I. STUDIES IN WORD ASSOCIATION 

THE ASSOCIATION METHOD 

must always be added, as if what has already been said were incorrect or in some way incomplete. This feeling is what ] anet calls the "sen timen t d' incom plt'~tude"; but this, however, does not explain anything. I am enlarging on this phenomenon because it is very common in neurotic individuals. It is not merely a trivial and incidental phenomenon in an experiment without significance, but rather an essential and universal phenomenon that plays a large part in the psychic life of neurotics. 
	95° 	By his desire to supplement, the subject betrays a tendency 
to give the experimenter more than he wants; he actually labours in his attempts to find further ideas so as eventually to find something entirely satisfactory. If we translate this elementary observation into the psychology of everyday life, it means that the subject has a tendency always to give to others more feeling than is demanded or expected. According to Freud, this is a sign of a reinforced object-libido, that is, it is a compensation for an inner discontent and lack of feeling. This elementary observation therefore points to one of the chief characteristics of hysterical patients, namely, the tendency to let themselves be carried away by everything, to fix their passion onto everything, and always to promise too much and hence keep only a few of their promises. Patients with this symptom are, in my experience, always rather disagreeable; at first they are enthusiastically enamoured of the physician, for a time going so far as blindly to accept everything he says; but they soon fall into an equally blind resistance to him, thus rendering any psychological influence absolutely impossible. 
	951 	In this phenomenon we see the expression of a tendency to 
give more than the instruction asks for or expects. This tendency also betrays itself in other failures to follow the instruction: 
to quarrel 
to marry plum 
to sin 

angry-all sorts of things-I always quarrel at home 
what can you mean by that? reunion-bond 
to eat a plum-to pick-what do you mean by it? do you mean it symbolically? 
this idea is totally alien to me, I do not acknowledge it 
450 

	952 	These reactions show that the subject is not playing his part 
in the experiment. For the instruction is that he should answer only with the first word that occurs to him. But here it appears that the stimulus-words have an excessively strong effect, that they are taken absolutely personally, as if they were direct questions. The subject entirely forgets that he is faced with mere words presented in print. He looks for a personal meaning in them, tries to guess the meaning and defend himself against it, altogether forgetting the original instruction. 
	953 	This elementary observation illustrates another common 
peculiarity of hysterical patients, namely, that of taking everything personally, of never being able to be objective and of allowing themselves to be carried away by momentary impressions; again the characteristic of the reinforced object-libido. 
	954 	Yet another sign of difficulty in adaptation is the frequent 
repetition of the stimulus-word. The subjects repeat the stimulus-word as if they had not heard it distinctly or understood it. They repeat it just as we repeat an expected and difficult question so as to grasp it better and be able to answer it. This same tendency is shown in the experiment. The stimulus-words are repeated because they influence hysterical individuals as difficult personal questions do. In principle it is the same phenomenon as the additions to the reaction. 
	955 	In many experiments we observe that the same reaction 
often occurs in response to the most varied stimulus-words. These words seem to tend especially to be repeated, and it is very interesting to find out what these words really mean to the subject. I have, for instance, observed a case in which the patient repeatedly reacted with the word short a great many times, often in places where it made no sense. The subject could not give the precise reason for repeating the word. From experience I knew that such predicatory words always refer either to the subject himself or to the person nearest to him. I assumed that he was referring to himself as "short" and in this way expressed something very painful to him. The subject was of very small stature. He was the youngest of four brothers; the others, in contrast to himself, were very tall. He was always the child in the family; he was nicknamed "Short" and was treated by all as the "little one." This resulted in a total loss of selfconfidence. Although he was intelligent, and in spite of long 
451 

I. STUDIES IN WORD ASSOCIATION 
study, he could not make up his mind to sit for an examination; he finally became impotent, and sank into a psychosis in which, whenever he was alone, he took great pleasure in walking about his room on his toes in order to appear taller. The word short, therefore, stood to him for a great many painful experiences. This is usually the case with perseverated words; they always express something very important in the individual psychology of the subject. 
	956 	The characteristics so far described do not occur at random 
in the experiment, but are found at very definite points, namely, where the stimulus-words touch upon emotionally charged complexes. This fact is the foundation of what is called the diagnosis of evidence, i.e., the art of detecting, by means of'an association experiment, the real culprit among a number of people suspected of a crime. That this is possible I will demonstrate by a brief account of an actual case.3 
	957 	On February 6, 1908, our matron informed me that one of 
the nurses had complained to her that on the previous afternoon she had been robbed. Here are the facts: The nurse had her money, which amounted to seventy francs, in a purse that she kept in her clothes-cupboard. The cupboard had two compartments; one belonged to the nurse who had been robbed and the other to the charge nurse. These two nurses slept in the same room (with the cupboard in it), together with a third nurse, who was an intimate friend of the charge nurse. The room was in a section of the hospital where normally six nurses were on duty and these could go into the room and use it if they wanted to. In view of this situation it was not surprising that the matron shrugged her shoulders when I asked her whom she suspected in the first place. 
	958 	From further investigation it appeared that on the day of 
the theft the friend of the charge nurse had stayed in bed the whole morning because she did not feel very well. According to the evidence of the first nurse, the theft must have taken place during the afternoon. Among the other four nurses on whom suspicion might fall, there was one whose regular duty 
3 [The holograph here contains a direction to insert the experiment from the Rivista di psicologia applicata, Le., "New Aspects of Criminal Psychology" (see infra, Appendix 2). Accordingly, pars. 957-983 here are translated from the Italian of that work, where the passage is omitted to avoid repetition.] 
4.12 

THE ASSOCIATION METHOD 
it was to clean the room, whereas the other three had no official business there, and it did not appear that any of them had been in the room, for whatever reason. 
	959 	It was therefore very natural that the last three nurses were 
for the time being regarded as less suspect; I therefore first subjected the first three to the experiment. 
	960 	From the particulars of the case I also knew that the cup- 
board was locked but that the key was near by and could easily be found; that on opening the cupboard the first thing visible was a fur stole, and that the purse was hidden in an inconspicuous place between the linen. The pocketbook was made of dark red leather and contained the following: one fifty-franc note, one twenty-franc piece, a few centimes, a little silver watch-chain, a seal for marking the crockery in the hospital, and a receipt from the Dosenbach shoe-shop in Zurich. 
	961 	Apart from the nurse who had been robbed, and the culprit, 
only the charge nurse knew the exact particulars of the robbery, since the nurse who had been robbed thought at first that she had lost the money and asked the charge nurse to help her look for it. So the charge nurse was in a position to know the minutest detail of the case; this made the experiment particularly difficult because she was one of the most likely suspects. The conditions of the experiment were more favourable as far as the other nurses were concerned, since they did not know any of the particulars of the evidence and some of them did not even know that a robbery had been committed. As critical stimulus-words I chose the name of the nurse who had been robbed and also the following: cuPboard) door) open) key) yesterday) banknote) gold) 70) 50) 20) money) watch) purse) chain) silver) to conceal) fur) dark red) leather) centimes) seal) receiPt) Dosenbach. Besides these words which referred to the evidence proper, I also chose the following, which have a special affective value: theft) to take) to rob) suspect) to accuse) court) police) to lie) to fear) to discover) to arrest) innocent. 
	962 	Against words of this last type it has been objected that they 
carry a strong emotional charge even for the innocent and that there is therefore no value in confronting people with them. We still, however, have to consider whether in an innocent person the affective charge has the same effect on the associations as it has in a guilty one, a question that cannot be 
453 

Neutral reactions Critical reactions Post-critical reactions 
I. STUDIES IN WORD ASSOCIATION 
answered ex cathedra but only through experience. Until proof to the contrary is forthcoming I maintain that words of this class can also produce useful results. 
	963 	I next distributed these critical stimulus-words among 
double the number of ordinary stimulus-words, so that for each critical word there were two ordinary ones. It is an advantage for the critical words to be followed by ordinary ones so that the influence of the former may stand out all the more clearly. One can, however, also let one critical word follow another when one wants to show up especially the importance of the second. I therefore put together dark red and leather, as well as chain and silver. 
	964 	After these preparations I started the experiment on the 
three nurses. Since it is very difficult to present investigations of this kind in a foreign language I cannot give a full report on them here, but I shall content myself with giving an account of the general results and adding some examples. First, I subjected the friend of the charge nurse to the experiment; considering the circumstances, she seemed to be only slightly upset. Then I examined the charge nurse herself, who seemed to be posses!;ed by a considerable agitation and who immediately after the experiment still had a pulse rate of 122 per minute. Lastly I dealt with the nurse who was responsible for cleaning the room where the theft had taken place. She was the calmest of them all; she was only slightly embarrassed and only in the course of the experiment did she realize that she was a possible suspect; towards the end of the experiment this manifestly disturbed her. 
	965 	The outcome of the examination spoke very much against 
the charge nurse who, it seemed to me, showed a suspicious reserve-I would almost say impudence. With the precise idea of finding her guilty, I applied myself to the calculation of the results. 
	966 	One can use all sorts of methods of computation, but they 
are not all equally good and equally exact. (One must always base one's judgment on calculation, because appearances are most deceptive!) The method most to be recommended is that of the probable mean of the reaction-times. It gives one a glimpse of the difficulties that the subject of the experiment has had to overcome in reacting. 
454 

THE ASSOCIATION METHOD 
	967 	The technique of this calculation is very simple: the prob- 
able mean is the number in the middle of the series of reactiontimes. The reaction-times4 are, for instance, arranged in the following manner: 5,5,5,7,7,7,7,8,8, g, g, g, 12, 13, 14; the middle number (8) is the probable mean of this series. I indicate the friend of the charge nurse by the letter A, the charge nurse by the letter B, and the third nurse by the letter C. 
	968 	The probable means of the reaction-times are A, 10.0; B, 
12.0; C, 13.5. From this result one cannot draw any conclusion. 
	969 	The means of the reaction-times for the reactions without 
special significance, for the critical reactions, and for those immediately following ("post-critical"), calculated separately, are, however, of greater interest. 

