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(Part Three)

The Court of the Jerusalem Tribunal therefore decided that from May 16 to July 7, 1944, "in less than two months, 434,351 persons were deported in 147 freight trains, at about 3,000 persons per train, men, women, and children, or an average of 2 to 3 trains a day" ("Exhibit 112"); that " 12,000 were killed at Kamenetz-Zodolsk during the summer of 1941;" that "45,000 to 50,000 died while working in Galicia and in the Ukraine in 1941-42" ("Exhibit 111"); that " 1,500 in the camp at Kistarzca were deported on July 20, 1944, (" Exhibit 113"); that "50,000 left Budapest on foot for the Austrian frontier (220 km. away) after November 10th " ("Exhibit 115"); and, finally, that "15,000 [were] sent to Austria to the Vienna-Strasshof camp to be kept in the ice-house," ("Exhibit 116"), on a date given without further detail as "after June 30, 1944." That total accounted for varies between 557,851 and 562,851. "Exhibit 115," which mentions the 50,000 Jews who left Budapest on foot, does not say it, but the Report of Dr. Kasztner makes it clear that this march was interrupted on Himmler's orders about the 17th or 18th of November, that 7,500 persons were saved and brought back to Budapest, and that 38,000 only (22) reached Germany. If account is taken of the 200,000 survivors given in the statistics of the World Center of Contemporary Jewish Documentation, there must have been, in Hungary, 757,851 or 762,861 Jews in all on March 19, 1944. And, likewise, Mr. Raul Hilberg estimated the number to be about 750,000. But, see how our methods and approaches differ: I draw the conclusion that out of the "800,000 souls in the Hungarian Jewish community," ("Exhibit 111"), there were 40,000 to 50,000 that the Jerusalem Court could not account for. As for Mme Hannah Arendt, with her maximum of"476,000 Hungarian victims," (and we shall never know how she got the number) we are struck by the fidelity with which she reports what she sees and hears when she is sent out to write a story. And, we can understand why it is that Mr. Robert W. Kempner has publicly expressed his dissatisfaction with her work. (Die Aufbau, op. cit.).

Now we shall take up the whole business in detail:

1. The number of trains. We may be richly informed about the arrival of these trains at Auschwitz-Birkenau, but we have much less detail about their departure from Hungary. So I shall begin by saying that to gather together 3,000 persons in a station and load them into 40 cars is not a minor undertaking, and, to make it clear to those who are not specialists in transportation, I know of no better way than to cite from my own experience during the departure, from the camp at Compiegne, of the train in which I was deported to Buchenwald.

Camp Royallieu where we were first assembled could hold about 10,000 persons. Every week, at the end of 1943, about 1,500 arrived, and as many left. The transport in which I was included was composed of 1,500 able-bodied persons and about 50 sick.

Awakened at six in the morning, collected on the parade grounds, grouped in fives, and by fives in hundreds, we finally left the camp a little before eight o'clock with the 15 squads of 100 each in the lead and with a truck following slowly behind that carried those who were sick. A procession of 15 squads of 100 persons, marching five abreast, is long; armed soldiers were stationed at the head and in a single line along the sides; a space of 350 to 400 meters was maintained between each squad; and a special guard followed at the rear of the column.

A little before nine o'clock, we found ourselves lined up along the station platform with each group of 100 (23) facing a train car into which it must climb. The train: it was a long line -- it seemed immense to us -- of freight cars. How many? I did not count. Probably, there was a car for each group (making 15) plus a special car for the 50 sick persons. I noticed that on the roof of every third car were soldiers armed with a machine gun and something else which those of us in my squad decided was a floodlight. At the head and at the rear were two passenger cars in which additional guards travelled to reinforce, if necessary en route, the other guards who were stationed among the cars. In addition, there were freight cars which carried supplies. In all, 25 to 30 cars -- 25 at a minimum. And, a train of 25 to 30 cars is very long. Even so, such a train carried fewer than 1,600 prisoners with 100 per car.

A little after 10 o'clock the train seemed to be about ready to depart. No one was left on the platform, we were told by those who could see from the skylights at the head an end of the car. Nevertheless, the train did not move. A railway man explained: a train that is not in the timetables cannot just simply depart; all of the stations along the way have to be notified, and that can only be done at the moment when it is about to start. Another long hour of waiting: a little before noon the train got under way.

In all, our departure took a good half day. And we heard plenty of "Los!" and "Schnell!" On our arrival at Buchenwald, we were unloaded a little faster; but each car was brought to the platform separately, since the unloading platform was not as long as the train. It took at least two good hours to empty all the cars, so they could go to Weimar.

I do not mean to say that what took place at Budapest was exactly the same as Compiegne, but only that, whether here or there, the job was the same in varying degrees. Everywhere, for example, people had to be collected together, the cars loaded, and so forth; all these things took about the same amount of time no matter where they happened.

From reading the Kasztner Report and Joel Brand's book, one gets the impression that there were 200,000 to 250,000 Jews in Budapest, although a more precise estimate, which neither gives, cannot be stated. The organizations of which they were the heads seem, indeed, to have tried to avoid too great a concentration of Jews in the capital and to have tried to spread out over the whole country the 400,000 odd Poles, Czechoslovaks and Yugoslavs who were continually arriving in a steady flow. Where they could not avoid this concentration was in the Hungarian and Rumanian frontier regions which they were all trying to reach, and that is why, except for Budapest, one or two centers for these areas (east of the Theiss) were chosen as assembly points for which trains could leave directly for Auschwitz without going through Budapest. At Budapest itself, the Jews seem to have been first directed to an area fairly far from the station, which Dr. Kasztner and Joel Brand designate with the name "brick-works," and where, althoughwe cannot give an exact figure here either since they do not, it can be guessed that at a maximum it was possible to gather together about 10,000 persons. The official thesis: from there to the station, in columns of 3,000 men, women, children and the aged -- and baggage, as mentioned by all the witnesses who claim that the Jews took with them everything they could -- they were marched.

In any case, on this or that side of the Theiss, they had to be collected: by trucks or on foot to the nearest station and by rail from the nearest station to the assembling area. Oddly enough, at Budapest it was not the Jews of the city, for the most part Hungarian, who were rounded up at the "brick-works," but those from other regions who were fetched from 100 to 150 kilometers away. The "brick-works," moreover, could not hold more than 10,000 at a time -- officially deported in batches of 3,000 who were replaced by a similar number. In short, whether at the "brick-works" of Budapest or elsewhere, railcars had to be assembled, and these cars had to be drawn from the lot of 1,000 which, Kasztner tells us, were at the disposal of Eichmann. The two operations took place at the same time, because, at the assembly points, the Jews being deported could only be replaced by an equal number, so if they had to go as far to collect them as to deport them, each operation would have required an equal number of rail cars. But they were deported 500 to 550 kilometers away, at the most 600, and they went only 100 150 or 200 kilometers away to get them.

