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JANET K. PAGE (I), GEOFFREY BURGESS (II, 1, 3–4; III, 6), BRUCE HAYNES (II, 2), MICHAEL FINKELMAN (III, 1–5)

The reed is not long-lasting and so tends to be made of a plentiful local material. The reeds of the modern Western oboe, and of most other European double-reed instruments, are made of a slip of the stem of a large semi-tropical grass (Arundo donax) folded in half, the two halves bound together and scraped thin to vibrate. Arundo donax grows around the Mediterranean Sea, in Spain, France and Italy (and also in other places with a similar climate such as California and South America). The p’iri, the guan and the hichiriki have reeds of flattened and scraped bamboo. The reeds of the surnāy and many related instruments are made from a section of soft cane, bound at one end and flattened at the other to an oval; when the reed is not in use a protective cover may be placed over the end to maintain the correct shape. The guard, spare reeds and staples, and a metal mandrel for making reeds are strung together and hung from the śahnāī during performance. The charumera of Japan has a reed of corn stalk. Many instruments of South-east Asia have reeds of palm or other leaf. The selompret of Indonesia has reeds of thin plates of bamboo cut into a fan shape and tied together in two sets of three; the reeds of the pī of Thailand are similar, but made of palm leaf. The hnè of Myanmar has a composite double reed made from young leaves of toddy palm, which are soaked, smoked, folded and cut to shape; six to eight fan-shaped layers are bound with a thick cord. (See also Reed.)

I. General.

1. Oboes.

The Aulos of ancient Greece may sometimes have had a double reed, and some kind of reed aerophone was known in North Africa in pre-Islamic times. Instruments of the Surnāy type became established with the spread of the Arab empire around the end of the first millennium ce; they were possibly a synthesis of types from Iran, Mesopotamia, Syria and Asia Minor. From there the instrument, then used in a military role, spread into conquered areas and areas of influence: to India, and later, under the Ottoman empire, to Europe (around the time of the fifth crusade, 1217–21; there may already have been bagpipes with double reeds there) and further into Asia (to China in the 14th century). As the instrument spread, it came to be made of local materials and fashioned according to local preferences in usage, shape and decoration: the Śahnāī of north India has a flared brass bell; the Sarunai of Sumatra has a palm leaf reed and a bell of wood or buffalo horn; the Algaita of West Africa is covered with leather and has four or five finger-holes.

The surnāy is the oboe of traditional music in the Islamic world; instruments of this type and with local names are played in the Near East, Turkey, south-east Europe, North Africa and many parts of Asia. The surnāy consists of a wooden conical tube widening at the end into a flared bell, a tuning-fork-shaped section (nāzik) which is inserted fork end down into the instrument, a staple, inserted into the top of the instrument, a metal lip disc (Pirouette, a name taken by Hornbostel and Sachs from Mersenne) which may be part of the staple or separate from it and attached to it, and the reed, which fits over the top of the staple and is taken entirely into the mouth when playing. The tube usually has seven finger-holes and a thumb-hole. The instrument of the Middle East is made in three sizes. It has a loud and brilliant tone and is used for outdoor celebrations. It is usually played in small ensembles: with a double-headed drum (ghayta with tabl in North Africa (see Gaita (i)), zurna with davul in Turkey); in Egypt three mazāmīr (sing. mizmār) play with one or more drums, two of the mazāmīr acting as drones; in Macedonia a large zurla acts as a melody instrument, a smaller one as a drone, a reverse of the usual pattern. The technique of circular breathing is commonly used. The Suona of China, which has a large flaring metal bell, and the European Shawm are descendants of the surnāy (and have related names). The śahnāī of North India resembles the surnāy but is distinct in not having a lip disc. Large oboes of the surnāy type include the Nāgasvaram, a wooden conical oboe of South India about 95 cm in length, with seven finger-holes, played with drums and ottu (a drone oboe with no finger-holes) for festivals, and the rgya-gling of Tibet, played in identical pairs for Buddhist rituals.

A small type of double-reed instrument originated in China where it was known as bili; it became the Guan of China, the Hichiriki of Japan (imported to Japan in the 8th century), and the P’iri of Korea. Instruments of this type are made in a variety of sizes. The guan has a cylindrical bore. The hichiriki has a reverse conical bore with seven finger-holes and two thumb-holes; the reed is made of a length of reed stalk, flattened and scraped. Such instruments are characterized by their capacity for subtle ornamentation and flexible pitch.

Rustic oboes without finger-holes, used for signalling or as noise makers, are found in England and France. The Whithorn (England) and the bramevac (France) are made of a strip of coiled bark bound together with thorns; the reed is made of green bark. There are also idioglot oboes (with the reed formed from the material of the tube); they have been found in Europe, Korea and Malaysia. The hodugi of Korea is a tube of bark removed from a slender branch. At one end the upper layer of bark is shaved down to make a reed. It may have finger-holes and the sound may be modified with open or cupped hands.

2. Reeds.

Other oboes of Western music include the basson d’amour, Bassoon, cromorne (see Cromorne (i)), curtal, Dolzaina, Hautbois d’église, Heckelphone, Racket, Sarrusophone, Sordun, Tartölt, tenoroon and Tristan Schalmei. The cleron pastoral, cornamusa (see Cornamusa (i)), Crumhorn, Hautbois de Poitou, Schreyerpfeife, Schryari and some types of Kortholt and Shawm are Wind-cap instruments, oboes in which the reed is enclosed within a rigid wooden cap. Some bagpipes have double reeds; see Bagpipe.

See also Būq; Mizmār; and Piffaro.

For bibliography see individual entries.

Oboe, §II: The European oboe

II. The European treble oboe.

1. Introduction.

The oboe family, as used in Western music, consists of a group of conical-bore double-reed woodwind instruments in a variety of sizes. The most common member of the family, and the one usually referred to as the oboe, is the treble instrument in C. The term ‘hautboy’, one of a number of spellings in use during the early history of the instrument and found occasionally into the early 20th century, has been revived to designate the two- or three-key oboe in use from the mid-17th century to the early 19th; it will be so used here. A terminology for identifying the parts of the oboe appears in fig.1.

The oboe consists of a slender tube of wood some 60 cm long, in three sections united by tenon-and-socket joints. The modern oboe is made of grenadilla, occasionally of other woods, ebonite or plastic, and the hautboy usually of boxwood or fruitwood. The joints of the hautboy are generally decorated with turnery. The bore of the modern oboe, which is narrow and conoidal, expands fairly regularly for about five-sixths of its length and then opens out more rapidly to form a moderate bell (fig.1b). This expansion takes the shape of a smooth curve or a succession of cones, according to the formulae adopted by different makers and worked out experimentally by them. The effective length of the tube is made variable by means of 16 to 20 side holes, six of them directly under the player’s fingers and the rest controlled by a mechanism of keys which is sometimes most ingenious and complicated. At least four systems of Keywork have been applied to the oboe. Since World War II the Conservatoire system, developed in France and adopted by the Paris Conservatoire in 1882, has become an international standard.

The hautboy (fig.1a) has a contraction rim at the end of the bell, retained also in its descendant, the modern Viennese oboe (fig.1c). It has eight side holes, six under the control of the fingers, with holes three and four often split into two smaller twin holes, and keys for c' and E, the latter sometimes duplicated. Additional holes and keys for chromatic notes were added to this basic design during the 19th century.

Oboes are sounded by means of a reed formed of two hollowed-out blades of thin ‘cane’, actually the semi-tropical grass Arundo donax or Arundo sativa (fig.2). These are bound face to face with thread to a narrow tapered metal tube, slightly flattened at the tip, termed a ‘staple’. Although the dimensions of the reed may not match the volume of the missing end of the instrument’s conical bore, the reed nevertheless functions as an extension of the bore. At their free ends, the blades are scraped down to a feather edge. When placed between the lips and blown through, the blades of the reed vibrate together, alternately opening and closing the elliptical chink between them and thus transmitting bursts of energy to the air column in the body tube. The proper management of this very delicate apparatus is probably the most difficult part of oboe technique for the learner to acquire or for the teacher to impart.

On the hautboy, notes outside the basic scale are obtained by ‘resistance fingerings’ – cross- or forked fingerings and half-holed fingerings. The hautboy overblows an octave, giving a range of at least two octaves (e'–d''). The compass of the modern oboe extends from b to a''' – in all, 36 notes, of which the first 15 are fundamental notes. Acoustically, the remainder are harmonics of the first 15 and are produced by changes of ‘lip’ pressure on the reed, assisted by the use of speaker or octave keys.

Intonation, tone-colour and dynamics are modified by the combined control of breath and embouchure pressure. Because the oboe requires very little air, the player is able to perform long phrases in one breath, but must learn to exhale stale air before inhaling. Articulation is achieved by stopping the vibrations of the reed with the tongue.

In addition to the treble or soprano oboe in C, the family includes a number of deeper-toned members (fig.3). Lower oboes have appeared in a variety of forms, often with a bulb-shaped bell (see §III). The modern family includes the oboe d’amore in A, the english horn in F and the bass oboe in C. Smaller oboes were built for military use in the 19th century, and in the late 20th century a small oboe in F, the musette, was developed to complete the family.

Oboe, §II: The European oboe

2. History to 1800.

The term ‘hautboy’ has been adopted here to refer to the form of oboe that gradually separated itself from the Shawm in the first half of the 17th century and flourished until the first part of the 19th, when it was supplanted by the keyed oboe. Although the hautboy was revived in the 1960s for use in ensembles of historical instruments, only its past history will be considered here.

Oboe, §II, 2: The European oboe to 1800: History

(i) Introduction.

The normal size of hautboy was the treble, which gave a seven-fingered C. It was usually 58–9 cm in length and was made in three separate joints coupled by tenons and sockets, the top and centre being of about equal length and the bell somewhat shorter (see fig.1a). It had a conical bore with steps at the joints. The outer joints usually featured mouldings. There were six finger-holes, a key for E (sometimes doubled), an open-standing and articulated key for c' (the lowest note), and two vent holes placed opposite each other on the bell. The larger tone holes were undercut (i.e. they expanded inwards). The bell normally had a thick contraction rim, called a ‘lip’, at the bottom.

Of an estimated 15,000 original treble hautboys, about 750, made between about 1680 and 1820, were known to survive at the end of the 20th century. The majority (about 85%) are made of boxwood, which also appears to be the wood of hautboys shown in paintings of the time. Other materials used include ebony, ivory and fruitwoods. Darker stain was sometimes used, and some early instruments imitate tortoiseshell. Close to half the surviving hautboys have ivory tips; others have ferrules of brass or silver or are tipped with horn or bone. The fourth hole was sometimes twinned (i.e. two small holes were drilled next to each other), as was the third.

The hautboy's outward form was based on concepts of architectural moulding. Physical features such as the shape of the keys, the type of wood, the presence of ornamental mounts or twin holes, the turning profile and turning details, and the shape of the bell, varied with time and from workshop to workshop (fig.4).

No reeds made earlier than the late 18th century survive, and little written information on reeds and reed-making exists from before about 1780. It was not unusual for players (even some professionals) to purchase ready-made reeds from instrument makers. Pictures indicate that, dimensions apart, reeds were made much as they are for the key-system oboe (see fig.11 below). A staple, or metal tube, was used to connect the two blades of cane to the bore of the instrument; the reed could be separate or fixed permanently to the staple. The cane was shaped with parallel sides for at least half its length. Reeds must have varied considerably, as they do now (see fig.2), and no single way of making them can by itself be considered ‘historical’. In general terms, reeds tended to become narrower and shorter during the course of the 18th century as the bore became correspondingly smaller and both tessitura and pitch moved upwards.

Throughout its history the hautboy shared with the other woodwind certain techniques that seem stylistically remote today. It used an elaborate system of paired tonguing patterns, the flattement or finger vibrato (not the modern breath vibrato), and the messa di voce. These techniques were used throughout Europe, and descriptions and demonstrations can be found in sources and handbooks to the end of the 18th century.

Oboe, §II, 2: The European oboe to 1800: History

(ii) Before 1670.

In all European languages the hautboy's name was either taken over directly or transliterated from the French hautbois (pronounced ‘oh-bway’ in the 18th century). Later German and English sources described the hautboy as having originated in France. Lully probably began using an early form of hautboy in his ballet L'amour malade in 1657; such an instrument was introduced into the French military in 1663. The few surviving sources from this period indicate that the hautboy was a new conception, the result of a fundamental redesign. This change is difficult to date because in French both shawms and hautboys were called ‘hautbois’. The shawms described by Michael Praetorius in 1619 were played with a pirouette and had a range of an octave and a 5th. Shawms had been played as an independent family, or consort; Lully’s combining of wind with strings to form an ‘orchestra’ was thus a break with traditional practice. The reed instrument had to match the range and pitch of its new partner, the violin; it had to function well in more than a few tonalities, it needed a direct control of a wide range of dynamics, and it had to blend easily with the general sound. None of this had been required of the shawm.

The bore of the shawm was thus lengthened, and its tone holes were repositioned further down the instrument’s length and drilled smaller. This had several effects. It increased the effectiveness of cross-fingering (also called ‘forked fingering’) and half-holing, which was how the accidentals were played. Examples are the notes b' and a': whereas b', a' and g' were produced by closing respectively the top hole, the top two holes and the top three holes (or 1, 1 2, 1 2 3), b' was played 1 3, and a' used the half-hole fingering 1 2 3. These fingerings produced greater back-pressure and played less freely than the open-fingered notes. Not only did they feel different to play, their sound was covered or veiled, and they produced the characteristically uneven sound of Baroque woodwind scales, not unlike a singer using different vowels for each note.

To compensate for the greater built-in resistance caused by the hautboy’s small tone holes and cross-fingerings, the reeds were wider and scraped thinner than those of the key-system oboe. The player thus used a lower pressure, which made it easier to perform the short intense musical gestures, quick and extreme changes of dynamics and tone, and frequent starts and stops demanded by the music written in the 18th century. The complex dynamic nuance of the Baroque period and the phrasing it implied was gradually abandoned in the 19th century in favour of the ‘long line’ phrase – an approach better served with the narrower, harder reeds of the key-system oboe and the greater, more constant pressure needed to play them.

These changes also caused the new treble instrument to sound a 4th lower than the treble shawm and a major 2nd above the alto. The lower pitch and covered fingerings darkened and decentralized the instrument's tone, helping it to blend.

This process has been attributed to woodwind players at the French court (members of the Hotteterre and Philidor families are mentioned). It evidently took place in stages. The shawms described by Mersenne in 1636 possessed a range of two octaves, and one of them appears to have had no pirouette. By the 1660s two new types of instrument that shared characteristics of both shawm and hautboy were shown on tapestries made by the royal Gobelins studios (fig.5 and fig.6). These protomorphic hautboys retained the shawm’s fontanelle to cover the key, but had twin 4th and 6th tone holes and, apparently, only a single pair of vent holes. The longer-belled instruments (which were also featured in another Gobelin of the same decade) resemble Mersenne’s shawms, but they are about the same acoustic length as later treble hautboys at A'' (392 Hz). The shorter-belled ones look very much like his Haut-bois de Poitou and, being considerably longer, were probably pitched a 5th lower.

After the production of Les plaisirs de l’île enchantée in May 1664, the hautboy seems to have vanished from Lully’s next 14 large-scale ballets and comédies-ballets. It did not reappear until 1670, with Le bourgeois gentilhomme. It is thus possible that a new model, the definitive hautboy first shown in Blanchet's engraving of 1672 (see fig.24 below) was developed during this period.

Oboe, §II, 2: The European oboe to 1800: History

Candour, artless grace, soft joy, or the grief of a fragile being, suits the hautboy's accents; it expresses them admirably in its cantabile. A certain degree of agitation is also within its powers of expression; but care should be taken not to urge it into utterances of passion – the rash outburst of anger, threat or heroism; for then its small acid-sweet voice becomes ineffectual, & absolutely grotesque … The theme of a march, however manly, grand or noble, loses its manliness, its grandeur, and its nobility, if a hautbois deliver it.

Cantabile became the oboe's characteristic mode of expression: according to the French oboist Henri Brod, ‘great composers use the oboe soloistically only in melodic passages, and most often in slow tempos’ (1825–35, i, 1). Characteristic examples include the soaring line of Florestan's aria in Fidelio (Act 2 scene i), ‘Tristesse’ in Berlioz's Roméo et Juliette, the solo at the beginning of the slow movement of Brahms's Violin Concerto and many examples in Wagner's scores, such as the moment in Act 2 of Tannhäuser where, in the words of Richard Strauss, ‘no other instrument could reveal the sweet secret of love's innocence in such affecting tones’ (Instrumentationslehre, 1904).

Both lyricism and virtuosity had a place in the concerto and in chamber music. Oboe with string trio or quartet was a favourite combination in the early 19th century. A profusion of concertos, pièces de salon and operatic fantasies emanated from the Paris Conservatoire, many written by the professors for their own and their students' use. Few concertos were written outside France; those by Kalliwoda and Bellini were exceptions. Among the works for oboe and piano, the Drei Romanzen op.94 by Robert Schumann (1849, with clarinet and violin as alternatives) are the most important; these pieces are more lyrical than virtuoso. At the end of the century, music by the Italian oboe virtuoso Antonio Pasculli (1842–1924) introduced an unprecedented level of virtuosity (e.g. the Fantasia sull'opera Poliuto di Donizetti and the Grand concerto sul I vespri siciliani di Verdi). The oboe's pastoral associations were perpetuated in works such as Brod's Sur le retour du petit Savoyard for oboe and piano (c1835) and the Notturno Alpenreigen und Rondoletto pastorale by Rudolf Tillmetz as well as in the ‘Scène aux champs’ in Berlioz's Symphonie fantastique.

Most of this music was written by lesser-known composers or by oboists for their own use. Judging from quantity and the difficulty of the music, many oboists reached a high technical standard. That few prominent composers produced solo or chamber music for the instrument was perhaps due at least in part to the limited range and expressive capabilities of the oboe relative to other instruments: it was considered unequal on its own to the aspirations of Romantic expression.

The independent traditions of oboe making that arose in France and Germany came about to meet different musical demands. While the French oboe quickly lost the qualities associated with the hautboy, the construction of the German oboe encouraged a more robust tonal character. By 1840 most modern oboes of the two schools had almost identical keywork, but were distinguished by other features of construction. The German oboes had a slightly wider bore and the keys were supported on wooden mounts, which tended to damp resonance; and these characteristics, together with the use of relatively hard reeds, produced a dark sound. The profile of the French oboe was more streamlined and it was played with lighter, narrower reeds. The sweet, bright tone of the French oboe added brilliance in the orchestra, while the heavy, dark tone preferred in the German lands was better able to blend with other instruments. Other European countries gravitated towards one or other of the two schools: Italy towards the German school and England likewise, until French influence began to predominate around the middle of the century. Oboe methods of the 19th century dwell on technical rather than musical aspects and contain much information relevant to the chronological development of the instrument.

Oboe, §II, 3: The European oboe after 1800

(ii) Additional keys, 1800–40.

For over a century two keys had served the oboist's needs, and although the technology for adding keywork was available, it was rarely applied. The development of keywork was stimulated by the challenge of adapting to the new musical style together with the economic viability provided by the Industrial Revolution. The oboe was the last wind instrument to be equipped with additional keywork, but this does not mean that it was disadvantaged: the double reed provided it with the flexibility to overcome the limitations of minimal keywork. Some oboists thought that too many keys could damage tone quality – Gustave Vogt (1781–1870) was one of the most outspoken on this issue. By the mid-1820s the evenness of tone provided by keyed fingerings was widely accepted, but cross-fingerings continued to be used for much of the century. Not all oboists stayed abreast of the latest developments, and orchestration manuals cautioned composers against demanding techniques available only on the most mechanically advanced instruments.

The exact circumstances and order in which keys were added to the oboe are difficult to track: priorities varied according to local preference. The first keys were added by German makers. A small percentage of the oboes made in Dresden by Heinrich Grenser (1764–1813), J.F. Grundmann (1727–1800), J.F. Floth (1760/61–1807) and his apprentice C.G. Bormann (1770/71–1839) have up to ten keys. In 1823 the oboist Wilhelm Braun considered four keys essential (C, C, E and the speaker key), and a further four advisable. Two years later Josef Sellner (1787–1843), professor of the oboe at the Vienna Conservatory, published his Theoretisch-praktische Oboeschule, which promoted the 13-key oboe he had developed in collaboration with the maker Stephan Koch (fig.13). This model did not force other oboes into immediate extinction but was to remain the most advanced Austrian/German oboe for the next several decades.

French oboists were more cautious about adding keys; developments in the first two decades of the century concentrated on improving the much-admired oboes of Christophe Delusse (fl 1781–9; fig.14). François Sallantin (1775–1861), first oboe at the Opéra to 1812 and professor at the Conservatoire to 1816, added two keys, which Gustave Vogt, his pupil and successor, described in his Méthode (c1816–25) as essential for correct intonation, although he rejected the addition of further keys. However, by 1825 Vogt, then the pre-eminent player in France, had adopted a seven-key instrument (Musée de la Musique, Paris, 481/E263) similiar to the oboes described in methods by his pupils Brod (1825–35) and Auguste Vény (1828). French builders of the period such as Guillaume Triébert, Brod and F.G. Adler (d 1854) also respected the Delusse tradition (fig.15).

Two-key oboes remained in use in Italy perhaps longer than in other countries; Andrea Fornari continued to make such instruments until 1832. The virtuoso solos in Rossini's operas – notably La scala di seta (1812) and La gazza ladra (1817) – were written for Baldassare Centroni (1784–1860), who for most of his career played a two-key oboe.

The keys added in this first phase served six main functions: to extend the range; to modify the tuning of certain notes; to provide alternatives to cross-fingerings; to improve the high notes; to improve trills; and to expand the range of tonalities in which the instrument was technically fluent and tonally effective.

The range of the hautboy in late 18th-century instructions is c' to f''', fully chromatic except for c'. A c' key was an early addition on German oboes, but the note continued to be unavailable in France until about 1825. A key to close the vent holes on the bell to produce b was added to some German oboes in the first decade of the 19th century, but it did not appear on French oboes until Brod's model of 1835. Brod is also known to have made oboes descending to a, by which he intended to improve the overall tone of the instrument as much as to increase its range. The most widely accepted upper limit of the oboe's range in the 19th century was g'''. Sellner extended it to a''', but this note was never called for in the music of the time.

The tuning compromises inherent to the hautboy were not always compatible with 19th-century intonation and could be eliminated with keys. The practice of distinguishing enharmonic equivalents with different fingerings was retained in France by contrasting cross- and keyed fingerings, with the higher of two fingerings for a particular pitch assigned to the sharpened note.

Evenness of tone became an important component of Romantic musical aesthetic. Keys could be used to reduce the variation in the tone of different notes, to correct intonation without requiring adjustments to embouchure or breath pressure, and to simplify certain passage-work.

It was discovered about 1800 that opening a small hole near the top of the bore as a high note was attacked improved the note's response. In Germany the key that covered this hole had two names: Schleifklappe (‘slur key’) referred to its use as an aid in playing upward slurs and hohe F-Klappe to its use in producing high notes, particularly f'''. The first French instruments with such a speaker key (clef d'octavier) were made by Brod in the late 1830s. Brod also devised a pierced plate to provide the correct venting, to overblow d'' and e''.

On the hautboy, many trills require one of the pitches to be ‘bent’ in tune by the player. Trill keys such as the c' key on the Sellner oboe provided more acceptable intonation.

The duplicate E and F keys on the Sellner oboe greatly facilitated playing in tonalities with more than three sharps or flats, such as the D major cantabile theme in the second movement of Schubert's ‘Unfinished’ Symphony (1822). Austrian and German compositions for solo oboe, written for such instruments, tend to be in tonalities further removed from C major than works by French composers. Although keys helped to produce a more even tone, they had little effect on the overall volume of the instrument. In addition, in this phase of the oboe's development the keys were not always ideally placed for rapid execution.

Oboe, §II, 3: The European oboe after 1800

(iii) Interactive mechanisms, 1840–60.

The second phase of the oboe's development was centred on France, stimulated by the flourishing school of virtuosity at the Paris Conservatoire during the tenure of the distinguished professors Vogt (tenure 1816–53), S.-X. Verroust (1853–63), C.-L. Triébert (1863–7), F.-C. Berthélemy (1867–8), Charles Colin (1868–81) and Georges Gillet (1881–1919). Makers aimed to improve the facility of execution by simplifying fingerings and to make the tone even more uniform over the compass of the instrument. Frédéric Triébert (1813–78) was responsible for a series of innovative designs, in which he addressed these problems by revising the layout of the keys and adopting interdependent mechanisms (see Keywork). The Triébert catalogue of 1862 advertised all systèmes created over the preceding 20-year period (fig.16). The profile of the more modern oboes was streamlined to accommodate the increasingly complex system of keys. By 1840 axles and posts had supplanted metal saddle key supports, and rings (brilles) had been added to facilitate f', b' and c''.

No national schools of playing developed outside France, and, apart from a few virtuosos such as Philipp Barth, Sellner and F.E. Thurner (1785–1827), the market for oboes in Germany and Austria was made up predominantly of orchestral musicians, for whom 10- to 13-key oboes were sufficient. Most mechanical developments introduced in France in the 1840s were not adopted in Germany until after the middle of the century. C.T. Golde of Dresden (1803–73) made impeccably tuned oboes which, typically for German oboes of his time, had independent key mechanisms supported by wooden blocks, and simple levers rather than the rods found on French oboes.