Probable Means of the Reaction-times 		
	A 	B 	C 	
Neutral reactions 	10.0 	11.0 	12.0 	
Critical reactions 	16.0 	13.0 	15.0 	
Post-critical reactions 	10.0 	11.0 	13.0 	
	97° 	Here is what results from this table: although A has the 
lowest mean of the reaction-time for neutral reactions, she has, in contrast to the other two subjects of the experiment, the longest reaction-time for the critical reactions. 
	971 	The difference between the reaction-times for, let us say, 
neutral reactions and critical reactions is 6 for A, 2 for B, 3 for C; thus, about twice as high for A as for either of the others. 
	972 	By calculations similar to those we have made for the re- 
action-times, we can work out how many complex-characteristics there are on an average for ordinary, critical, and other reactions. 
Mean of the ComPlex-characteristics for All Reactions 
	A 	B 	C 
	0.6 	o.g 	0.8 
	1.3 	o.g 	1.2 
	0.6 	1.0 	0.8 
	973 	The difference between the neutral and the critical reac- 
tions is 0.7 for A, 0 for B, and 0.4 for C: A therefore leads. 
4 [The reaction-times are always given in fifths of a second.] 
455 

c 
I. STUDIES IN WORD ASSOCIATION 
	974 	The next question concerns incorrect reproductions. The re- 
sults of the computation are 34 per cent for A, 28 per cent for B, and 30 per cent for C. One can see that, in this connection also, A reaches the maximum value, and in this I seem to see a characteristic of A's guilt-complex. I cannot, however, set out here the reasons why I maintain that there is a connection between errors of memory and emotional complexes, since this would lead me beyond the scope of the present investigation. I therefore refer the reader to my paper "On Disturbances in Reproduction in the Association Experiment" [supra]. 
	975 	It often happens in the experiment that an association with 
a strong affective charge leaves behind it a perseveration, in the sense that not only the critical association itself but also two or three of the subsequent associations are incorrectly reproduced; it is therefore interesting to see what one finds if one arranges these associations in a series. The results of the computation are 64.7 per cent for A, 55.5 per cent for B, and 30.0 per cent for C. 
	976 	Here again we find that A has the largest percentage. This 
may be partly due to the fact that A also has the largest number of incorrect reproductions: given the small number of reactions, it is obvious that the number of incorrect reproductions in a group increases in proportion to the total number of reactions. Even though this is probable, it can only happen to the same extent in experiments such as ours, in which Band C do not have a much smaller number of incorrect reproductions than A. It is significant that C, with her comparative lack of emotion during the experiment, has the minimum of incorrect reproductions in a series. 
	977 	Since incorrect reproductions are also complex-character- 
istics, we need to find out how the incorrect reproductions of neutral reactions, critical reactions, and so on are distributed. 
Incorrect Reproductions 
	A 	B 
		Neutral reactions 	10.0 	12.0 	11.0 
		Critical reactions 	19.0 	9.0 	12.0 
		Post-critical reactions 	5.0 	7.0 	7.0 
	978 	There is no need to add anything to emphasize the differ- 
ences between neutral reactions and critical reactions in the different subjects: A leads in this respect also. 
456 

THE ASSOCIATION METHOD 
	979 	In this case, of course, the larger the number of critical 
reactions, the greater is the probability of a large number of incorrect reproductions. Supposing that the incorrect reproductions are distributed evenly and at random among all the reactions, then there will be a greater number for A (compared with Band C) as a reaction to critical words, since A has the largest number of incorrect reproductions. Admitting such a uniform distribution of incorrect reproductions, we can easily calculate how many of them belong to each single class of reaction. 
Incorrect Reproductions 

		TO BE EXPECTED 		ACTUALL Y OCCURRING 	
	Neutral 	Critical 	Post-crit. 	Neutral 	Critical 	Post-crit. 	
	Reactions 	Reactions 	Reactions 	Reactions 	Reactions 	Reactions 	
A 	11.2 	I2·5 	10.2 	10.0 	Ig.O 	5.0 	
B 	9.2 	IO.] 	8·4 	12.0 	g.o 	7.0 	
C 	9·9 	II.I 	9.0 	H.O 	I2.0 	7.0 	
	980 	From this table it appears that the disturbances of repro- 
duction of the critical reactions of A greatly exceed the expectation, whereas for C the figures are only o.g above expectation and for B the actual number is smaller. 
	981 	All these data are pointers to show that in subject A the 
critical stimulus-words have acted with the greatest intensity so that the maximum suspicion falls on A. One could venture to declare this subject as the presumptive culprit: and on the same evening she made a full confession of the theft and thus confirmed the success of the experiment. 
	982 	I maintain that a result so obtained is scientifically inter- 
esting and worthy of discussion. In experimental psychology there are many much less useful things than those with which we are dealing in this paper. Completely disregarding the theoretical interest, we have· to take into account the not inconsiderable practical result: we have unmasked the culprit without the usual formalities, merely by taking the shortest route. What was possible in one or two cases should be possible in others, and it is well worth while to explore every conceivable way of making this method yield rapid and reliable results.5 
5 [See the appendix, infra, pars. 1331ff., where the discussion of this case continues.] 
457 

1. STUDIES IN WORD ASSOCIATION 
THE ASSOCIATION METHOD 
	983 	This application of the experiment shows that it is possible 
to touch upon a concealed, indeed an unconscious, complex by means of a stimulus-word; and, conversely, we may quite certainly assume that behind a reaction showing complex-characteristics a complex is hidden, even though the subject may strongly deny it. One must get rid of the idea that people with a good education and some insight can always recognize and admit their own complexes. Every human mind contains much that is not admitted and hence, as such, unconscious; and no one can boast that he stands completely above his complexes. He who nevertheless maintains that he can is not aware of the spectacles upon his own nose. 
apple table 
to go for a walk father 
a tree-fruit 
a piece of furniture an activity 
head of the family 
'*' 
	985 	This type is chiefly found among stupid people, and it is 
therefore common among imbeciles. It can also be found in people who are not really stupid but who do not wish to be taken as stuPid. Thus, a young student, whose associations were recorded by an intelligent older woman student, reacted entirely with definitions. The subject was under the impression that he was undergoing an intelligence test, and therefore focussed principally on the meaning of the stimulus-words; his associations, therefore, looked like those of a half-wit. Not all half-wits, however, react with definitions; probably the only ones who react in this way are those who would like to appear cleverer than they are-that is, those to whom their stupidity is painful. I call this complex, which we often meet with, the "in telligence-com plex." 
	986 	This type often makes a strained and unnatural impression. 
They seem to be trying too hard: 
	984 	It has long been believed that the association experiment 
enables one to distinguish certain intellectual types. This is by no means the case. The experiment does not give us any special insight into purely intellectual processes but rather into emotional ones. To be sure, we can establish certain types of reaction; they are not, however, based on intellectual peculiarities, blIt depend entirely on emotional attitudes. Educated subjects usually show trivial, well-canalized verbal associations, whereas the uneducated make more valuable, often more meaningful, associations. This behaviour would, from an intellectual point of view, be paradoxical. The associations, rich in content, offered by uneducated people are not really the products of a thinking rich in content but merely those of a particular emotional attitude. The whole thing is more important to the uneducated, his emotion is greater, and for that reason he pays more attention to the experiment than the educated person and his associations are therefore richer in content. Apart from those derived from a particular type of education, we have to consider four principal individual types: 
I. An objective type with undisturbed reactions. 
2. What is called a comPlex type, showing many disturbances in the experiment caused by the constellation of a complex. 
3. What is called a definition type. This type always reacts with an explanation or a definition of the content of the stimulus-word, e.g.: 
anxiety to kiss to kiss 
oppression of the heart love's release 
experience of friendship, ete. 
These subjects want to be more than they are, they wish to exert more influence than they really have. Hence we see that people with an intelligence-complex are in general far from simple and free; that they are always somewhat unnatural and affected; that they show a predilection for complicated foreign words, high-sounding quotations, and other intellectual ornaments. It is in this sense that they want to influence their fellowmen, to impress others with their apparent education and intelligence, and thus to compensate for their painful feeling of stupidity. 
	987 	4· The definition type is closely related to the predicate type 
or, more precisely, to the evaluating predicate-type. For example: 
flower money animal 
beautiful pleasant ugly 
knife death 
dangerous ghastly 
458 
459 