Therefore, only two-thirds of the cars could have been used for deporting, very few more. Let us say 700. And, we reason as follows: it took four days to get to Auschwitz, four days to get back, and at least half a day to load and unload the 3,000; consequently, each train could not return empty to its point of departure to be ready to take off again, loaded, until the evening of the ninth day after its initial departure. At the rate of three trains of 40 cars each per day, the system must have bogged down after the sixth day, following the departure of the second train. At the rate of two trains a day, the operation would not be stopped for want of additional cars until the ninth day after the departure of the first train; the evening after the return of the first from Auschwitz, the second could leave again. Moreover, the system was able to function only on condition that it worked like a clock. (24)

Indeed, in what he recounted to Willem Sassen, and from whom Life (November 28 and December 12, 1960) drew the abominable stuff that was presented to its readers as authentic memoirs, Eichmann said that he only rarely succeeded in getting two trains per day out of Hungary. Is his statement not to be believed because it was to his interest to minimize? Of course, but to judge by the exhibits that were attached to the verdict which was handed down by the Jerusalem judges, his testimony is to be believed no less than that of the prosecution witnesses who, in the opposite sense, plainly did not deprive themselves of dramatizing it beyond all measure.

2. Number of persons per train. As with almost all facts from Jewish sources, the Court of the Jerusalem Tribunal is in flagrant disagreement with itself: it tells us, in "Exhibit 112," that the Jews were deported from Hungary at the rate of "about 3,000 per train;".in "Exhibit 127" it states that there were no more than "on an average of 2,000 Jews per train." And, on this point, more than one oversight shows up this contention: it is not clear why -- if Eichmann, who was presented as eager to deport the greatest possible number of Jews, was in the habit of crowding together "about 3,000 persons per train" with "70 to 100 persons and even more per car," as is stated in "Exhibits 112 and 154" -- he only put 1,500 as "Exhibit 113" states, in the fully laden train to the camp at Kistarzca.

I recall that at Nuremberg Hoess told Professor Gustave Gilbert that the convoys consisted of 1,500 persons, and, at the bar of the Tribunal, that they averaged 2,000 persons. Moreover, in his confession he spoke of "5 trains of 3,000 persons per day" but also that they "never carried more than 1,000 persons." But, Eichmann, still in what he told Sassen, claimed that he deported in all a maximum of 200,000 Jews from Hungary, but he gives no exact details about the numbers for each convoy. He noted the five trains per day that were mentioned by Hoess, and on that occasion he said that he did not often achieve more than two at the most. He noted also the 3,000 per convoy and protested against that figure no less vehemently. But the 2,000 that Hoess spoke about at Nuremberg did not startle him: he only said that it was quite a lot.

My opinion is, on the contrary, that the transportation of 2,000 persons in a single train of forty cars was quite possible. What is not possible was the transportation of 3,000 persons. How many less, then? Let us think about it a little: it is about 500 kilometers from Budapest to Auschwitz, and the trains took at least four days to cover this distance, at about 124 km per day. There were two reasons for this slow pace: first, they were not scheduled in the timetables -- "off the track" as railroad people say -- and they had to make long stops all along the way to let the regular trains through; second, the war was on, and during the months of May and June 1944, they were frequently halted by air attacks and were threatened also with partisan attacks. They needed to be protected the whole way by both the stationary forces spread out at regular intervals from one end of the route to the other, and guards who had to travel with them. We have seen that to transport fewer than 1,600 persons in 16 cars from Compiegne to Buchenwald no less than 25 cars were necessary. Out of the 40 cars in a train leaving Hungary, it would very well be that a minimum of 10 were needed to carry more than two dozen people each along with their arms and their supplies for eight days. One hundred and fifty armed men for a convoy of 40 cars would be a minimum. In all that I have read about the deportation of the Hungarian Jews, I have never seen the slightest mention of this aspect of the problem. It is, however, well known that no convoy of that sort was ever sent off unescorted on any railway line by the Germans during the war. However resigned the Jews may have been to the fate that was in store for them and however sealed the cars may have been, at a speed of 125 kilometers per day, every unguarded train would have arrived at Auschwitz practically empty. Considering all that they were allowed to take along with them, they surely had whatever was necessary to saw, cut, and tear up all the boards of all the cars. And, that could be done without any risk, if there were no surveillance. But, 147 trains with about 150 guards for surveillance per train means that about 22,050 Hungarian gendarmes must have been employed since Eichmann's Kommando had only 150 men. Never anywhere has it been mentioned that S.S. units, the Wehrmacht or any other German army or police groups were sent to help him with this job.

I repeat my question: how many Jews? The answer: a maximum of 30 cars, loaded with Jews, per train -- 2,400 persons at 80 per car at the most. It is thus only the figure of 80 per car that is questionable. Once again, my personal testimony: I refer to a group of Hungarian Jews whose convoy, originally bound for Auschwitz, had arrived at Dora at the end of May 1944. Of the 1,500 or so people of this convoy, a certain number were sent to satellite camps around Dora as soon as they arrived. How many remained with us, I do not know; maybe they filled an entire block. Because of the racist policies of Nazism, they were to be completely isolated from the other prisoners. That block was surrounded with barbed wire. And from that protected block they went to work like everyone else, but as a separate Kommando. For them, assembly took place within the block, before their leaving for work and on their return. We envied them. Fifteen days after their arrival, if your clogs had been stolen in the night, if you wanted more bread, or if you required some tobacco or something else, you had only to make a quick dash to the Jewish block in the morning between reveille and roll-call, or in the evening before lights out, and, in exchange for something else, you could get just about anything you wanted: it was a regular market. We admired them; at the gate of the camp they had been made to undress completely, and had been sent to be disinfected; they went in completely naked, their contact with other prisoners was limited, and, all the same, they had succeeded in procuring a little of everything that could be gotten in the camp only with the greatest difficulties and at a very high price.

After a little while, the special surveillance over them became hardly more than a facade: once in a while we could exchange a few words with them, and even have short conversations. Thus it was that we learned about their odyssey. They told us about what they had had to leave behind when they came into the camp (25), and, since we were old hands in their eyes, they asked if they would get it back, when, how, and so on. They had been transported from Hungary to Dora, 70 to 80 persons in a car, with all of their baggage. They had made a long periplus of six to seven days before arriving. They had been told when leaving that they were being taken to Auschwitz, and when they learned that it was at Dora that they would be unloaded, they were pleased. They told the most appalling things about Auschwitz. There were neither women nor children among them. The latter had been separated out on departure, and at the moment it did not surprise us since that is what happened to us.

From my personal observation, I have come to the following conclusion: the "70 to 100 persons and even more per car" of which "Exhibit 154" of the Jerusalem Court speaks, meant an average of 80 per car, the dividing up of the Jews having taken place in the cars or on the platform of the departure station on the basis of what they were carrying with them: more in one and fewer in another. With those "3,000 or so persons per train" we have, assuming that all the cars were occupied by Jewish deportees, an average of 75 per car, a fact to which "Exhibit 112" attests.

Not all the trains, however, had the same complement of Jews: the one destined for Kistarzca, which is mentioned in "Exhibit 113," was officially carrying only 1,500. It was probably also a train of 40 cars, with ten or so for surveillance and security, like all the others, or about 50 per car on the average... What is probable on the whole is that the human cargo, in reality, lay between the minimum of 1,500 indicated by Hoess, and the possible maximum of 2,400. So that the average of 75 per car of "Exhibit 112" could be the general average, about 2,200 per train. In any case, that figure is plausible.

