow, "American Party in Utah," pp. 126-27; and Herald-Republican, 9 Nov. 1910. 143. Herald-Republican, 18, 21 Nov. 1910. 144. R. Snow, "American Party in Utah," pp. 238-39; and Herald-Republican, 20 Jan., 2 Feb. 1911. 145. Salt Lake City v. Dora B. Topham et al., case no. 2640 (3d dist. criminal case files, 1911); Herald-Republican, 9, 18 Feb., 7, 8, 10, 12 Mar. 1911; and Deseret Evening News, 9, 10 Mar. 1911. Quote from Herald-Republican, 10 Mar. 1911. 146. Herald-Republican, 24 Mar. 1911. For the resolutions, see "Salt Lake City Council Minutes," p. 205, 3 Apr. 1911; Herald-Republican, 14, 25, 31 Mar., 4 Apr. 1911. 147. Herald-Republican, 27 May 1911. See also chap. 2. 148. State v. B. Bartlett; Herald-Republican, 25, 26, 27 May, 10 June 1911. Quote from 10 June. 149. Herald, 27 Sept. 1906; 27 Feb. 1907; Herald-Republican, 21 Mar. 1911. See also Humphrey, "Commission Government in Salt Lake City"; Reed Smoot to Ed Callister, 26 Dec. 1910; quoted in Callister, "Political Career of Edward Henry Callister," pp. 127-28. On commission government elsewhere, see E. Anderson, "Prostitution and Social Justice"; and Hayes, "Politics of Reform in Municipal Government." 150. "Pandering," in Utah, Compiled Laws (1911), p. 178. See also Senate Journal, Ninth Session of the Legislature of the State of Utah, 1911, pp. 279, 410, 510. 151. Utah, Compiled Laws (1876), sec. 138. 152. On "presumption of chastity clauses," see Hobson, Uneasy Virtue, p. 68. For Nellie Davis, see People v. Nellie Davis, case no. 1190 (3d dist. criminal case files, 1894); People v. Nellie Davis, case no. 183 (3d dist. criminal case files, 1894); and SLCPD, "Criminal Record," 1892-1920, p. 280, 9 Sept. 1894. Several other persons were charged with pandering before 1911; see People v. Elizabeth Metz and Anna Baumgarten, case no. 1262 (3d dist. criminal case files, 1895); and Tribune, 28 Dec. 1894; 28 Feb., 3 Mar., 1 June, 8 Sept. 1895. For other cases, see Tribune, 2, 3, 12, 16 Oct. 1895; Herald, 14, 21 Feb. 1902. 153. State v. Topham, case no. 2710. The case file contains the original complaint, the information, affidavits, the defendant's demurrers and motions, subpoenas, instructions to the jury, notice of verdict, notice of appeal, and the Utah Supreme Court's remitter overturning the conviction and ordering dismissal. No testimony exists in the case file. Testimony has been re-created using newspapers, especially the Herald-Republican, 5 May 1912; and State v. Topham, 41 Utah 39 (1912). 154. Herald-Republican, 27 July 1911. 155. To avoid confusion between "Gray" and "Lofstrom," I will hereafter refer to the young woman as "Dogney." 156. Herald-Republican, 23, 26, 27 July 1911. Quote re Dogney's clothing is from 27 July; purported Topham quote is from 23 July. 157. Herald-Republican, 27 July 1911. 158. The 1906 Ogden directory lists "Helen Lofstrom" offering "furnished rooms" at 250 25th Street. Thomas Topham, Dora's husband, is listed at that address in 1903-4. From 1907 through 1912, Dora B. Topham is listed as the proprietor of the Palace Rooming House at 250 25th Street. See Polk, Ogden City Directory (1906-12). 159. State v. Topham, 41 Utah 60. 160. Ibid., pp. 55-60; and Herald-Republican, 26 July, 7 Aug. 1911. 161. State v. Topham, 41 Utah 55-60; and Herald-Republican, 5 May 1912. The stockade physician testified he overheard Dogney tell Topham she was nineteen; see Herald-Republican, 1 Aug. 1911. Dogney denied her sister was a prostitute; see Herald-Republican, 26 July 1911. 162. Deseret Evening News, 20 Sept. 1911; and Herald-Republican, 1 Aug., 19, 20 Sept. 1911, 5 May 1912. One Leona H. Lofstrom married Norman S. Mathews on 23 May 1910; see Salt Lake County Probate Court, Record of Marriage Certificates, license no. A010218. 163. Herald-Republican, 22 Sept. 1911. See also 23 Sept. 1911. 