1. STUDIES IN WORD ASSOCIATION 
In the definition type it is the intellectual significance of the. stimulus-word that is emphasized, but in the predicate type it is its emotional significance. There are predicate types who greatly exaggerate, whose reactions may be such as these: 
	988 	In the definition type an absolutely intellectual attitude is 
manifested, or rather simulated, but here we have an attitude that is full of feeling. Yet, just as the definition type really means to conceal a lack of intelligence, so the exuberant expression of feeling conceals or overcompensates for a deficiency of feeling. This conclusion is illustrated in a very interesting way by the following di~covery: Investigations of the influence of the family environment on association types reveal that young people seldom belong to the predicate type; in fact, the frequency of the predicate type increases with age. In women the increase of the evaluating predicate type begins a little after the fortieth year, and in men after the sixtieth. That is just the time when, owing to the decline of sexuality, considerable loss of feeling is in fact suffered. 
	989 	If a subject shows a distinct predicate type, one may always 
infer that a marked deficiency of feeling is thereby compensated. One must not, however, conclude conversely that a deficiency of feeling must produce a predicate type, any more than that idiocy directly produces a definition type. A predicate type can also betray itself through external behaviour, as, for example, through marked affectation, enthusiastic exclamations, a certain genteel, refined demeanour, and the affected language so often observed in "society." 
	99° 	The complex type shows no particular tendency unless it be 
the effort to conceal complexes behind the disturbances of the experiment. The definition and predicate types betray a definite tendency to exert some influence on the experimenter. The definition-type tries to make an impact through his intelligence, whereas the predicate type displays his emotions. I need hardly add how important such observations are for the diagnosis of character. 
	991 	Having finished an association experiment, I usually add 
460 
piano to sing mother father 

horrible heavenly deeply loved 
something good, noble, holy 

THE ASSOCIA nON METHOD 
another experiment of a different kind, which I call reproduction. I repeat the same stimulus-words and ask the subjects whether they still remember their former reactions. In certain instances their memory fails and, as experience shows, such failures are brought about by stimulus-words that touch upon a feeling-toned complex, or by stimulus-words immediately following such critical words. 
	992 	This phenomenon has been said to be paradoxical and con- 
trary to all experience. For it is known that feeling-toned matters are better retained in memory than things of no special significance. This is certainly correct, but does not hold for the linguistic expression of a feeling-toned content. On the contrary, one very easily forgets what one has said under emotion, one is even apt to contradict oneself. Indeed, the efficacy of cross-examination in court depends on this fact. The reproduction-method therefore helps to emphasize the complex-stimulus still more. In normal people we usually find a limited number of incorrect reproductions, seldom more than 10 to 15 per cent, whereas in abnormal people, especially in hysteria, we often find from 20 to 40 per cent of incorrect reproductions. The uncertainty of reproduction is therefore in certain cases a measure of the emotivity of the subject. 
	993 	Most neurotics show a pronounced tendency to hide their 
intimate affairs in impenetrable darkness, even from the doctor, so that he finds it very difficult to form an accurate picture of his patient's psychology. In such cases my orientation is greatly assisted by the association experiment. When the experiment is finished, I first look over the general trend of the reaction-times. I see a great many very prolonged times; this means that the patient can only adjust himself with considerable disturbance. 
	994 	His psychological functions flow with marked internal 
friction, with resistances. Most neurotics react only with great and therefore very noticeable resistances; there are, however, others in whom the average reaction-times are as short as in normal subjects, and in whom the other complex-characteristics are lacking, although neurotic symptoms are undoubtedly present. These rather rare cases are found especially among very intelligent and educated, chronically ill people who, after many years of practice, have learned to control their outward behaviour and therefore display very few if any traces of their 
461 

I. STUDIES IN WORD ASSOCIATION 
neurosis. Superficial observation would take them for normal, yet at some points they show disturbances that betray the repressed complex. 
	995 	After investigating the reaction-times I turn my attention 
to the type of association, to find out what type I am dealing with. If it is a predicate type I draw the conclusions on which I have already enlarged; if it is a complex-type I try to determine the nature of the complex. With the necessary experience one can free one's judgment from the subject's statements to quite an extent and, under certain circumstances, almost without any previous knowledge of him, can read the most intimate complexes from the results of the experiment. I first look for the reproduction-words and tabulate them; then I pick out the stimulus-words that show the greatest disturbances. In many cases, merely tabulating these words is sufficient to unearth the complex. In some cases, one is obliged to put a question here and there. It may be best if I illustrate the point by means of a concrete example: 
	996 	The patient was an educated woman of thirty years of age, 
who had been married for three years. Since her marriage she had suffered periodically from states of agitation in which she was violently jealous of her husband. The marriage was in every other respect a happy one and in fact the husband gave no grounds for jealousy. The patient was sure that she loved him and that her agitated states were absolutely groundless. She could not imagine how this situation had come about and felt quite at a loss. It should be noted that she was a Roman Catholic and had been brought up to practise her religion, whereas her husband was a Protestant. This difference of religion was stated to be of no consequence. A more thorough anamnesis revealed an astounding prudishness: for instance, no one was allowed to talk in the patient's presence about her sister's confinement, because the sexual implication caused her the greatest agitation. She never undressed in her husband's presence but always in another room, and so on. At the age of twenty-seven she was supposed to have had no idea how children were born. Her association test gave the results shown in Fig. 8. 
	997 	The stimulus-words that stood out because of their strong 
disturbing effect were these: yellow, to pray, to part, to marry, to 462 

THE ASSOCIATION METHOD 
quarrel, old, family, haPPiness, unfaithful, anxiety, to kiss, bride, to choose, contented. The following stimulus-words produced the strongest disturbances: to pray, to marry, haPPiness, unfaithful, anxiety, and contented. These then are the words that clearly pointed towards the complex. The conclusion that can be drawn from this is: that she was not indifferent to the fact that her husband was a Protestant, that she was again thinking about prayer and felt there was something wrong with the married state; that she was unhappy; she was false-that is, she was having fantasies about being unfaithful; she suffered from anxiety (about her husband? about the future?); she was dissatisfied with her choice (to choose) and was thinking about parting. The patient therefore had a divorce-complex, for she was very dissatisfied with her married life. When I told her this result she was very shaken and at first tried to deny it, then to gloss it over, but finally she gave in and admitted it. Moreover, she produced a great deal of material, consisting of fantasies about being unfaithful, reproaches against her husband, and so on. Her prudishness and jealousy were merely a projection of her own sexual wishes onto her husband. She was jealous of her husband because she herself was unfaithful in fantasy and could not admit it to herself. 
	99R 	It is impossible in a lecture to give a review of all the 
practical applications of the association experiment. I must be content with having put before you at least the main points. 
463 

1. STUDIES IN WORD ASSOCIATION 

THE F AMIL Y CONSTELLATION 
IV. Predicate expressing a personal 		
judgment 	8·5 	
v. Simple predicate 	21.0 	
VI. Relations of the verb to the sub- 		
ject or complement 	15·5 	
VII. Designation of time, etc. 	I 1.0 	
VIII. Definition 	11.0 	
IX. Coexistence 	1.5 	
x. Identity 	0·5 	
XI. Motor-speech combination 	12.0 	
XII. Composition of words 		
XIII. Completion of words 		
XIV. Clang associations 		
xv. Defective reactions 		
Total 		
173·5 Average difference -- = 11.5 
15 
	1001 	As can be seen from this example, I utilize the difference to 
demonstrate the degree of the analogy. In order to find a basis for the sum of the resemblance I have calculated the differences among all Dr. Fiirst's subjects, not related among themselves, by comparing every female subject with all the other unrelated females; the same comparison has been made for the male subjects. 
	1002 	The most marked difference is found in those cases where 
the two subjects compared have no associative quality in common. All the groups are calculated in percentages, the greatest difference possible being 21°5° = 13.3 per cent. 
I. The average difference of male unrelated subjects is 5.9 per cent, and that of females of the same group is 6 per cent. 
II. The average difference between male related subjects is 4.1 per cent, and that between female related subjects is 3.8 per cent. From these numbers we see that relatives show a tendency to agreement in the reaction type. 
Ill. Difference between fathers and children = 4.2. 
	mothers" 	" = 3.5. 
The reaction' types of children come nearer to the type of the mother than to the father. 
	IV. Difference between fathers and their sons 	= 3.1. 
daughters = 4.9. 
THE FAMILY CONSTELLATION' 
	999 	Ladies and Gentlemen: As we have seen, there are many 
different ways in which the association experiment may be used in practical psychology. I should like to talk to you today about yet another use of this experiment, one that is, in the first place, of merely theoretical importance. My pupil, Doctor Fiirst,2 made the following investigations: she applied the association experiment to twenty-four families, consisting altogether of one hundred subjects. The resulting material amounted to 22,200 associations. This material was processed as follows. 
	1000 	Fifteen clearly defined groups were formed according to 
logical-linguistic criteria and the associations were arranged as follows: 3 
I. Co-ordination 
II. Sub- and supraordination Ill. Con trast 
Husband 6·5 
7 
0·5 
Wife 
Difference 
6 7 
1 [For bibliographical history, see n. I to the preceding lecture, "The Association Method." This lecture has also been translated from the German holograph, in consultation with the Brill version. In the holograph, Jung's title was "Die famiWire Constellation," which Brill rendered as "The Familiar Constellations" in the 19<>9, 1910, and 1916 publications. 
Uung had previously published "Associations d'idees familiales," Archives de psychologie (Geneva), VII:26 (Oct., 1907), 160-68, the content of which is similar to that of the present paper; it is omitted from the Coli. Works. He again presented four of the graphs, and commented on the cases, in 1935 in "The Tavistock Lectures," Lecture III (1g68 edn., pp. 83ff.).] 
2 [Emma Fiirst, M.D., a member of the staff of the Psychiatric Clinic of the University of Zurich. CL her "Statistical Investigations on Word-Associations and on Familial Agreement in Reaction Type among Uneducated Persons" (orig. 19<>7).] 
3 [The holograph here contains a direction to insert all of sec. 2 at p. 165 in the Archives, Le., "Associations d'idees familiales" (supra, n. I). Pars, 1000-1003 are here reproduced from the Brill translation, modified to conform with t.he present translation,] 
466 
	95.0 	86·5 
	3·5 	17·5 
0,5 
15.0 tl,O 11.0 
1.5 
0·5 
12.0 
173,5 
467 