If it is true, as it is claimed, that Eichmann managed to deport about 200,000 Hungarian Jews in all, then this figure assumes that 32,000 Jews were deported on foot, and that the remaining 168,000 were deported by rail. About 77 trains would have been required during the 52 days that the deportation of Hungarian Jews lasted. This thesis -- in addition to supporting the 200,000 deportee figure -- has the advantage of being within the realm of technical possibility -- the very limit of what is possible with 1,000 cars. Since Eichmann said that he only rarely succeeded in getting two trains off per day, one could think that this is only the impression of a zealous employee who did not achieve the objective set him and who exaggerates his failure even to himself: 77 trains in 52 days, is still two trains per day, every other day. And, under the circumstances it was a fifty per cent success.

3. General Schedule of the Deportation of the Jews in Hungary:

March 19, 1944:.....................................800,000 Jews

End of November 1944, deported:.........200,000 Jews

Not deported:.......................................600,000 Jews

"Exhibit 111" of Jerusalem Trial refers to 57,000(26) dead in Hungary,

and no others are found in the Judgment:. 57,000 Jews

Survivors among those not deported:....543,000 Jews

The official statistics of the World Center of Contemporary Jewish Documentation mention only 200,000 survivors in 1945; the other 343,000, who were alive and who were without any doubt not all Hungarian, are listed in the statistics of those dead either in Hungary or in the other countries from whence they came. For those people not listed anywhere in any statistics of the living in Europe, and who are therefore not in Europe officially at least -- we had arrived at a total figure of 3,708,960, at the end of our study of the Czechoslovakian Jewish population. Hence, we now add the Hungarian Jews: 3,708,960 plus 343,000 gives us 4,051,960 who are living elsewhere -- with their offspring since 1945 -- if they are not in Europe. And of course we should add, as everywhere all those who returned alive from deportation, and are themselves in the same case.

Closely bound to Hungary is Yugoslavia, because of the stream of Jews who came from there, and Rumania, to which they were going. Yugoslavia herself is bound to Italy through the Jews who fled there.

Yugoslavia: we have seen that the World Center of Contemporary Jewish Documentation said there were 75,000 Jews there in 1939, of which only 20,000 were found still living in 1945. In April 1941 Yugoslavia was invaded by German troops and was cut into a number of pieces. Two states were created by the diplomacy of the Rome-Berlin Axis: Croatia was declared independent, and Serbia remained under German occupation. Italy received, besides Slovenia which she occupied, a large part of Croatia, where she systematically counteracted the anti-Jewish policy of the Pavelitch government, which was more Hitlerian than Mussolinian. Toward the East, the region of the upper Vardar, with Skoplje and Monastir, was handed over to Bulgaria. Within this puzzle, this is how the Jerusalem Tribunal ("Exhibits 105 and 106") divided up the Yugoslavian Jews: 30,000 in Croatia and 47,000 in Serbia, or a total of 77,000. No comment: we are accustomed to discrepancies in the Jewish sources. Another discrepancy: the Court of the Jerusalem Tribunal found that, according to "Exhibits 105 and 106," in 1945 there were still living only 1,500 Jews in Croatia and 5,000 in Serbia for a total of 6,500. From the preceding it would appear that the entire Jewish population of Slovenia, where -- because of the proximity of Trieste -- it has always been dense, must have fled into Croatia and into Serbia in order to be either closer to the Germans or right under their fist. After all, the Tribunal apparently found none there in 1945. In addition, it would seem that -- according to the Tribunal -- not one went to Hungary, where Dr. Kasztner found quite a large number of them, enough to note them in his Report. One might even be tempted to believe that 2,000 (the number that the Jerusalem Court found in excess of that number that was noted by the World Center of Contemporary Jewish Documentation) came from areas where there were no dangers, in order to be more certain of being exterminated. It has often been commented that the European Jews accepted their fate with great resignation; from the way the Jerusalem Tribunal told it, the Yugoslavian Jews were not only resigned, they were masochists.

Until the Jerusalem trial, Yugoslavia presented an enigma: an official spokesman of the World Center of Contemporary Jewish Documentation, Mr. Poliakov, explained to us (in Breviaire de la Haine and Le Troisieme Reich et les Juifs) that in Yugoslavia "the Jews took refuge by the thousands;" that in Croatia where Krumey had arrived on October 16, 1943, he did not succeed in deporting more Jews than did his colleague Alois Brunner, who managed to send 10,000 from Nice to the concentration camps (27); and that after the coup d'etat of Badoglio (September 1943) the Jews had followed the Italian troops as they left Croatia. All this does not sit very well, as we see, with "Exhibits 105 and 106" of the Jerusalem judgment. They are in complete contradiction, in any case, both with the way the Jews were divided up among the various zones after the dismemberment, and with the number of deportees in Croatia, which "Exhibit 105" tells us numbered 28,500, all charged to Krumey except for 2,800.

Mr. Poliakov was just about mute on the subject of Serbia as to details: with the stamp of approval of the World Center of Contemporary Jewish Documentation, he declared, "No deportations in Serbia, all the Jews exterminated right there." He limited himself to stating that there were 20,000 survivors and 55,000 exterminated for the whole of Yugoslavia (Breviaire de la Haine, p. 180). In order to get more precise details, other writers had to be turned to: Michel Borwicz, Joseph Billig, and others... But, unfortunately, in making a total out of all the details picked up, a figure of 30,000 was barely reached. And, hence, I came to the conclusion that the estimates of Mr. Poliakov were without any basis, and therefore pure fantasy. On the other hand, the figure of 30,000 could be supported by plausible proofs. However, Mr. Poliakov was surely correct concerning the Jews in Croatia, and so it was the Jews of Serbia who had paid the heaviest toll in deportation and death. Furthermore, it was logical: the Germans had been hunting them down since 1941, and even if they did not deport them until 1942 they were all set to, the minute the order was given.

By following the events in the order in which they took place, another discovery was made: the statistics drawn up at the end of 1941 for the Wannsee Conference by Mr. Richard Korherr -- therefore before deportation steps were taken in Yugoslavia (28) -- mentioned 40,000 Jews at that time in the whole of Yugoslavia. One could only conclude that 75,000 minus 40,000 or 35,000 had fled to Hungary and Italy since they were no longer there and had not been arrested. And, if we deduce that it was out of those 40,000 that the 30,000 or so mentioned as having been arrested had been taken, it is logical. And, in Serbia -- since, with the exception of about 10,000 -- the Croats had followed the retreating Italian troops since September 1943; that is logical, too.

The World Center of Contemporary Jewish Documentation, then, had no factual basis for putting more than 30,000 Jews in the column of the exterminated -- assuming that they all were, after having been arrested -- in their statistics. They placed the number at 55,000, or 25,000 too many. Given the fact that the number of Yugoslavian Jews who were arrested and who are dead, beyond the justified figure of 30,000, has already been included in the results of the calculations on the Hungarian Jews and that the remainder will be included in the calculations which will be made for Italy, it can be said that here are another 25,000 living European Jews to add to the 4,051,960 Jews who we found to be living at the end of the study of the Hungarian Jewish population: Thus, the total now amounts to 4,076,960.