Oboe, §II, 3: The European oboe after 1800

(iv) The Conservatoire-system oboe.

The central figures in the final stage of the development of the modern French oboe were Frédéric Triébert and A.-M.-R. Barret (c1803–79, from 1829 first oboe at Covent Garden). In the second edition of his Complete Method for the Oboe (1862) Barret announced a new design created in collaboration with Triébert (fig.17). On the new instrument the range was extended downwards to b'; like Brod, Barret argued that lengthening the bell improved the tone of the instrument. The fingerings of the first octave were now used for the second octave, with the addition of an octave key for a'' to c''; this simplified the fingering for b'', b'' and c''', notes formerly produced as modified 3rd harmonics of e', e' and f' respectively. The facility gained by the simplified fingerings was, however, achieved at the expense of stability of pitch, tone quality and projection. The addition of new keys and new links between keys made trills available on all pitches throughout the compass of the instrument. Barret also devised a thumb-plate to activate the b' and c'' keys. Many features of Barret's design were incorporated into Triébert's ‘système 6’ (1872); French players, however, preferred to maintain the freedom of the thumb, so the b' and c'' keys were operated by the index finger of the right hand.

After the death of Frédéric in 1867, the firm of Triébert changed hands several times. It was declared bankrupt in 1881, at which time the foreman, François Lorée (1835–1902), established his own workshop to continue the Triébert tradition. In the same year Georges Gillet adopted Triébert's ‘système 6’ as the official instrument of the Paris Conservatoire. It was, however, some time before this ‘Conservatoire system’ oboe became established as an international standard. In Belgium it was not until the last decade of the century that it superseded previous models. In England Alfred Morton (1827–98) made hybrid oboes with the wider bores of German oboes and French keywork. By 1860 Central European makers had added rings on holes 5 and 6; few further changes are noticeable in German oboe designs until the end of the century. The Austrian oboe was the least affected by French developments and retained most features of the Sellner-Golde tradition, with modifications by Josef Hajek (1849–1926), whose instruments were championed by the Viennese oboist Richard Baumgärtel (1854–1941). Pasculli was one of the first Italian oboists to use a French oboe. He played a Triébert ‘système 3’ to the end of his career in 1884, 45 years after the model was created.

Concurrently with the development of the Conservatoire-system oboe, some makers developed a radically new oboe based on the theories of Theobald Boehm. Initially there was much optimism about the new design – it would improve the oboe's faulty tuning by doing away with the ‘acoustic monstrosities of forked fingerings and half-holings’ (Fétis, Rapports du Jury international, Exposition universelle, 1868) – but the success of these instruments was short-lived. In the 1840s and 50s the oboist A.J. Lavigne (1816–86), an ardent supporter of Boehm's principles, participated in the three projects to realize a Boehm oboe (see fig.17). The tonal results were incompatible with the oboe's established character, and each attempt only exacerbated the oboe's reedy tone. The Boehm-system oboe continued to be used only in military music, where its simplified fingering, increased power and improved intonation were appreciated. Although it failed to supplant traditional designs, the Boehm experiment served to affirm the desired characteristics of the French oboe.

Like their 18th-century predecessors, early 19th-century makers favoured the superior acoustic properties of boxwood, which was, however, a soft wood with a tendency to warp. By the 1840s makers were experimenting with other woods in an attempt to find a more stable support for the delicate interactive key systems. The Triébert catalogue of 1862 recommended boxwood only for oboes with minimal keywork, preferring rosewood, grenadilla and ebony for all other models. In 1890 Gillet's revision of Brod's tutor suppressed all reference to boxwood, naming in its place pallisander, grenadilla and ebony. Of these, grenadilla has proved the most serviceable.

As much as the instrument itself, oboe reeds changed decisively over the course of the 19th century. The earliest detailed reed-making instructions are found in F.-J. Garnier's Méthode of 1802 (fig.18). Other early instructions appear in the method books of Sellner (1825), Brod (1825–35) Clemente Salviani (Metodo completo per oboe, Milan, 1848) and Giuseppe Cappelli (Metodo teoretico-pratico, Milan, 1853). During the 19th century reeds became narrower, made from cane of smaller-diameter tubes, gouged increasingly thinner (see fig.2 above). Like the instruments, reeds did not follow a simple chronological evolution but varied according to national preference, the French reeds being the smallest and lightest. A gouging machine invented by Brod revolutionized reed making by providing more uniform results than had been possible by scraping the interior of the cane by hand, and resulted in the abandonment of the tapered gouges seen in some hautboy reeds. Changes to the instrument also influenced reed design. With the addition of the speaker key, reeds no longer needed to respond to the changes of air pressure to overblow the high notes, and the dimensions of the staple were less critical because intonation in the upper octave could be adjusted with less risk of the notes dropping to the lower octave. As cross-fingerings require light and flexible reeds, only when these fingerings became virtually obsolete did harder reeds come into use.

As at the end of the 18th century, most orchestras in the 19th century had two oboes. The english horn was usually played by one of the oboists, more rarely by an additional player. This configuration was expanded to three oboes and english horn in some of Wagner's late works (e.g. Parsifal). The tradition of tuning to the oboe is documented from the beginning of the 19th century. According to Vogt and Fétis (Manuel des compositeurs, Paris, 1837, p.117), the narrow bore of the oboe made it less susceptible than other wind instruments to pitch variation caused by temperature fluctuations.

Oboe, §II: The European oboe

4. The 20th century.

(i) Instruments and playing styles.

(ii) Repertory and performers.

(iii) Technique.

(iv) Alternative playing styles.

At the end of the 20th century the Conservatoire-system oboe was used by soloists and orchestral musicians throughout the world. For over 120 years since its invention in 1872 this design has been forced (with only minor modifications) to adapt to performing music from the 17th century to the present day. Richard Strauss's enthusiasm for the French oboe’s superior mechanism, evenness of tone, facility in extreme ranges and ability to blend with other instruments (1904, p.164) was probably responsible for its adoption in Germany. The first oboist to promote the use of the French instruments there was Fritz Flemming (1872–1947), professor at the Berlin Hochschule für Musik from 1907. By 1920 most German oboists had followed his example. His influence is evident in the playing of Karl Steins (b 1919) and Lothar Koch (b 1935), whose dark, voluminous sound, produced by playing a French oboe with German reeds, was an unmistakable part of the sound of the Berlin PO during the tenure of Herbert von Karajan. Vienna has remained the only place to resist French influence. The modern Viennese oboe, descended from the instruments of Sellner and Golde, was made in the 20th century by Hermann Zuleger and Yamaha (fig.19a). It is characterized by a wide, non-continuous bore, thick walls, a fingering system that incorporates cross- and harmonic fingerings, and short, wide reeds inserted into a tapered reed well. Shorter than the French oboe, the Viennese oboe does not usually have a key for b; Mahler's scores provide alternative versions for French and Viennese oboes. At the end of the 20th century some Viennese oboes were being made with Conservatoire-system keywork.

(i) Instruments and playing styles.

Attitudes towards modifying the Conservatoire-system oboe have remained exceptionally conservative, with the result that defects in the French design have remained unsolved on the modern instrument. The intonation of the upper octave and the lowest notes is still problematic, and the tone of b'' to c''' remains poor. A few small modifications have been made. Early in the century plateaux, or pierced keys, were installed above the six finger-holes. This innovation, called the ‘Gillet’ system after Georges Gillet, who proposed it to Lorée, assists the execution of certain trills and encourages a dark tone-colour. A third octave key, for playing in the extreme high register (e''' and above), has been added to some oboes. Extra tuning vents have been added to correct the pitch of notes affected by the lengthening of the bell to accommodate b. In the late 1980s and early 90s the walls of the top joint were thickened, increasing sonority and projection. The only resistance fingering used on the modern oboe is the forked F, which is still required for certain successions of notes. With the exception of rare examples in rosewood, 20th-century oboes are made of grenadilla. There have been sporadic experiments with synthetic substances, but these have not been widely used outside the production of student models. Isolated attempts to redesign the oboe have included an oboe made about 1930, signed ‘Prof Romeo Orsi Milano’, with added tuning holes, a network of automated octave keys and duplicate key systems for the low notes (fig.19b). The extra weight of the encrustation of keywork alone limited the practicality of this design. In the 1920s and 30s attempts were made to make the oboe more accessible to doublers in dance bands. The English firms Louis (established 1923) and Boosey & Hawkes (established 1930) created oboes with saxophone fingerings, and the Berninger-Adler oboe (1928) employed a single-reed mouthpiece. Neither enjoyed more than limited success. Likewise a system devised by the English oboist Arthur Forman to improve intonation of E and F by repositioning holes 5 and 6 has not been pursued. Persistent attempts to find an adequate synthetic substitute for reed cane have failed. Many oboists use commercially gouged and shaped cane, which they tie and scrape themselves; others personalize the process from an earlier stage, shaping, or gouging and shaping, the cane to their own specifications. There are many descriptions of the process (see Bourns, 1998). Reed-scraping machines have further mechanized reed making.

At the end of the 20th century the market was dominated by three French manufacturers: Lorée (see fig.3 above), Marigaux (established 1934) and Rigoutat (established 1922). The monopoly of French makers did not result in the total suppression of national styles. Although virtually identical mechanically, each company's instruments possessed unique tonal qualities adapted to specific schools: Lorée oboes were being used in North America to the almost total exclusion of other makes; Marigaux was supplying the German market with oboes of darker tone; and Rigoutat was making instruments with the more delicate tone preferred in France. National differences also existed in technique and reeds, although during the 1990s even these were becoming less apparent. Slight variations in key mechanisms existed in some traditions. Of these, the most important is the thumb-plate open-hole system used extensively in Britain. Although directly affecting only b' and c'', this system influences the tonal balance of the whole instrument. However, the Conservatoire-system oboe has always had a number of English adherents, Terence McDonagh (1908–86) being one of the most renowned. In the Netherlands the Stotijn system (named after a famous Dutch family of oboists) was developed; it has a special automatic octave-key mechanism. The Prestini system, developed by the Italian firm of the same name, assigned the keys for b and b to the left thumb.

Vibrato, which began to be used in France in the last decade of the 19th century, may have been introduced partly to compensate for the loss of resonance resulting from the narrow bore of the Conservatoire-system oboe. Strauss (Instrumentationslehre von Hector Berlioz, 183) may have been referring to vibrato when he observed: ‘The French tone, though thinner and frequently tremulant [oft vibrierend], is much more flexible and adaptable’. Fernand Gillet (1882–1980), following the example of his uncle Georges, used throat vibrato discreetly in his premier prix examination in 1897 (Post, 1982, p.36). Leon Goossens (1897–1988), inspired by the violinist Fritz Kreisler, is considered the first oboist to have used diaphragm vibrato as a regular adjunct to tone production. It was well into the 20th century before vibrato was accepted by all schools; by the end of the century constant vibrato had transformed the tonal character of the oboe.

In the 20th century the oboe re-emerged as a solo instrument, stimulating composers to write concertos, solos and ensemble chamber music for it. This development was largely inspired by the playing of a number of fine oboists. French composers continued to write for the professors of the Conservatoire and their pupils; Saint-Saëns's Oboe Sonata (1921), written for Louis Bas (1863–1944), is an important work from the early 20th century. Goossens, who studied with Charles Reynolds (1843–1916) and the Belgian Henri de Busscher (1880–1975), forged a model career as orchestral musician, soloist and teacher. Known for the silken tone of his playing, his supple phrasing and control of vibrato, Goossens inspired more works than any other oboist of the 20th century. Arnold Bax's Quintet for oboe and strings (1922) was the first of the works dedicated to him; later came an incomplete suite by Elgar and concertos by Leon's brother Eugène (1927), Gordon Jacob (1933) and Vaughan Williams (1944).

(ii) Repertory and performers.

The most important compositions of the middle of the century include concertos by Strauss (1945), Martinů (1955) and Zimmermann (1952), and sonatas by Wolpe (1932), Hindemith (1938), Dutilleux (1947), Schuller (1951) and Poulenc (1962). Britten's Six Metamorphoses after Ovid op.49 for solo oboe was written in 1951 for Goossens's pupil Joy Boughton (1913–63). This work, in particular the two-part writing exploiting the oboe's different registral and dynamic capabilities in no.5, ‘Narcissus’, influenced many later compositions for solo oboe: Krenek's Sonatine (1956), John Exton's Three Pieces (1972), Stoker's Three Pieces (1973) and Dorati's ‘Fugue à 3 voix’ from Cinq pièces for solo oboe (1981).

From 1960 the enormous versatility and phenomenal technique of the Swiss virtuoso Heinz Holliger (b 1939) brought prominence to the oboe in a wide range of musical styles. Without ignoring the Baroque and Classical repertory, Holliger has revived unknown works of the 19th century and maintained an important position in contemporary music as both a performer and a composer for his instrument. Works written for him include Jürg Wyttenbach's Sonata (1961), Castiglione's Alef (1965), Penderecki's Capriccio for oboe and strings (1965), Berio's Chemins IV (1975, based on Sequenza VII) and Carter's Quintet for piano and wind (1992). Works for oboe and harp for performance with his wife Ursula include Carter's Trilogy (1944) and double concertos by Henze (1966) and Lutosławski (1990). Of his own oboe compositions, Mobile (1962) and Siebengesang (1967) are important.

Other noteworthy European oboists of the 20th century are Pierre Pierlot (b 1921), Maurice Bourgue, appointed professor at the Paris Conservatoire in 1979, and the Swiss-born Thomas Indemühle (b 1951), who earned a reputation as a teacher in the Netherlands and Germany. A number of women became prominent players: in England, Janet Craxton (1929–81) and Evelyn Rothwell (b 1911), and in the USA, Lois Wann and Nora Post, the latter noted as a performer of contemporary music.

The Frenchman Marcel Tabuteau (1887–1966), principal oboist of the Philadelphia Orchestra under Stokowski and Ormandy, exerted immense influence, establishing an ‘American’ style of oboe playing which has developed apart from European influence. The characteristic tone of the American school is generated by reeds with more bark scraped from the cane and a posture with the oboe held closer to the body than in other traditions. Tabuteau's many distinguished pupils have held principal chairs in orchestras across the USA, notably John Mack in the Cleveland Orchestra, Harold Gomberg (1916–85) in the New York PO, Robert Bloom (1908–84) in the NBC SO and, from 1934, the Bach Aria Group, and John de Lancie (b 1921) in Philadelphia. Other well-known American oboists include Joseph Marx (1913–78), Ray Still (b 1920), principal in the Chicago SO 1954–96, Robert Sprenkle and Humbert Lucarelli. At the end of the century prominent players included Richard Woodhams of the Philadelphia Orchestra, Joseph Robinson of the New York PO and Alex Klein of the Chicago SO.

19th-century études – divorced from their obsolete accompanying technical remarks – remained the mainstay of the oboist’s practice routine, supplemented by études of ever-increasing technical difficulty by such French oboist-composers as Louis Bleuzet (1874–?1940), Albert Debondue (1895–1984) and Roland Lamorlette (1894–1960). Lawrence Singer's Metodo and Holliger's Pro musica nova: Studien zur neuen Musik equipped the oboist with avant-garde techniques. From the 1960s the exploration of non-conventional sounds expanded the technical requirements of the oboist. Many of these new techniques are described in Holliger's performance notes printed with the score of Berio's Sequenza VII (1969; fig.20).

(iii) Technique.

The range of the oboe has been extended to a''' and beyond. Extremely high notes, devoid of the oboe's reedy sound, can be produced by placing the teeth on the reed. Although Sellner provided a fingering for a''' in 1825, it was over a century before the pitch became usable; the presence of this note caused the first performance of Wolpe's Suite im Hexachord (1936) to be delayed until the 1950s. Notes below b have been demanded occasionally, for example in Wilfred Josephs's Solo Oboe Piece (1974).

In the 20th century alternative fingerings were used for their colouristic possibilities. Harmonics have been in use since at least 1909, when Georges Gillet provided fingerings in L'enseignement supérieur du hautbois. A bisbigliando, or timbral trill, can be achieved on the oboe by oscillating between alternative fingerings producing the same pitch. Alternative fingerings are used to create a Klangfarbenmelodie at the beginning of Berio's Sequenza VII, where the oboist colours an electronically generated pedal with six different fingerings of b'. Glissandos, quarter-tones and other microtonal effects can be produced by partly closing the tone holes; because this technique is hampered by the plateaux system, some contemporary music specialists have preferred oboes with open holes. Double trills exploit duplicate keys.

Other new playing techniques have also been developed. The protrusion of the reed in the player's mouth makes double-, triple- and flutter-tonguing more difficult on the oboe than on other wind instruments; consequently these became an essential part of the oboist's technique only late in the century. Flutter-tonguing can be produced either with the tongue or in the throat. Stravinsky's marking ‘Flatterzunge’ in The Rite of Spring was probably envisaged as a means for the oboist to articulate rapid scales rather than as the timbral effect intended by later composers. Vibrato is sometimes specified at different speeds. Breath noises, key clicks and other percussive effects are featured in Holliger's Cardiophonie (1971), and other composers have called for the reed or instrument to be played on its own. Takemitsu's Distance for oboe and shō (1972) develops a polyphonic interplay between the performer's singing and playing.

Circular breathing became a regular part of the oboist's technique in the 1970s. The oboe reed provides the necessary resistance to allow the player to inhale while playing, the cheeks acting as a reservoir. Uninterrupted passage-work such as in Pasculli's Le api, for example, suggests that the technique had been developed much earlier by isolated players, but since the appearance of works like Globokar's Atemstudie (1972) circular breathing has become essential.

Multiphonics have been used in many compositions. Bruno Bartolozzi's New Sounds for Woodwinds (1967) has been a seminal source-book. In collaboration with the oboist Lawrence Singer, Bartolozzi determined the audible pitches in each multiphonic and developed a number notation for the fingerings (fig.21a). Other forms of notation have included a simplified version of Bartolozzi's system (see Post, 1982; fig.21b) and a tablature specifying fingerings, and breath and lip pressure (Holliger, Studie über Mehrklänge, 1971; fig.21c). Double harmonics, the most consonant of multiphonic possibilities, are produced by isolating two partials generated from a single fundamental. ‘Rolling tones’ (rollender Töne), introduced in Klaus Huber's Noctes intelligibilis lucis (1961), are produced by the disruption pattern between slightly out-of-tune harmonics.

A variety of electronic devices and techniques have been applied to the oboe, manipulating its sound by amplification, artificial reverberation, tape delay and ring modulation. All of these techniques are required in Włodzimierz Kontonski's Concerto for oboe and orchestra (1972).

With the rise of the english horn as a permanent member of the orchestra, a third oboist has become essential in the 20th-century orchestra. However, it is common for 20th-century scores to call for a larger oboe section. Both Schoenberg's Gurrelieder (1901) and Stravinsky's Symphony of Psalms (1930) require four oboes and one english horn.

The last 30 years of the 20th century saw the revival of performance on historical oboes – primarily the hautboy, but also 19th-century models. Pioneers were Michel Piguet (b 1948), Bruce Haynes (b 1942), Paul Goodwin and Han de Vries (b 1941). As these players were trained in a variety of schools, a number of different reconceptualizations of the oboe in the 18th and 19th centuries have emerged. Some players, such as de Vries, have also had important careers as modern oboists, but many have restricted their interests to pre-20th-century oboes and music. Among makers of hautboys are Paul Hailperin (Germany), Toshi Hasegawa (Netherlands), Olivier Cottet (France) and Sand Dalton (USA).

(iv) Alternative playing styles.

The oboe has not been absent from jazz or popular music: the best-known representatives have been Bob Cooper (b 1925) in jazz and Paul McCandless of the New Age group Oregon. At the end of the 20th century Rigoutat was developing a new system of amplification for the oboe, hoping to encourage its use in popular music.

5. Bass oboes and larger forms.

III. Larger and smaller European oboes.

1. Introduction.

2. Early lower oboes.

3. Mezzo-soprano oboes.

4. Tenor oboes.

6. Smaller oboes.

Lower oboes began to appear at the court of Louis XIV in the mid-17th century, at the same time as the treble instrument. They were needed to play the middle parts between treble oboe and bassoon in the five-part, later four-part, double-reed consort. But while the treble oboe spread rapidly throughout Europe and soon developed into a solo instrument and an integral member of the orchestra, the lower oboes followed a more erratic course, in some places disappearing completely for a time from the musical scene. The mezzo-soprano oboes were favoured during the late 17th and early 18th centuries but then faded from view, not to re-emerge until the 20th century. The tenor oboe, which had more variants than the other sizes, was continuously in use from the 17th century. Bass oboes, always less widespread than the others, have appeared occasionally as ensemble instruments. By the late 20th century each member of the family had become a soloist in its own right.

1. Introduction.

One feature common to all modern lower oboes is the bulb-shaped bell (Fr. pavillon d'amour; Ger. Liebesfuss). It was first applied to the tenor instrument about 1700 and to the mezzo-soprano about 1720. Such bells were used on shawms and bagpipes from the Middle Ages onwards; small bulb-belled shawms are depicted in the Cantigas de Santa María, from the court of Alfonso X of Spain (late 13th century; fig.22), and bulb bells appear on both the drones and chanters of bagpipes from Iberia to eastern Europe. The bulb bell has long been considered the source of the distinctive tone of the modern english horn and other lower oboes. While this is still open to debate, it is clear that the voicing of the bell affects the tonal quality and response of the instrument as a whole.

2. Early lower oboes.

(i) Haute-contre de hautbois.

A mezzo-soprano oboe in A. It was used to play the second line (which sometimes descended to a, too low for the treble instrument) in the five-part ensemble music of the Lullian era. There are no extant examples. Personnel lists for Louis XIV's Douze Grands Hautbois reveal that there were usually two players of the haute-contre in the ensemble (see Paris, §V, 1(b)), and Sébastien de Brossard (Dictionaire de musique, 1703) mentioned the instrument, although he did not provide a separate entry for it. Lully used the haute-contre de hautbois in stage works, including Les plaisirs de l'île enchantée (1664), Atys (1676) and Persée (1682), and in instrumental music (Airs de Carrousel, 1686). It fell out of use in the late 17th century as interest shifted to the four-part ensemble of two oboes, tenor oboe (taille de hautbois) and bassoon and the trio of two oboes and bassoon. Although the second line in these ensembles was usually taken by a treble oboe, the part itself continued to be referred to as ‘haute-contre’, a practice that has led to doubt about the existence of the haute-contre de hautbois. However, by the late 17th century the instrument had been carried to other parts of Europe, where it would take on new forms during the early 18th century.

(ii) Taille de hautbois.

A tenor oboe in F, a 5th below the treble, employed to play the third line in the wind ensembles and orchestras of Lully's time and later. Like the haute-contre, the taille de hautbois had a straight body with two keys and an open bell. It may have made its first appearance in Lully's Alcidiane (1658); he also used it in L'impatience (1661), Les noces de village (1663) and La princesse d'Elide (1664). A true solo part appears in Pascal Collasse's Enée et Lavinie (1690). Along with other members of the oboe family, the taille de hautbois was carried to England, Germany and the Netherlands, where it was employed in orchestras and wind ensembles (fig.23). The term Taille survived into the 18th century as a designation for a middle part in an ensemble work or for an instrument that played such a part.

(iii) Quinte de hautbois.

A basset oboe in D, a 3rd below the taille de hautbois and a 5th below the haute-contre, apparently the fourth voice in the five-part double-reed ensemble during the early experimental years of the Lullian era. No examples are extant. Its existence is inferred by analogy with the recorder family of the time, which included haute-contres, tailles and quintes, and on a single piece of iconographical evidence: the frontispiece of Pierre Borjon de Scellery’s Traité de la musette (1672), which depicts an hautboïste of the period with his ‘full kit’, including what might be a quinte de hautbois (fig.24). This instrument is equipped with keys, probably modelled on those of the musette and designed to assure reasonable intonation. The instrument did not survive the experimental years.

(It., also oboe luongo, oboe basso; Fr. grand hautbois; Ger. grosse [H]oboe). The 18th-century designation for the haute-contre de hautbois, a mezzo-soprano oboe with an open bell, made in A and B versions. It was used in central Europe in Hautboisten bands and other ensembles: Johann Fischer, J.C. Pez and Telemann, for example, scored for it in wind music; J.G. Hoffman, G.A. Homilius and Telemann, among others, used it in church cantatas. The instrument in A was favoured for music in keys with several sharps, and the instrument in B for keys with several flats; the treble in C did not play well in tune in these keys. The oboe grande was used in a number of works by Italian composers, beginning in the 1720s. Porpora’s Angelica (1720) and Vinci's La caduta de’ Decemviri (1727) have parts for a pair of ‘oboi lunghi’, and Conforto’s Livia Claudia vestale (1755) includes a solo for the instrument. By the late 18th century it was not much in evidence, although the Viennese oboist-composers Johann Went and Josef Triebensee wrote for it. In the 19th century a few oboes in B were made for use in bands. In 1874 Victor-Charles Mahillon produced a pair of open-belled ‘hautbois d’amour’ in A, with 19th-century keywork, for the first London revivals of J.S. Bach’s works; similar instruments were also made in Germany around the same time.