I. STUDIES IN WORD ASSOCIATION 
THE FAMILY CONSTELLATION 
mothers 
sons = 4.7. daughters = 3.0. 
	10°4 	The similarity of associations of related subjects is often 
quite extraordinary. I will give you the associations of a mother and daughter: 
V. Difference between brothers = 4.7. 
	" 	"sisters = 5.1. 
If the married sisters are omitted from the comparison we get the following result: 
Difference of unmarried sisters = 3.8. 
These observations show distinctly that marriage destroys more or less the original agreement, as the husband belongs to a different type. 
Difference between unmarried brothers = 4.8. 
Marriage seems to exert no influence on the association forms in men. Nevertheless, the material that we have at our disposal is not as yet enough to allow us to draw definite conclusions. 
VI. Difference between husband and wife = 4.7. 
This number sums up inadequately the different and very unequal values; that is to say, there are some cases which show an extreme difference and some which show a marked concordance. 
Stimulus-word to pay attention law 
dear 
great 
potato 
family 
strange 
brother 
to kiss 
a burn 
door 
hay 
month 
air 
coal 
fruit 
merry 
etc. 
	10°3 	The different results are shown in the graphs (Figs. 1-5). 
In the graphs I have marked the number of associations of each quality perpendicularly in percentages. The roman numbers written horizontally represent the forms of association indicated in the table above. 
Mother hard-working 
God's commandment child 
God 
tuber 
many people traveller dear to me mother 
great pain wide 
dry 
many days cool 
sooty 
sweet happy child etc. 
Daughter pupil Moses 
father and mother father 
tuber 
five people travellers dear mother painful big 
dry 
31 days moist black sweet 
little children etc. 
	1°°5 	One might indeed think that in this experiment, where the 
door is thrown wide open to so-called chance, individuality would become a factor of the utmost importance, and that therefore one might expect a rich variety and freedom of association. But, as we have seen, the opposite is the case. The daughter shares her mother's way of thinking, not only in her ideas but also in her form of expression; so much so that she even uses the same words. What is more free, fickle, and inconsequent than a passing thought? It is not inconsequent, however, nor free, but strongly determined within the boundaries of the environment. If, therefore, even the most superficial and apparently most fleeting mental images are entirely due to the constellation of the environment, what must we not expect for the more important mental activities, for emotions, wishes, hopes, and intentions? Let us consider a concrete example, illustrated by Fig. 1. 
	1006 	The mother is forty-five years old and the daughter sixteen. 
Both are very distinct evaluating predicate types and differ 
469 
Fig. 1. The father (solid line) shows an objective type, while the mother and daughter show the pure predicate type with a pronounced subjective tendency. 
Fig. 2. The husband and wife agree well in the predicate objective type, the predicate subjective being somewhat more numerous in the wife. 
Fig. 3. A very nice agreement between a father and his two daughters. 
Fig. 4. Two sisters living together. The dotted line represents the married sister. 
Fig. 5. Husband and wife. The wife is a sister of the two women of Fig. 4. She approaches very closely to the type of her husband. Her tracing is the direct opposite of that of her sisters. 468 

1. STUDIES IN WORD ASSOCIA TlON 

THE FAMILY CONSTELLA nON 

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47° 

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3 

471 

	Daughter II 	n 

I. STUDIES IN WORD ASSOCIATION 

rrillI'lIl:JZIW:smrJXXXIXIIXIIIXI'ilXV 

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rrillI'lIl:JZIW:smrJXXXIXIIXIIIXI'ilX'il 

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5 

472 

THE F AMIL Y CONSTELLATION 

from the father in the most striking manner. The father is a drunkard and a demoralized person. It is understandable therefore that his wife is emotionally starved and betrays this by her intense value judgments. The same reasons cannot, however, apply to the daughter for, in the first place, she is not married to a drunkard and, in the second place, life with all its hopes and promises still lies before her. It is quite unnatural for the daughter to appear as an extreme evaluating predicate type. She responds to the stimuli of the environment precisely as her mother does. But whereas, in the mother, the type is to some extent a natural consequence of her unhappy situation, this simply does not apply to the daughter. The daughter merely imitates her mother; she follows her mother'!) pattern. Let us consider what this can mean for a young girl. It is unnatural and forced for her to react to the world like an older woman who is disappointed in life. But it could be even more serious than this. As you know, evaluating predicate types overtly express intense emotion; for them everything is emotional. If such people are close to us it is difficult to avoid responding, at least inwardly; we may become infected and even carried away by them. Originally the affects and their physical manifestations had a biological significance; that is, they were a protective mechanism for the individual and the whole herd. If we show feeling, we can be sure that we shall evoke feeling in others. That is the experience of the evaluating predicate type. What the forty-five-year-old woman lacks emotionally, love within her marriage, she seeks compensation for in the outside world, and for this reason she is an ardent follower of the Christian Science movement. If the daughter follows this pattern she is behaving like her mother, looking for emotional satisfaction from outside. But for a girl of sixteen such an emotional state is, to say the least, very dangerous; like her mother, she is reacting to her environment, soliciting sympathy for her suffering. Such an emotional state is no longer dangerous in the mother, but for obvious reasons it is for the daughter. Once she frees herself from her father and mother she will be like her mother, an inwardly dissatisfied suffering woman. She will thus be exposed to the great danger of falling a victim to brutality and of marrying a brute and inebriate like her father. 
	1007 	This consideration seems to me important for the under- 
473 

I. STUDIES IN WORD ASSOCIATION 
standing of the influence of environment and of education. The example shows what may be transmitted from a mother to her child. It is not pious precepts nor the repetition of pedagogic truths that have a moulding influence on the character of a developing child; what most influences him are the unconscious personal affective states of his parents and teachers. Hidden conflicts between the parents, secret worries, repressed wishes, all these produce in the child an emotional state, with clearly recognizable signs, that slowly but surely, though unconsciously, seeps into his mind, leading to the same attitudes and hence the same reactions to the environment. We all know that when we are with moody and melancholy people we ourselves become depressed. A restless and nervous person infects the people around him with uneasiness, a grumbler with his discontent, and so on. Since adults are so sensitive to surrounding influences, we should certainly expect this even more among children, whose minds are as soft and malleable as wax. Fathers and mothers deeply impress their children's minds with the stamp of their personalities; the more sensitive and impressionable the child the deeper the impression. Everything is unconsciously reflected, even those things that have never been mentioned at all. A child imitates gestures and, just as the parents' gestures are the expressions of their emotional states, so in turn the gesture gradually produces an emotional state in the child, as he makes the gesture his own. His adaptation to the world is the same as his parents'. At puberty, when he begins to free himself from the spell of the family, he goes out into life with, more or less, the same kind of compromiseadaptations as those of his parents. The frequent and often very deep depressions of puberty arise from this; they are symptoms rooted in the difficulties of new adjustments. The adolescent at first tries to become as separate as possible from his family; he may even estrange himself from them, but inwardly this only binds him the more firmly to his image of his parents. I remember the case of a neurotic young man who ran away from home. He was estranged from and almost hostile to his family, but he admitted to me that he possessed a very special talisman; it was a casket containing his old childhood books, old dried flowers, stones, and even small bottles of water from 
474 

THE F AMIL Y CONSTELLATION 
the well at his home and from a river along which he used to walk with his parents. 
	1008 	The first moves towards friendship and love are constel- 
lated in the strongest possible manner by the nature of the relationships with our parents, and here as a rule one can see how powerful is the influence of the family constellation. It is not rare, for instance, for a healthy man whose mother was hysterical to marry a hysteric, or for the daughter of an alcoholic to choose an alcoholic for her husband. I was once consulted by an intelligent and educated young woman of twentysix who suffered from a peculiar symptom. She complained that her eyes now and then took on a strange expression that exerted an undesirable influence on men. If she looked at a .man he became self-conscious, turned away and suddenly said something to the man next to him, whereupon they either laughed or looked embarrassed. The patient was convinced that her glance excited indecent thoughts in men. It was impossible to talk her out of her conviction. This symptom immediately made me suspect that I was dealing with a case of paranoia rather than with a neurosis. But only three days of further treatment showed me that I was mistaken, for the symptom promptly disappeared after it had been analyzed. It arose like this: the lady had had a lover who had publicly jilted her. She felt utterly forsaken, withdrew from all society and amusements, and developed suicidal ideas. In her isolation, unconscious and repressed erotic wishes accumulated and these she unconsciously projected on to men whenever she was in their company. This gave rise to the conviction that her look excited erotic wishes in men. Further investigation showed that her unfaithful lover was mentally ill, a fact that she had apparently not realized. I expressed my astonishment at her making such an unsuitable choice, and added that she must have had a certain inclination to love mentally abnormal people. This she denied, stating that she had once before been engaged to be married, to a perfectly normal man. He, too, deserted her; and on further inquiry it was found that he, too, had shortly before been in a mental hospital for a year-another psychotic! This seemed sufficiently to confirm my view that she had an unconscious tendency to choose insane people. Where did this 
475 