Italy: Mr. Arthur Ruppin says there were 50,000 Jews there in 1926, and the World Center of Contemporary Jewish Documentation gives 57,000 for 1939. The latter figure is very possible : figuring a natural rate of increase of thirteen per cent, we get 56,500. Let us accept 57,000. We have, however, to add the 16,500 Yugoslavian Jews who fled there, so we have 73,500. In 1945 the World Center of Contemporary Jewish Documentation found 15,000 deportees exterminated and 42,000 living. Logically the Center should have found 58,500 survivors, and the overstatement on the number of deaths should have been 16,500. Actually, the overstatement of deaths was even more significant since even Mr. Rolf Hochhuth, who recently distinguished himself with that fraudulent writing on the theme of the Gerstein Document, Der Stellvertreter, found only 8,000 Jews arrested and deported in Italy and since the judges at Jerusalem found only "7,500 deportees of whom no more than 600 survived" ("Exhibit 109"), or 6,900 exterminated. In this case, the number of survivors should be 73,500 minus 6,900 or 66,600. And, the overstatement of the World Center of Contemporary Jewish Documentation is 66,000 minus 42,000 or 24,600. To be added to the total of 4,076,960, whom we found to be still living after we completed the study of the Yugoslavian Jewish population and who are no longer -- at least, officially -- in Europe, is this 24,600 which yields 4,101,560.

Rumania: Mr. Arthur Ruppin counted 900,000 Jews in 1926, and the World Center of Contemporary Jewish Documentation found no more than 850,000 in 1939 (a figure with which the Institute of Jewish Affairs agrees, but for which Mr. Raul Hilberg gives only 800,000). There is nothing unusual in that since the Jewish population has always emigrated from Rumania in large numbers. Concerning the number of deportees exterminated and the number of survivors, the World Center says half and half, the Institute agrees except for 5,000 each, and Hilberg is, naturally, in total disagreement; there were 380,000 survivors and 420,000 exterminated, he says. Another thing that points up how conscientious all these people are: the writer of the statistics for the World Center of Contemporary Jewish Documentation is, as we know, Mr. Poliakov, and, commenting on the figures of his own statistics (Breviaire de la Haine, p. 186), he tells us that in 1939 there were 700,000 Jews in Rumania, and in 1945 only 250,000 (op. cit. P. 188). "Exhibit 110" of the Jerusalem Court summing up the story of the Rumanian Jews is very prudent: "In this way about half of Rumanian Judaism was saved from extermination," it states, basing its decision on the written deposition of Dr. Safran, Chief Rabbi of Rumania, but without any reference to what that deposition contained.

For the rest, if the one who drew up that document was attempting to show that no Rumanian Jew had ever been deported by the Germans, he could not have succeeded better. In fact, only one deportation project for 200,000 Jews is cited, decided upon for the first time on July 26, 1942, to start on the following 16th of September; it was discussed a second time on September 17th; then on the 26th and the 28th of September, the Germans and the Rumanians finally reached agreement on the details of the project. But on the 22nd of October, when the deportations were not yet under way, the Rumanian government changed its mind and told the Germans that it would take charge of the Jewish problem in Rumania by itself.

Until then, the German policy had been precisely that the Rumanians should themselves take charge of their own Jews, and the whole of the diplomatic correspondence between the two governments attests to the fact that the Rumanians had not ceased proposing to the Germans that they turn the Jews over to them, but without success; the Germans did not want them. And, when the time came when they did want them, the Rumanians no longer were willing to turn them over.

The Chief Rabbi of Rumania claims in his deposition -- at least according to the writers of the press reports of the Jerusalem Trial -- that until August 1942 the Rumanians, who did not succeed in getting their Jews accepted by the Germans, exterminated them. He cited massacres of Odessa Jews by the Rumanian army (60,000 victims), pogroms at Bucharest, Ploesti, Jassy, Constanza, and "victims by the tens of thousands," but he gave no other details. On the whole he estimated that from February 1941 to August 1942 ("250,000 to 300,000 Jews were exterminated" by the Rumanians and not by the Germans.

This idea is highly contestable. At Paris during the same period, everyone with whom I was associated and who was familiar with the system of escape lines for European Jews during the war knew -- from the Jews themselves, with whom they were in contact -- that in Rumania, although the government did not show any particular sympathy, they were at least given tourist passports for a fee of $1,000 each with which they could move on. The Chief Rabbi affirms that it was only after October 1942 that this policy was put into practice. This date corresponds precisely with the change of policy of the Antonescu government which, suddenly, after having for so long begged the Germans to take the Jews that they wanted to turn over to them, refused to do so when the Germans were ready to accept. Mme. Hannah Arendt echoes this fact (The New Yorker, March 16, 1963). The information that we in Paris had about this was out of line in only one detail: the price for the passport was, it seems, not $ 1,000, but $1,300.

This contention that half of Rumanian Judaism (or 425,000 out of 850,000) was exterminated due to the deportation by the Germans reveals a difference between "250,000 to 300,000" and 425,000 of some 125,000 to 175,000 Rumanian Jews. It is most questionable for another reason too: the territorial changes that were made in Rumania between 1939 and 1945.

In August 1939, the Russo-German Pact forced Rumania to pay a heavy tribute to the contractants and to their allies, namely to turn over northern Bukovina and Bessarabia to the USSR (June 1940); a significant part of Transylvania to Hungary; and Dobroudja to Bulgaria (August 1940). The movement of the Jewish populations from these areas, when the transfers took place, has never been studied, to my knowledge. The generally held contention is that they stayed where they were or that few moved away. There were, moreover, agreements about moving people which were not all settled when the German-Russian conflict began in June 1941. I refer those readers who are interested in these agreements to the excellent work of the National Institute of Statistics and Economics of Paris, which came out in 1946, , with the title, Les Transferts Internationaux de populations (Presses Universitaires de France).

Naturally, Rumania had been waiting since 1940 for a chance, as the relations between Germany and Russia deteriorated, to get back the territories which she had lost, particularly Bessarabia which was more likely than others to be obtained. In June, 1941, she went into the war against Russia on the side of the Axis, and as a result, she got back not only Bessarabia but was also given an occupation zone which was called Transnistria and which extended out from the 1939 frontier and from the Dniester to the Bug. Germany took for herself the zone beyond, from the Bug to the Dnieper.