3. Mezzo-soprano oboes.

(i) Oboe grande

(ii) Oboe d’amore

(It.: ‘oboe of love’; Fr. hautbois d’amour; Ger. Liebes[h]oboe). A mezzo-soprano oboe in A with a bulb bell (fig.25a), developed in south-central Germany during the second decade of the 18th century. The tone of the oboe d’amore, described as ‘more sombre than the treble, but less weighty than the tenor’, was exploited by J.S. Bach, Telemann and their contemporaries. Unlike the oboe grande, which was primarily an ensemble instrument, the oboe d’amore was used as a solo and obbligato instrument. The earliest extant specimen, dated 1719 (Musikmuseum, Stockholm), is by J.G. Bauer (1666–1721) of Leipzig. That city appears to have been a centre for oboe d’amore making; there are a number of extant instruments by J.H. Eichentopf and J.C. Sattler, both of whom were also active there about 1720.

The rich harvest of solo, concertante, obbligato and chamber music produced for the oboe d’amore in Germany during the late Baroque testifies to a strong interest in this new tone-colour. Soloists such as J.C. Gleditsch of Leipzig, who worked with Kuhnau, then Bach, and J.M. Böhm (fl c1685–1753) of Darmstadt, who worked with Graupner and Telemann, developed the new instrument as a distinctive solo voice. Bach used it with special effectiveness. His earliest surviving score to include it (Die Elenden sollen essen bwv75) dates from 1723, after his arrival in Leipzig. He achieved a particularly striking effect in the opening chorale of Meinen Jesum lass ich nicht bwv124 (1725); there a solo oboe d’amore weaves an obbligato around the choral lines. One of his best-known solos for the instrument is that in the alto aria ‘Qui sedes’ in the B minor Mass. Telemann’s output includes solo concertos for the instrument and a triple concerto for flauto d’amore, oboe d’amore and viola d’amore as well as obbligato parts in vocal works for church and stage. Interest in the oboe d’amore began to flag in the 1740s, and by the 1760s few works were being written for it. The instrument was heard occasionally during the second half of the 18th century: a concerto by Dittersdorf (c1778) and several other works from this period with orchestral parts for it are preserved (D-Rtt), and instruments are known to have been made by Grundmann of Dresden (1774) and Otto of Neukirchen (1799).

Renewed interest in the music of J.S. Bach led to the development in the late 19th century of a new version of the oboe d’amore with ‘modern’ keywork and bore proportions. After first producing mezzo-soprano oboes with open bells, Mahillon began to make instruments with bulb bells; both types earned him medals at the Paris Exposition of 1878. Shortly thereafter, the Berlin firm of C.W. Moritz began to make Liebesoboen for performances at the Berlin Hochschule für Musik and the Bach summer festivals then becoming popular in Germany. Other makers followed, including François Lorée, who produced the first French oboes d’amore in the 1880s. The first modern composer to use the new instrument was Richard Strauss, who scored for it in his Symphonia domestica op.53 (1903). During the 20th century the instrument was used in the orchestra by many composers, including Mahler (‘Um Mitternacht’, orchestrated 1904–5), Debussy (‘Gigues’, Images, 1913), Holst (A Somerset Rhapsody op.21 no.2, 1906–7), Ravel (Boléro, 1928), Havergal Brian and Ligeti. Holbrooke, Koechlin and Ligeti have written solo and chamber works for it.

(i) The taille (de hautbois) in the 18th century.

4. Tenor oboes.

Oboe, §III, 4: Larger and smaller European oboes., Tenor oboes.

(i) The taille (de hautbois) in the 18th century.

At the end of the 17th century the taille de hautbois had the same profile as the treble oboe, but about 1700 the instrument began to be fitted with a bulb bell (fig.25b), probably by German makers. The taille served as the middle voice of the double-reed consort in France, northern and central Europe, England and Italy. In France it was used in theatre and concert works until the middle of the 18th century, and after that its use waned. In Germany it was called for in numerous church cantatas (for example, J.S. Bach’s Falsche Welt, dir trau ich nicht bwv52). The taille de hautbois probably arrived in England in 1673, along with the first treble oboes; there it became known as the ‘tenner hautboy’. Henry Purcell was the first English composer to take an interest in the instrument, scoring for it in The Prophetess, or The History of Dioclesian (1690) and other theatre music. By the 1720s horns had replaced tenor oboes in wind bands. However, a preference for the older consort instrumentation was retained in some locations, and tailles continued to be made for several more decades. The instrument had disappeared by about 1780. The bulb-belled version was revived half a century later when Henri Brod developed the cor anglais moderne, the prototype of the modern english horn. The open-belled version enjoyed a brief reincarnation as Wagner's ‘Althoboe’ (see (v) below).

Oboe, §III, 4: Larger and smaller European oboes., Tenor oboes.

(ii) Vox humana

(Lat.: ‘human voice’; It. voce umana). A tenor oboe in F, pitched a 5th below the treble, in use in the mid- to late 18th century. It is characterized by a narrow and largely unadorned profile, two-part construction (with the bell integral with the lower joint; fig.25c), minimal flare at the bell aperture and an angular crook to support the reed. It has two keys and six single finger-holes. The name of the instrument was apparently derived from the eponymous organ stop. Long associated exclusively with England, the vox humana is now known also to have been used in southern Italy.

The vox humana appeared in England just as the ‘tenner hautboy’ was giving way to the horn. It may have been invented by Thomas Stanesby (ii), the earliest active of the known makers of the instrument, who was also the author of a fingering chart for it. The first known appearance of the vox humana was in a concert at the Drury Lane Theatre, London, in May 1733; according to an advertisement, duets were to be performed on a pair of these new instruments. Though heard occasionally in the theatre, the vox humana was used primarily in the double-reed bands often employed in lieu of organs in poor provincial churches. One such band at Swalcliffe, north Oxfordshire, purchased a vox humana, reeds, a reed case and a fingering chart from Thomas Collier in 1783. This church supported a double-reed ensemble until 1815. A similar type of ensemble was used in Swiss churches around the same time (see Hautbois d'église).

During the 1770s and 80s Gregorio Patria, an Italian living in Dublin, performed with success there on the vox humana, ‘a new Italian instrument’. The vox humana was a favoured instrument in southern Italy, especially Naples, in the era before the english horn became common there. Paisiello included it in church and theatre music performed in Naples and Rome, primarily in the 1760s and early 1770s, and Sacchini and G.F. de Majo also wrote for it. The only known Italian maker of the vox humana was Giovanni Panormo of Naples, whose instruments have more flaring bells than the English models, a doubled third hole for C and carved ivory rosettes at the bell aperture. By the 1780s the vox humana had been supplanted by the english horn. The term ‘vox humana’ was sometimes used for the english horn in Italy and England in the late 18th and early 19th centuries; it is often unclear which instrument was being referred to.

The vox humana was also made in a larger size, pitched in C, a 4th below the tenor instrument. Such instruments were probably used in lieu of bassoons to play the bass parts in church bands. An unmarked example with an octave key and keys for C, C and E, three-part construction and vent holes in the bell is preserved in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.

Oboe, §III, 4: Larger and smaller European oboes., Tenor oboes.

(iii) Oboe da caccia

(It., also oboe di silva; Fr. hautbois de chasse, hautbois de forêt; Ger. Jagd[h]oboe, Jagdhautbois, Wald[h]oboe, Waldhautbois). A curved, leather-covered tenor oboe in F with a broadly flaring bell, in use between 1720 and about 1760 (fig.25d). It was produced by only a few makers and used in a small number of places in central Europe. The one-piece body of the oboe da caccia is strongly curved, sometimes in a complete semicircle. It was constructed by cutting a row of small wedges along the back of a straight instrument, then bending the body into an arc. The joins were usually pinned and the body sealed and covered with a leather binding, often decoratively tooled. The curved shape and flaring bell give the instrument a horn-like appearance, hence its name. The most distinguished maker of the oboe da caccia was J.H. Eichentopf of Leipzig, who made instruments with brass rather than wooden bells.

Bach began to use the oboe da caccia shortly after his arrival in Leipzig, where he found a fine soloist in J.C. Gleditsch. The instrument has a gentle and expressive nature, which Bach understood perfectly; one of the most striking moments in the St Matthew Passion is the soprano aria ‘Aus Liebe will mein Heiland sterben’, accompanied only by a solo transverse flute and two oboes da caccia. Other composers who wrote for the instrument include J.F. Fasch in Zerbst and Graupner in Darmstadt; in Munich G.B. Ferrandini wrote three symphonies for a pair of oboes da caccia with strings and continuo. Although the instrument had a distinctive sound, it was still considered a tenor oboe and as such was also used to play parts marked ‘taille’.

Oboe, §III, 4: Larger and smaller European oboes., Tenor oboes.

(iv) English horn

(Fr. cor anglais; Ger. englisches Horn, Englisch-Horn, Englischhorn; It. corno inglese; in the 18th century the instrument was also known as: Fr. hautbois anglois, corne d’anglois, cor de chasse anglais; Ger. englische Wald[h]oboe, englisches Waldhorn). The tenor oboe in F, a 5th below the oboe, in use from the early 18th century to the present. Its keywork corresponds to that of the oboe of its day and the reed is mounted on a short crook. It was created when a bulb bell was added to an oboe da caccia body shortly after 1720, possibly by J.T. Weigel of Breslau. Late 18th-century english horns were more gently curved than Baroque models, and by about 1790 some were being made in angular form, resembling contemporary basset-horns. Both curved and angular forms were made into the 19th century (fig.25e and fig.26).

The open-belled straight tenor oboe and particularly the flare-belled oboe da caccia reminded people of the angels’ horns depicted in medieval and later religious imagery, especially in German-speaking central Europe. In Middle (High) German, the word engellisch meant ‘angelic’ (as engelgleich in modern Hochdeutsch). With the Middle German word for ‘England’ being Engellant, the word engellisch also meant ‘English’. These dual meanings naturally became conflated, and ‘angel's horn’ thus became ‘English horn’. This unlikely epithet remained with the curved, bulb-belled tenor oboe even after the oboe da caccia had faded (c1760) and in the absence of any better denominations.

Music for the english horn has been notated in a variety of ways. In Italy, during the late 18th century and the first half of the 19th, the parts were notated in the bass clef an octave below sounding pitch, because the instrument was often played by bassoonists. Elsewhere parts were notated at pitch in the alto clef (the method also preferred by Bach for the oboe da caccia parts). In France they were notated in the mezzo-soprano clef, to be read as if in the treble clef in order to effect the correct transposition. In modern notation the player reads from the treble clef, fingering the notes as on the oboe; the instrument sounds a perfect 5th below. In modern scores, however, the part is often notated at sounding pitch.

During its early years the english horn was used interchangeably with other tenor oboes, and few works were written specifically for it; most of those known came from Poland or Saxony, near the birthplace of the instrument. It began to be specified more frequently by the late 1740s; the Viennese version of Jommelli’s Ezio (1749) called for a pair. One of the first composers to exploit the instrument was Gluck, who began to use it in 1755, scoring for a pair in La danza. In Orfeo ed Euridice (1762) a pair of english horns appears in Orfeo’s aria ‘Piange, il mio ben così’, an operatic lament; this foreshadows the use of the instrument in the works of many of Gluck’s followers, particularly Berlioz. Joseph Haydn had a pair of english horns available to him at the Esterházy court and he used the instrument in a number of works, including Symphony no.22 (‘The Philosopher’, 1764), in which two english horns replace the usual oboes. Others who scored for the instrument in the mid- to late 18th century included Bonno, Hasse and Starzer in Vienna, Michael Haydn in Salzburg, who treated the instrument as a soloist in several works, and the player-composers Joseph Fiala, Joseph Lacher, Ignaz Malzat, Josef Triebensee and Johann Went.

In the German-speaking parts of Europe, the most significant english horn player of the late 18th century was Philipp Teimer (Filip Matyas Tajmar, 1761–c1817), the youngest of three oboe-playing brothers. He served, with his brothers and father, in the musical establishment of Prince Johann Joseph Schwarzenburg (who maintained a Harmonie with pairs of oboes, english horns, horns and bassoons), and also appeared frequently as a soloist. A number of trios for oboes and english horn, including possibly Beethoven’s op.87, were written for the three brothers. Other works written with Teimer in mind include the Singspiel Babylons Pyramiden (1797) by Johann Mederitsch and Peter Winter, in which the english horn plays a role analogous to that of the flute in Die Zauberflöte, Salieri’s Requiem of 1804 and Hummel’s cantata Lob der Freundschaft (1807), which includes an extraordinarily difficult obbligato part rising to written g'''. Another well-known english horn player of the late 18th century was the oboist-composer Giuseppe Ferlendis (1755–1810), who was so closely associated with the instrument that he was credited in several sources with its invention. His success as a performer was probably due at least in part to the excellent curved instruments made for him by the Venetian maker Andrea Fornari (1753–1841).

The english horn was usually associated with Italian opera in the late 18th century, and the majority of instruments were made in cities that supported Italian opera houses, among them Vienna, Dresden, Milan, Venice and Lisbon. Towards the end of the century Venice became an important centre for english horn writing; perhaps not coincidentally, Ferlendis was employed there between 1778 and 1801. Among the composers who wrote operatic scores with english horn for performance there were Bianchi, Cimarosa, Simon Mayr, Traetta, Sarti and Zingarelli. While in some of these works the english horn rivals the voice in virtuosity, the obbligato parts by Bianchi and Sarti, although occasionally florid, are essentially lyrical. The singing style would soon become accepted as the most effective for the instrument.

The english horn did not become established in France until the early 19th century. The first important player of the instrument there was Gustave Vogt (1781–1870), soloist at the Opéra and the leading French oboist of his day. Vogt’s english horn playing was highly praised by critics such as Castil-Blaze and F.-J. Fétis, and many solos were written for him, including that by Rossini in the Overture to Guillaume Tell (1829). From 1810 Vogt worked with the firm of Guillaume Triébert to improve the instrument. Triébert’s english horns were initially patterned after the curved, two-keyed models made in Italy at the end of the 18th century. The firm soon began to add its own keywork and other refinements, and its instruments gained a high reputation. Later instruments have a straight lower joint and a curved upper joint, and those made by Frédéric Triébert from about 1860 are entirely straight.

Vogt’s playing was greatly admired by Berlioz, who exploited the special character of the instrument from his earliest works; in his Huit scènes de Faust op.1 (1828–9) the english horn was associated with absence and melancholy, an idea continued in the Symphonie fantastique (1830), which also linked the instrument with pastoral scenes. More than any other composer, Berlioz helped to form the character of the english horn as an instrument creating ‘feelings of absence, of forgetfulness, of sorrowful loneliness’ (Grand traité d’instrumentation).

Henri Brod (1799–1839), Vogt’s successor at the Opéra, became dissatisfied with the muffled sound and unwieldy shape of the contemporary english horn and by 1823 had begun to collaborate with the Triéberts in an attempt to modernize it. By 1830 he was making instruments himself, developing a straight tenor oboe, the ‘hautbois-alto’, which was easier to hold and more resonant than the old instrument. He later renamed this instrument the ‘cor anglais moderne’ (see fig.15). François Lorée, who had been Triébert’s chief of staff, opened his own workshop in 1881 and began to make english horns based on Brod’s straight-form model. In the hands of this maker, the instrument reached its modern form.

The english horn was little known in Germany and Austria in the early to mid-19th century. German orchestration texts of the first half of the century scarcely mention the instrument, composers did not use it, and Mendelssohn was unable to find a pair for his Berlin revival of the St Matthew Passion in 1829. Wagner, who had heard the english horn in Paris, was the first German composer of the era to make extensive use of it. As Kapellmeister at Dresden he had in his orchestra Rudolf Hiebendahl (c1818–90), one of the first German oboists of the period to develop an interest in the instrument. Wagner’s first score to include it was Der fliegende Holländer (1843), in which it was employed in the overture. In both Tannhäuser (1845) and Tristan und Isolde (1865) it imitates a shepherd’s pipe. Lohengrin (1850) had the first ‘symphonic’ part for the english horn; the instrument was used as a full member of the orchestra, not only for special effects. Other composers who wrote for the instrument included Schumann (Manfred, 1848–9) and Liszt, especially Der nächtliche Zug from the two episodes from Lenau’s Faust (1856–61) and Christus (1866–72).

The english horn continued to be heard regularly in Italian opera all over Europe, including in areas where it otherwise had no exposure. Rossini made much use of the instrument, particularly in the operas he wrote for Venice, including La scala di seta (1812), Tancredi (1813), Il signor Bruschino (1813) and Sigismondo (1814). Significant obbligatos also appear in two of his scores for Naples, the Messa da gloria (1821) and Zelmira (1822). Rossini's younger colleague Bellini requested the instrument in Il pirata (1827) and Bianca e Fernando (revised version, 1828). The former uses the corno inglese to enhance the tragic mood in the heroine's mad scene and prayer. Later composers used the instrument to advantage in similar settings. In Donizetti, for example, the unique voice of the english horn is heard to excellent effect in Gabriella di Vergy (composed 1826, rev. c1838), L'esule di Roma (1828), Anna Bolena (1830), La fille du régiment (1840), Maria Padilla (1841) and Maria di Rohan (1843). Verdi was certainly familiar with most of these works, and he began scoring for the instrument early in his career, notably in Nabucco (1842). Other outstanding uses of the corno inglese in his output occur in Giovanna d'Arco (1845), Attila (1846), Un ballo in maschera (1859), Don Carlos (1867) and particularly in Otello (1887). Mercadante's Il giuramento (1837) is another work in which, as in most of the Italian Romantic repertory, the instrument is used to underscore a tragic situation. The instrument was used similarly in French opera (Halévy, La Juive, 1835). In Russia Glinka laid the groundwork for use of the instrument there in his A Life for the Tsar (1836).

Concert works of this era to include the instrument used it, as in opera, as a pastoral or sentimental instrument. Mercadante included it in at least four symphonies from the 1850s and 60s, and Saint-Saëns also scored for it in two of his early symmphonies. Franck’s Symphony in D minor (1886–8) has a continuous symphonic part as well as an elegiac solo in the second movement. Dvořák wrote frequent solos for the english horn; that in his Symphony no.9 (‘From the New World’, 1893) well exploits the nostalgic and elegiac character of the instrument. In Richard Strauss’s colourful scoring the english horn was treated as an essential member of the orchestra. The Scandinavian nationalists were also attracted to it. In The Swan of Tuonela (1893) Sibelius used the english horn as the voice of the swan, singing over a sombrely coloured orchestra. The english horn was also used to create an exotic mood, imitating the reed pipes of the Middle East and Asia (Saint-Saëns, Samson et Dalila, 1877, and Borodin, In Central Asia, 1880).

By the beginning of the 20th century the english horn was established as a solo voice within the orchestra. Most of the orchestral works of the first half of the century continued to exploit the Romantic sentiments associated with the instrument. A mysterious mood is created in C.M. Loeffler’s A Pagan Poem (1906), scored for large orchestra with english horn, piano and offstage solo trumpets; Janáček’s Taras Bulba (1915–18) and Rodrigo's Concierto de Aranjuez (1939) exemplify the nostalgic, Vaughan Williams’s Pastoral Symphony (1921) the pastoral, and Rachmaninoff’s The Bells (1913) the tragic. The most substantial solo works of the period are Carter’s Pastoral (1940) and Hindemith’s Sonata (1941), both with piano.

During the second half of the century the english horn was often included in chamber and orchestral music, and many concertos were written for it. While the traditional character of the instrument was often set aside in concert music, it was retained in many film scores; those of Virgil Thomson, Hugo Friedhofer, David Raksin, Miklós Rózsa and Victor Young contain some outstanding parts. The Concertino op.4 (1982) for english horn and strings by Arne Running is particularly well written for the instrument, and the Australian oboist-composer Graham Powning has written an effective and interesting quartet for four english horns, among his many ensemble works for double reeds.

Important players of the 20th century included Hans Hadamowsky (1906–96) of the Vienna PO, Leo van der Lek (1908–99) in Amsterdam, James McDonagh (d 1933) and his son Terence (1908–86) in London, Paul Brun and Paul Taillefer (b 1912) in Paris, Peter Henkelman (1882–1949), John Minsker (b 1912) and Louis Rosenblatt (b 1928) in Philadelphia, Louis Speyer (1890–1980), to whom many works were dedicated, in Boston, and Thomas Stacy (b 1938), who has commissioned and given first performances of many works for the instrument in New York.

Oboe, §III, 4: Larger and smaller European oboes., Tenor oboes.

(v) Alt[h]oboe.

A tenor oboe in F, with an english horn body and a clarinet-like bell. Some time between 1872 and mid-1875 Wagner had the Bayreuth woodwind instrument maker J.S. Stengel (1803–85) build this new oboe to his specifications. It was meant to provide a more penetrating sound than the english horn, in effect extending the oboe section into the tenor register. In the first edition of Siegfried (1875), Wagner specified that the new Altoboe was to replace the english horn in all future performances of his scores. However, the instrument is specifically called for only in Parsifal (1882). It was used at Bayreuth with some regularity, especially between 1882 and 1894, but it seems to have fallen out of use by 1896. A single specimen from Stengel’s workshop survives (Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna) and there are several by other makers, including two by Joseph Pöschl (1866–1947) with both Altoboe and english horn bells (Musikinstrumentenmuseum im Münchner Stadtmuseum; private collection). During the last quarter of the 19th century and the first quarter of the 20th ‘Altoboe’ was sometimes used in Germany as an alternative term for the english horn.

A large oboe pitched an octave below the treble. The instrument has also been known as the baritone oboe, after Triébert’s bass oboe of 1825, which he called ‘hautbois baryton’ by analogy with the baritone voice. The modern bass oboe is an enlarged english horn equipped with a bulb bell and a bassoon-like crook, on which the reed is placed. Music for the instrument is notated in the treble clef, sounding an octave below written pitch. A few instruments in this range survive from the 18th century, including a specimen from about 1700 by J.C. Denner of Nuremberg in the form of an enlarged treble oboe (Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg). Two instruments made by Charles Bizey in Paris about 1749 have a bassoon-like boot and wings with obliquely drilled tone holes, and an open oboe-like bell (see fig.25f). About 1825 Triébert began to make bass oboes patterned, apparently, after Bizey’s instruments, but with added keys and bulb bells (see fig.25g). Brod received a medal for a straight bass oboe at the Paris Exposition of 1839. No period music for this instrument survives. It is not known how it was used; it may, perhaps, have been played in wind ensembles.

5. Bass oboes and larger forms.

(i) Bass oboe.

The first modern bass oboe was built by François Lorée about 1889. Lorée’s instrument was straight-formed, like the model designed by Brod 50 years before, and equipped with the latest keywork. The first composer to interest himself in the new instrument was Delius, who became familiar with the instrument during his years in Paris (1888–96). Through him the instrument became known in England, where it was used by a number of composers, including Holst, Brian and Tippett. It has been used in chamber music and film scores in Europe and America. The first solo concerto for the instrument, East Coast by Gavin Bryars, was written in 1994.

(ii) Sub-bass and contrabass oboes.

Only a few experimental oboes have been made to play in this register, for which there was already a successful instrument, the bassoon. Several 18th-century sources, including Majer and Walther, mention an oboe in this register, and according to Garsault (1761) it was known in its day as the basse de cromorne (see Cromorne (i)). An enormous contrabass 203 cm in height, with a sounding length of 267 cm, a huge brass crook and nine keys, was made by Christophe Delusse before 1781 (Musée Instrumental du Conservatoire, Paris). According to the Almanach musical of 1781, the instrument was used in place of the bassoon at the Opéra for six months. Pierre wrote that Lorée had proposed to complete the oboe family with an instrument two octaves below the treble, but that plan was never realized.

In the mid-19th century S.-X. Verroust, who had taught at the Gymnase Musical Militaire, advocated the use of a range of hautbois pastoraux, small oboes with a penetrating tone, in military music. These instruments, pitched in A, G, E or D, were suited to tonalities preferred by the clarinets and the brass instruments. They are often used to play the difficult high oboe part in the third of Canteloube's Chants d'Auvergne. Similar instruments were made in Germany and the USA (where they were called Oboettes). At Heinz Holliger's behest, Marigaux created a full Conservatoire-system ‘musette’ in F for use in contemporary music. The instrument is required in Maderna's Grande aulodia for the flute and oboe (1970), in which the oboist is also required to play the oboe, oboe d'amore and english horn.