I. STUDIES IN WORD ASSOCIATION 
strange taste come from? Her father was an eccentric and in his later years was completely alienated from his family. Her love had therefore been displaced from her father on to a brother eight years her senior, whom she loved and honoured as a father. At the age of fourteen this brother became hopelessly insane. This was apparently the pattern from which the patient could never free herself, according to which she chose her lovers, and through which she was bound to become unhappy. The particular form of her neurosis, which gave the impression of insanity, probably arose from this childhood pattern. We must take into consideration that in this case we are dealing with a highly educated and intelligent woman, who was not inattentive to her inner experiences, who indeed pondered a great deal over her unhappy fate, without, however, having any idea of what caused her misfortunes. 
	100g 	This is the kind of thing that we unconsciously take for 
granted in ourselves; for this very reason we cannot see what is going on but put the blame on what we think of as our innate character. I could give any number of examples of this. Patients constantly illustrate for me the determining influence of the family background on their destiny. In every neurosis we can see how the emotional environment constellated during infancy influences not only the character of the neurosis, but also the patient's destiny even down to its very details. Many an unhappy choice of profession and disastrous marriage can be traced to such a constellation. There are, however, cases where the profession has been well chosen, where the husband or wife leaves nothing to be desired, and still the patient feels uneasy and lives and works under constant difficulties. Such cases often appear to be chronic neurasthenics. Here the difficulty is that the mind is unconsciously split into two parts, of divergent and conflicting tendencies; one part lives with the husband or the profession, while the other lives unconsciously in the past with father or mother. I have treated a woman who suffered for many years from a severe neurosis which deteriorated into dementia praecox. The neurotic illness began with her marriage. Her husband was kind, educated, well-to-do, in every respect suitable for her; his character showed nothing that should in any way interfere with a happy marriage. The 
476 

THE FAMILY CONSTELLATION 
marriage was nevertheless unhappy, all easy companionship was impossible because the wife was neurotic. 
	1010 	The heuristically impOl;tant principle of every psychoanaly- 
sis runs: If someone develops a neurosis, this contains the negative aspect of his relationshiP with the person closest to him. A neurosis in a husband dearly shows that he has strong resi stances and negative attitudes towards his wife; in a neurotic wife there is an attitude that drives her away from her husband. In an unmarried patient the neurosis turns against the lover or the parents. Every neurotic naturally resists such a relentless interpretation of the content of his neurosis and often refuses on any account to recognize it, and yet this is always the heart of the matter. Certainly, the conflict does not lie on the surface, but can as a rule only be uncovered by laborious psychoanalysis. 
	101 I 	Here is the history of our patient: The father was an im- 
pressive personality. She was his favourite daughter and held him in boundless veneration. At the age of seventeen she first fell in love with a young man. At that time she twice dreamt the same dream, the impression of which never afterwards left her; she even imputed a mystical meaning to it and often remembered it with religious awe. In the dream she saw a tall masculine figure with a very beautiful white beard, at the sight of which she was filled with a feeling of awe and delight as if she were experiencing the presence of God himself. This dream made the deepest possible impression on her, and she was compelled to think about it for ever after. The love-affair proved not to be a serious one and soon came to an end. Later the patient married her present husband. Though she loved her husband she was always, in her thoughts, comparing him with her late father, and the comparison always turned against her husband. Whatever the husband did, said or intended was judged by this standard and always with the same result: "My father would have done all this differently and better." Thus our patient could not enjoy life with her husband. She could neither respect nor love him enough and was inwardly disappointed and unsatisfied. She gradually developed strong religious feelings and at the same time marked hysteriform symptoms arose. She began by having sentimental attachments to one clergyman after another; she was looking everywhere for a soul-mate and 
477 

I. STUDIES IN WORD ASSOCIATION 
estranged herself more and more from her husband. The mental illness became manifest about ten years after their marriage, and in this condition she refused to have anything to do with her husband and child; she imagined herself to be pregnant by another man. The resistance to her husband, which had hitherto been laboriously repressed, became quite outspoken and showed itself in various ways, among other things in violent abuse. 
	1012 	This case shows the onset of a neurosis approximately at the 
moment of marriage; that is, it expresses the negative attitude to the husband. What is the content of the negative attitude? It is the relationship with the patient's father, for day by day she proved to herself that her husband did not come up to her father's stature. When the patient first fell in love a symptom appeared, an extremely impressive dream or vision. She saw the man with the very beautiful white beard. Who was this man? When her attention was drawn to the beautiful white beard she immediately recognized the image. It was, of course, her father. Every time the patient began to fall in love, the image of her father arose disturbingly and so prevented her from adapting herself to a relationship with the man in question. 
	1013 	I purposely chose this case as an example because it is a 
simple, obvious, and thoroughly typical one of a marriage crippled through the wife's neurosis. I could tire you out with similar examples. The misfortune is always too strong an attachment to the parents, so that the child remains imprisoned in its infantile relationships. It should be one of the most important aims of education to free the growing child from his unconscious attachment to the influences of his early environment, in such a way that he may keep what is valuable in it and reject whatever is not. It seems to me impossible at present to solve this difficult question by starting from the child's end. We know as yet too little about children's emotional processes. The first and only contribution to the literature giving actual evidence on this subject has in fact been published this year. It is the analysis of a five-year-old boy by Freud.4 
	1014 	Children's difficulties are very great. Parents' difficulties, 
however, should not be so great. Parents could in many ways use more discretion and more forbearance towards their chil- 
4 "Analysis of a Phobia in a Five-Year-Old Boy" (orig. 1909). 
478 

THE F AMIL Y CONSTELLATION 
dren's love. The sins committed against favourite children by their parents' over-indulgence could perhaps be avoided through a wider knowledge of the child's mind. I find it for many reasons impossible to say anything universally valid about the educational aspect of this problem. We are as yet a long way from general precepts and rules; we are still doing field work shown in case-histories. Unfortunately, our knowledge of the subtler processes of a child's mind is so inadequate that we are not yet in any position to say where lies the greater fault: in the parents, the child himself, or in environmental attitudes. Only psychoanalyses like the one published by Professor Freud in our Jahrbuch, 1909,5 will help us out of this difficulty. Such detailed and thorough observations should be a strong inducement to all teachers to acquaint themselves with Freud's psychology. In this psychology educationists can find far more than in the current physiological psychology. 
5[Ibid.] 
479 

ON THE PSYCHOPHYSICAL RELATIONS OF THE ASSOCIATION EXPERIMENTl 
	1015 	At the second German Congress for Experimental Psychol- 
ogy, held at Wiirzburg (18-21 April 1906), Dr. Veraguth, privatdocent in neurology at Zurich, reported upon a galvanic phenomenon, which he called "galvano-psychophysical reflexes." The author conducts a current of low tension (about two volts) through the human body, the places of entrance and exit of the current being the palms. He introduces into the circuit of the current a Deprez-d'Arsonval galvanometer of high sensitivity, and also a shunt for lowering the oscillations of the mirror. With this technique, if one applies to a subject tactile, optic, or acoustic stimuli of a certain strength, the galvonometer will indicate an increase in the amount of the current, i.e., a lowering of the electrical resistance of the body. Very early in the course of these experiments it was discovered that the action of the galvanometer was not in direct relation with the strength of the stimulus but rather with the intensity of the resulting psychological feeling-tone. Of great interest is the fact that the irregularity of the galvanometer did not appear at the same moment as the perception of the stimulus, but after a latent period of one to six seconds. 
	1016 	Somewhat later Veraguth observed that a movement (often 
of great intensity) occurred when the stimulus, instead of being actually applied, was merely announced to the subject. This phenomenon he terms "oscillation through expectation" (Erwartungsschwankung). From these observations Veraguth concludes that in this experiment feelings are objectively represented. The only difficulty in this procedure lies in the technique of the registration of galvanometric oscillations. 
1 [Apparently written in English; published in The Journal of Abnormal Psychology (Boston), I (1907), 247-55. It was Jung's first publication in English and has never been republished. The present text contains slight stylistic revisions.] 
483 

H. PSYCHOPHYSICAL RESEARCHES 
	1017 	Veraguth takes photographs of the curve of the mirror's 

movements on a rotating film; but this method is rather difficult and expensive, and only short curves can be obtained, while for the graphic representation of feelings long curves are desirable. I have therefore constructed an apparatus by means of which curves of more than thirty to sixty feet can be taken. In such considerable periods of time many and different experiments can be made without difficulty. 
	1018 	The principle of my apparatus is as follows: I add to the 

scale a movable slide with a visor. The slide, pushed forward by the hand, always follows the moving mirror-reflection. After some practice, this manoeuvre can be made very easily and exactly. To the slide is fastened a cord leading to what is called an ergograph writer, which marks the movements of the slide on a kymographic tambour fitted with endless paper, upon which the curves are drawn by a pen-point (see illustration). 
p 