Naturally, too, in evacuating Bukovina and Bessarabia, the Russians also evacuated as much of the population as possible, which, of course, was fleeing in all directions before the German troops. At any rate, from the 11th to the 21 st of December 1943, the International Red Cross sent one of its delegates, Mr. Charles Kolb, to Rumania. He stayed there from December 11, 1943, to January 14, 1944. On his return he drew up a report in which he noted that 206,700 Jews were missing in Bessarabia-Transnistria, and 88,600 in Bukovina. Otherwise, he observed nothing abnormal. From this report it is possible to assume that all of these 295,300 Rumanian Jews, now Russian, who found themselves on the Russian lines, had fled before the German troops just as their Polish co-religionists did in 1939 and were saved from deportation at the hands of the Germans. One can assume it, but it cannot be stated with certainty. In any case, Mr. Poliakov, who cites this report (Breviaire de la Haine, p. 371 ) concedes "that just before the German attack, a portion of the Jewish population may have been evacuated by the Russians." Anyway, since this report was based on investigations made in 1943-1944, at a time when the Jews were no longer in any danger in Rumania, and since he does not record one missing elsewhere, it can be assumed with certainty that at that date 800,000 minus 295,300 or 504,700, were still living, and were neither arrested, deported, nor massacred afterwards. One can assume this with all the more assurance since it is more or less supported by "Exhibit 119" of the Jerusalem court, which mentions no deportation of Rumanian Jews by the Germans; even if it had, such a deportation could only have taken place before October 22, 1942, which is to say that it could not have taken place, since until then, the Germans had consistently refused to give in to the pleas of the Rumanian government to take its Jewish population.

It is an odd coincidence that these 295,300 Jews, which Mr. Charles Kolb said were not in Rumania, are numerically within the limits of the "295,000 to 300,000" claimed by the Chief Rabbi to have been exterminated by the Rumanians. One is led to the thought that they are the same, and that in order to hang Antonescu, the Russians who saved them claimed he had exterminated them.

As for Mr. Raul Hilberg, he is even more subtle. After having examined the misdeeds of the Einsatzgruppen in Russia and after having integrated into the statistics on Russia the Jews they allegedly exterminated in cities such as Odessa, Chisinau and Cernauti, he counts those who were missing in Transnistria, which is where Odessa was between 1941 and 1944 and in Bukovina where the other two were, by putting them in with the statistics for Rumania (p. 485-509); that is, he counts them twice.

Conclusion on Rumania: in order to know exactly how many Jews should be reported as missing in 1945, we should know just as exactly how many of the 295,300, counted as missing by Mr. Charles Kolb at the end of December and the beginning of January 1944, were evacuated by the Russians, and how many remained under the yoke of the Germans or Rumanians. However, we do not know this. We should also know how many emigrated, and there must have been quite a number because of all Jews the Rumanian Jews were in the best position, having the least distance to go, with the least effort, to get out of Europe. But, if the Russians had saved half of those counted as missing by Mr. Charles Kolb, and if the other half fallen into the hands of the Rumanians, had been massacred in the pogroms in Odessa, Bucharest, Ploesti, Constanza, and other places, the Rumanian Jewish population of 1939 might be apportioned as follows:

a. massacred:.......................................147,650

b. saved by the Russians:......................147,650

c. emigrated, or found living in 1945

(800,000 - 295,300):................................504,700

d. total number of survivors:................652,350

e. officially found still living by the World Center of Contemporary

Jewish Documentation:........................425,000

f. overstatement of those exterminated:..227,350

These 227,350, although still living in 1945, have been improperly added to the column of exterminated by the World Center of Contemporary Jewish Documentation. Consequently, we have 227,350 more European Jews to be added to the 4,101,560, in the same situation, who were found at the end of our study of the Italian Jewish population. At this point of our work, the total should read: 4,328,901.

Bulgaria: The statistics which appear on page 300 mention that the Jewish population of Bulgaria in 1939 was 50,000. And, the World Center of Contemporary Jewish Documentation has accepted this figure as representing the prewar Jewish population. The World Center claims that 7,000 Bulgarian Jews were exterminated during the war. Mr. Raul Hilberg found only some 3,000 missing, and "Exhibit No. 108" of the Jerusalem Tribunal mentions 4,000 deportees from Thrace and 7,000 from Macedonia, for a total of 11,000, but nothing is said about losses. This claim of 11,000 deportees is not supported by any exact facts; it is not known when they were deported or where they were sent. As for Mr. Poliakov, commenting upon the World Center figures of which he is the author, he cannot even cite them correctly: he claimed some 13,000 deportees out of a total Jewish population of 20,000. In addition, he says nothing about survivors. Returning to the statistics of the World Center, there is no problem in determining the number of survivors: 50,000 Jews in 1939 less 7,000 of them who were exterminated leaves a total of 43,000. Giving the World Center the benefit of the doubt and accepting its estimation of losses, there is no exaggeration of casualties to be added to the total that was found at the end of our study of Rumania.

Greece: At one time the official statistics took separate note of Macedonia where some 7,000 Jews were supposedly deported, but there was no mention of how many were there in 1939. Since then, this particular contention has disappeared from the official statistics, and Greece alone remains with 75,000 in 1939, with 60,000 deportees exterminated in 1945, and, therefore, with 15,000 survivors. Mr. Raul Hilberg gives the following figures: 74,000 in 1939, 62,000 exterminated, and 12,000 survivors. "Exhibit 107" of the Jerusalem Tribunal mentions 80,000 in 1939, 70,000 exterminated and 10,000 survivors. Finally, Mr. Arthur Ruppin had already taken a census of 75,000 Jews in Greece in 1926. Could Jewish emigration equal the natural rate of increase? It is possible.

Greece was divided into two zones of occupation: to the north were the Germans, who had their general headquarters in Salonika; to the south were the Italians who had theirs at Athens. The Jews were proportioned like this: 55,000 to 60,000 persons concentrated around Salonika in the German zone and 15,000 to 20,000 in the Italian zone concentrated around Athens. All the Jewish sources are in agreement in saying that the Germans did not do anything about the Greek Jews until July 1942 when they made them wear the yellow star and this only in the German zone. In the Italian zone, nothing changed. It was only in February 1943 that the policy of collecting them into the ghettos of Salonika and the surrounding areas began. These steps were taken by Dr. Max Merten -- administrator of the zone, with the help of two men sent from the R.S.H.A., Wisliceny and Gunther -- from the 15th of January 1943 on. Mr. Poliakov claims (op. cit,. p. 182) that the first deportation began on March 15, 1943, and ended on May 9th; 43,000 Jews in convoys were deported to Auschwitz (with 2,700 persons per convoy, one convoy every 3 or 4 days, means that here, where the Jews were massed, the work of deportation did not go on as fast as in Hungary where the ungrouped Jews were allegedly deported at the rate of 2 to 3 convoys of 3,000 per day). The remainder, or at least about 12,000, were deported from July to August 1943 in three convoys. At that rate, there must have been about 4,000 persons per convoy at the least. The trip from Salonika to Auschwitz lasted an average of 10 days, and, as Mr. Poliakov claims, on arrival the Jews were sent directly in a group to the gas chamber, without any prior selecting out of the able-bodied since they were in so bad a state. This is, in fact, what Wisliceny, taking the theme from Hoess, commandant of the camp, claimed at Nuremberg, but Hoess did not confirm it! "Exhibit 107" of the Jerusalem Tribunal is not in agreement with this aspect of the deportation of Greek Jews: "The 56,000 Jews of the Salonika region were all deported from March 15th to the end of May 1943," it says; therefore, there were no convoys in July-August, but it does not state precisely the number of convoys nor the number of persons per convoy. The attorney, Max Merten (who was sentenced to 25 years in prison in 1946, but set at liberty almost at once, and who was a witness for the defense at the, Jerusalem Trial) claimed that thanks to Eichmann, and in spite of Wisliceny's efforts to thwart him, about 20,000 Jews escaped deportation. Furthermore, he claimed that between the time that they were forced to wear the yellow star (July 1942), and the beginning of their concentration into ghettos (February 1943), many Jews in the German Zone went over into the Italian zone. He added that, since he was not in harmony with the deportation measures envisaged because the Jews were giving him no trouble, he not only saw no objection but he even helped their flight as much as he could without attracting the attention of Wisliceny and Gunther. That is why, after having been sentenced to 25 years in prison, he was freed almost immediately.