6. Smaller oboes.

1. Life and early reputation.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

JIDRS

Journal of the International Double Reed Society (1972–)

bibliographies

T.E. Warner: An Annotated Bibliography of Woodwind Instruction Books, 1600–1830 (Detroit, 1967)

M. Hošek: Oboen-Bibliographie (Wilhelmshaven, 1975–94)

V.S. Gifford: Music for Oboe, Oboe d'amore, and English Horn: a Bibliography of Materials at the Library of Congress (Westport, CT, 1983)

B. Haynes: Music for Oboe 1650–1800: a Bibliography (Berkeley, 1986, 2/1992)

D. Bournes: ‘Oboereedbib: an Annotated Bibliography of Oboe Reed Material’, JIDRS, xvi (1988), 93–7

instruction materials

For a more complete list see Warner (1967) above

E. Loulié: Méthode pour apprendre à jouer de la flûte douce (MS, c1685, F-Pn n.a.fr.6355)

B. Bismantova: ‘Regola generale per suonare l’oboe’, Duetti à due trombe da camera, libro secondo (MS, 1688/9, D-BSKt Sign.4017–002)

J.P. Freillon-Poncein: La véritable manière d’apprendre à jouer en perfection du haut-bois, de la flûte et du flageolet (Paris, 1700/R; Eng. trans., 1969, 2/1992)

J.M. Hotteterre: Principes de la flûte traversière, ou flûte d’Allemagne, de la flûte à bec, ou flûte douce, et du haut-bois (Paris, 1707/R, 7/1741; Eng. trans., 1968, 2/1983)

[J.P. Eisel]: Musicus autodidactus (Erfurt, 1738/R) [description of the oboe almost exactly as in Mattheson (1713)]

J.J. Quantz: Versuch einer Anweisung, die Flöte traversiere zu spielen (1752/R, 3/1789; Eng. trans., 1966/R, 2/1985)

F. Chalon: Méthode pour le cor anglais ou hautbois (Paris, 1802)

F.-J. Garnier: Méthode raisonnée pour le haut-bois (Paris, 1802/R; Eng. trans., 1987)

B. Asioli: Principj elementari di musica (Milan, 1809)

J. Fröhlich: Hoboeschule nach den Grundsätzen der besten über dieses Instrument bereits erschienenen Schriften (Bonn, 1810)

G. Vogt: Méthode de hautbois (MS, c1816–25, F-Pn)

J. Sellner: Theoretisch-praktische Oboeschule (Vienna, 1825, 2/1901)

H. Brod: Méthode pour le hautbois (Paris, 1825–35, rev. 2/1890 by G. Gillet)

A. Vény: Méthode abrégée pour le hautbois (Paris, 1828/R as Méthode complète)

A.M.-R. Barret: A Complete Method for the Oboe (London, 1850, 2/1862/R)

P. Soler: Tablature du nouveau système de hautbois à anneaux mobiles (Paris, c1850)

S. Verroust: Méthode pour le hautbois, d’après Joseph Sellner op.68 (Paris, c1857)

V. Chalon: Méthode de hautbois ordinaire et à système Boehm (Paris, 1877)

R. Rosenthal: Theoretisch-praktische Oboe Schule (London, Mainz and Brussels, 1901)

G. Gillet: L’enseignement supérieur du hautbois (Paris, 1909)

W. Spassoff: Griff-Tabelle für die Oboe: Modell der Wiener Oper und Wiener Musik Akademie (Vienna, ?1914–35)

E. Rothwell: Oboe Technique (London, 1953, 3/1982)

R. Sprenkle and D. Ledet: The Art of Oboe Playing (Evanston, IL, 1961)

L. Singer: Metodo per oboe (Milan, 1969)

H. Holliger: Pro musica nova: Studien zur neuen Musik (Wiesbaden, 1972)

E. Rothwell: The Oboist’s Companion (London, 1974–7)

P. Veale and C.-F. Mahnhopf: The Techniques of Oboe Playing/Die Spieltechnik der Oboe (Kassel, 1994, 3/1998) [with sound disc]

reeds

W. Bainbridge: Observations on the Cause of Imperfections in Woodwind Instruments, particularly in German Flutes; with Remarks on the Embouchure … also Remarks on Oboe, Clarionet and Bassoon Reeds (London, 1823)

F.-J. Fétis: ‘Variétés: machine à faire les anches de hautbois et de basson’, Revue musicale, xiv (1834), 221

R.E. Perdue: ‘Arundo donax’, Economic Botany, xii (1958), 368–404

B. Haynes: ‘Making Reeds for the Baroque Oboe’, EMc, iv (1976), 31–4, 173–9

D. Ledet: Oboe Reed Styles (Bloomington, IN, 1981)

N. Post: ‘The 17th-Century Oboe Reed’, GSJ, xxxv (1982), 54–67

B. Haynes: ‘Double Reeds, 1660–1830: a Survey of Surviving Written Evidence’, JIDRS, xii (1984), 14–33

D. Bournes: ‘Oboereedbib: an Annotated Bibliography of Oboe Reed Material’, JIDRS, xvi (1988), 93–7

G. Burgess and P. Hedrick: ‘The Oldest English Oboe Reeds? An Examination of Nineteen Surviving Examples’, GSJ, xlii (1989), 32–69

A Time of Questioning: Utrecht 1994 [incl. G. Burgess: ‘Historical Oboe Reeds: Avenues for Further Research, or “Now what do we do with all these measurements?”’, 205–22]

history and construction

LaBordeE

MersenneHU

PraetoriusSM

Waterhouse-LangwillI

YoungHI

M. de Pure: Idée des spectacles anciens et nouveaux (Paris, 1668)

M. de La Barre: Mémoire de M. de La Barre sur les musettes et hautbois (MS, c1740, Paris, Archives Nationales 0¹ 878 no.240); ed. in BenoitMC

G.P. Telemann: ‘Neues musikalisches System’, in L.C. Mizler von Kolof: Neu eröffnete musikalische Bibliothek, oder Gründliche Nachricht nebst unpartheyischem Urteil von musikalischen Schriften und Büchern, iii/4 (Leipzig, 1752/R), 713–19 [incl. table]

J.J. Quantz: ‘Herrn Johann Joachim Quantzens Lebenslauf, von ihm selbst entworfen’, Historisch-kritische Beyträge zur Aufnahme der Musik, ed. F.W. Marpurg, i (1755/R), 197–250; ed. in W. Kahl: Selbstbiographien deutscher Musiker des XVIII. Jahrhunderts (Cologne, 1948); Eng. trans. in P. Nettl: Forgotten Musicians (New York, 1951), 280–319

L.J. Francoeur: Diapason général de tous les instruments à vent (Paris, 1772)

‘Ueber die Hoboe’, AMZ, xiv/5 (1812), 69–74

‘The Rise and Progress of the Hautboy’, Quarterly Musical Magazine and Review, ix (1827), 464–74

I.P.: ‘On the Oboe and Bassoon’, The Harmonicon, viii (1830), 192–3

W.T. Parke: Musical Memoirs (London, 1830/R)

F.-J. Fétis: ‘Exposition des produits de l’industrie’, Revue musicale, viii/19 (1834), 145–9

W. Schneider: Historisch-technische Beschreibung der musikalischen Instrumente (Neisse and Leipzig, 1834)

F.-J. Fétis: Exposition des produits de l’industrie française en 1839, ii (Paris, 1839)

H. Berlioz: Grand traité d’instrumentation et d’orchestration modernes (Paris, 1843, 2/1855/R; Eng. trans., 1856, rev. 2/1882/R by J. Bennett); Ger. trans. by R. Strauss as Instrumentationslehre (Berlin, 1904; Eng. trans., 1948)

F.J. Fétis: ‘Exposition universelle de Londres, 14ème lettre’, RGMP, xviii (1851), 393–5

F.-J. Fétis: Fabrication des instruments de musique, Paris, Exposition universelle de Paris 1855: rapports du jury mixte international (Paris, 1859)

E. Pauer: Amtlicher Bericht über die Industrie- und Kunst-Ausstellung zu London im Jahre 1862 (Berlin, 1863)

F.-J. Fétis: Rapports du jury international: Exposition universelle 1867, groupe II, classe 10 (Paris, 1868)

C. Pierre: La facture instrumentale à l’Exposition universelle de 1889 (Paris, 1890)

C.R. Day: A Descriptive Catalogue of the Musical Instruments Recently Exhibited at the Royal Military Exhibition (London, 1891)

W. Altenburg: ‘Eine Original-Oboe von Theobald Boehm’, ZI, xx (1899–1900), 34–7

L. Bechler and B. Rahm: Die Oboe und die ihr verwandten Instrumente (Leipzig, 1914/R)

F. Dubitzky: ‘“Englisch Horn” oder “Alt-Oboe”? Eine Entgegnung’, Die Musik, xiv/3 [no.17] (1914–15), 224–6

L. Bleuzet: ‘Hautbois d’amour, cor anglais, hautbois baryton’, EMDC, II/iii (1927), 1542–4

A. Baines: ‘James Talbot’s Manuscript, I: Wind Instruments’, GSJ, i (1948), 9–26

E. Halfpenny: ‘The English Début of the French Hautboy’, MMR, lxxix (1949), 149–57

E. Halfpenny: ‘The English 2- and 3-Keyed Hautboy’, GSJ, ii (1949), 10–26

E. Halfpenny: ‘The “Tenner Hoboy”’, GSJ, v (1952), 17–27

E. Halfpenny: ‘The French Hautboy: a Technical Survey’, GSJ, vi (1953), 23–34; viii (1955), 50–69

P. Bate: The Oboe: an Outline of its History, Development and Construction (London, 1956, 3/1975)

A.C. Baines: Woodwind Instruments and their History (London, 1957, 3/1967/R)

M. Byrne: ‘The Church Band at Swalcliffe’, GSJ, xvii (1964), 89–98

A. Schnoebelen: ‘Performance Practices at San Petronio in the Baroque’, AcM, xli (1969), 37–55

K. Ventzke: Boehm-Oboen und die neueren französischen Oboen-Systeme (Frankfurt, 1969)

P. Hailperin: Some Technical Remarks on the Shawm and Baroque Oboe (diploma, Schola Cantorum Basiliensis, 1970)

M. Benoit: Versailles et les musiciens du Roi, 1661–1733 (Paris, 1971)

W. Braun: ‘Entwurf für eine Typologie der “Hautboisten”’, Der Sozialstatus des Berufsmusikers vom 17. bis 19. Jahrhundert, ed. W. Salmen (Kassel, 1971), 43–63; (Eng. trans., enlarged, 1983), 123–58

E. Nickel: Der Holzblasinstrumentenbau in der Freien Reichsstadt Nürnberg (Munich, 1971)

D.L. Busch: A Technical Comparison of an 1807, 1916 and a 1968 Oboe and Related Reed-Making and Performance Problems (diss., Louisiana State U., 1972)

J. Grush: A Guide to the Study of the Classical Oboe (DMA diss., Boston U., 1972)

R. Dahlqvist: ‘Taille, Oboe da Caccia and Corno Inglese’, GSJ, xxvi (1973), 58–71

S. Sandman: Wind Band Music under Louis XIV: the Philidor Collection, Music for the Military and the Court (diss., Stanford U., 1974)

J.A. Sidorfsky: The Oboe in the 19th Century: a Study of the Instrument and Selected Published Solo Literature (diss., U. of Southern Mississippi, 1974)

R. Hildebrand: Das Oboenensemble in Deutschland von den Anfängen bis ca. 1720 (diploma, Schola Cantorum Basiliensis, 1975); summary in Tibia, iii–iv (1978–9), 7–12

E. Selfridge-Field: Venetian Instrumental Music from Gabrieli to Vivaldi (Oxford, 1975)

J.W. Denton: The Use of Oboes in the Church Cantatas of Johann Sebastian Bach (diss., U of Rochester, NY, 1977)

L. Goossens and E. Roxburgh: Oboe (London, 1977)

K.F. Golde: ‘On Oboe Making’, GSJ, xxxi (1978), 19–28 [appx 1 to C. Karp: ‘Woodwind Instrument Bore Measurement’, 9–18]

B. Haynes: ‘Oboe Fingering Charts, 1695–1816’, GSJ, xxxi (1978), 68–93

B. Haynes: ‘Tonality and the Baroque Oboe’, EMc, vii (1979), 355–7

G. Joppig: Die Entwicklung der Doppelröhrblattinstrumente von 1850 bis heute und ihre Verwendung in Orchester und Kammermusik (Frankfurt, 1980)

N. Post: ‘The Oboe in the Electronic Age’, JIDRS, viii (1980), 1–16

C. Schneider: ‘Ein Oboisten-Portrait von 1767’, Tibia, v (1980–81), 205–7 [Sante Aguilar]

G. Joppig: Oboe und Fagott (Berne, 1981; Eng. trans., 1988)

H.O. Koch: Sonderformen der Blasinstrumente in der deutschen Musik vom späten 17. bis zur Mitte des 18. Jahrhunderts (?Heidelberg, 1981)

N. Post: ‘Multiphonics for the Oboe’, Interface, x (1981), 113–36

N. Post: ‘Varèse, Wolpe and the Oboe’, PNM, xx (1981–2), 135–48

D. Hilkenbach: ‘Die Boehm-Oboe: Illusion oder verpasste Chance?’, Tibia, vii (1982), 21–30

N. Post: ‘Monophonic Sound Resources for the Oboe’, Interface, xi (1982), 131–76

R. Fischer-Waldhagen: ‘Richard Wagner und die Altoboe’, Bläserklang und Blasinstrumente im Schaffen Richard Wagners: Seggau 1983, 89–97

D. Lasocki: Professional Recorder Players in England, 1540–1740 (diss., U. of Iowa, 1983)

G. Ziegler, ed.: The Writings of Josef Marx: an Anthology, i (New York, 1983)

M. Gerard: Du hautbois à trois clefs au hautbois à treize clefs (diss., U. of Strasbourg, 1983–4)

F. Fleurot: Le hautbois dans la musique française, 1650–1800 (Paris, 1984)

C.D. Lehrer: ‘Repertoire of the Oboe in the Nineteenth Century: the Hidden Structure’, JIDRS, xii (1984), 3–13

A. Bernardini: ‘Carlo Palanca e la costruzione di strumenti a fiato a Torino nel Settecento’, Flauto dolce, no.13 (1985), 22–6

B. Haynes: ‘Questions of Tonality in Bach’s Cantatas: the Woodwind Perspective’, JAMIS, xii (1986), 40–67

H. Heyde: Musikinstrumentenbau, 15.–19. Jahrhundert: Kunst-Handwerk-Entwurf (Leipzig, 1986)

A. Bernardini: ‘Due chiavi per Rossini? Storia e sviluppo dell'oboe a Bologna prima del 1850’, Flauto dolce, nos.17–18 (1987), 18–32

E. Selfridge-Field: ‘The Viennese Court Orchestra in the Time of Caldara’, Antonio Caldara: Essays on his Life and Times, ed. B.W. Pritchard (Aldershot, 1987), 115–51

EMc, xvi/3 (1988) [double-reed issue; incl. articles by A. Bernardini, B. Haynes, D. Lasocki, J.K. Page]

M. Piguet: ‘Die Oboe im 18. Jahrhundert’, Basler Jb für historische Musikpraxis, xii (1988), 81–107

A. Bernardini: ‘Woodwind Makers in Venice, 1790–1900’, JAMIS, xv (1989), 52–73

J. de La Gorce: ‘Some Notes on Lully’s Orchestra’, Jean-Baptiste Lully and the Music of the Baroque: Essays in Honor of James R. Anthony, ed. J.H. Heyer (Cambridge, 1989), 99–112

B. Haynes: ‘The Oboe Solo before 1800: a Survey’, JIDRS, xvii (1989), 7–14

P. Hedrick: ‘A Ten-Keyed Oboe by Guillaume Triébert’, JIDRS, xvii (1989), 19–28

O. Landmann: ‘The Dresden Hofkapelle during the Lifetime of Johann Sebastian Bach’, EMc, xvii (1989), 17–30

A. Bernardini: ‘Vier Oboistenporträts als Quelle zum Studium der Zwei-Klappen-Oboe’, Oboe, Klarinette, Fagott, v (1990), 30–42

R. Harris-Warrick: ‘A Few Thoughts on Lully’s Hautbois’, EMc, xviii (1990), 97–106

B. Haynes: ‘Bressan, Talbot and the “Galpin” Oboe’, GSJ, xliii (1990), 112–23

B. Haynes: ‘Johann Sebastian Bachs Oboenkonzerte’, BJb 1992, 23–43

B. Haynes: ‘Mozart and the Oboe’, EMc, xx (1992), 43–62

R. Harris-Warrick: ‘From Score into Sound: Questions of Scoring in Lully’s Ballets’, EMc, xxi (1993), 355–62

J. Page: ‘“To Soften the Sound of the Hoboy”: the Muted Oboe in the 18th and Early 19th Centuries’, EMc, xxi (1993), 65–80

A Time of Questioning: Utrecht 1994 [incl. M. Ecochard: ‘Hautbois in Mersenne's Harmonie universelle: Tuning, Classification, Evolution’, 155–65]

G. Burgess: ‘Gustave Vogt (1781–1870) und Konstruktionsmerkmale französischer Oboen im 1. Viertel des 19. Jahrhunderts’, Tibia, xix (1994), 14–26

G. Burgess: ‘On Writing a History of the Oboe in the 19th Century’, FoMRHI Quarterly, no.76 (1994), 25–44

B. Haynes: ‘The Addition of Keys to the Oboe, 1790–1830’, JIDRS, xxii (1994), 31–46

S. Weth: Die französischen und deutschen Oboenschule des 19. Jahrhunderts (diss., Hochschule für Musik, Cologne, 1994)

C. Adkins: ‘William Milhouse and the English Classical Oboe’, JAMIS, xxii (1996), 42–88

B. Haynes: ‘Das Fingervibrato (Flattement) auf Holzblasinstrumenten im 17., 18. und 19. Jahrhundert’, Tibia, xxii (1997), 401–7, 481–7

B. Haynes: ‘New Light on some French Relatives of the Hautboy in the 17th and Early 18th Centuries: the Cromorne, Hautbois de Poitou and Chalumeau simple’, Sine musica nulla vita: Festschrift Hermann Moeck, ed. N. Delius (Celle, 1997), 257–70

B. Haynes: ‘Playing “Short” High Notes on the Hautboy’, JIDRS, xxv (1997), 115–18

B. Haynes: ‘Tu ru or not Tu ru: Paired Syllables and Unequal Tonguing Patterns on Woodwinds in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries’, Performance Practice Review, x/1 (1997), 41–60

R. van Acht, J. Bouterse and P. Dont: Niederländische Doppelrohrblattinstrumente des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts/Dutch Double Reed Instruments of the 17th and 18th Centuries (Laaber, 1997)

M. Finkelman: ‘Die Oboeninstrumente in tieferer Stimmlage’, Tibia, xxiii (1998); xxv (2000)

B. Haynes: ‘Versuch der Rekonstruktion eines spielbaren Oboenrohres nach dem Massangaben von James Talbot’, Tibia, xxiii (1998), 191–6

C. Adkins: ‘Proportions and Architectural Motives in the Design of the Eighteenth-Century Oboe’, JAMIS, xxv (1999), 95–132

M.C.J. Bouterse: ‘The Deutsche Schalmeien of Richard Haka’, JAMIS, xxv (1999), 61–94

S.E. Thompson: ‘Deutsche Schalmei: a Question of Terminology’, JAMIS, xxv (1999), 31–60

G. Burgess and B. Haynes: The Oboe in History (London, forthcoming)

For further bibliography see Band, Instrumentation and Orchestration, and articles on individual makers and performers.

Oboe basso

(It.).

Term formerly used for the oboe grande, a mezzo-soprano oboe in A or B with an open bell; see Oboe, §III, 3(i).

Oboe da caccia

(It.).

A curved, leather-covered tenor oboe with a flaring bell, in use from about 1720 to about 1760; see Oboe, §III, 4(iii).

Oboe d’amore [oboe luongo]

(It.).

A mezzo-soprano oboe in A with a bulb bell; see Oboe, §III, 3(ii).

Oboe grande

(It.).

A mezzo-soprano oboe in A or B with an open bell; see Oboe, §III, 3(i).

Oboezug

(Ger.).

See Lute stop.

Oborin, Lev (Nikolayevich)

(b Moscow, 28 Aug/11 Sept 1907; d Moscow, 5 Jan 1974). Russian pianist and teacher. He studied with Yelena Gnesina until 1921 and then graduated from Igumnov's piano class at the Moscow Conservatory in 1926, having also studied composition with Myaskovsky, Konyus and Catoire. In 1927, aged 19, and whilst still a postgraduate pupil of Igumnov, he won first prize at the inaugural Chopin Competition in Warsaw. His playing was noted for its maturity and lack of idiosyncrasy. Oborin began teaching piano at the conservatory in 1928, and seven years later was appointed professor, a post he held for nearly 40 years. The celebrated duo partnership with the violinist David Oistrakh dated from 1943 and during the same period they formed a trio, with Knushevitsky as cellist. The three played together until the latter's death in 1963.

Oborin, like Igumnov, was a staunch advocate of Russian music, particularly Tchaikovsky's, though his recordings of the complete Beethoven violin sonatas with Oistrakh have won universal acclaim. Impeccable in technique, his very balanced style was essentially modern. He held the strong belief that an artist should concern himself with contemporary music, and consequently he gave many first performances, including the Khachaturian Piano Concerto, which he recorded with the composer. A popular and successful teacher, Oborin's catholic approach to the repertory is mirrored in that of his pupils, the most famous of whom is Vladimir Ashkenazy.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

S. Khentova: Lev Oborin (Moscow, 1964)

G.B. Bernandt and I.M. Yampol'sky: Kto pisal o muzïke [Writers on music], ii (Moscow, 1974) [incl. list of writings]

M. Sokolov: L.V. Oborin: stati, vospominaniya [L.V. Oborin: articles and recollections] (Moscow, 1977)

JAMES METHUEN-CAMPBELL

Obouhow, Nicolas [Obukhov, Nikolay]

(b Ol'shanka, Kursk province, 10/22 April 1892; d St Cloud, nr Paris, 13 June 1954). Russian composer. He studied for a while at the Moscow Conservatory from 1911 (counterpoint with Il'insky and the piano with Strakhov) before entering the St Petersburg Conservatory in 1913, where he studied with Kalafati, Maksimilian Steinberg and Nikolay Tcherepnin. His first acknowledged works date from 1913: these include the songs published as Quatre mélodies by Rouart et Lerolle in Paris in 1921. In 1915 he developed his own form of notation in which the need for accidentals is obviated by the use of noteheads in the shape of crosses; this system, similar to that invented by Golïshev during the same period, was used by Obouhow in all of his works written after the middle of 1915 and gave rise to a great deal of journalistic polemic. The only performance his works received in Russia during his lifetime took place at an evening sponsored by the journal Muzïkal'nïy Sovremennik in 1916. Boris de Schloezer, a close friend of Skryabin's who later knew Obouhow in Paris, was present at the concert and described the composer as ‘a pale young man, with gazing eyes’ who ‘confused the audience’ (de Schloezer, 1972).

In 1918 Obouhow left St Petersburg with his wife and two children; they eventually settled near Paris a year later. There he encountered financial difficulties which were only alleviated by the intervention of Ravel, who found him a publisher (who in the end printed only a small number of his works) and introduced him to people who gave him ‘the possibility to devote himself to his work in peace’ (de Schloezer). The 1920s saw a handful of performances, most notably that of the Predisloviye knigi zhizni (‘Introduction to the Book of Life’) under Koussevitzsky. During this and the next decade Obouhow put into practice ideas for electronic instruments he had conceived as early as 1917: the efir and kristal (‘ether’ and ‘crystal’) he had described in Russia eventually gave rise to the croix sonore, and even though he built and wrote for the ether, it was with the croix sonore that he gained most attention. He found an exponent of the instrument in his pupil Marie-Antoinette Aussenac-Broglie who had also performed some of his piano music; she demonstrated the instrument around France and Belgium. Similar to both the theremin and the ondes martenot in that pitch production is reliant upon the distance of the performer's arm from the instrument, the croix sonore was the subject of a film of 1934. During the mid-1940s his notation again provoked heated discussion, this time in Paris; a book containing works from the 18th to the 20th centuries in Obouhow's notation was published by Durand. In 1947, his Traité d'harmonie tonale, atonale et totale, which had already interested Honegger, was published, while a year later he lectured on this subject in the Russian Conservatory in Paris. Obouhow spent his last years incapacitated by a mugging that occurred in 1949, after which he composed only a few works.

Obouhow's output is dominated by vast works of which the most notorious – notwithstanding the gargantuan Troisième et dernier testament and La toute puissance – is the Kniga zhizni (‘The Book of Life’) on which he worked from around the time he left Russia until at least the mid-1920s. Described by the composer as ‘l'action sacrée du pasteur tout-puissant regnant’ it was intended to be performed (or ‘accomplished’) uninterruptedly every year on the night of the first and on the day of the second resurrection of Christ. Obouhow did not consider himself the composer of this work; instead, he saw himself as the person permitted, by divine forces, to ‘show’ it. Parts of the score, one version of which is nearly 2000 pages in length, are marked in the composer's blood. The music is preceded by a lengthy exposition in archaic Russian, while the work concludes with one section the score of which unfolds into the form of a cross and another, taking the shape of a circle, which is fixed onto a golden and silver box decorated with rubies and red silk. (Nicholas Slonimsky, in his memoir Perfect Pitch relates that the composer's wife, driven to despair by Obouhow's obsessive behaviour regarding this piece, attempted to burn – or ‘immolate’, in the composer's terminology – the manuscript but was interrupted in her crime.) Much of the instrumental writing is characterized by the alternation of chorale-like material (often ornamented by filigree arpeggiation) with tolling patterns, building to textures of considerable rhythmic and contrapuntal complexity. The vocal parts – as with his writing for the voice in most of his other works – have huge tessituras and are scattered with glissandi and instructions for screaming or whispering. The style which consistently characterizes this magnum opus is prevalent in all of his mature works and has its roots in the songs and piano miniatures he wrote in Russia. Taking as a starting point the language employed by Skryabin in his middle and late-period works, Obouhow evolved a harmonic technique based on the systematic configuration and manipulation of 12-note chords or harmonic areas. The sonorities resulting from this ‘total harmony’ are often broadly octatonic and frequently have a quasi-dominant character due to the prevalence of diminished fifths in their lower registers. Although longer structures appear to unfold in a schematized yet organic manner, the detail of musical procedure is curiously static. Obouhow saw his work as a musical articulation of his strongly-held religious beliefs and would sometimes sign his manuscripts ‘Nicolas l'illuminé’ or ‘Nicolas l'extasié’. Possibly inspired by Vladimir Solov'yov's idea of sobornost' (collective spiritual or artistic experience), Obouhow sought to abolish the distinction between performers and audience, giving both groups instead the status of equal participants. Obouhow mostly used his own texts which are frequently inspired by the book of Revelation or the Apocrypha. It is thus no coincidence that the only poets whose work appealed to him spiritually and compositionally were Solov'yov and Bal'mont, since it was the former's orthodox mysticism that significantly informed the apocalyptic vision of the latter. In addition to these sources, mention should be made of Obouhow's use of two verses by Musorgsky; it is between his work and that of Messiaen that Obouhow's visionary language can be placed.