7.	
D~.D 
./ ~ 
I' 
		" 	! Galvanometer 
	I 		, 
I 
1:2.:- 
"'I 
-9.,. 
"I 
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-...;/ 
t 
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Ergograph Writer 
CJ 

8.	
Ergograph Writer 
484 
ON PSYCHOPHYSICAL RELATIONS OF THE EXPERIMENT 

For measuring the time one may use a Jaquet chronograph, and for indicating the moment of stimulus an ordinary electric marker. 
	1019 	With these arrangements I am able to take long curves that 

are especially valuable for representing feeling-tones aroused by the association experiment. 
	1020 	As is perhaps already known, I have clearly demonstrated 

in the Diagnostic Association Studies2 that strong feeling-tones often accompany the association and cause characteristic and regular disturbance in the association processes. I conduct my experiment as follows: I call a series of stimulus-words to a subject who is requested to answer as quickly as possible, saying the first word that comes into her mind. I measure the time elapsing between the stimulus-word and the reaction (the "reaction-time"). Having noted a rather large number of reactions (about one hundred), I then make the subject repeat, one by one, the answers to the stimulus-words (this I call the "reproduction method"). What will occur during such an experiment I shall illustrate by an example.3 
q 

I I I I I I I I , 
6 
Stimulus- 		Reaction-time 		
word 	Reaction 	sec. 	I/ IQ 	Reproduction 	
head 	hair 	1 	4 	+ 	
green 	meadow 	1 	6 	+ 	
water 	deep 	5 		swim 	
stab 	knife 	1 	6 	+ 	
long 	table 	1 	2 	+ 	
ship 	wreck 	3 	4 	steamer 	
question 	answer 	1 	6 	+ 	
wool 	knit 	1 	6 	+ 	
insolent 	gentle 	1 	4 	+ 	
lake 	water 	4 		blue 	
ill 	well 	1 	8 	+ 	
ink 	black 	1 	2 	+ 	
swim 	know 	3 	8 	water 	
--€I 
2 Cf. the report of Adolf Meyer, Psychological Bulletin, II (1905), 242-50; also August Hoch, in Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 1:2 (1g06). 

3 [In the 1907 publication, the reaction-time column is headed "min./sec."; but, inasmuch as in the next par. Jung states that the reaction-times are relatively short, the column heading has been corrected.] 
485 
~

H. PSYCHOPHYSICAL RESEARCHES 
ON PSYCHOPHYSICAL RELA nONS OF THE EXPERIMENT 
	1021 	In considering the reactions of this subject we find at first 

sight nothing remarkable. She has, with some few exceptions, relatively short reaction-times, and there are also a few incorrect reproductions. But on looking closer we discover that the reactions after water, ship, lake, swim, were followed by a rather long reaction-time; and at the same time we observe that with these reactions the following reproduction is incorrect. 
	1022 	So far as we know, we may suppose that the words water, 

ship, ete., awoke lively feelings that retarded the reaction. The incorrect reproduction of the reactions is also caused, as we can prove by experience, by the interference of lively feelings. The feelings causing such phenomena are generally of a disagreeable nature and we therefore venture to suppose that these stimulus-words gave rise to a complex of ideas having some relation to water and possessing great importance for the subject. The subject, cautiously questioned, tells us that a short while ago while living through most painful and exciting experiences she had seriously thought, in a moment of desperation, of committing suicide by drowning herself. But as the days began to look brighter her destiny did not bring her to such an untimely end. 
	1023 	The complex of the intention to commit suicide, to which 

strong feelings are attached, betrayed itself by different psychological disturbances in the experiment. In the same or in similar fashion, all other complexes connected with the affections might naturally betray themselves. Hence the association experiment is a good means of fathoming and of analyzing the personality. According to the opinion of some German authors this method should be used to trace the guilt complexes of criminals who do not confess. At the present time many experiments are being carried out along these lines in Germany, experiments that have been of great scientific interest, but which have not, so far, produced results of undoubted practical value.4 
	1024 	With this experiment, however, apparently so simple, there 

is one great difficulty-namely, the interpretation of the disturbances; or, to express it another way, what sort of complexes 
1025 
are they that cause these disturbances ("indicators of complexes")? In reply to this question we may say that it is the routine of the experiments that is the main thing; and, in view of this fact, we suggest that the interpretation is at present rather an art than a science. In the future, perhaps, laws will be found for the method of interpretation. He who has not mastered this routine may easily make a wrong suggestion and thus go astray. This reproach, and especially that of arbitrary interpretation, has been made concerning my analysis; and consequently every means that helps to define the complex and its feeling-tone is useful. The "galvano-psychophysical reflex" would seem to be such a means. 

By representing graphically the galvanic oscillations during the association experiment, we occasionally obtain curves of very great interest, of which I wish to give some few examples. (The vertical strokes indicate the moment at which the stimulus-word was given.) It can be seen that, shortly after the pre- 
1112 
1112 
1112 
1112 
9.	
1 = Stimulus-word 2 = Reaction 
ceding reaction, the curve quickly rises and then slowly falls again. In this case every reaction is succeeded by a movement of the galvanometer. If by a special proceeding we diminish the sensibility of the apparatus, only the most intensive feelingtones influence the current, so that occasionally we shall obtain very distinct curves that show the strong feeling-tone in a specially clear manner. The following is such an example: 
								+ 			- 		
								f 					
1 	2 	3 	4 	5 	6 	7 	8 	9 	10 	11 	12 	13 	
4 See bibliography at end of this article. 
486 
487 

n. PSYCHOPHYSICAL RESEARCHES 
In the beginning we see the curve making its way horizontally without any irregularity. In this phase come the following eight reactions: 
I. hot 
2.	hand 
3.	apple 
4.	naughty 
cold foot fruit angry 
teeth wake up eat sleep 
10.	mouth 
11.	wake 
12.	drink 
13.	bed 
These reactions show nothing of interest; their feeling-curve accordingly goes in a horizontal line. 
g. pretty 10. danger 
11. to call on 12. workman 
not to call on workwoman 
not pretty no danger 
	1026 	These reactions are obvious: 
1. The first three are uttered in two words, which is, as a rule, unusual with this subject. 
2. There are obvious and for the most part contrasting associations that are not easily intelligible. 
3. A striking perseveration in the linguistic form is to be seen, beginning with not pretty. Workman / workwoman is rather a superficial association. 
	1027 	It is evident that this strange phase takes its origin in pretty. 
On the curve we can see, beginning with the reaction not pretty, the appearance of a strong feeling-tone that lasts for a long time and disappears only with the last reaction. The linguistic perseveration (not pretty, no danger, not to call on) is therefore connected with a feeling, lasting probably through the same period. 
	1028 	I had suspected from the beginning that the young man had 
a sweetheart. He told me that he had been married the week before. Upon my asking him whether his wife were pretty, he very characteristically replied, "Other people do not find her very pretty, but for me she is quite pretty enough." From this it is evident that the word pretty had hit upon a sore point. 
	1029 	The next curve illustrates a very interesting case. The sub- 
ject is a young, diligent, and gentle man, of whom I knew nothing, except the fact of his being an abstainer. 
	1030 	In the beginning we note the curve falling slowly, then 
taking a rather horizontal course until the sixth stimulus-word, 
488 
ON PSYCHOPHYSICAL RELATIONS OF THE EXPERIMENT 
1 121314 

5 16 
7 
8 19 110111 
12 113 
1031 
where a sudden steep rise sets in and maintains itself until the thirteenth reaction. 
The reactions are as follows: 
1.	pay 
2.	snake 
3.	fine 
money animal beautiful 
4.	love 
5.	help 
6.	restaurant 
hatred 
assist non-alcoholic 
1032 
With the sixth reaction the rising of the curve begins. The reaction non-alcoholic indicates a very individual complex of ideas. And a very strong feeling seems to be attached to the fact that he is a teetotaler. 
The reaction next following is: 
	7. polished 	glass 
accompanied by a new rise of the curve. Glass might be another association of the restaurant complex. The next associations are: 
	8. soldier 	military 
	g. write 	letter 
	10. looking-glass 	clear 
which present nothing special and are also galvanically un mteresting. 
	11. full 	man 
(The German word voll, 'full', has also the occasional meaning 'completely drunk'.) This association, which distinctly indicates the idea of being drunk, is again accompanied by a rising of the curve. The next association is: 
12. intelligence 489 
prudent 