In the Italian zone, the Jews were not alarmed until after Badoglio's coup d'etat in September 1943. Then, deportation operations were assigned to Wisliceny and Gunther. Before the Bratislava Tribunal which sentenced him to death, the former claimed (June 27, 1947) in a written deposition that 8,000 to 10,000 of the Jews in that zone had been deported. For the city of Athens, according to "Exhibit 107" of the Jerusalem Court, a large number were nevertheless warned in time to hide themselves and to flee, so that no more than 12,000 remained." So all the others had to be looked for and gathered together in the first place. In order to deport 8,000 to 10,000 Wisliceny had to apply himself in earnest, and we see that he did not try to mitigate his guilt. Let us accept the figure and reason thusly: we do not know how many Jews succeeded in passing from the German into the Italian zone, but we do know that those in the former zone were deported in 19 convoys, and that after that there were no more. At an average of 2,200 per train of 40 cars, an estimation that was established and used in our calculations for Hungary, we come to a total of 41,800. This means that there were 14,200 who had fled into the Italian zone, figured by subtracting 41,800 from 56,000 (the figure given by the Jerusalem Court for the number deported from the German zone). Consequently, the Jewish population of that zone should have been 33,200 figured by subtracting 56,000 from 75,000 and adding 14,200 to the remainder. If Wisliceny did deport 8,000 to 10,000, there must have been left over 33,200 minus 8,000 to 10,000, or 23,200 to 25,200 survivors for the whole of Greece.

Therefore, the minimum overstatement of the World Center of Contemporary Jewish Documentation is 10,200. (This figure allows for the 15,000 Jews who were already in the Italian zone.) And, that only on condition that the 19 trains really did leave Salonika, each carrying about 2,200 persons, which is possible, but not likely. By adding this 10,200 to the total at theend of the study of the Rumanian Jewish population, we get 4,339,110.

The following countries remain to be looked into: Germany, Austria, Denmark, and Norway.

Germany was already mentioned in connection with the Jewish population of Holland, Belgium, Luxemburg, and France. It will be remembered that at the time of the invasion of France by German troops, figures from Jewish sources showed that there were 252,000 foreign Jews in France whose nationality it was impossible to determine, except to say that outside of the thirty or, at the most, forty or so thousand who were German, the rest were all Polish. By looking only at the European survivors, there was no objection in stating that they were all Polish (or all German) because they could not be allotted. But now we must take into account the fact that 40,000 German Jews were already counted, unless we want to count them twice.

So, in 1939, this was the structure of the German Jewish population: 210,000 remained in Germany because 300,000 out of 510,000 emigrated, according to the World Center of Contemporary Jewish Documentation. Mr. Raul Hilberg says: 240,000 remained in Germany and 300,000 out of 540,000 emigrated. Taking account of the natural rate of increase this aught to be closer to the truth, but there is another factor to be considered: from 1926 to 1933, Mr. Poliakov tells us (Breviaire de la Haine, p. 11) that the demographic curve of Jewish communities, worried about their fate in the face of the rise of Hitlerism, was on the decline. Therefore, let us say that there were 210,000 Jews in Germany in 1939. Officially only 40,000 should have been found still living in 1945, which would mean that 170,000 were exterminated.

To the support of the details which he brings forth to justify these 170,000 exterminated and these 40,000 survivors, Mr. Poliakov refers to the statistics compiled at Himmler's request, on April 17, 1943, for the date of December 31, 1942, which he speaks of as having been "prepared with great competence" (Breviaire de la Haine, pp. 383-384). I am of this opinion: the German demographer Korherr seems to have been a competent man and that is why I, too, have come to refer to his data; however, he has a troublesome tendency to see a few too many Jews everywhere. But, except for this, if I accept the picture of German Judaism as he saw it for December 31, 1942, I really do not see how Mr. Poliakov, who also accepts it, has been able to draw from it the conclusions he does. This is what we find in the recapitulative table about the German Jews:

Arrested up to December 31, 1942:...................100,516

Not yet arrested:.............................................. 51,327

Total:...............................................................151,843

It is true that this total is shown as concerning the "former Reich and the Sudentenland," but that is without significance: on May 17, 1937, there were only 2,649 Jews in the Sudentenland, the rest having fled to Bohemia-Moravia, then to Hungary, or elsewhere. Except for about a thousand, the figure pertains only to Germany. I repeat: Mr. Poliakov accepts these figures. But if there were only 151,843 in Germany on December 31, 1942, (free or in concentration camps) and if they had been able to arrest in all only 100,516, then 210,000 minus 151,843 or 58,157 had been able to emigrate after 1939. That also means that after December 31, 1942, it had not been possible to arrest more than 51,327. The following July 1st, it was finished: the law declaring Germany "Juden frei" (free of Jews) was promulgated, and Mr. Poliakov tells us, "not a single Jew remained at liberty except those married to Aryans," (p. 68) and these, Mr. Richard Korherr tells us in his report, numbered 16,760. We know that later they were in their turn arrested and deported -- officially, at least.

Now let us correct the error which we deliberately made, when the problem had to be solved by the elementary process of the false supposition, in stating that the 40,000 European Jews who were found living in Holland, France, Belgium, and Luxemburg were Polish, although we knew that they were not. It is among the 58,157 Jews who left Germany after 1939 and before December 31, 1943, that they are to be found, and they were included in the study of the Polish Jewish population. If we do not want to have them counted twice, they must be withdrawn from the number of German emigrants, and we must only count among the number of the latter: 58,157 minus 40,000, or 18,157.

Next, we can figure the maximum number of German Jews who were arrested and who were deported and never came back. If out of the 151,843, the World Center of Contemporary Documentation found 40,000 survivors in 1945, then that means that 151,843 minus 40,000, or, 111,843 never returned, or had not returned by 1945. And, since the World Center shows 170,000 Jews in the column of the exterminated, that figure is an overstatement of some 58,157. Consequently, the total number of German Jews who were considered dead, who are no longer officially in Germany, nor in Europe, but who are alive, and who should be included in the column of the living in other countries and in other continents is 76,314. The addition of this 76,314 to the total at the end of the study of the Greek Jewish population gives us 4,415,424, who must be added to the survivor column.