WORKS

texts by the composer unless otherwise stated

vocal

With orch: Kniga Zhizni/Le livre de la vie, solo vv, 2 pf, elec insts, orch, 1918–mid 1920s, also red. solo vv, 2 pf: Chemin, Préinduction, Induction, Liturgie, Extase, Avènement, La source et la calice; Izstupleniye, poem, chorus, orch, before 1924, also red. pf; Predisloviye knigi zhizni [Introduction to the Book of Life] (K. Bal'mont, N. Obouhow), female v, male v, orch, ?1925, also arr. 2 solo vv, pf 4 hands with material from Nichego ne zhdi [see vocal (1v, pf)]; Prezhde vsego lyubov' yest' voda zhizni [Above All Love is the Water of Life], S, pf, orch, 1927; L'énonciation du jugement dernier, 3rd version [see vocal (with 2–5 insts)], solo female vv, chorus, ether, orch, early 1930s, ?inc.; La toute-puissance (Le miracle s'impose, deuxième étude), chorus, 3 pf, org, orch, mid-1930s, also version for female solo vv, male chorus, 2 pf; Le troisième et dernier testament (Victoire par l'amour: l'avant propos du Livre de la vie), 5 solo vv, 2 pf, croix sonore, org, orch, 1946, also versions for (5 solo vv, 2 pf, bells)/(4 solo vv, pf) with 2–5 insts: Le Pasteur tout puissant règne, female v, miracle, pf, 1930: Ton royaume du ciel est sur la terre, Ton nom est sanctifiée; L'énonciation du jugement dernier: La confession; La communion, female v, other solo vv, croix sonore, ether, pf 4 hands, early 1930s, rev. with chorus in 7 final bars [incl. movt Vous me voyez]; Chant des sphères, 4vv, croix sonore, pf, 1934 [incid music for radio play by C. Larronde]; Hymne mondiale, female v, croix sonore, pf 4 hands, mid-1930s, rev. for female v, chorus, croix sonore, org, orch; Le tout puissant bénit la paix, female v, croix sonore/vc, pf, mid-1930s, also version without female v; Pour le salut du monde un seul roi, female v, croix sonore, pf, mid-1930s, Troisième étude rev. in 7 movts as La toute puissance, also version for female v, chorus, croix sonore, 2 pf/pf 4 hands; Salut et victoire par la paix, male v, ether, pf, before 1934; Pour le tabernacle, pour le marriage: 1, L'agneau est immolé, 2, Vous êtes les feuilles, les fruits d'un arbre seul, female v, croix sonore/vc, pf, ?1935; L'agneau et le pasteur, croix sonore/vn, female v, pf, 1948, also version without female v; Immortel espoir – l'union avec Dieu, female v, croix sonore/vc, pf, ?1948; Eternal souvenir (Tous sauvées par l'Agneau immolé), croix sonore/vc, female v, pf 4 hands, after 1948, 3 versions

1v, pf: Bayushki bayu (Bal'mont), 1913, also orchd; Kolïbel'naya [Berceuse] (Bal'mont), 1913; Kolïbel'naya Blazhennago – u uzgoloviya myortvoy (Bal'mont), poème liturgique, ?1913 (1921); Na vershine gornoy (Bal'mont), op.1, 1913, also orchd; 2 stikhotvoreniya (Bal'mont), 1913 (1921), also orchd: Ya budu zhdat' tebya [I will Await Thee], Nichego ne zhdi [Await No-One]; 3 stikhi [3 Verses] (Bal'mont, V. Solov'yov), 1914; V molchan'i zabïvsheysya nochi [In the Silence of Forgotten Nights] (Bal'mont), 1915; Chanson tsigane d'après la mélodie de S. Steinmann (M. Musorgsky), ?1918, rev. as Chanson d'après une mélodie tsigane, rev. again as Variations d'après une mélodie tsigane; Pastïr nashe utesheniye, 1918 (1921); Liturgicheskaya poema/Poème liturgique, 1918 (nos.1 and 2 pubd 1921): Agnets nashe ugrïzeniye [The Lamb is Our Salvation], Pastïr nash ugrïzeniya [The Shepherd is Our Conscience], Zvezdolikiy [The Starry-Faced-One] (Bal'mont), Zvezdolikiy rev. for female v, 2 male vv, female chorus, pf, rev. again for same forces with ether, cristal; Lyubov' yest' voda zhizni [Love is the Water of Life] (Musorgsky, Obouhow); Prezhde vsego lyubov' yest' voda zhizni [Above All Love is the Water of Life], S, pf 4 hands/2 pf, 1927, also orchd

instrumental

Chbr: Bog zhivoy [God is Alive], vn, pf, 1915; La couronne universelle et victorieuse, croix sonore, pf, before 1930; L'absolu, ondes martenot, pf 4 hands, version for ether, pf 4 hands, also orchd; Par la peine de la tristesse surgit le ravissement de la joie, ondes martenot, pf, early 1930s; Pouvoir majique de la Trinité triomphante, croix sonore, pf, early 1930s; Nous sommes ton corps collectif, Tu es notre sang uni (Le tout puissant), ether, pf, ?1932 [to be perf. with Pour le tabernacle and Réconcilions nous]; Réconcilions nous, ether, pf, 1932, rev. for croix sonore/vn, pf, 1947, also inc. version with female v and further version with male v, incl. En quoi il est fautif; La tout puissant est dans la justice pour l'amour, pour l'avènement du roi du monde (Le miracle s'impose, étude no.1), croix sonore, pf, mid-1930s; Le tout puissant bénit la paix, croix sonore, pf, mid-1930s, also version with female v; Pour tous: amour propreté, ordre, travail: unic chemin de bonheur, ether, pf, 1933; Hymne des vivants: notre salut est en lui, croix sonore, pf, before 1934; Les quatre pâles divins, croix sonore, pf, before 1934, 3 versions of 2nd movt; Pour le salut du monde un seul roi (Le miracle s'impose), croix sonore, pf 4 hands, before 1937, also version with chorus; Le roi du monde viendra et vous sauvera par l'amour, croix sonore, late 1930s [possibly frag. of lost work]

Pf: 6 préludes, 1914–15; Conversion, 1915: Crime, Remords, Larmes de sang, Inspiration sublime; Eternel, 5 movts, 1915: Clarté profonde, Lumière noire, Rayons divins, Statue, Cendres; Ikona [Icons], 1915: Sozertsaniye [Contemplation], Skorb [Grief], Upokoyeniye [Repose]; 2 pièces, 1915: Les astres parlent, Reflet sinistre; Prières, 1915; Révelation, 3 pieces, 1915; 6 tableaux psychologiques, 1915; 10 tableaux psychologiques, 1915; Création d'or, 2 pieces, 1916; Invocations I–II, 1916; Prichta Gospodnya: vïshyol seyatel' seyat' [A Parable of the Lord: The Sower Went Out to Sow], 1917; Raspyatiye – Blazhenstva (Crucification de la Béatitude), 1917; Tsel' svyashchyonno – dveystviya votsarivshagosya pastïra vsederzhatelya (Le but de l'action sacrée du pasteur tout-puissant), 2 pf, 1v opt., mid-1920s; La source de la vie c'est la paix, before 1931; Intronisation, 2 pf/pf 4 hands, 1931, also arr. solo vv, chorus, orch; Hostie, before 1933; Couronnement, 2 pf/pf 4 hands, before 1934 [to be played with Intronisation]; La toute puissance, 2 pf/pf 4 hands mid-1930s, also versions for 2 solo vv, chorus, croix sonore, pf 4 hands (movts 1–4), for same forces with org, orch and for this ens with 3 pf; Aimons-nous les uns les autres, fragment du Livre de la vie, 1942 (1943), also extended version of section entitled L'heure est proche, réveillons-nous; Adorons Christ, fragment du troisième et dernier testament, 1945, 5 versions; La paix des reconciliés: vers la source avec la calice (1948); Le temple est mesuré, l'esprit est incarné, 1952 (1953)

Other: Douze gammes [explaining Obouhow's theory of total harmony], 3 versions

MSS in F-Pn

Principal publisher: Durand

BIBLIOGRAPHY

I. Glebov [B. Asaf'yev]: ‘Petrogradskiye kurantï’ [Petrograd trends], Muzïka, mccxlix (1916), 167

V. Belyayev: ‘Mekanika ili logika’, K novïm beregam, xii (1923), 25–7

B. de Schloezer: ‘Le livre de la vie’, ReM, viii (1928), 263–5

A. Honegger: ‘Preface au “Traité d'harmonie tonale, atonale et totale”’, ReM, no.203 (1946), 15–16

ReM, nos.290–91 (1972) [Obouhow and Vïshnegradsky issue, incl. articles by R. Petit, B. de Schloezer, N. Obouhow and E. Lebeau]

P.D. Roberts: Modernism in Russian Piano Music: Skriabin, Prokofiev and their Contemporaries (Bloomington, IN, 1993)

L. Sitsky: Music of the Repressed Russian Avant Garde (Westport, CT, 1994)

Ye. Pol'dayeva: ‘Nikolay Obukhov: biograficheskiye nabroski’ [Biographical sketches], Muzïka: issledovatel'skiy sbornik '94 (Moscow, 1995), 137–165

JONATHAN POWELL

Oboussier, Robert

(b Antwerp, 9 July 1900; d Zürich, 9 June 1957). Swiss composer and critic. He studied at the Zürich Conservatory with Vogler, Jarnach and Andreae, and with Jarnach in Berlin, where he also attended the conducting class at the Hochschule für Musik. After a few years of independent activity as a composer in Florence and Munich he turned to music criticism in Paris. In 1930 he was made Berlin music critic of the Frankfurter Zeitung and in 1933 music editor of the Deutsche allgemeine Zeitung. From 1939 he lived in Zürich as a critic, becoming director of the newly founded Zentralarchiv Schweizerischer Tonkunst in 1942; in 1948 he was appointed vice-director of SUISA, the Swiss performing rights society. As a composer Oboussier was greatly influenced by Busoni's ‘junge Klassizität’, gradually freeing himself from Regerian late Romanticism. The conservatism of Swiss society forced Oboussier to conceal his homosexuality from even his closest friends. He was murdered by a casual sexual acquaintance.

WORKS

(selective list)

Vocal: Trilogia sacra (R.M. Rilke), solo vv, chorus, orch, 1925–9; Antigone (recit, aria and elegy, Sophocles), A, orch, 1938–9; 3 psaumes, solo vv, chorus, orch, 1946–7; Amphitryon (op, after Molière, H. von Kleist), 1948–50; 4 Old English Songs, chorus, 1953

Orch: Pf Conc., 1932–3, rev. 1944; Sym., 1935–6; Chant de deuil, 1942–3; Introitus, str, 1946; Vn Conc., 1952–3

Chbr music, pf pieces, arias, songs etc.

MSS in CH-Bu, Zz

WRITINGS

with others: Der Sänger (Berlin, 1934, rev. 2/1959)

Die Sinfonien von Beethoven (Berlin, 1937)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

F. Hamel: ‘Der Komponist Oboussier’, Deutsche allgemeine Zeitung (24 April 1939)

F. Wohlfahrt: ‘Das Werk Robert Oboussiers’, SMz, xcix (1959), 308–11

C. Walton, ed.: Adolf Brunner: Erinnerungen eines Schweizer Komponisten aus der Schule Philipp Jarnachs und Franz Schrekers (Zürich, 1997)

FRITZ MUGGLER/CHRIS WALTON

Obra

(Sp.).

A general term for a musical work, as in Antonio de Cabezón’s Obras de música (1578). In various Spanish and Portuguese manuscripts of around 1700 it was applied more specifically to a Tiento, for example the Obra de lleno 1° tono by Antonio Martín y Coll (E-Mn).

Obradović, Aleksandar

(b Bled, 22 Aug 1927). Serbian composer. He studied composition with Mihovil Logar at the Belgrade Academy until 1952. After being a professor at the Stanković Music School in Belgrade (1953–4), he became an assistant (1954), a lecturer (1961) and in 1969 a professor at the Belgrade Academy. He was general secretary of the Yugoslav Union of Composers (1962–6). He pursued further studies in 1959–60 in London with Berkeley and in 1966–7 at the Columbia-Princeton Electronic Music Center. He was rector of the University of Arts in Belgrade from 1979 to 1983, and held other administrative posts.

Obradović's music has always shown a bold harmonic quality and a concentration on tightly-knit formal structures. His earlier works show his use of extended tonality, rich orchestration and motivic linking of parts, notably in the Symphony no.1. After his studies with Berkeley he frequently used 12-note methods. The Symphony no.2 reconciles these with tonal elements, while the apocalyptic Epitaf H combines 12-note working with quotations from Beethoven’s Ninth Symphony; his later symphonies have continued these trends within modified symphonic structures. During his studies at Columbia he developed his electronic music techniques (already used in Epitaf H), and used them to good effect in the Elektronska tokata i fuga and the dramatic but terse Mikrosimfonija for orchestra and tape.

WORKS

(selective list)

Orch: Simfonijsko kolo, 1940; Komitska igra, 1950; Sym. no.1, 1952; Preludijum i fuga, str, 1954; Simfonijski scherzo, D, 1955; Concertino, pf, str, 1957; Conc., cl, str, 1958; Scherzo-uvertira, 1959; Sym. no.2, 1959–61; Kroz svemir [Through the Universe], suite, 1961; Scherzo in modo dodecaphonico, 1962; Epitaf H, orch, tape, 1965; Sym. no.3 (Mikrosimfonija), orch, tape, 1967; Dramatična fuga, wind band, 1972; Sym. no.4, 1972; Sym. no.5, 1973; Sym. no.6, 1977; Vc Conc.,1979

Choral: Mala horska svita [Little Choral Suite], unacc., 1948; Marika, unacc., 1948; Simfonijski epitaf, reciter, chorus, orch, 1959; Kolo iz brigade, unacc., 1961; Sutjeska, reciter, chorus, orch, 1968; Spomenik Sutjesci [Memorial to Sutjeska], reciter, chorus, orch, 1968; Đačko doba Šumarica, solo vv, chorus, orch, 1972

Solo vocal: Plameni vjetar [The Wind of Flame] (M. Krleža), B, orch, 1955; Preludijum i fuga, 1v, str, 1963; Mezomed Muzi, 1v, 3 insts, 1972

Chbr: Intermezzo, str qt, 1950; Scherzo, wind qnt, 1950; Qnt, fl, cl, str trio, 1950; Platani, ens, 1964; Mikrosonata no.1, cl, 1969; Mikrosonata no.2, bn, 1971

Pf: Male varijacije, 1949; Prolećni uranak [Spring Morning Picnic] (ballet), pf, 1949; other pieces

Tape: Elektronska tokata i fuga, 1967

Film scores, incid music, orchestrations of works by Liszt, Marinković, Pasčan, Skalovski and Vučković

Principal publisher: Udruženje Kompozitora Srbije

WRITINGS

Uvod u orkestraciju [Introduction to orchestration] (Belgrade, 1978)

Elektronska muzika i elektronski instrumenti (Belgrade, 1978)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

D. Skovran: ‘Simfonijski epitaf Aleksandra Obradovića’, Zvuk, nos.37–8 (1960), 357–64

B. Dragutinović: ‘Aleksandar Obradović Kroz svemir’, Politika, lx (25 April 1963)

J. Šotra: ‘Epitaf H Aleksandra Obradovića’, Zvuk, no.67 (1966), 235–40

V. Peričić: Muzički stvaraoci u Srbiji [Musical creators in Serbia] (Belgrade, 1969), 351–63

T. Reich: Susreti sa suvremenim kompozitorima Jugoslavije (Zagreb, 1972), 222–6

A. Koci and others: Jugoslovanska glasbena dela (Ljubljana, 1980), 355–60

NIALL O’LOUGHLIN

Obraztsova, Yelena (Vasil'yevna)

(b Leningrad [now St Petersburg], 7 July 1937). Russian mezzo-soprano. While still a student at the Leningrad Conservatory, she appeared with success at the Bol'shoy as Marina; in 1964 she became a soloist there. Her voice, of beautiful, full timbre, was controlled with unusual flexibility and lightness; she was an effective and spontaneous actress, notably in such roles as Marfa (Khovanshchina), Konchakovna (Prince Igor), Amneris, Eboli, Carmen and Lyubasha (The Tsar’s Bride). She was also successful in contemporary opera, particularly as Hélène (War and Peace) and Oberon (Britten’s A Midsummer Night’s Dream). Her international appearances included those at San Francisco, the Metropolitan (during the Bol'shoy company’s visit in 1975) and La Scala (as Massenet’s Charlotte in 1976). She sang Azucena at Covent Garden in 1985, and made her début as a producer in the Bol'shoy’s 1986–7 season with Werther. In 1973 she was made a National Artist of the RSFSR, and in 1976 was awarded the Lenin Prize.

I.M. YAMPOL'SKY

Obrecht [Hobrecht], Jacob

(b Ghent, 1457/8; d Ferrara, shortly before 1 Aug 1505). South Netherlandish composer. In the 1480s and 1490s he was Europe’s leading composer of cyclic masses, of which he wrote nearly three dozen. In addition he left a sizeable oeuvre of motets and songs, many of which continued to circulate widely, along with his most famous masses, during the first half of the 16th century. In the last years of his life Obrecht was frequently mentioned in one breath with Josquin des Prez. The latter was to outlive him by 16 years, however, and has come to be seen as the more significant representative of his generation.

2. The modern image.

3. Music: the early years.

4. Music: the mature style.

5. Later compositions.

ROB C. WEGMAN

1. Life and early reputation.

The text of Obrecht’s motet Mille quingentis reveals that he was the son of a Guillermus Hobrecht who died on St Cecilia’s Day (22 November) 1488. The father has been identified as the trumpeter Willem Obrecht who was permanently employed by the city of Ghent from 1452 until his death in 1488, and whose intermittent service in Burgundian court circles can be documented from 1454 to 1470. The composer appears to have been the only child of Willem’s first marriage. His mother Lijsbette Gheeraerts died around the age of 20 in July 1460; his stepmother, by 1464, was Beatrijse Jacops. Obrecht’s portrait gives his age as 38 in 1496, suggesting a date of birth in 1457/8.

Nothing is known about the composer’s education, although it must have been suitable to prepare him for the priesthood. He is mentioned with the academic title of master – a degree normally obtained at or above the age of 20 – by 1480. (The Jacob Obrecht who was enrolled at Leuven University in 1470 is not identifiable with the composer, since his father was a Jacob Obrecht, not Willem.) There is no direct information about Obrecht’s musical education, although it is likely that he was initially trained to become a professional trumpeter like his father. This would have involved a thorough grounding in the practice of contrapuntal improvisation over memorized tunes. Willem Obrecht’s connections with the Burgundian court may well have brought Jacob in early contact with Antoine Busnoys, who had worked in the ducal chapel since 1467. Busnoys’ influence may be apparent not only in Obrecht’s selection of mass cantus firmi (most famously from such songs as Je ne demande and – if it is by Busnoys – Fortuna desperata), but also in the style of what may well be his earliest mass, Petrus apostolus.

There is no documentary support for the assumption that Obrecht worked at Utrecht in the late 1470s. (This was suggested by 19th-century music historians on the basis of Glarean’s credible report that Obrecht had been the teacher of Erasmus, and Beatus Rhenanus’s claim that Erasmus had served as a choirboy at ‘Trajectum’, probably Utrecht or Maastricht.) However, the composer was active as choirmaster at the St Gertrudiskerk in Bergen op Zoom in 1480–84, as documented by the annual accounts of the Guild of Our Lady based in that church. An unnamed mass by Obrecht, composed probably during these years, is known to have reached the court of Duke Ercole d’Este of Ferrara by 1484. During the same years, Tinctoris apparently mentioned Obrecht in his Complexus effectuum musices among the most renowned musicians of the century: ‘For who has not heard of Johannes Dunstaple, Guillelmus Dufay … Johannes Okeghem, Anthonius Busnois … Jacobus Obrechts?’ (Some scholars have wondered whether Obrecht’s name might have been inserted by a later scribe, especially since the only surviving source for this passage was copied in the composer’s birthplace in 1504.)

In September 1484 Obrecht accepted a position as master of the choirboys at Cambrai Cathedral. Within several months after his arrival there, however, he sought to obtain the succentorship at the collegiate church of St Donatian in Bruges. Once the latter position had been secured, he postponed his departure for several months, meanwhile discharging his responsibilities at Cambrai to the evident dissatisfaction of the cathedral chapter (in July 1485 he was formally reprimanded by the canons for an outbreak of scabies amongst the choirboys). Obrecht was finally installed at Bruges on 13 October 1485, and summarily dismissed at Cambrai upon his return there. An audit of his account books revealed a deficit that could not be accounted for. The chapter agreed to settle by purchasing music manuscripts copied by the composer, at a price reduced by the sum he owed the cathedral.

During his early years in Bruges, Obrecht is known to have composed the masses De Sancto Martino and De Sancto Donatiano (for endowments that took effect in 1486 and 1487 respectively), and very probably the Missa ‘Salve diva parens’, whose earliest surviving source has been dated 1487. In August 1487, the chapter of St Donatian granted the composer six months’ leave of absence to travel to Ferrara at the invitation of Duke Ercole d’Este. He must have overstayed his leave considerably, for ten months later, in June 1488, we find him passing through Bergen op Zoom on his return from Italy. Obrecht did not come back to Bruges until 15 August of the same year. This was approximately three months before the death of his father.

After a summary decision to dismiss him in May 1490 (whose direct reasons are unclear, and which does not appear to have been implemented), Obrecht was finally granted remission from his post in January 1491. By June 1492 he was active as choirmaster at the church of Our Lady at Antwerp, filling the vacancy left after Jacobus Barbireau’s death in the previous year. Obrecht returned to Bergen op Zoom in June or July 1497, possibly attracted by the increasingly generous musical patronage in that city. However, 18 months later, in December 1498, he took up his old post of succentor at St Donatian, Bruges. He continued to occupy this position until serious illness forced him to submit his resignation in September 1500. The chapter granted his request, but shortly afterwards rewarded him with three benefices in acknowledgement not only of his valuable services to the church but also of his fame as a composer.

By June 1501 Obrecht was back again at Antwerp, where he served as a choirmaster at the church of Our Lady until June 1503. A payment recorded by the treasury of the Emperor Maximilian I reveals that he was in Innsbruck in October 1503. Apart from this isolated record, however, nothing is known of the composer’s whereabouts between his departure from Antwerp in June 1503 and his final appointment as maestro di cappella at Ferrara in September 1504. At Ferrara he served Duke Ercole d’Este, one of his most enthusiastic admirers, until the latter’s death in January 1505 left him once again without a position. After an unsuccessful attempt to obtain a post at Mantua, Obrecht died of the plague at Ferrara in late June or July 1505.

20th-century historians have often commented on the restlessness of Obrecht’s musical career. The composer appears to have been perpetually in pursuit of a position commensurate with his artistic talents and international reputation. The erratic pattern of his career movements may not be unrelated to the lack of professional responsibility he could exhibit (at Cambrai, for instance) when tempted by new career prospects. Although Obrecht was hardly the only musician of his time to be neglectful of routine duties or to treat his employers badly, there is no other 15th-century composer of comparable stature whose career seems to have been so persistently dogged by problems like these.

Any assessment of Obrecht’s personality ought to take into account his relationship with his father, which appears to have been of special significance. Mille quingentis, the musical prayer of commemoration for Willem Obrecht, is an extraordinary gesture – even for a period when all Christians, following the fifth commandment, were expected to pray for their deceased parents. The ‘public’ nature of the motet, as well as its ambitious literary and musical style, suggest a concern to immortalize Willem’s name, and thereby perhaps to redeem an emotional debt of some kind. The work may well repay closer analysis in the light of the composer’s biography. Another aspect that deserves mention is the apparent speed at which Obrecht composed, and his readiness to part from works immediately after finishing them. He was alleged to have written a mass in one night, a feat ‘at which learned men were astonished’. Glarean, on whose testimony we rely for this report, contrasted this with the creative habits of Josquin, who was said to keep polishing and revising his compositions for years before allowing them to circulate publicly. This comparison may underline an element of generosity in Obrecht’s musicianship, and in any case suggests an impressive confidence in his artistic abilities. Whereas Josquin has often been perceived, even by his contemporaries, in terms of the personality-type of the ‘melancholic’, obsessively preoccupied with his art, the more outgoing, ‘sanguine’ temperament of Obrecht seems to be reflected in the musical vigour and exuberance of his best-known masses, and is expressed in his own comment (in the motet Inter preclarissimas virtutes) that ‘[I am] jubilating always in my songs’. Modern psychology does not endorse the humoral personality-types that were current in Obrecht’s time, but such categorization played an important part in shaping the early images of composers, if only by determining what contemporaries chose to remember (or fabricate) about them and what they chose to neglect. The point here is that Obrecht and Josquin were seen, from an early date onwards, to have fundamentally different creative temperaments.