H. PSYCHOPHYSICAL RESEARCHES 
	1°33 	As things present themselves we may be right in supposing 
that there is a complex with strong feelings that has some relation to restaurant and drunkenness. When asked, the man confesses that once, when drunk, he had committed the crime of a serious assault and had consequently been sentenced to a long term of imprisonment. Because of these occurrences he had become an abstainer as a means of preventing his again getting into a similar situation. (This confession was corroborated by others as being the truth.) 
	103-1 	As may easily be understood, this event left a serious and 
lasting impression, deepened by the fact that his former crime had become a great social hindrance to him. 
	1035 	These examples may serve to show that the association 
experiment is, under certain conditions, a suitable way of demonstrating the feeling-tones that accompany the associations. I say "under certain conditions"-for not always will one succeed in obtaining such clear and distinct curves as those shown above. The experiment possesses numerous complications, to overcome which a great deal of time and work is required. There is moreover the difficulty that the physical and physiological part of the experiment is still obscure, notwithstanding the work of Tarchanoff, Sticker, Sommer, and Veraguth. At the present time, Binswanger in Zurich is occupied with these researches. I will not here anticipate his work, which he has already finished.5 
BIBLIOGRAPHy6 
Works concerning the Galvanic Experiment: 
1. Tarchanoff: "Ober die galvanischen Erscheinungen an der Haut des Menschen, etc." (1890)' 
2. Sticker: "Ober Versuche einer objectiven Darstellung von Sensibilitatsstorungen" (1897). 
3. Sommer: In Beitriige zur Psychiatrischen Klinik, Vienna (1902). 
5 ["On the Psychogalvanic Phenomenon in Association Experiments" (orig. 1907/8).] 
6 [Jung published the bibliography with more or less full references, which will be found in the entries in the volume bibliography.] 
49° 

ON PSYCHOPHYSICAL RELA nONS OF THE EXPERIMENT 
4· Sommer and Fiirstenau: "Die elektrischen Vorgange an der menschlichen Haut" (1906). 
5. Veraguth: "Le Refiexe psycho-galvanique" (1906). 
Works concerning the Psychological Diagnosis of Evidence: 
1. Alfred Gross: "Zur psychologischen Tatbestandsdiagnostik, 
etc." (1905-6). 
2. Idem: "Zur psychologischen Tatbestandsdiagnostik" (1905-6). 3· Idem: "Die Assoziationsmethode im Strafprozess" (1906). 
4. Hans Gross: "Zur psychologischen Tatbestandsdiagnostik" 
( 1905). 
5· Grabowsky: Psychologische Tatbestandsdiagnostik (1905). 6. J ung: Diagnostische Assoziationsstudien, Bd. I (1906). 
7· Idem: Die psychologische Diagnose des Tatbestandes (1906). 8. Kramer and Stern: "Selbstverrat durch Assoziation" (19°5-6). 9· Lederer: "Zur Frage der psychologischen Tatbestandsdiag- 
nostik" (1906). 
10. Idem: "Die Verwendung der psychologischen Tatbestandsdiagnostik in del' Strafrechtspraxis" (1906). 
11.	Stern: "Psychologische Tatbestandsdiagnostik" (1905-6). 
12. Wertheimer and Klein: "Psychologische Tatbestandsdiagnostik" (1904). 
13· Wertheimer: "Experimentelle Untersuchungen zur Tatbestandsdiagnostik" (19°5-6). 
491 

PSYCHOPHYSICAL INVESTIGATIONS WITH THE GALVANOMETER AND PNEUMOGRAPH IN NORMAL AND INSANE INDIVIDUALSl 
by Frederick Peterson and C. G. lung 
	1036 	These investigations were carried out in the laboratory of 
the Clinic for Psychiatry at Zurich, to the director of which, Professor E. Bleuler, we are under obligation for the use of apparatus and material for study. The purposes of our research were to ascertain the value of the so-called "psycho-physical galvanic reflex" as a recorder of psychical changes in connection with sensory and psychical stimuli; to determine its normal and pathological variations; to study the respiratory innervation curve in the same relations; and finally to compare the galvanometric and pneumographic curves taken simultaneously upon the kymograph, under the influence of various stimuli. In word-associations the reaction-time was also registered for further comparison. 
1. ApPARATUS EMPLOYED 
	1°37 	For the respiratory curve we used the Marey pneumograph 
made by Zimmerman, in Leipzig. The kymograph was made by Schiile, in Basel, and runs with a weight, making it both steady and noiseless. The stop-watch employed for reactiontime was manufactured by Billian, of Zurich. 
	1038 	The use of the galvanometer in experimental psychology is 
so new and recent as to require a special description and a brief review of the scanty literature of the subject. 
1 [Originally published, in English. in Brain: A Journal of Neurology (London), XXX (1907):1l8 (July), 153-218; reprinted the same year as a small book. Frederick W. Peterson (1859-1938), M.D., was then Clinical Professor of Psychiatry, Columbia University, New York. He collaborated with A. A. Brill in the translation of lung's The Psychology of Dementia Praecox (1909). 
[In the present version, stylistic and terminological revisions have been made. 
A list of references originally at the end of the paper has been converted into footnotes.] 
492 

INVESTIGATIONS WITH GALVANOMETER AND PNEUMOGRAPH 
The first to discover the influence of mental conditions on the galvanometer was Professor Tarchanoff, who published a paper in Pfliiger's A rchiv fiir Physiologie, 1890, entitled "Galvanic Phenomena in the Human Skin in Connection with Irritation of the Sensory Organs and with Various Forms of Psychic Activity." He employed tubular unpolarizable clay electrodes, connected with the skin by means of hygroscopic cotton pads, IQ to IS cm. long, saturated with saline solution. These are attached to a Meissner and Meyerstein galvanometer. Deviations of the mirror were noted through a telescope upon a scale three metres distant from the galvanometer. The scale was divided on each side of the zero point into 50 cm. and these again into mm. The galvanometer was so sensitive that a nervestream of a frog's sciatic nerve deflected the mirror so much that all the divisions on the scale were passed over. The electrodes were applied at various times to different portions of the body, such as the hands and fingers, feet and toes, the face, the nose, the ears and the back. Experimenting thus, he obtained the following results: 
	1039 	Light tickling of the face, ears, or soles of the feet, with a 
camel-hair brush or a feather, induced, after a latent period of from one to three seconds, a deflection in the galvanometer to the extent of the whole 50 cm. of the scale. The same results were obtained by stimulating the skin with the faradic brush, with hot and cold water, and by pricking with a needle. Stimulation in analogous ways of other sensory organs, the ear, the nose, the tongue and the eye, affected the galvanometer in a corresponding manner. 
	1°4° 	The experimenter then ascertained that actual stimulation 
was not essential to these results, but the presentation of the proposed stimulus to the imagination also brought about similar deviations in the galvanometer. He stated, furthermore, that the recollection of some fear, fright, or joy, in general any kind of strong emotion, produced the same result. The next point of interest recorded by Tarchanoff was that ordinary abstract mental exercise, such as computation, does not affect the galvanometer unless the exercise be accompanied by exertion. He also noted that the motion of expectant attention or anticipation had a marked effect upon the galvanometer. Tarchanoff regarded the phenomena he observed as due to a 
493 

11. PSYCHOPHYSICAL RESEARCHES 
secretory current of electricity associated with the sweat-glands. He was evidently unaware of the extraordinary value of the investigations he described in this brief paper. Like many discoveries of importance, his remarkable work lay buried in medical literature for years, and it was not until 1897 that any further contribution on this subject appeared. In that year, Sticker2 records a repetition of the work of Tarchanoff. His conclusion was that the capillary system of blood-vessels was a factor in the perturbations of the galvanic current. He opposed Tarchanoff's idea of the centripetal excitation of a secretory current, because he found that the same deviations were noted when the electrodes were applied to anaesthetic and analgesic areas of skin (functional or organic). 
	1°41 	After a lapse of five years, Sommer3 made some experiments 
with the galvanometer, but lost himself in technical and physical details, and failed completely to grasp the intrinsically valuable features of the instrument. He observed fluctuations which he attributed to alterations in resistance of the skin or to changes in contact between skin and electrodes. He thought any apparent psychic influence was due to involuntary muscular contractions induced by increased pressure on the electrodes, and concluded that, except for the reaction to tickling, no psychic influence on the galvanometer could be established with certainty. He therefore stumbled over, but missed, the one essential point. 
	1°42 	About two years ago E. K. M tiller, an electrical engineer, of 
Zurich, read a paper before the Swiss Society of Natural Sciences (medical section) on "The Influence of Psychic and Physiological Phenomena upon the Electrical Conductivity of the Human Body." Happening to make certain experiments upon himself in relation to the resistance of the human body in the alternating magnetic field, he rediscovered the deflectibility of the mirror-galvanometer under psychic and nervous stimulation as established by Tarchanoff. 
	1043 	O. Veraguth, a neurologist, of Zurich, was then led by 
M tiller to experiment in the same direction. He made use of 
2 "Ober Versuche einer objektiven Darstellung von SensibiJitatsstOrungen" (1897). 
3 "Zur Messung der motorischen BegIeiterscheinungen psychischer Zustande" 
(ISC~). 
494 