I hope that I shall be excused for having considered the German Jews without any reference to the Jerusalem Trial: Exhibits 56, 57, 75, 77, 83, 90 and 91, which provide the calculations, barely account for 10 to 15 thousand who were allegedly arrested and deported. It would be ridiculous even to take them into consideration (29).

Austria: for 1939 the World Center of Contemporary Jewish Documentation speaks of 60,000 Jews as still being there (with this figure based on an emigration of 180,000 after Hitler came to power in Germany, out of 240,000) and of 20,000 survivors in 1945, or 40,000 exterminated. Mr. Arthur Ruppin counted 230,000 Austrian Jews in 1926 -- the same situation as for the German Jews in relation to the demographic curve and the natural increase.

The Zionist writing concerning the drama of the Austrian Jews is not very abundant. The Austrian Jews were also neglected by the Jerusalem Tribunal. Studied together with the Jews of Germany and Bohemia-Moravia, and in the same Exhibits, this Tribunal said that there were 5,000 arrests and deportations on October 15, 1941, and 3,000 more on the 25th and 28th of November and December 2nd of the same year. In 1943-1944, the Kasztner Report and Joel Brand take note of a clandestine Jewish community, relatively little disturbed. They do not give the number of individuals in this community, but, judging by the way in which it is referred to, it must have been significant. "Exhibit 97" of the Jerusalem Court mentions that, in Austria, arrests and deportations were not within the competence of the R.S.H.A. as everywhere else, but of the Jewish Emigration Center, which was set up in Vienna in 1938 by Eichmann and which existed throughout the war. That certainly explains why they were tracked and persecuted less zealously and with less brutality. Dated December 31, 1942, the statistics of Mr. Korherr say that in all 47,655 Jews were arrested and that 8,102 remained at liberty. As a total, and all during the war, then, there were 55,757 Jews in Austria, which means that there were only 4,243 emigres after 1939. That also means that if only 20,000 out of these 55,757 Jews were found living in 1945, the overstatement of the World Center of Contemporary Jewish Documentation would only amount to those 4,243 who emigrated after 1939, but who are incorrectly listed as dead. I emphasize: if only 20,000 were found still living. However, I have already shown that the balance of Jewish losses was determined between May and October 1945 -- Mr. Poliakov says it is dated August (Le Troisieme Reich et les Juifs, p. 196) -- in order to be available to Justice Jackson in time, and, in the jungle of displaced persons which central Europe was then, many Jews who had been deported and who were living had not gotten back to their former domiciles in time to be counted. All these were accounted for as dead, and since then, if they have been found still living in their domiciles or elsewhere (many never went back), no corrections were ever made in the statistics.

My conclusions for Austria are that 4,243 European Jews surely must be reintegrated into the column of living in the statistics for 1945, and must be added to the preceding total, giving a new total of 4,419,667.

And, to finish up, we shall examine Denmark and Norway: There were 7,000 Jews in Denmark and 1,500 in Norway in 1939, according to the World Center of Contemporary Jewish Documentation, or a total of 8,500 for the two countries. The same source gives the total number of exterminated as being 500 in Denmark (since in the days just before the day fixed for their arrest, the Danish government, which knew about it, forwarned the national Jewish community), and 900 in Norway for a total of 1,400. The Jerusalem Court gives the losses down to the last person: 737 in Norway and 422 in Denmark, or, 1,159.

The exaggeration of the World Center of Contemporary Jewish Documentation is 241. This exaggeration can be attributed to rounding out the figures, and is not intentional. But still it must be added to the preceding total, of which it can be said (with the exception of the 480,000 German and Austrian Jews who emigrated before 1939 and who were accounted for and considered living in 1945) that it is the general total of European Jews improperly inscribed in the column of exterminated in the statistics of the World Center of Contemporary Jewish Documentation: 4,419,667 plus 241, or, 4,419,908.

FOOTNOTES

(1) Die Welt does not say so, but these estimates are taken from a study which was put out a few days before by the Jewish Communities of the World, official organ of the World Jewish Congress. They were published by the Jerusalem Post Weekly on April 19, 1963, and after that on various dates by the entire world press. It may be pointed out that for the year 1962, the World Almanac of 1963 (p. 259) gives the world Jewish population as 12,296,180. In other words, compared to 1959, not only did the world Jewish population not increase, it decreased.

(2) Arthur Ruppin was in charge of the course in Jewish Sociology at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. His major work, Les Juifs dans le Monde moderne, from which the Menorah Journal got its figures, was not published in France until 1934.

(3) Actually in the above statistics, the World Center for Contemporary Jewish Documentation had question marks in place of losses for Bulgaria, and had omitted Luxemburg. It was only later that exact information concerning these two countries were given officially, and I was not able to take them into account in Ulysse trahi par les siens.

(4) They are derived from the statistics on page 670 of his book, but on page 767, they are given as 5,100,000, as has already been noted.

(5) In that version of the genealogy of peoples, the Arabs, who are also descended from Noah -- like everyone in the world, to be sure! -- but via the relations of Abraham with Agar, servant of his wife Sarah, are considered the illegitimate branch, and we who are only descended from Japhet, as well as those descended from Chanaan, cursed by the Old Man, are considered only as side branches, the last of the line of descendants, degenerated, and in addition forever discredited for having fallen into the heresies. That is the basic justification for the qualification "chosen people," as Israel claims -- thank you, no for us! -- and this is taught as an historical truth in all Hebrew universities on the threshold of the 21 st century!

(6) [The precise figure which is cited in Religious Bodies, Vol. II, Part 1 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1941) for the American Jewish population in 1926 is 4,081,242 persons.]

(7) Before this date, the Visigoth King Siebrut had chased them out of Spain (613) along with all who were of oriental origin, and King Dagobert of France (629), had done the same, but these banishments were of short duration.

(8) They were banished and forced out of England in 1220, from France in 1394, from Spain in 1492.

(9) The Jerusalem Post Weekly (April 19, 1963) gives 2.3 million. On the other hand, in his book, Le Peuple et I'Etat d'Israel, Mr. Ben Gurion gives 2 million for 1958 (p. 66). If there were only 2.045 or 2.05 million in 1962, it shows that not only was the normal population increase of 1 per cent per year not reached in Israel, but also that immigration had been halted. Perhaps one could even speak of emigration.

(l0) [Here, Professor Rassinier takes the rate of natural population increase of one per cent per year and computes the entire increase over the given term in a single calculation (e.g., the sum of 174,610 is multiplied by 31 per cent to yield the natural growth over a period of thirty-one Years). This method is used throughout the entire study. Although this simplified method produces adequate approximations, the estimation of the natural population growth would be more precise if the one per cent increase for each year were added to the figure for the preceding year with one per cent then taken of the new total, with the procedure being repeated for each year of the given term. For example, the natural growth from 1931 to 1962, as figured in item "a" is 63,091 (or an increase of about 36 per cent) when the latter method is used. Likewise, a natural increase of 101,249 (or 16 per cent) is achieved instead of 94,350 for item "b." Because it is felt that Professor Rassinier's "shorthand" method of calculating population growth resulted in approximations which are of sufficient accuracy for the purpose of this study, his calculations have not been changed.]