There were other perceived differences between the two composers as well. Towards the end of Obrecht’s life, critical reflection on music became increasingly preoccupied with issues of excess versus moderation, to a degree unknown before the 1480s. These issues played a major part in early comparisons between Josquin and Obrecht. It was high praise indeed when Tinctoris, in the early 1480s, ranked Obrecht among the masters ‘whose compositions, distributed throughout the whole world, fill God’s churches, the palaces of kings, and the houses of private individuals, with the utmost sweetness’. This comment is typical of mid-15th-century attitudes, for which there could seldom be enough ‘sweetness’ in musical composition and performance. Scarcely 30 years later, however, ‘the utmost’ in sweetness could easily be felt to be too much – as it evidently was for the humanist writer Paolo Cortese, who noted in 1510 that Obrecht ‘has sown more of the keenest sweetness in music, with skilful harmony, than would have sufficed to please the ear’. A comment like this implies a responsibility on the part of composers to avoid excessive use of musical ingredients which are pleasing and beneficial only when used in moderation – just as listeners (including the most powerful princes) could at this time be publicly taken to task for excessive and decadent indulgence in music. Against this light, Glarean surely meant to pay Obrecht a compliment when he commented, in 1542, that ‘all the works this man has left have a certain wondrous grandeur and an intrinsic quality of moderation’. The Swiss theorist once again implied a contrast with Josquin, to whom he ascribed excessive and ostentatious pursuit of raritates – an eccentric taste for the unusual, the farfetched, and the bizarre. (For Cortese, on the other hand, it was Josquin who had put more doctrina in his music than any other composer.) Glarean held up Obrecht as ‘one who displayed his talent, but without pretence, as if he preferred to await the judgement of the listener rather than to preen himself’.

As these quotations indicate, it may well have been through comparisons with Josquin that Obrecht’s early image (and to some extent Josquin’s in turn) acquired its distinctive profile. It is worth adding that such comparisons were not always decided in Josquin’s favour. Contemporaries praised Obrecht as ‘nulli secundus’ almost as habitually as modern historians have ranked him ‘second only to Josquin’. Not in every case can we dismiss such early testimony as mere commonplace. A good example is provided by the Bruges singer Jean Cordier, who declared to the chapter of St Donatian in 1487 that Duke Ercole I of Ferrara ‘takes much delight in the art of music, and favours the musical composition of [Obrecht] above other compositions’. It is hard to assume that Cordier, who had just returned from northern Italy, would have knowingly testified to a falsehood, or that Ercole was completely unaware of Josquin’s music at this time. Ercole was to hire Josquin as the highest-paid musician in the history of his chapel, in 1503, but allowed him to go within twelve months (even though it was at his discretion to decide otherwise, and to have the composer seized if he left without his permission), only to appoint Obrecht in the same position five months later. There is no record of any meeting between Obrecht and Josquin, though it is clear that they responded to each other’s music (as in their respective masses on Fortuna desperata and Malheur me bat, or in the openings of Inviolata and Salve sancta facies/Homo quidam). However, even such apparent gestures of respect cannot conceal the fact that the two composers were seen to have little in common. It may be no coincidence that none of Obrecht’s compositions is found with a misattribution to Josquin in any surviving source.

2. The modern image.

In the modern period a new image of Jacob Obrecht has emerged, albeit one that has undergone significant changes over the past 125 years or so. To some extent these changes may reflect the shifting intellectual preoccupations of Renaissance musicology during that period. Yet this cannot explain everything: after all, there has been a deep underlying continuity in the modern images of such composers as Ockeghem or Josquin. Obviously the stability of any image depends on the degree of coherence it can provide when the evidence itself is contradictory, ambiguous, or incomplete. In Obrecht’s case, apparently, no image has succeeded in doing this; it is important to understand why this should have been the case.

Like many Netherlandish masters, Obrecht first emerged as a distinctive musical personality from the pages of Ambros’s Geschichte der Musik (iii, 182–7). Ambros, as is well known, adopted the language and values of Romantic music criticism in his discussion of Renaissance music history. Most revealing in this regard (certainly in comparison with later histories of music) was his tendency to typify composers and works in terms of their perceived individualistic qualities. Ambros sought to develop an intimate personal understanding of each composer and his music, even when concrete historical evidence to support such understanding was lacking. He communicated his perceptions in richly evocative poetic language, thereby shaping the image of masters and masterpieces for decades to come.

Interestingly, Ambros characterized Obrecht in terms similar to those he used for Ockeghem. Obrecht, in his judgement, was ‘a great, profound, serious and manly master, whose works show, almost throughout, a strain of stern loftiness’. The works on which he based this opinion were the ones he found in prints issued by Petrucci and various German publishers – a small but probably representative sample of the oeuvre available to 16th-century audiences. In these pieces he discerned a musical sensibility that encompassed, amongst others, the ‘deeply serious, somewhat dark’ but ‘on the whole magnificent’ writing of the Missa ‘Grecorum’, the ‘uncommonly intimate’ expression of the Missa ‘Salve diva parens’ (a work that sounded to him as if it breathed ‘a gentle melancholy’), and the ‘powerful grandeur’ and ‘robust joy’ of the Missa ‘Fortuna desperata’. The overriding impression, for Ambros, was one of majestic grandeur. This perception may well have been influenced by Glarean’s judgment that the works of Obrecht ‘have a certain wondrous grandeur and an intrinsic quality of moderation’. Curiously, however, what Ambros passed on to the 20th century was, above all, his impression of Obrecht’s spiritual depth. Reference books and music histories noted this as a prominent quality in his music up to and even beyond the Second World War.

Yet the image of Obrecht as a Renaissance Tondichter, as a Romantic musical poet avant la lettre, was short-lived. The Ockeghem-like qualities that Ambros and others ascribed to him were to give way, in the postwar decades, to a perception of Obrecht as primarily a musical architect, as a formalist who was to be admired more for his abstract musical thinking than for significant depth of feeling. It is hard to establish how and why this change should have taken place. Quite possibly, however, the publication of the complete works under the editorship of Johannes Wolf in 1908–21 played an important part. This made Obrecht, by some margin, the first 15th-century composer whose oeuvre could be studied as a unified corpus. Apart from anything else, the Werken provided a scholarly basis for questioning Romantic perceptions based merely on samples of pieces, thus allowing scholars to revise Ambros’s image at a comparatively early date. It did not take long for such a revision to appear. In his Leipzig dissertation of 1925, Otto Gombosi adopted a notably more objectivist, scholarly tone than previous commentators had done. His remarkable study offered penetrating insights into selected pieces by Obrecht and his contemporaries, but it did so at the expense of the individualism perceived by Ambros. Gombosi’s new insights did not blend into a distinctive, coherent image of the composer – certainly not one that possessed the poetic qualities so admired in the 19th century.

The impression of spiritual profundity was in any case hard to reconcile with the discovery, published by André Pirro in 1927, that Obrecht had been neglectful of routine duties at Cambrai Cathedral, and in fact had embezzled money from the cathedral. History books have told and retold this episode many times (which has often been thought to reflect a character flaw), with the inevitable effect, certainly in the long run, of calling into question the sincerity of Obrecht’s musical expression. It became less easy now to infer the composer’s personality simply from the aesthetic qualities of his music in the way Ambros had done, and as historians would continue to do until the present day in the cases of Ockeghem and Josquin. One way to vindicate Obrecht as a composer, however, was to give new emphasis to his accomplishments on the ‘purely musical’ level. It may be no coincidence that scholars in the postwar decades began to draw attention to aspects of Obrecht’s music that had previously attracted little notice: the element of calculation and clever contrivance in his cantus-firmus layouts, for example, or the apparent facility and (at times) almost naïve simplicity of his part-writing. Neither of these aspects is conspicuous in all or even most of Obrecht’s compositions, and several of his most significant works (e.g. the Missa ‘Sicut spina rosam’ or the six-voice Salve regina) do not attest them at all. Even so, a new image of Obrecht began to take shape: that of a cold constructivist and Vielschreiber, whose prominence in music history owes more to the clever ingenuity of his tenor manipulations and to the sheer bulk of his output than to genuinely inspired or truly innovative masterpieces. This would now set him apart from the other composers of his generation. Obrecht came to be seen as the loner of the Josquin generation, as a curiously single-minded individual who doggedly stuck to old-fashioned practices, to the point of having little or no influence on subsequent composers. (As early as 1929, Heinrich Besseler had characterized him as the ‘genialer Außenseiter’ of the Renaissance; to some extent that is what he has remained ever since.)

Not surprisingly, perhaps, the postwar decades have left a substantial body of research on the formal layouts and cantus-firmus procedures in Obrecht’s masses and motets. This research seems to have been motivated, at least in part, by perceived parallels between the Kanonkünste of the Franco-Flemish composers and the avantgarde serialism of the 1950s. It may also have been promoted by the rigorously empiricist orientation of Anglo-American musicology during the Cold War decades, an orientation which typically privileged aspects that are susceptible to empirical verification. On these latter terms a composer like Ockeghem was bound to remain an elusive figure – and this, if anything, intensified the romanticized image of a ‘mystic’ already conferred on him by pre-war musicologists. Obrecht’s works, on the other hand (at least those of his works that scholars chose to study), seemed to give all their secrets away in rational designs of one kind or another – ingenious tenor manipulations, symmetrical formal layouts, tonal structures and numerological schemes. Postwar musicology found its methodological preoccupations richly rewarded in Obrecht’s music, and repaid him by canonizing the new image of the composer, one in which his music seemed to offer little else of historical (or even musical) interest besides the much-analysed rational designs. Significantly, the Obrecht mass that has been most often recorded since the 1950s is Sub tuum presidium, the very model of a complex mathematical design in 15th-century music.

All this is not to deny that Obrecht’s music was still appreciated, especially for the flair and direct appeal of his melodic invention. Yet in most cases such appreciation was expressed merely as a qualification of the predominant image. In his Music of the Renaissance, for instance, Gustave Reese concluded his discussion of the composer with the afterthought: ‘in addition to the technical proficiency shown in his music, its sheer loveliness makes him one of the greatest figures in a great generation’. And it is perhaps significant that the only attempt to analyse Obrecht’s contrapuntal writing in any detail, Manfred Bukofzer’s brilliant study of the Missa Caput, did not inspire similar attempts in other pieces so much as helped to solidify the postwar image of the composer. Bukofzer compared Obrecht’s setting with the Caput masses of the English anonymous (then thought to be Du Fay) and Ockeghem. For obvious reasons he was concerned especially to bring out the stylistic differences between the three works. Given this objective, the deep kinship between Obrecht and Ockeghem once perceived by Ambros was bound to give way to a stark polarity – between the perceived inwardness and spirituality of Ockeghem, and the outward show and flamboyance of Obrecht. Bukofzer’s impression of ‘boundless exuberance and inexhaustible vigor’, ‘lusty virility’, ‘ceaseless rhythmic drive’, and much else, has found its way into numerous postwar accounts of Renaissance music history, usually in connection with the composer’s perceived facility (and rarely without reference to Glarean’s ‘mass in one night’ anecdote).

The image that has remained, fairly or unfairly, is that of a man with a curiously singleminded tendency to play with outmoded ideas, whose music may show a great contrapuntal facility, but lacks the spiritual depth of an Ockeghem, let alone the innovative vision of a Josquin. The 1980 Grove article on Obrecht, written by Edgar Sparks, could be viewed in this light. The article presented virtually the opposite of the image sketched by Ambros more than a century previously. In some respects it was a reworking of the chapter on Obrecht in the author’s magisterial study Cantus Firmus in Mass and Motet, 1420–1520. The composer is portrayed as a man whose significance to the history of music lies chiefly in the realm of tenor manipulation, and whose historical position must be assessed largely on those terms. Just as in the case of Reese, the acknowledgement of the aesthetic value of Obrecht’s music appears as an afterthought, qualifying the image rather than defining it.

Much has happened in the twenty years since: the appearance of the third complete works edition, under the editorship of Chris Maas (published in 1981–99), the availability of more and more of his music in recorded performances, fresh archival research in all the major musical centres in which Obrecht is known to have worked, new datings for several of his works (on the basis of both archival and manuscript evidence), and research into the local chant traditions from which the composer may have selected his cantus firmi. If anything, the trend in Obrecht studies has been to contextualize our knowledge of the composer and his music – to deepen our understanding of the surroundings in which he lived and worked, and to ground new interpretations of his music more firmly in a knowledge of medieval liturgy, devotional practices, preaching and exegesis, social history, scholastic and humanist learning, biographical evidence, and much more. A wealth of historical material has been brought to bear on Obrecht’s music, prompting fresh readings and interpretations of such works as the masses Sub tuum presidium, Sicut spina rosam, De Sancto Donatiano and De Sancto Martino, and such motets as Mille quingentis, Factor orbis, Salve crux, Inter preclarissimas virtutes, Beata es Maria and others. As a result of all this, Obrecht has begun to shed the one-dimensional image of a rigid constructivist and has come to be seen rather as a man of his time, a thoroughly medieval mind whose music embodies and articulates the values of the society in which he lived. In many ways, it is the fundamental ‘otherness’ of the medieval experience to which his works are now seen to offer uniquely revealing windows. (In this regard, the trend in Obrecht studies seems to parallel a similar trend in Du Fay research.) This contextualized image of Obrecht may as yet lack the coherence of previous images, yet a compelling visual counterpart has become available with the breathtaking portrait of the composer, which emerged unexpectedly in 1991.

The revival of many of Obrecht’s compositions on sound recordings, especially by English a cappella ensembles in the 1990s, has opened up yet other dimensions to the composer’s musicianship. When his works are heard in performance, the technically superlative part-writing reveals, in addition, an unparalleled ear for sonority and vocal timbre. Motets such as the five-part Salve crux and especially the six-part Salve regina have emerged as awesome edifices of sound, and may do much to explain Ambros’s perception of Obrecht as ‘a great, profound, serious and manly master, whose works show, almost throughout, a strain of stern loftiness’. Even the four-part music, including many of the cantus-firmus masses, turns out to be far more effective in performance than its often unassuming appearance on paper might suggest. In sound, Obrecht’s use of the musical idiom of his time seems so inexhaustibly imaginative and inspired as to reduce the notorious tenor manipulations to virtual aesthetic irrelevance. The effect of all this on the modern image of Obrecht cannot be calculated as yet.

Over the past century, the music history of Obrecht’s generation has usually tended to be construed in terms of the lives and oeuvres of the most important masters, or of the major genres and styles current at the time. However, one could with equal justification conceive that history as the complex of mentalities, sensibilities and attitudes towards music that prevailed in European society, and which conditioned the reception of composers’ works. The trend in recent Obrecht research has been to incorporate more and more of the latter within the framework of the former – to the point where the very privileging of such categories as ‘author’, ‘work’, ‘style’ and ‘genre’ has begun to seem problematic in light of what we know about musical experience in the period itself. To contextualize Obrecht and his works is inevitably to acknowledge that musical meaning and value may have been context-dependent rather than immanent in the artwork itself. To give an example, if the four-voice Salve regina is a prayer to the Virgin, Quis numerare queat a sermon, Mille quingentis an epitaph and Inter preclarissimas virtutes a ‘letter of application’, then obviously it is problematic to appraise one work as intrinsically better or more successful than another without regard to its purpose or function. Each of these motets was conceived for a different audience – the Virgin, a congregation, posterity, an unknown music patron – and these differences are likely to have borne on Obrecht’s choices of musical style and construction. As this example illustrates, then, evaluative comparisons – not only between works but also between composers such as Obrecht and Josquin – must take into account such qualifying distinctions as between, say, urban and courtly, humanist and scholastic, private and public, votive and communal, sacred and secular, Flemish and Italian, 1490s and 1510s. The trend in Renaissance music research over the last decade or so has been to do exactly this. Ultimately that trend may cause the dissolution of the received images for Obrecht and Josquin. But for now the potential gains in historical understanding seem to outweigh the losses.

3. Music: the early years.

One of the most significant developments in Obrecht studies over the last twenty years has been the discovery of new datings and termini ante quem for several of the composer’s works. This has involved some unexpected surprises, notably in the case of Missa ‘Fortuna desperata’. This work had always been thought to be among Obrecht’s latest works, and is indeed remarkable for the breathtaking novelty of its conception (see example). Watermark evidence reveals that this piece must have circulated in Germany as early as 1489–93, along with several other masses that are closely related to it in style: Rose playsante, Je ne demande and the anonymous N’aray-je jamais. These masses, and several others like them, represent the core of Obrecht’s mass oeuvre, and share a contrapuntal idiom that was identified as the ‘mature style’ by Wegman (1994). Watermark evidence confirms that this style must have been fully developed by the early 1490s, around the midpoint of Obrecht’s professional career. It does not appear to have undergone significant changes until the very last years of his life. There are no direct models for the style in the works of other composers, nor does it seem to be anticipated in those Obrecht masses that can be securely dated in the late 1480s (De Sancto Donatiano, De Sancto Martino and Salve diva parens). As far as the masses are concerned, it is the most distinctively Obrechtian style, and the one for which he became internationally famous in the 1490s. It can be seen in some of the motets as well, most clearly in Inter preclarissimas virtutes.

That Obrecht’s mature style should have developed, and been brought to perfection in masses like Fortuna desperata and Rose playsante, at such an early stage in his career is indeed a remarkable discovery. It is one of two recent developments which have prompted a major reassessment of Obrecht’s historical position vis-à-vis Josquin – the other being the discovery that Josquin’s career started much later than previously thought, in the late 1470s rather than the late 1450s. Several significant Josquin pieces that had been dated before about 1480 to accommodate the two decades he was believed to be active in Milan (1459–79) must now be assumed to be much later. With few exceptions, their copying dates and termini ante quem do not predate the mid-1490s, that is, at least half a decade after Obrecht’s mature masses were already circulating in eastern Germany. In view of this, the emergence of Obrecht’s mature style in these masses, which include such masterpieces as Fortuna desperata, Rose playsante, Malheur me bat and Libenter gloriabor, must be regarded as one of the most important developments in the music history of the 1480s and 1490s.

Quite how Obrecht arrived at his mature style is hard to determine, since so few of his remaining works can be dated on external grounds. It is possible to suggest datings based on internal, stylistic evidence, but these are inevitably open to the danger of circularity: although our perception of Obrecht’s compositional development should ideally be based on a secure chronology of his works, we may never be able to arrive at a chronology without some hypothetical idea of how he developed as a composer. Then there is the additional problem (which may affect the motets more than the masses) that Obrecht’s stylistic choices at any point may have been dictated by context and function rather than by purely compositional considerations. Despite these caveats, however, there are several works for which it can be plausibly suggested that they must be early – mainly because they rely on compositional conventions that were current in the 1470s and disappeared in the next decade. A good example is the Missa ‘Petrus apostolus’. Despite the late date of its main source, a German print of 1539, the style of this setting is a faithful imitation of Busnoys’ masses L’homme armé and O crux lignum triumphale (both of which began to circulate in the 1470s). Like these latter works, its contrapuntal idiom is exceedingly smooth and polished, yet has a quality of urgency and drive that derives from the persistent tendency (so typical of Busnoys) to create and resolve suspended dissonances between pairs of voices in quasi-cadential fashion. (This quality had been notably absent in Ockeghem’s masses from the 1460s and 1470s, such as De plus en plus or Ecce ancilla Domini, whose dense layers of sound typically moved at glacial pace.) Given the likelihood that Obrecht was personally acquainted with Busnoys by the late 1460s, it stands to reason that he would have modelled his first efforts after the masses for which the latter had become most famous. Of course, it cannot be ruled out that the Missa ‘Petrus apostolus’ might have been composed at a later date, though in that case it would have represented a consciously historicizing gesture, or at least an attempt to emulate an identifiable older style.

This latter possibility must be assumed in the case of another early mass, De Sancto Donatiano, which was written for a Bruges endowment in 1487. The style of this work is a faithful imitation of Ockeghem’s Missa ‘Ecce ancilla Domini’ (1470s) and in fact the music makes several explicit allusions to that work. Significantly, Obrecht made no effort to transform Ockeghem’s style or to assimilate it to his own idiom. The result is a setting that, had it survived anonymously, might well have been mistaken for a work by the older composer – in the same way that the Missa ‘Petrus apostolus’ is a stylistic twin of Busnoys’ Missa ‘O crux lignum’. It seems significant that Obrecht, at the beginning of his career, should have been concerned to pay musical tributes of this kind. In the case of the Missa de Sancto Donatiano, however, the gesture is likely to reflect not so much a sense of artistic loyalty arising from personal acquaintance (as was probably true in the case of Busnoys), but rather an awareness of the historical status of past masterpieces – a status that Obrecht’s emulation helped solidify. Another work that seems to pay tribute to Ockeghem is the Missa de Sancto Martino, written at Bruges in 1486: the first Kyrie quotes the head-motif of the latter’s Missa ‘Mi-mi’. However, one can still discern the influence of Busnoys as well: just as in the Missa ‘Petrus apostolus’ Obrecht tended to state and restate his cantus firmi in schematic fashion, occasionally by means of mensural transformation.

The clues provided by these three datable masses may allow us to suggest early dates for several other settings. The Missa ‘Sicut spina rosam’ makes even more sustained allusions to Ockeghem’s Missa ‘Mi-mi’ than De Sancto Martino: the head-motif of the older mass is once again quoted in the first Kyrie, and the bass of the Kyrie is quoted literally in the Agnus Dei of Obrecht’s setting. Sicut spina rosam has several other features in common with De Sancto Martino, most notably the tendency to incorporate extended literal quotations of the cantus firmus in the introductory duos of individual movements. This tendency can be observed already in the Missa ‘Petrus apostolus’, but it is expanded here to a degree unprecedented in Obrecht’s (or indeed any other composer’s) oeuvre. Similar examples can be found in the masses Beata viscera, O lumen ecclesie and Ave regina celorum, all of which are likely to date from the 1480s.

If any trend can be witnessed in these early works, it is one towards increasing expansiveness – the very opposite of the measured concision of the later, mature masses. The sense of urgency and drive that was characteristic of Busnoys’ idiom seems to have disappeared soon after the Missa ‘Petrus apostolus’, giving way to a sense of tranquillity and poise more typical of Ockeghem’s cantus-firmus masses. Some Busnoys-inspired devices still retain a token presence, particularly the literal imitation or restatement of cantus-firmus material in different voice-parts (migration is especially prominent in O lumen ecclesie and Sicut spina rosam), but Obrecht tended to expand the scale on which these are applied – to the point where the devices are more easily detected on paper than heard in performance. The extreme in this regard is the Missa ‘Sicut spina rosam’, a sombre, dense piece in the style of Ockeghem, organized by extended migrations and imitations of the cantus firmus on various hierarchical levels.

A similarly expansive composition, but one in which the influence of Busnoys’ contrapuntal idiom can be discerned much more clearly, is the six-part Salve regina, a work of awesome power and depth. One might well hesitate to date a setting for six voices in the mid-1480s, yet there is little else about this work to justify such hesitation. The stylistic trend in the late 1480s and 1490s (exemplified by Obrecht’s mature masses) was to be towards leaner, more lightly-textured polyphony. As if to make up for the loss of rich vocal sonority, composers increasingly invested their works with a purposeful compositional logic – witness, for instance, the more sensitive treatment of openings and endings, the increasing reliance on motivic imitation, and the careful positioning and handling of climactic points in the course of the musical argument. None of this can be observed as yet in the six-part Salve regina. By later standards this work seems almost self-indulgent in the degree to which it revels in slowly drifting layers of consonant sonority – ‘more of the keenest sweetness’, as Cortese was to put it, ‘than would have sufficed to please the ear’. More than any other work in Obrecht’s oeuvre, the Salve regina exemplifies an older aesthetic that might be called the ‘wall of sound’. (This aesthetic was not abandoned in England, as one can tell from the motets in the Eton Choirbook. On the continent, the predilection for unrelentingly dense counterpoint was to return again after the 1510s, especially in the works of Gombert and Willaert. Significantly, the German theorist Hermann Finck, writing in praise of Gombert in 1556, described Josquin’s music as ‘thinner’ (nudior) than modern taste approved, whereas Gombert ‘avoids pauses, and his work is rich with full harmonies and imitative counterpoint’.)

The change towards the newer aesthetic can be observed in several motets by Obrecht that are likely to date from the later 1480s. If one considers, for instance, Factor orbis or Salve crux, one is struck immediately by the degree to which Obrecht has endowed the extended passages in reduced scoring with significant compositional interest of their own. It is true that one can still hear those passages as preludes or interludes between the cantus-firmus based stretches in full scoring. Yet while the latter are admittedly magnificent examples of sonorous part-writing, and show Obrecht at his best, they are typically less expansive, and dissolve so smoothly into the passages in reduced scoring as to discourage the impression that they constitute the core of the musical argument. From here one can see the direct path to still later tenor motets such as Laudemus nunc Dominum, Mater patris and O preciosissime sanguis, none of which is likely to predate the 1490s.