INVESTIGATIONS WITH GALVANOMETER AND PNEUMOGRAPH 
the Deprez-d' Arsonval mirror-galvanometer, nickel-plated brass cylinders for electrodes, a feeble electrical current, a horizontal celluloid scale on which the light from the mirror registered its movements, and an apparatus for photographic delineation of the fluctuations. He published some results last August (1906) in the Archives de psychologie (Geneva), and he gave the name "psychophysical galvanic reflex" to the phenomenon! Veraguth corroborates the findings of Tarchanoff. One or two of his experiments are especially striking. If the individual under observation is read to, deviation of the mirror is noted when passages associated with emotional tone are reached. Or, if a series of unrelated words is pronounced, a test suggested to him by one of the authors of this paper (lung), words connected with some emotional complex produce an effect on the galvanometer, while indifferent words have no effect. He concludes from his studies that only such stimuli as are associated with sufficiently intense and actual emotional tone induce a deviation in the galvanometer. He states in his paper that he is not yet in a position to explain the phenomenon, but that if change in resistance were the cause then manifold contradictions are presented to our present conceptions of resistance in the human body. He did not think it due to alterations in the quantity of blood in the parts beneath the electrodes, for the phenomenon takes place whether the hands be emptied of blood by an Esmarch bandage or supercharged with blood by artificial venous stasis. Veraguth excludes the participation of the perspiration, for the results were similar in hands made dry by formalin. 
	1°44 	As far as we know the above review covers the scanty litera- 
ture of the subject, but work has been carried on for about a year in this field in the laboratory of the Psychiatric Clinic at Zurich, the most of which has not yet been published. One of 
4 Veraguth presented his entire results to date for discussion at the second German Congress for Experimental Psychology, Wiirzburg, 1906, the transactions of which will be published early this year (1907). [See Veraguth, "Le Reflexe psychogalvanique" (1906 and 1907).] 
[The following was inserted as a corrigendum slip in the Brain publication: 
"Dr. Jung wishes us to state that Dr. O. Veraguth, of Zurich, first made known to him the value of the galvanometer as a measure of psychical stimuli. It was after this demonstration by Dr. Veraguth that Dr. Jung began to experiment on his own account."] 
495 

n. PSYCHOPHYSICAL RESEARCHES 
us (lung) has published in the Journal of Abnormal Psychology (Boston), for February 1907, the results of association experiments in which the galvanometer was employed, and in this article is a drawing of the apparatus and a description of the order of research.5 In the same laboratory., L. Binswanger, together with Jung, has investigated the physical and physiological problems presented by the phenomenon, the results of which will shortly be published in a separate paper,6 though the material conclusions of their investigations are embodied in this paper. 
	1045 	The apparatus employed by us is as follows: the mirror 
galvanometer of Deprez-d'Arsonval; a translucent celluloid scale divided into millimetres and centimetres with a lamp upon it (made by Zulauf & Co., of Zurich), the scale being placed one metre from the galvanometer; a moveable indicator sliding on the scale and connected by a device of Jung with a recording pen writing upon the kymograph; a rheostat to reduce the current when necessary; and one, sometimes two, Bunsen cells. The electrodes generally used are large copper plates, upon which the palms of the hands rest comfortably, or upon which the soles of the feet may be placed. We have~also used jars of hot water for the contact, when, as with some instances of dementia praecox, the hands were congested and cold. Occasionally we have employed a plate of zinc for one electrode and a plate of carbon for the other (in which case no element was required, since the skin, sweat, and metal provided sufficient current). 
n. THE PHYSICS AND PHYSIOLOGY OF THE "PSYCHOPHYSICAL GALVANIC REFLEX" 
	1046 	So far as is known, it would seem that the sweat glands are 
the chief factor in the production of this electric phenomenon, on the one hand inducing under the influence of nervous stimulation a measurable current or, on the other hand, altering the conductivity of the current. Since water contact excludes changes induced by pressure on metal electrodes, and blanching of the fingers by the Esmarch bandage excludes changes in connection with the blood supply, both of these factors play but a small part in the deviations of the gal- 
5 [See above, par. 1018.] 
6 ["On the Psychogalvanic Phenomenon in Association Experiments."] 
496 

INVESTIGATIONS WITH GALVANOMETER AND PNEUMOGRAPH 
vanometer. Change in resistance is brought about either by saturation of the epidermis with sweat, or by simple filling of the sweat-gland canals or perhaps also by intracellular stimulation; or all of these factors may be associated. The path for the centrifugal stimulation in the sweat-gland system would seem to lie in the sympathetic nervous system. These conclusions are based upon facts at present to hand and are by no means felt to be conclusive. On the contrary, there are features presented which are as yet quite inexplicable,7 as, for instance, the gradual diminution of the current in long experiments to almost complete extinction, when our ordinary experience teaches that resistance should be much reduced and the passing current larger and stronger. This may possibly be due to gradual cooling of the skin in contact with the cold copper plates. This can be obviated by warm water contact or by resting the copper plates upon warm sand bags. Yet there is still an inviting field for investigation here. 
1. Fluctuations of the Galvanometer from Physical Causes 
	1047 	If the hands, placed upon the copper-plate electrodes, be 
pressed down firmly, there is a slowly-increasing deviation of the galvanometer, but only to a minor degree. If the area of contact be diminished by the raising of the fingers or by lifting of the palms, there is a sudden diminution in the amount of current, marked by sudden reduction of amplitude in the excursion of the light. 
a 1 2 3 4< 5 6 7 8 9 1011 l2 13 14< 15 b 1 2 S 4< 5 6 7 8 9 1011l21314< 

				I I 													
	fi 	fT't 	eel 	Il- Id. 	~ Ji 							" 					
~r- 			~ 		,.JV 	""' 			f"-- 	~ 	1"- 	Ir---.r- 	l~ 			1 	
	•........ 						r-- 	~ 					,.-. 	'\..1' 			
Ila,~' 																	
				I 										'\'I 	"W1 	w,m 	
												I 					
FIG. 1. Curve to show effects of deep inspirations and coughing upon the galvanometer 
7 On one occasion, with three persons in the circuit and one Bunsen cell, the sudden fall of a weight with loud noise caused a deflection of two ems. 
497 

n. PSYCHOPHYSICAL RESEARCHES 

INVESTIGATIONS WITH GALVANOMETER AND PNEUMOGRAPH 

An Experiment in the Deflection of the Galvanometer in Imagined Conditions 
	105' 	Series ot stimuli 1/Sed.-A series of stimuli, sensory and 
verbal, strong and indifferent, intellectual and emotional, was arranged and tested upon numerous normal individuals, besides which word associations were used in connection with the 
499 
curve, or at times increase it if the test case is uncertain whether the threats in the repetition are to be a real prick of the needle or an actual fall of the weight. In beginning an experiment, we therefore wait until the first influence of the emotion of expectation has subsided. 
	1049 	Emotion.-Excluding the affect of attention, we find that 
every stimulus accompanied by an emotion causes a rise in the electric curve directly proportional to the liveliness and actuality of the emotion aroused. The galvanometer is therefore a measurer of the amount of emotional tone, and becomes a new instrument of precision in psychological research. 
	1050 	Imagined emotion.- The amount of deflection seems to 
stand in direct relation to the actuality of the emotion; but, as Tarchanoff pointed out, the presentation of an outlived emotion to the imagination deviates the galvanometer, such deviation depending naturally upon the facility of the subject in living over the old emotion in his imagination. The following experiment, tried upon one of the writers, is an illustration: 
The list of stimuli was placed before him, while the reader of the deviations called off at intervals Nos. 1-2-3-4-5-6, allowing time for concentration upon the idea, and for the rise and subsidence of the wave. Between the periods of concentration on the emotional images, the subject allowed his eyes to wander at random about the room, and his mind to run on indifferent objects that he saw. 
A deep inspiration alone, or a deep expiration, without alteration in the contact of the hands, increases the deflection of the galvanometer, while ordinary respiratory movements do not affect it. Coughing also causes a considerable rise in the galvanometric wave. We are inclined to think that this rise during inspiration, expiration, and coughing may also be of psychic, that is, emotional, origin. Certainly in the curve we observe exhaustion by repetition of the command to cough or breathe deeply, as in the case of other analogous stimuli. The deviations brought about by altered contact, by deep inspiration and expiration, and by coughing, are all readily recognized after some experience, and are readily differentiated from those depending wholly upon psychic influences. Warm hands naturally permit a larger current than cold hands. The level of the curve rises when the skin in contact grows warmer or moister, and descends with increase of coldness in the skin (see fig. 1).8 
2. Fluctuations of the Galvanometer from Psychic Causes in Normal Individuals 
	1048 	Expectation.-As soon as the galvanometric experiment be- 
gins, and the circuit through the subject is closed, there is a rather rapid rise with some fluctuation of a curve induced by expectant attention. Tarchanoff was much struck by this. Attention is, as Bleuler9 has pointed out, nothing more than a special form of affectivity. Attention, interest, expectation, are all emotional expressions. The extent of this expectation curve rises in normal individuals, depending upon their varying degree of affectivity. Expectation is not only manifested at the beginning of an experiment in the galvanometer curve, but may also be observed throughout the experiment in connection with every stimulus, sensory or verbal. It is particularly strong in connection with the threat of pricking with the needle, or threat of letting fall a heavy weight. The influence of expectation on the curve becomes less with each repetition of the same series of stimuli, and seems to disappear wholly with indifferent stimuli; while, with the threat stimuli just referred to, which are more lively and actual, repetition may diminish the 
8 All tracings except figs. 9. 14. 15. and 18 have been reduced to one·eighth their size. 
9 Affektivitiit, Suggestibilitiit, Paranoia (1906). 
498 

(1) Expectant attention. 
(2) Imagined threat of prick with needle (3) Imagined threat of fall of heavy weight (4) Imagined grief 
(5) Thought of an amusing story 
(6) Thought of a painful illness in 1888 

Amount of deviation of galvanometer 
4.3 cm. 1.6 cm. 2.8 cm. 1.8 cm. 1.6 cm.