164. Ogden's regulation system, like Salt Lake City's, relied on monthly fines. "Belle London" was arrested monthly along with approximately two dozen women; "Chief Browning" is listed as the arresting officer. See Ogden Police, "Arrest Records, 1902-1904," 17 May 1902, p. 11, arrest no. 69; 17 June 1902, p. 31, no. 192; 18 Aug. 1902, p. 72, no. 434; 17 Sept. 1902, p. 93, case no. 551; 16 Oct. 1902, p. 114, case no. 565; 17 Nov. 1902, p. 114, case no. 683; 17 Dec. 1902, p. 145, no. 869; 17 Jan. 1903, p. 165, no. 1002. See also Ogden Police, "Record of Prisoners, 1904-1909," 15 Sept. 1905, p. 81; 17 Oct. 1905, p. 88; 17 Nov. 1905, p. 95. 165. Herald-Republican, 22 Sept. 1911. 166. State v. Topham, case no. 2710; Deseret Evening News, 23 Sept. 1911; and Herald-Republican, 23, 24 Sept. 1911. The Brown claim is from 24 Sept. See also Tribune, 24 Sept. 1911. The cases against Evans and Clifford were dismissed; see State of Utah v. Ethel Clifford, case no. 2711 (3d dist. criminal case files, 1911) and State of Utah v. Lillian Evans et al., case no. 2718 (3d dist. criminal case files, 1911). 167. Herald-Republican, 28 Sept. 1911. 168. State v. Topham, case no. 2710; and Herald-Republican, 21 Oct. 1911. 169. Herald-Republican, 8, 9 Sept. 1911. 170. State v. Topham, case no. 2710; and Knudsen, History of Utah Federation of Women's Clubs, in Utah Federation of Women's Clubs Records, JWM. 171. Deseret Evening News, 28 Sept. 1911; Salt Lake City Goodwin's Weekly, 30 Sept. 1911, in JH, 30 Sept. 1911. For Leatherwood's candidacy, see Herald-Republican, 13 Oct. 1911. 172. Herald-Republican, 29 Sept. 1911. 173. Tribune, 29 Sept. 1911. 174. Herald-Republican, 2 Oct. 1911. 175. Herald-Republican, 29 Sept. 1911. 176. Tribune, 2 Oct. 1911. See also Herald-Republican, 3 Oct. 1911. 177. Joan Iversen calls Corinne Allen "The Last Antipolygamist"; see Antipolygamy Controversy, pp. 246-53. 178. See Ruth May Fox Diary, 21 Oct. 1911, photocopy in Ruth May Fox Papers, JWM. For Richards, see Van Wagenen, "Sister-Wives and Suffragists," pp. 404-11, 416, 464, 471-72. For the Council of Women, see Polk, Salt Lake City Directory (1906). 179. Herald-Republican, 12, 13 Aug. 1911. 180. Herald-Republican, 19, 20 Aug. 1911. 181. Tribune, 29 Sept. 1911; and Herald-Republican, 29 Sept., 5, 18 Oct. 1911. 182. Herald-Republican, 25 Sept. 1911. 183. Herald-Republican, 14 Sept., 1 Oct. 1911. 184. Herald-Republican, 15, 16 Oct. 1911. 185. Herald-Republican, 22 Oct. 1911. 186. Herald-Republican, 23, 24 Oct. 1911. 187. Tribune, 13 Oct. 1911. 188. Reed Smoot Diary, book 9 (hereafter "Reed Smoot Diary"), typescript in Reed Smoot Papers, JWM. For Callister advice, see 1 Sept. 1911; for advice about endorsing a ticket, see 13 Oct. 1911; for advice to women, see 19 Oct. 1911. 189. Herald-Republican, 25 Oct., 5 Nov. 1911; and Reed Smoot Diary, 26 Oct. 1911. 190. Herald-Republican, 8 Nov. 1911; Deseret Evening News, 8 Nov. 1911; and Tribune, 8 Nov. 1911. On a brief revival of the American party in 1923, see Alexander, Mormonism in Transition, p. 56. 191. Quote from Reed Smoot Diary, 5 Sept. 1911. See also State v. Topham, 41 Utah 39; and State v. Topham, case no. 2710. 192. State v. Topham, 41 Utah 39; State v. Topham, case no. 2710; and Herald-Republican, 5 May 1912. 193. Deseret Evening News, 7 May 1912, in Samuel C. Park Scrapbooks, USHS. 194. Tribune, 8 May 1912. 195. Herald-Republican, 7 May 1912. 196. Polly A. Boyd v. Dora B. Topham, case no. 16565 (3d dist. civil case files, 1913). 197. See chap. 2. 198. Herald-Republican, 28 Feb. 1913, 3 Aug. 1915. 199. Alexander, Mormonism in Transition, pp. 64-66. 200. See, for example, Cullom, "Reed Smoot Decision." 201. Connelly, Response to Prostitution in the Progressive Era, p. 6. 202. Iversen, Antipolygamy Controversy, p. 99. |
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