By the late 1480s, when Italian musical sources had barely begun to register the presence of Josquin (aside from a handful of songs only his Ave Maria … virgo serena, Domine non secundum and the four-part Salve regina), Obrecht had a justifiable claim to being the most versatile and prolific composer in Europe. As far as the masses are concerned, the masterpiece of these years was Salve diva parens, a virtuoso display piece of breathtaking complexity and contrapuntal resourcefulness. This setting is the nearest Obrecht ever came to writing a freely-composed mass: although one can recognize passing resemblances between the tenors of the various movements, if these reflect a pre-existing melody it was clearly ornamented to such a degree as to obscure it beyond ready identification. The Missa ‘Salve diva parens’ seems to have found its way to Italian sources by 1487; its early transmission to the peninsula may do much to explain the invitation to the composer extended by Duke Ercole d’Este later that year. There is a string of other masses that can be or have been dated in the late 1480s with varying degrees of plausibility: Adieu mes amours, Ave regina celorum, De Sancto Johanne Baptista, Caput, L’homme armé, to mention only a few. One is not surprised to learn from the fabric accounts of St Donatian that the rate at which masses were copied in the choirbooks increased sharply after Obrecht’s appointment in 1485 and declined almost as sharply after his departure in 1491. It is true that the accounts seldom specify titles or composers, and hence not every mass was necessarily composed by Obrecht. Still, even if one allows for possible contributions by other composers, the sheer quantity of mass cycles copied in 1485–91, 22 (of which eight were specifically designated as ‘new’), suggests the likelihood that these years were among the most prolific in Obrecht’s career.

Several motets may be associated with this period as well. Mille quingentis, the musical prayer commemorating Willem Obrecht, is likely to date from 1489 or shortly thereafter, since it refers to the year of Willem’s death, 1488, in the past tense. It is a tenor motet in the old style, based on a threefold statement of the Introit for the Requiem mass, Requiem eternam, identically notated though rhythmically varied by means of mensuration changes. Just as in Josquin’s later Nymphes des bois (commemorating Ockeghem), the plainchant has been transposed down a step, to accommodate the plaintive Phrygian modality of the setting. The contrapuntal idiom of the Corpus Christi motet Discubuit Jesus is reminiscent of Mille quingentis (compare, for example, bars 15–16 of the former with bars 20–21 of the latter, the frequent octave leaps in the top part, as well as the almost mannered use of suspensions in dotted rhythm), though the treatment of the plainchant itself is quite different: it is freely elaborated in the various voices and, with the exception of the first 14 bars, there is no literal imitation or migration of cantus-firmus material anywhere in this piece. (Similar freedom of treatment is evident in the three-part settings of Salve regina and Alma redemptoris mater.) If Discubuit Jesus was written in the 1480s, as seems likely, its apparent stylistic relationship to Mille quingentis underlines an important point: given the variety of functions and occasions for which Obrecht wrote his motets, it is hard to generalize about his stylistic profile in these works. For that reason it may often be more useful to evaluate his motets in terms of their probable ritual or devotional function and context rather than their position in a hypothetical compositional development. Many motets might equally well have been written for Bergen op Zoom, Cambrai or Bruges, and undoubtedly entered the repertory in all these places during the 1480s: the three-part and four-part Salve regina settings, Ave regina celorum (one of several late 15th-century motets based on the famous setting by Walter Frye), and the four-part Marian prayer Cuius sacrata viscera. The three-part Salve regina is written in an unrelentingly exuberant style reminiscent of some of Obrecht’s songs (especially Tandernaken, with which it shares the opening bar).

There is a strong case, on the other hand, for suggesting that other motets originated specifically in Bruges. Omnis spiritus, a cento of various prayers and acclamations, includes a supplication ‘for our king’. For the Brabant towns of Antwerp and Bergen op Zoom this might have implied a date in the period 1486–93, when Maximilian I was King of the Romans, but it would seem to point more plausibly to Cambrai or Bruges, both of which were under French royal rule. The musical style is unambitious, yet it was undoubtedly dictated by the nature of a specific occasion, probably a public procession of thanksgiving. The contrapuntal idiom of the St Basil motet O beate Basili/O beate Pater frequently reminds one of Missa de Sancto Donatiano, with which it shares a plainchant melody O beate pater Basili (texted O beate pater Donatiane in the mass). The two inner voices of the first part elaborate this melody in strict canon (a procedure found already in the first section of the six-part Salve regina), whereas the outer voices carry the text of the Magnificat antiphon O beate Basili. Reinhard Strohm has convincingly associated this piece with the veneration of St Basil in Bruges; its style seems consistent with a date in the late 1480s. The Holy Blood motet O preciosissime sanguis must likewise originate from Bruges, where it would almost certainly have been written for the Basilica of the Holy Blood, or perhaps for the annual Holy Blood procession on 3 May. However, this is clearly a later work: although based on a plainchant cantus firmus (stated three times in long note-values in the tenor), the vigorous idiom characteristic of the mature style, the prominence of chordal, declamatory passages, as well as the mensural layout ( C throughout, with no opening section in perfect tempus), suggest a date in Obrecht’s second Bruges period, 1498–1500.

The overall picture, then, is one of stylistic variety. As choirmaster in Bruges and other towns in the southern Netherlands, Obrecht was a composer who responded sensitively to what the nature of the occasion required. For this reason, the style of his Middle-Dutch songs may point to a specific type of occasion as well. Most of them are lively, animated pieces in a style that is almost reminiscent of the later Parisian chanson: frequent homophonic declamatory passages, modest use of imitation, and a generally simple harmonic style with regular cadences apparently articulating the phrase structure of the text. Although few of these pieces survive with any text beyond the incipit (and several may well have been conceived for instruments), the lighthearted nature of the opening words confirms that we may be in the realm of popular urban entertainment: ‘When all the world lives in joy’, ‘The hail and the cold snow’, ‘I wear my cap awry’, ‘I heard the bells toll’, ‘Let yourself be pleased, dear John’, ‘Where are you, John? Who is calling us?’ and others. Such pieces could well have been written for the morality plays that the singers of St Donatian were permitted to stage every year. Other songs strike a more serious note. Lacen adieu (‘Alas, farewell, sweet company’) seems to have circulated in Germany by the late 1470s, and may well be the earliest surviving work by Obrecht. The varied repetition of bars 13–35 in bars 37–55 may reflect the structure of the original poem, which has not come down to us. Like Moet my lacen and probably Tmeiskin was jonck, it seems to reflect the more selfconsciously serious environment of the chambers of rhetoric which flourished in Bruges, Ghent, Antwerp and other towns in the southern Netherlands. Still other secular pieces may have been conceived as Spielmusik for city minstrels, as Strohm has suggested, though in many cases we cannot tell whether that conception would have been authorial or scribal. Several of Obrecht’s textless pieces could easily have been lifted from otherwise lost cantus-firmus Masses, where they might have originated as the Christe, Pleni, Benedictus, or second Agnus Dei. (The ‘Qui cum patre’ of the Missa ‘Salve diva parens’ circulated for decades as such a work.) No such explanation can be advanced for Nec michi nec tibi, however, which is the nearest in Obrecht’s oeuvre to a work that seems inherently instrumental in idiom.

4. Music: the mature style.

The advent of the mature style, in masses composed around 1490 or shortly before, represents the central turning-point in Obrecht’s career. It is at this point that he fundamentally reconceived the parameters of his style, developing what can only be described as a new artistic vision (typified in ex.1 by the first Kyrie of the Missa ‘Fortuna desperata’). The older aesthetic of the ‘wall of sound’ disappears completely: cantus-firmus based passages in full scoring tend to move at varying rates of rhythmic and harmonic activity, ranging from drawn-out homophonic passages, usually at key phrases of the mass text, to stretches of almost frenzied contrapuntal activity. The allocation of these different passages typically reflects a purposeful musical design – though one, significantly, that is seldom dictated by the shape of the predetermined cantus firmus, and indeed may encompass long stretches in which the tenor is not heard at all. Instead of a conventional alternation between sharply contrasted passages in full and reduced scoring, standing side by side as monolithic stretches of relatively undifferentiated counterpoint, Obrecht now tended to treat the beginning or ending of a tenor statement as one of several steps in a continuing musical development. To achieve a cumulative effect, for example, he might pre-empt the first phrase of the cantus firmus in a series of imitations, of which the tenor entry then constitutes the concluding statement (see, for instance, ex.1, bars 1–17). Typically, however, the tenor entry is not treated as the culmination of such a development, as it usually was in the previous generation: that point now tends to be deferred until later in the cantus-firmus statement (ex.1, bars 29–31), sometimes even over a tenor passage that may not obviously invite it. It might be too much to say that Obrecht had become wholly indifferent to the structure of the cantus firmus, but he does seem to have sought the challenge of creating musical designs which, although accommodating the structural voice-part, owed little or nothing to its predetermined shape and layout.

As if to step up that challenge (or perhaps to display his sheer resourcefulness), Obrecht now preferred to treat pre-existing melodies in the most rigidly schematic fashion – employing techniques of mensural transformation, augmentation, inversion, retrograde, sampling and segmentation, and thereby forcing himself to operate within the constraints of the utterly arbitrary end results. This new preference represents a significant break from his earlier practices. After the Missa ‘Petrus apostolus’ Obrecht had moved away from schematic procedures, prominently applying free elaboration in masses such as Beata viscera, Sicut spina rosam, De Sancto Donatiano, Salve diva parens, and (if it is early) Adieu mes amours. Now, however, the procedures returned, though with the musical stakes greatly increased. To create a ‘wall of sound’ around a predetermined cantus firmus (as in the masses Petrus apostolus or De Sancto Martino) would have posed no particular challenge to a composer of Obrecht’s skill. (In his earliest works, the principal artistic challenge for him had been to maximize the variety of consonant sonority within an unchanging polyphonic texture.) To invent a purposeful and coherent musical design, on the other hand, was a task to which few composers beside himself would have been equal. Obrecht was not to be outdone in this regard until the publication of Josquin’s Missa ‘Hercules dux Ferrarie’ in 1505. By then, he himself had all but completed the corpus of his mature masses, which included such cycles as Plurimorum carminum I and II, De tous biens playne, Fors seulement, Grecorum, Pfauenschwanz and Je ne demande, and which had culminated in such masterpieces as Fortuna desperata, Libenter gloriabor, Malheur me bat and Rose playsante.

Although there are important differences between these works, their common stylistic profile can be recognized by a number of distinguishing traits: (1) the markedly increased emphasis on cadences, often effected by restatements of the same cadence in regular succession (ex.1, bars 1–13), or, at climactic points, by stretching out a cadential progression over a longer passage (bars 15–17 and 28–31); (2) the articulation of the musical discourse in self-contained phrase units, arranged in chains and often linked through literal restatements of the same material (bars 1–17 and 31–49); (3) the use of textural changes and cadences to underscore that articulation; (4) the almost unrelentingly exuberant melodic style, in which individual lines keep outlining triadic figures with formulaic rhythmic patterns, and frequently initiate motivic sequences or repetitions; (5) the sensitivity to tonal relationships across larger formal periods.

However, the mature style is more than the sum of its distinguishing traits. The key-word is design, and the traits themselves acquire their significance only in the context of Obrecht’s new sense of formal musical design. He has decisively moved away from the mid-century aesthetic in which (to exaggerate slightly) the sonority of each moment had to speak for itself, and carried no implications beyond the inevitability of its having to give way to the next sonority. (If formal expectations played any role at all in that aesthetic, they usually had to do with one of three things: the periodic shifts between full and reduced scoring, the structure of the text, or such short-term organizational devices as imitation and sequence.) In Obrecht’s mature style, on the other hand, it is the position of each moment within an overarching musical design that determines how it will be treated, and (one assumes) how listeners were encouraged to hear it. Thus, what was important about the ending of a piece is not that it marked the moment at which the performance discontinues, but rather that it established closure in terms of the work as a whole. That is why the final cadences of individual movements tend to receive extraordinary emphasis in Obrecht’s mature masses, and in some cases get a separate coda section all to themselves. (This latter tendency can be observed already in the Gloria and Credo of the Missa ‘Ave regina celorum’.) Similar sensitivity is apparent in the opening sections, however, which Obrecht was likewise careful to treat in a fashion appropriate to the overall compositional design (as in ex.1, bars 1–17).

The historical and musical significance of all this could hardly be overestimated. Apart from anything else, Obrecht’s mature style embodied a fundamentally new conception of the nature of the musical work. To appreciate this, it may be useful to make a comparison with mid-century styles of composition in the cantus-firmus mass, as exemplified, for instance, by the influential English Caput mass. Compositions that dwell on kaleidoscopic successions of consonant sonorities do not encourage being construed as works (though modern analysis habitually attempts to do so), but rather as performative events. In performance their style might not have been distinguishable in many cases from that of polyphonic improvisations – and the latter, of course, are by definition not works. Listeners did not seek to discern ‘the composer’s voice’, but rather heard and valued the actual voices of singers – and it is these, invariably, to which they drew attention in their eyewitness reports, to the virtual exclusion of works and authors’ names. Obrecht’s mature masses, on the other hand, seek to communicate at every turn their status as works by making transparently audible the compositional logic devised by the author. Listeners were thus encouraged to discern that logic ‘beyond’ the consonant sonorities in whose particular arrangement it is expressed.

In this sense the mature masses could be said to invite ‘understanding’ on the part of their listeners – a novel concept first articulated by Tinctoris in his Complexus effectuum musices (early 1480s):

For the more one has attained perfection in [music], the more one is delighted by it, since one apprehends its nature both inwardly and outwardly: inwardly through the intellective faculty, through which one understands proper composition and performance, and outwardly through the auditive power, through which one perceives the sweetness of consonances.

As this comment implies, there was nothing to be ‘understood’ about consonant sonority per se – except (for those who had read Boethius) its basis in arithmetical proportion, though even this revealed God’s creative purpose rather than that of any human composer. Obrecht’s mature style, on the other hand, foregrounded the composer’s creative purpose by shifting the aesthetic focus onto intelligible compositional design. In this design one might discern the composer’s voice resounding, as it were, through the singers’ voices. And it was this design that would now come to be regarded as the defining dimension of the musical work qua work, and the touchstone of its intrinsic quality – reducing consonant sonority to a mere surface quality, satisfying only to the undiscriminating ears of inexperienced listeners. Once again the underlying ideology had already been articulated by Tinctoris in his Complexus effectuum musices: ‘However, music brings less joy to those who perceive in it nothing but sound, and who indeed are delighted only through the outer sense’. In Obrecht’s mature masses, too, consonant sonority is no longer its own justification: it can be too much of a good thing, and hence it must be handled with discretion, lest it might distract from the musical argument. The masses are notably leaner and thinner-textured than previous settings (in ex.1, for instance, only a third of the section is fully scored), and the individual lines tend to be differentiated more sharply – making an early work like the six-part Salve regina seem almost excessively luxurious by comparison. (It was undoubtedly a piece of the latter kind that Cortese had in mind when he expressed reservations about Obrecht’s motet style.)

The point here is not that Obrecht was somehow implementing a programme for stylistic renewal advanced by Tinctoris, but rather that both were responding in different ways to fundamental changes in aesthetic sensibility affecting European musical culture at large. The conceptualization of the musical work as object (res facta) and the increasing valuation of musical authorship, involving notions of personal style, authorial intention and creative freedom, are phenomena that can be traced back to the 1470s if not earlier. Moreover, the mature style was not without precedents in either Obrecht’s own works or those of others. Even an older figure like Ockeghem – the prime representative of the ‘wall of sound’ aesthetic in the 1460s and 1470s – experimented with leaner textures and a more purposeful sense of musical design in his late Missa ‘Au travail suis’. And the concern with musical closure had already been anticipated in the well-known phenomenon of the ‘drive to the cadence’: as illustrated, for example, by Ockeghem’s Missa ‘Ecce ancilla Domini’ (and by Obrecht’s emulation of that work, the mass De Sancto Donatiano), this was the stepping up of rhythmic and melodic energy before its release in the final cadence. Early sensitivity about musical closure is suggested also by a closely related device: the ‘sounding out’ of individual voice-parts within the final sonority (as, for example, in the Naples L’homme armé masses), as if to mitigate the harsh abruptness of the cadence. These two devices, the drive to the cadence and the sounding out of voice-parts, were typical of the Ockeghem-Busnoys generation and disappeared gradually thereafter. (Spectacular late examples can still be found in Obrecht’s masses Caput and L’homme armé, and some works by Isaac.)

However, not even these precedents can obscure the fact that Obrecht’s contribution in the years around 1490 represented a fundamentally new artistic vision, and was unparalleled in its originality. This is not to imply a negative view of the older aesthetic, which we have typified here, for the sake of comparison, in terms of the idea of the ‘wall of sound’. The point is that the very paradigms of musical composition, perception and judgement changed profoundly during the 1470s and 1480s, rendering any direct comparison across this major shift problematic. In terms of the new aesthetic sensibilities, however, Obrecht’s mature style represented a strikingly imaginative response. For that reason it must count as one of the most significant developments in the history of late-15th-century musical style.

5. Later compositions.

The picture of stylistic consistency and homogeneity presented by the mature style gives way to one of greater diversity in the later motets. Among these, the four-part Inter preclarissimas virtutes seems to offer the closest parallel to the mature masses. It is based on a chant fragment (Estote fortes in bello, from the Common of Apostles and Evangelists) which is notated and treated exactly as in such segmentation masses as Je ne demande, Rose playsante or Malheur me bat: five successive statements in each of the first two sections, sixfold augmentation in the first statements followed by successive reduction until the notes have the same durations as the other voices. Inter preclarissimas virtutes was conceived a musical ‘letter of application’ addressed to an unnamed ecclesiastic, presumably a pope, evidently with a view to securing his patronage.

The five-part Laudemus nunc Dominum, written for the dedication of a church, must have existed by 1496, when it was singled out for its prominent declamatory writing by the theorist Johannes Herbenus of Maastricht. It is a characteristically joyful and exuberant work which, although based on a conventional scaffold tenor, sounds remarkably modern in its regular alternation between rapid text delivery in the homophonic declamations, and the breathtaking energy of the more contrapuntally involved passages. The cantus firmus drops in and out with little apparent effect on the musical argument as a whole. The five-part Mater patris is very similar in musical conception. Although one of its voices is no longer extant, the work is similarly based on a cantus firmus in long note-values, around which the other parts enunciate the text of the Marian hymn Mater patris with unrelenting energy and drive. Like many later works by Obrecht (including Inter preclarissimas virtutes and several of the mature masses) this piece is conceived in C almost throughout, with no opening section in perfect tempus as had been customary up to the 1490s. The same is true of O preciosissime sanguis, which provides perhaps the best illustration of Obrecht’s mature tendency to create musical designs that owe little or nothing to the structure of the cantus firmus: the two plainchant melodies in the tenor pursue their predetermined course within a musical context that seems to follow a logic entirely of its own.

If the four-part Salve sancta facies/Homo quidam was composed for an endowment in Bruges, as Strohm has suggested, it must surely date from Obrecht’s second period of activity there in 1498–1500. Just as in the Missa ‘Malheur me bat’, which existed by 1497, the pre-existing melody (the responsory Homo quidam for Corpus Christi) is stated in the top voice. The contrapuntal context in which it is embedded is strikingly similar to that in the mass. (Compare, for instance, bars 142–5 of the Credo with bars 22–5 of the motet.) The setting begins with a point of imitation that apparently provided the inspiration for the almost identical opening of Josquin’s Inviolata, integra et casta es (1510s), which in turn was to be imitated by several other composers.

New stylistic directions are apparent in two other late motets by Obrecht, both printed by Petrucci in 1505. The four-part Quis numerare queat is conceived as a musical sermon (addressed to ‘you Frenchmen’ in the most authoritative source), and was evidently written for a service of thanksgiving after the cessation of war – possibly the withdrawal of an invader or the ending of a civil war. The poem was set to music also by the French court composer Loyset Compère, who turned it into a conventional tenor motet based on a canonically treated cantus firmus. Obrecht’s setting, on the other hand, was freely composed, and cast in a style that can only be described as rhetorical. Syntactical units of the text are articulated by firm cadences or half-cadences, simultaneous rests or changes of musical procedure. Key phrases are projected by homophonic, declamatory writing or underlined by striking musical gestures: imitations, triple rhythms and changes in texture. The occasion for the piece may have been the Peace of Etaples (November 1492), which ended a shortlived invasion into France by Henry VII of England. Obrecht is known to have travelled through France in 1492.

The four-part Laudes Christo redemptori, a freely-composed setting of the text of a sequence for Easter, could well be among Obrecht’s latest works. The motet is almost prophetic in its consistent application of the technique of pervading imitation, with individual points of imitation articulating phrases of the text. Highly significant (and in Obrecht’s oeuvre unique) is the wider spacing of the voice-parts, and the tendency to avoid crossings between them. The motet was apparently conceived in the so-called a voce piena texture, in which each of the voices occupies a distinct modal range, which was to become universal in the 16th century.

As this brief survey suggests, Obrecht seems to have shifted the focus of his creative ambitions in later years to the motet. It was in this genre that he developed new ideas and approaches, and partook in later trends. (It is perhaps significant that Cortese was to single out Obrecht as one of the major motet composers of his time, a view that has often puzzled modern observers.) In the masses, on the other hand, it would appear that the composer had made his mark by the early 1490s, and was content thereafter to continue operating within the framework of the mature style. The only major exception may have been the Missa ‘Sub tuum presidium’, a work of immense structural complexity, apparently written for the feast of the Assumption. It is based on a recurring plainchant cantus firmus, laid out in the top voice with almost uncompromising strictness, along which other plainchants are added in the course of the setting, gradually thickening the initial three-part texture until the culmination in the seven-part Agnus Dei. As Marcus van Crevel discovered several decades ago, Obrecht introduced two minor modifications into the otherwise rigid cantus-firmus groundplan, thereby fixing the overall length of the work at exactly 888 semibreves (with Kyrie and Gloria taking up 333 semibreves, and Credo, Sanctus, and Agnus Dei 555).

If any masses could be said to date from Obrecht’s final years, they are likely to include such settings as Si dedero, Cela sans plus and especially Maria zart. While they still exemplify Obrecht’s predilection for scaffold tenors, his musical engagement with pre-existing models now extended far beyond questions of cantus-firmus treatment and layout alone. In all three settings, material from the models infuses the other voices to such a degree (whether freely elaborated or quoted literally) that one is almost tempted to speak of parody in the cases of Si dedero and Cela sans plus. To the extent that Obrecht now departed from the idiom of the mature style, he seems to have done so mainly in response to the style of the pre-existing models. Maria zart is a special case in this regard, since the model, a German devotional song, was monophonic. The mass is likely to date from 1503 or 1504, when the composer is known to have passed through the very region where the devotional song Maria zart originated, the Tyrol, and where several other settings of the melody, including an anonymous three-part mass, turn up in the 1500s. The immoderate length of the work (it takes up more than an hour in modern performance) is dictated by the cantus-firmus layout, arranged by means of Obrecht’s favourite device of segmentation. Contrary to his mature masses, however, the composer made no attempt to compose large-scale formal designs around the tenor, for instance by breaking up the counterpoint in self-contained phrase units or by introducing extended literal imitations and migrations. While the contrapuntal voices still take little notice of the presence or absence of the cantus firmus, they do so with no other apparent aim than that of extending melodic lines, or motivic imitations and sequences, almost indefinitely. In one sense this brings him closer to the ‘wall of sound’ aesthetic of earlier years – save that the voice-parts do not actually combine to create a wall so much as engage in a ceaseless interplay of sharply individualized melodic lines. A curious work, with no obvious precedent or later influence, it leaves one with the impression, as do most of his other late works, that Obrecht still had a great deal to offer when he died in his late 40s.

6. Conclusion.

In 1980 it was still possible for Edgar Sparks to observe that Obrecht’s ‘influence on later music was slight’ (Grove6). This view is premissed on several assumptions that can no longer be sustained without qualification. One of these was that Obrecht was a member of ‘the Josquin generation’, and consequently that the ‘later music’ in which his influence should supposedly be apparent must include the works of Gombert, Willaert and Clemens non Papa. However, it is a simple matter of fact that Obrecht died in 1505, 16 years before Josquin, and that more than half of Josquin’s oeuvre does not actually begin to turn up in sources surviving today until after that date. Another assumption was that Josquin’s career began in 1459, and hence that several of his most significant works might have been written as early as the 1460s. However, it has now been established beyond question that no document before the mid-1470s mentions Josquin as a professional musician (or indeed at all). Moreover, less than a fourth of Josquin’s works actually survive in sources copied before about 1500. The evidence of the sources thus confirms what is already apparent from other evidence, especially the virtual absence before 1500 of contemporary comments mentioning Josquin as a composer of any eminence. Simply put, his breakthrough as a composer is likely to have come only in the very last years of the century, about 10 years after Obrecht’s breakthrough in the late 1480s. And the corollary is inevitable: that the ‘later music’ in which Obrecht’s influence could have been apparent must include about half of Josquin’s oeuvre even if the influence was only posthumous.