(11) If the figuring were done on the basis of the natural increase rate of 1.25% (or 20% every 16 years) of Professor Salo Baron, the global increase for the period of 1931-1962 would be carried to 523,308 individuals, or an increase of 92,046, and the number of immigrants actually living in the country diminished by as much, or 1,444,128 minus 92,046 equal 1,352,082.

(12) In a work intended for students of the college for Higher Economic Studies (Principes et tendances de la planification rurale en Israel, Paris, (1963) Professor Albert Meister claims that "one immigrant out of ten in Israel (or 109%) would return into the Diaspora "after a brief sojourn.

(13) When the airplanes in many trips brought them back to the Promised Land, which they no longer hoped to see, and whose location most of them no longer knew, as Leon Uris just about says in Exodus, they at first thought it was the end of the world as proclaimed in the Scriptures, "The day when men shall fly." And they arrived in Israel to discover such other unsuspected things as a table, a chair or a fork, etc ... but at the same time they came with the conviction of being "the Chosen People," destined in the twentieth century to take the future of the world in charge.

(14) In order to spare the reader, the steps in this calculation do not appear. If he feels the need of verifying it himself, he can make use of the method which appears earlier in this chapter.

(15) [If Arthur Ruppin's figure of 4,500,000 Jews living in the United States in 1926 had been used instead of the official census figure, a total Jewish population for 1962 -- exclusive of immigration -- of 6,120,000 persons would be had, using the natural growth coefficient of one per cent annually. If Salo Baron's coefficient had been used, the 1962 figure would be 6,804,000 persons, once again exclusive of immigration.]

(16) However, the World Almanac of 1945 takes note of only 240,000, p. 494.

(17) It was another one of the machiavellianisms of Nuremberg that every time that the prosecution brought forth an accusation for which they would not or could not give the source they used the expression "in full cognizance" or "from an assured source" -- that was generally the case when the source was Jewish -- and it was up to the accused to prove their innocence. At Nuremberg it was not up to the prosecution to prove guilt since the Allies recognized early that their adherence to the Anglo-American jurisprudential presumption of "innocent until proven guilty" would deny them the "convictions" which they sought.

(18) The Czechoslovakian Jews who went into Hungary were arrested there together with their Polish and Yugoslav coreligionists without any nationality distinctions being drawn. The survivors and the deportees as listed in the calculations concerning Hungary cannot be distinguished either, since there are no records. This could be significant with regard to losses by nationality, but is not for losses of a general European nature, and that is what we are investigating.

(19) The Jerusalem Tribunal has 480,000 in its "Exhibit No. 111."

(20) This figure is confirmed by "Exhibit No. 111" of the Jerusalem Tribunal.

(21) Dr. Kasztner says 300,000 ("800,000 of which 500,000 were deported," page 1 of his Report.)

(22) Figure given by Dr. Kasztner as coming to him from Eichmann himself.

(23) In France and in Germany, freight cars are larger than in Poland, Czechoslovakia and Hungary. I learned this by experience when we were evacuated from Dora in April 1945, with 80 per car in a train composed at least half of such cars, we were just as crowded with 80 in a Polish car as we were with 100 in a French car.

(24) We can see then what would have happened under Joel Brand's system: "Every day" he told the Jews in Constantinople, when he met with them towards the 18th of June, 1944, "12,000 Jews are thrown into the cars." (Histoire de Joel Brand, p. 125). Conclusion: four trains per day, and the system exhausted the supply of empty railroad cars before the evening of the 5th day!

(25) At Auschwitz, the "baggage" collected in this manner by the administration of the camp was gathered into a corner of the camp which, according to the official plans produced at Nuremberg and other trials, was composed of 30 blocks separate from each other and heavily guarded: "Canada" they were called by the deportees. The official view was that on the approach of the Russian army, the S.S. tried to set fire to them but did not succeed. On their arrival, the Russian troops found in the six blocks set aside for clothing: 348,820 outfits for men, 836,525 outfits for women, but only 5,255 pairs of shoes for men, and 38,000 pairs of shoes for women. There were also 13,694 rugs. (Auschwitz, Official Communication of the Museum of the Auschwitz Commission -- Panstwowe Museum W. Oswiecimiu -- published in Cracow in 1947). That gives an idea of all that the Jews brought with them. Women remained women even in the worst circumstances: compare what was found on them with what was found on the men. Other barracks contained objects of all sorts of value. The commission does not give an enumeration, or an estimate of the market value, but trains and trucks were required to transport it all. All these things must have taken up a great deal of space in the cars "of 70 to 100 persons and even more" mentioned in "Exhibit 154" of the Jerusalem trial. Conclusion: in the cars of the Jews who carried with them the most goods, there were fewer persons, and in the others more than expected.

(26) Actually, it said: 57,000 to 62,000.

(27) In the Breviaire de la Haine, he even specified "3,000 deportees in all from Croatia." (p. 181.)

(28) Deportation of the Jews from Yugoslavia was decided upon on January 19, 1943, for Croatia, but was not seriously begun until after the arrival of Krumey, on October 16, 1943; deportations were begun in March, 1942 in Serbia.

(29) Still, the method of the judges at Jerusalem must be emphasized: the case of the German Jews is treated in their verdict -- in the aggregate -- together with Austrian Jews and those of Bohemia-Moravia. To cover up the ridiculous aspect of the number of German Jews which they were taking into consideration, and contrary to the system they used for other countries, they did not total them. In order to give the impression that there was a great number, they included among the German Jews, the 55,000 Polish Jews who were in Germany, when on October 7, 1938, the Polish government decided to deprive them of Polish nationality by not renewing their passports. By this act they were depatriated, and the Germans at that time did not want people without passports on their land. Nor, did the Poles, who had depatriated them. Since no other country wanted them either, it was a very bad state of affairs. It was the origin of the assassination of Counsellor vom Rath in Paris on November 7, 1938, by Grynszpan, a son of one of these 55,000 Poles, and of the "Kristallnacht" of November 9th and 10th in Germany.

END of Chapter 14

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This text is the Chapter 14, p. 288-385, of Debunking the Genocide Myth, A Study of the Nazi Concentration Camps and the Alleged Extermination of European Jewry, by Paul RASSINIER, Introduction by Pierre Hofstetter, Translated from the French by Adam Robbins, published in 1978 in Los Angeles by The Noontide Press, PO Box 2719, Newport beach, CA 92659, USA.

Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 78-53090. ISBN 0-911038-24-8. Copyright © 1978 by the Noontide Press. This book is still available on paper and can be obtained from the publisher : The Noontide Press, PO Box 2719, Newport Beach, CA 92659, USA. The title is now: The Holocaust Story and the Lies of Ulysses (Catalog item 0689, sold for US$ 11.00

The original French text was published as Le Drame des juifs européens, Paris, 1964, Aux Sept Couleurs, a book which will soon be available in French on this website: <http://www.aaargh-international.org/aaargh/fran/archRassi/archRassi.html>

ARTICLE 19. <Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.>The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted by the United Nations General Assembly on December 10, 1948, in Paris.

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