There is in fact a compelling case for suggesting that Obrecht was a major influence on Josquin. The style of the Missa ‘Hercules dux Ferrarie’, surely not written before the early years of the 16th century, would have been inconceivable without the precedent of Obrecht’s mature masses. Josquin borrowed and transformed the fundamental conception of the mature style, as outlined above, in a setting whose artistic merit is not diminished by its debt to Obrecht. Likewise, one can still discern in the opening of a late motet such as Benedicta es (whose transmission begins in the late 1510s, and which is likely to date from that decade) the influence of very similar openings in the masses Fortuna desperata (see ex.1) and Libenter gloriabor. Of course, the possibility of Obrecht’s influence on Josquin can only be a working hypothesis, one that cannot be fully tested until several major problems of chronology and authenticity in Josquin’s oeuvre have been resolved. For now it has the merit of being consistent with the evidence, despite the obvious conflict it poses to the long-held assumption that Josquin should be credited with every major innovation that occurred during his lifetime. On the other hand, it is unlikely that we shall ever be able to appreciate the exact nature and scope of Josquin’s contribution until we have identified the influences he underwent.

No such obstacles exist in Obrecht scholarship. His debts to Busnoys and Ockeghem are transparently audible in his early works, and the Missa ‘Adieu mes amours’ may well reflect a similar debt to Weerbecke and Josquin. It is precisely because of these well-established influences that we may expect to move towards a better appreciation of Obrecht’s own voice – not only in these early compositions, but especially in his mature and late works, which did so much to raise the cultural prominence of ‘the composer’s voice’ in 15th-century music.

WORKS

Editions: New Obrecht Edition, ed. C. Maas and others (Utrecht, 1983–99) [M]Werken van Jacob Obrecht, ed. J. Wolf (Amsterdam and Leipzig, 1908–21R) [W]

Misse Obreht (Venice, 1503)

Concentus harmonici quattuor missarum … Jacobi Obrecht (Basle, [c1510])

masses



Incipit or Title	No. of parts	Edition

Missa ‘Adieu mes amours’	4	M i, 1
Remarks : c.f. monophonic chanson, or possibly Josquin’s setting
Missa ‘Ave regina celorum’	4	M i, 31
Remarks : c.f. T of Walter Frye’s motet
Missa ‘Beata viscera’	4	M ii, 1
Remarks : c.f. plainchant comm for BVM; ‘Cum sancto’ inc.
Missa ‘Caput’	4	M ii, 33
Remarks : c.f. final melisma of plainchant ant Venit ad Petrum for Maundy Thursday; modelled on anon. English mass; alternative Agnus Dei probably by Obrecht as well
Missa ‘Cela sans plus’	4	M xiii, 1
Remarks : on Lannoy’s chanson
Missa de Sancto Donatiano	4	M iii, 1
Remarks : c.f. various chants, mostly associated with St Donatian; several references to Ockeghem’s Missa ‘Ecce ancilla Domini’; may have been composed together with a Missa de Sancto Adriano (apparently lost, but perhaps = conjecturally attrib. Missa sine nomine)
Missa de Sancto Martino	4	M iii, 35
Remarks : c.f. various plainchant ants from the office of St Martin of Tours
Missa ‘De tous biens playne’	3	M iv, 1
Remarks : c.f. T of Hayne van Ghizeghem’s chanson
Missa ‘Fors seulement’	3	M iv, 25
Remarks : c.f. T (top v) of Ockeghem’s chanson
Missa ‘Fortuna desperata’	4	M iv, 49
Remarks : c.f. T of ?Busnoys’s song
Missa ‘Grecorum’	4	M v, 1
Remarks : c.f. unidentified, possibly a 14th-century monophonic chanson in the style of Machaut; sequence ‘Victimae paschali laudes’ quoted in ‘Osanna’
Missa ‘Hercules Dux Ferrarie’	4	—
Remarks : lost; mentioned by Glarean (1547¹), 296; see Wegman (1994), pp.189–90
Missa ‘Je ne demande’	4	M v, 35
Remarks : c.f. T of Busnoys’s chanson; segmented c.f. treatment
Missa ‘L’homme armé’	4	M ii, 1
Remarks : c.f. T of Busnoys’s mass on monophonic chanson
Missa ‘Libenter gloriabor’	4	M ii, 35
Remarks : c.f. plainchant ant for St Paul, with verse (Psalm tone 8) in ‘Christe’, ‘Qui tollis’ and ‘Pleni’; Agnus Dei inc.
Missa ‘Malheur me bat’	4	M vii, 1
Remarks : c.f. Dc of Malcort’s chanson; segmented c.f. treatment; also attrib. Agricola
Missa ‘Maria zart’	4	M vii, 39
Remarks : c.f. monophonic devotional lied; segmented c.f. treatment
Missa ‘O lumen ecclesie’ [‘O quam suavis’]	4	M viii, 1
Remarks : c.f. probably plainchant Corpus Christi ant ‘O quam suavis’, retexted as Dominican ant ‘O lumen ecclesie’ in I-Rvat S.M.M.26
Missa ‘Petrus apostolus’	4	M viii, 43
Remarks : c.f. plainchant Magnificat ant for SS Peter and Paul
Missa ‘Pfauenschwanz’	4	M ix, 1
Remarks : c.f. T of instrumental piece by Barbingant
Missa plurimorum carminum (i)	4	M x, 1
Remarks : c.f. T (and 1 Dc) of 22 chansons by Barbireau, Basin, Binchois/Du Fay, Bosfrin, Busnoys, Compère/Pietrequin, Ghizeghem, Josquin, Ockeghem and anon.
Missa plurimorum carminum (ii)	4	M x, 47
Remarks : c.f. Dc of five chansons by Barbireau, Compère, Martini and Rubinus
Missa ‘Regina celi’	4	—
Remarks : lost; mentioned as having been composed for the court of Maximilian I at Innsbruck in 1503
Missa ‘Rose playsante’	4	M ix, 47
Remarks : c.f. T of chanson by Dusart or Caron; segmented c.f. treatment
Missa ‘Salve diva parens’	4	M xi, 1
Remarks : c.f. unidentified but related, both metrically and melodically, to c.f. of Févin’s Missa ‘O quam glorifica’ (see Strohm, 1985)
Missa ‘Scaramella’	4	M xi, 51
Remarks : c.f. monophonic Italian song; T and Dc missing, but c.f. layout and treatment reconstructed by Wegman (1994), p.280n
Missa ‘Sicut spina rosam’	4	M xi, 91
Remarks : c.f. 2nd section of plainchant resp Ad nutum Domini for BVM; B of Kyrie of Ockeghem’s Missa ‘Mi-mi’ quoted in Agnus Dei
Missa ‘Si dedero’	4	M xii, 1
Remarks : c.f. T of Agricola’s motet; segmented c.f. treatment
Missa ‘Sub tuum presidium’	3–7	M xii, 51
Remarks : c.f. plainchant ant for BVM, with parts of six further chants mostly from the Assumption
Missa ‘Veci la danse Barbari’	4	M xii, 89
Remarks : c.f. T of anon. chanson; all movements except Credo inc.; Credo possibly by Adam Rener

conjecturally attributed masses

Missa de Sancto Johanne Baptista	4	CMM, xcv/1 (1982), 1	anon. in I-Rvat C.S.160, attrib. Obrecht by Wegman (1989, 1994); c.f. chants associated with St John the Baptist; rhythmic layout adopted from Busnoys’ Missa ‘L’homme armé’ in a manner similar to Obrecht’s own Missa ‘L’homme armé’
Missa ‘Gracioulx et biaulx’	4	M xiii, 45	ascription removed in only source, I-MOe α.M.1.2, attrib. Obrecht by Staehelin (1973, 1975) on grounds of style and presence in a series of Obrecht masses; c.f. T of Barbireau’s chanson
Missa ‘Je ne seray plus’	3	M xiv, 1	anon. in all sources, attrib. Obrecht by Ward (1977) on grounds of close structural and stylistic similarity with Missa ‘Fors seulement’; c.f. Dc of Phillipet des Pres’ chanson
Missa ‘N’aray-je jamais’	4	M xiv, 23	anon. in all sources, attrib. Obrecht by Staehelin (1975) and Just (1975) on grounds of close structural and stylistic similarities with Missae ‘Malheur me bat’, ‘Maria zart’, ‘Rose playsante’, ‘Si dedero’ and conjecturally attrib. ‘Je ne seray plus’; c.f. T of Morton’s chanson; segmented c.f. treatment
Missa [sine nomine]	4	—	anon. in I-Sc K.1.2, ff.148v–156r, attrib. Obrecht by Wegman (1994), p.166n, on the basis of close parallels in c.f. layout and treatment with Missa de Sancto Martino, as well as transmission next to Missa ‘Beata viscera’

ritual works

Magnificat	4	M xv, 94	uses 5th-tone and 8th-tone melodies; questioned by Finscher (MGG1)
Ave maris stella	3	M xv, 9	1st stanza of Marian hymn
Cuius sacrata viscera	3	M xv, 25	2nd stanza of Marian hymn Assunt festa jubilea
Cuius sacrata viscera	4	M xv, 27	2nd stanza of Marian hymn Assunt festa jubilea
Hec Deum celi	5	M xv, 51	2nd stanza of Purification hymn Quod chorus vatum
Omnis spiritus	2–4	M xvi, 43	Office preces and responses
Benedicamus in laude	4	M xv, 23	troped Benedicamus Domino

motets

Alma redemptoris mater	3	M xv, 1
Ave regina celorum	4	M xv, 11	c.f. T of Frye’s motet, combined with extensive allusions to plainchant Marian ant in Dc
Beata es Maria	4	M xv, 17
Discubuit Jesus	4	M xv, 28	A lacking; questioned by Finscher (MGG1)
Ego sum Dominus			contrafactum of Alma redemptoris in 1542⁸
Factor orbis/Canite tuba	5	M xv, 34	c.f. plainsong Advent ant; also quotes numerous other chants, mostly associated with Advent and Nativity
Inter preclarissimas virtutes/Estote fortes in bello	4	M xv, 55	c.f. beginning of plainchant ant for Common of Apostles and Evangelists
Largire nunc mitissime			contrafactum of Lacen adieu in CZ-HKm II A 7
Laudemus nunc Dominum/Non est hic aliud	5	M xv, 69	c.f. three plainchant ants from Matins of Dedication of a Church
Laudes Christo	4	M xv, 84
Mater patris/Sancta Dei genitrix	5	M xv, 104	c.f. unidentified; Quintus lacking
Mille quingentis/Requiem eternam	4	M xvi, 1	commemoration of Obrecht’s father; c.f. plainchant int from Mass for the Dead
O beate Basili/O beate Pater	4	M xvi, 12	c.f. plainchant ant for St Basil; also quotes other chants from this office
O preciosissime sanguis/Guberna tuos famulos	5	M xvi, 23	c.f. from plainchant hymns Christe qui lux es and Te Deum laudamus; Quintus lacking
Parce Domine	3/4	M xvi, 48
Parvulus nobis nascitur			contrafactum of Rompeltier in late German sources; attrib. Johann or Nikolaus Herman
Precantibus diva virgo			contrafactum of Wat willen wij in CZ-HKm II A 7
Quis numerare queat	4	M xvi, 50	poem of thanksgiving after conclusion of peace; also set to music by Compère
Regina celi	2	M xvi, 63	mensuration exercise
Requiem			c.f. of Mille quingentis, as sole incipit in 1504¹, I-Fc Basevi 2439
Salve crux arbor vitae/O crux lignum triumphale	5	M xvi, 65	c.f. from plainchant Holy Cross seq Laudes crucis attollamus
Salve regina	3	M xvi, 85
Salve regina	4	M xvi, 97	alternatim setting
Salve regina	6	M xvi, 104	alternatim setting
Salve sancta facies/Homo quidam	4	M xvi, 119	c.f. plainchant resp for Corpus Christi
Si sumpsero	3	M xvi, 134	also attrib. Agricola
Vita dulcedo			incipit of polyphony in 4-v and 6-v Salve regina

secular works

Adiu, adiu			alternative incipit of Meiskin es u in I-Fn Magl.XIX.178
Als al de weerelt in vruechden leeft	4	M xvii, 1	text incipit only
Den haghel ende die calde snee	4	M xvii, 5	text incipit only
Fors seulement	4	M xvii, 66	c.f. T (top v) of Ockeghem’s chanson
Fuga	4	M xvii, 100	probably instrumental; canon 3 in 1 + semibreves only in sixfold augmentation
Helas			alternative incipit for Nec michi nec tibi in I-PEc 431
Helas mon bien	3	M xvii, 71	text incipit only
Ic draghe de mutse clutse	4	M xvii, 8	text incipit only
Ic hoerde de clocskins luden	4	M xvii, 12	text incipit only
Ic ret my uut spacieren	4	M xvii, 17	text incipit only; ? on monophonic song
Ic weinsche alle scoene vrauwen eere	4	M xvii, 20	also attrib. Stoltzer
In hebbe gheen ghelt in mijn bewelt	4	M xvii, 23
J’ay pris amours	4	M xvii, 73	on Dc and T of anon. chanson
Lacen adieu, wel zoete partye	4	M xvii, 27	text incipit only; melodic texture untypical
Laet u ghenoughen liever Johan	4	M xvii, 30	text incipit only; c.f. also used in Weerbecke’s ‘O salutaris hostia’
La tortorella è semplice uccelletto	4	M xvii, 94	? on monophonic song
Ma bouche rit	4	M xvii, 84	c.f. T of 1st part of Ockeghem’s chanson; possibly a mass section
Marion la doulce	3	M xvii, 86
Meiskin es u cutkin ru	4	M xvii, 35
Moet my lacen u vriendelic schijn	3	M xvii, 36	questioned in M: melodic treatment untypical
Nec michi nec tibi	2/3	M xvii, 97	probably instrumental; Ct added; text (?title) from 1 Kings iii: 26; also attrib. ‘Virgilius’
Rompeltier	4	M xvii, 38	on monophonic tune preserved with various German texts; questioned in M: attrib. weak, textural monotony untypical
Se bien fait	4	M xvii, 89	text incipit only
Sullen wij langhe in drucke moeten leven	3/4	M xvii, 40	text incipit only; A possibly added
Tandernaken	3	M xvii, 42	text incipit only; on monophonic dance or instrumental tune
Tant que nostre argent dura	4	M xvii, 92	text incipit only; on ?monophonic chanson
Tmeiskin was jonck wel van passe	3/4	M xvii, 45	Ct added; also attrib. Isaac, Japart
Tsat een cleyn meiskin	4	M xvii, 48	text incipit only
Waer sij di Han?	4	M xvii, 53	text incipit only
Wat willen wij metten budel spelen	4	M xvii, 57	text incipit only
Weet ghij wat mijnder jonghen hert deert	4	M xvii, 62	text incipit only; questioned in M: dissonance treatment and form untypical
[textless] (i)	3	M xvii, 102	instrumental piece, possibly mass section
[textless] (ii)	3	M xvii, 104	c.f. not identified; instrumental piece, possibly mass section
[textless] (iii)	3	M xvii, 108	c.f. not identified; instrumental piece, possibly mass section
[textless] (iv)	3	M xvii, 111	probably conceived as a song
[textless] (v)	?3	M xvii, 114	only B extant

doubtful and misattributed works



Incipit or Title	No. of Parts	Edition

Benedictus	2	M xviii, 31
Sources of attribution to Obrecht : G. de Baena: Arte novamente inventada (Lisbon, 1540)
Remarks : intabulation of duo from unidentified mass; unique source suspect
Judea et Jerusalem	4	M xviii, 1
Sources of attribution to Obrecht : D-Dlb 1D/505
Remarks : chant treatment, form untypical; possibly by Issac
Passio Domini nostri Jesu Christi	4	M xviii, 9
Sources of attribution to Obrecht : 1538¹ and dependent MSS
Remarks : probably by Longueval; also attrib. ‘Jo. ala Venture’, La Rue
Pater noster	4	W vi, 131
Sources of attribution to Obrecht : D-LEu Thomaskirche 49, 51
Remarks : by Willaert; ed. in CMM, iii/2 (1950), 10
Si dedero (i)	3	M xii, p.xvii
Sources of attribution to Obrecht : 1536¹³, 1538⁹ (D-Bhm copy)
Remarks : by Agricola; also attrib. Isaac, Verbonnet; see Picker (1965), pp.161–2
Si dedero (ii)	3	M xviii, 48
Sources of attribution to Obrecht : G. de Baena: Arte novamente inventada (Lisbon, 1540)
Remarks : intabulation of work based on Agricola’s motet; parody in motet untypical of Obrecht, and he is unlikely to have composed two masses on Si dedero
Si oblitus fuero	4	W vi, 97
Sources of attribution to Obrecht : D-Dlb 1/D/505
Remarks : by Ninot le Petit; see Smijers (1935)
Een vraulic wesen	3/4	W vii, 61
Sources of attribution to Obrecht : CH-SGs 462, 463
Remarks : 3 original vv probably by Isaac; also attrib. Barbireau; added A possibly by Obrecht (alternative added Ct not ascribed to him)
La stangetta	3	W vii, 45
Sources of attribution to Obrecht : D-Z LXXVIII, 3
Remarks : probably by Weerbecke; also attrib. Isaac
Mijn hert heeft altijt verlanghen	4	W vii, 64
Sources of attribution to Obrecht : CH-SGs 463
Remarks : by La Rue; see Picker (1965), p.122
O vos omnes	4	W vi, 173
Sources of attribution to Obrecht : CH-SGs 463
Remarks : by Compère (with primary text O devotz cueurs or Tant ay d’ennuy); see Picker (1965), p.143

1. Early life and career.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

AmbrosGM

Grove6 (E.H. Sparks)

LockwoodMRF

MGG1(L. Finscher)

ReeseMR

biography

A.C. de Schrevel: Histoire du Séminaire de Bruges (Bruges, 1883–95)

A. Smijers: ‘Jacob Obrecht’, TVNM, xii/1 (1926), 63–6

A. Pirro: ‘Obrecht à Cambrai’, TVNM, xii/2 (1927), 78–80

A. Piscaer: ‘Jacob Obrecht’, Sinte Geertruydsbronnen, xv (1938)

A. Piscaer: ‘Jacob Obrecht, geboortendatum en andere bijzonderheeden’, Mens en melodie, vii (1952), 329–33

B. de Keyzer: ‘Jacob Obrecht en zijn vader Willem: de Gentse relaties’, Mens en melodie, viii (1953), 317–19

B. Murray: ‘Jacob Obrecht’s Connection with the Church of Our Lady in Antwerp’, RBM, xi (1957), 125–33

B. Murray: ‘New Light on Jacob Obrecht’s Development: a Biographical Study’, MQ, xliii (1957), 500–516

E. Sindona: ‘E Hubert Naich e non Jacob Hobrecht il compagno cantore del Verdelot nel quadro della Galleria Pitti’, AcM, xxix (1957), 1–9

R.B. Lenaerts: ‘Jacob Obrecht’, Musica, xv (1961), 255–8

L.G. van Hoorn: Jacob Obrecht (The Hague, 1968)

L. Lockwood: ‘Music at Ferrara in the Period of Ercole I d’Este’, Studi musicali, i (1972), 101–31

K.K. Forney: ‘Music, Ritual and Patronage at the Church of Our Lady, Antwerp’, EMH, vii (1987), 1–57

R.C. Wegman: ‘Music and Musicians at the Guild of Our Lady in Bergen op Zoom, c1470–1510’, EMH, ix (1989), 175–249

D. de Vos: ‘Een belangrijk portret van Jacob Obrecht ontdekt’, Jaarboek: Stad Brugge, Stedelijke Musea, v (1989–90), 192–209

R.C. Wegman: ‘Het “Jacob Hobrecht” portret: enkele biografische observaties’, Musica antiqua, viii (1991), 152–4

other studies

P. Wagner: Geschichte der Messe, i (Leipzig, 1913/R)

O. Gombosi: Jacob Obrecht: eine stilkritische Studie (Leipzig, 1925/R)

H. Besseler: ‘Von Dufay bis Josquin: ein Literatur-Bericht’, ZMw, xi (1928–9), 1–22

A. Smijers: ‘De Mattheus-Passie van Jacob Obrecht’, TVNM, xiv/3 (1935), 182–4

A. Smijers: ‘Vijftiende en zestiende eeuwsche muziekhandschriften in Italië met werken van Nederlandsche componisten’, TVNM, xiv/3 (1935), 165–81, esp. 180

W. Stephan: Die burgundisch-niederländische Motette zur Zeit Ockeghems (Kassel, 1937/R)

O. Strunk: ‘Origins of the L’homme armé Mass’, BAMS, ii (1937), 25–6

W.R. Nef: ‘Der St Galler Organist Fridolin Sicher und seine Orgeltabulatur’, Schweizerisches Jb für Musikwissenschaft, vii (1938) [whole issue]

M. van Crevel: ‘Verwante sequensmodulaties bij Obrecht, Josquin en Coclico’, TVNM, xvi/2 (1941), 107–24

A. Smijers: ‘Twee onbekende motetteksten van Jacob Obrecht’, TVNM, xvi/2 (1941), 129–34

H. Hewitt, ed.: O. Petrucci: Harmonice musices odhecaton A (Cambridge, MA, 1942/R)

A. Smijers: ‘Het motet “Mille quingentis” van Jacob Obrecht’, TVNM, xvi/3 (1942), 212–15

M. Bukofzer: ‘Caput: a Liturgico-Musical Study’, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music (New York, 1950), 217–310

A. Smijers: ‘De Missa carminum van Jacob Hobrecht’, TVNM, xvii/3 (1951), 192–4

M. Kyriazis: Die Cantus firmus-Technik in den Messen Obrechts (Berne, 1952)

B. Meier: ‘Die Harmonik im Cantus firmus-haltigen Satz des 15. Jahrhunderts’, AMw, ix (1952), 27–44; Eng. trans. in Counterpoint and Compositional Process in the Time of Dufay, ed. K.N. Moll (New York, 1997), 149–70

B. Meier: Studien zur Messkomposition Jacob Obrechts (diss., U. of Freiburg, 1952)

B. Meier: ‘Zyklische Gesamtstruktur und Tonalität in den Messen Jacob Obrechts’, AMw, x (1953), 289–310

M. Antonowycz: ‘Renaissance-Tendenzen in der Fortuna-desperata-Messen von Josquin und Obrecht’, Mf, ix (1956), 1–26

H. Hewitt: ‘A Study in Proportions’, Essays on Music in Honor of Archibald Thompson Davison (Cambridge, MA, 1957), 69–81

M. van Crevel: Introduction to Jacob Obrecht: Opera omnia, editio altera, i/6–7 (Amsterdam, 1959–64)

A. Salop: The Masses of Jacob Obrecht (1450–1505): Structure and Style (diss., Indiana U., 1959)

L. Lockwood: ‘A Note on Obrecht’s Mass “Sub tuum praesidium”’, RBM, xiv (1960), 30–39

E.H. Sparks: Cantus Firmus in Mass and Motet, 1420–1520 (Berkeley, 1963)

A. Salop: ‘Jacob Obrecht and the Early Development of Harmonic Polyphony’, JAMS, xvii (1964), 288–309

M. Picker: The Chanson Albums of Marguerite of Austria (Berkeley, 1965)

J.A. Bank: ‘Some Comments on the Transcription of “Pleni sunt coeli” in Jacob Obrecht’s Missa Maria zart’, TVNM, xx/3 (1966), 170–77

K. Vellekoop: ‘Zusammenhänge zwischen Text und Zahl in der Kompositionsart Jacob Obrechts: Analyse der Motette Parce Domine’, TVNM, xx/3 (1966), 97–119

C. Dahlhaus: ‘Zu Marcus van Crevels neuer Obrecht-Ausgabe’, Mf, xx (1967), 425–30

W. Elders: Studien zur Symbolik in der Musik der alten Niederländer (Bilthoven, 1968)

J.E. Buning-Jurgens: ‘More about Jacob Obrecht’s Parce Domine’, TVNM, xxi/3 (1970), 167–9

A. Dunning: Die Staatsmotette, 1480–1555 (Utrecht, 1970)

R. Nowotny: Mensur, cantus firmus, Satz in den Caput-Messen von Dufay, Ockeghem und Obrecht (diss., U. of Munich, 1970)

M.E. Nagle: The Structural Role of the Cantus Firmus in the Motets of Jacob Obrecht (diss., U. of Michigan, 1972)

M. Staehelin: ‘Möglichkeiten und praktische Anwendung der Verfasserbestimmung an anonym überlieferten Kompositionen der Josquin-Zeit’, TVNM, xxiii/2 (1973), 79–91

M. Just: Der Mensuralkodex Mus.ms.40021 der Staatsbibliothek Preußischer Kulturbesitz Berlin (Tutzing, 1975)

M. Staehelin: ‘Obrechtiana’, TVNM, xxv/1 (1975), 1–37

C.J. Maas: ‘Towards a New Obrecht Edition: a Preliminary Worklist’, TVNM, xxvi (1976), 84–108

T. Noblitt: ‘Problems of Transmission in Obrecht’s Missa Je ne demande’, MQ, lxiii (1977), 211–23

T.R. Ward: ‘Another Mass by Obrecht?’, TVNM, xxvii (1977), 102–8

R.L. Todd: ‘Retrograde, Inversion, Retrograde-Inversion, and Related Techniques in the Masses of Obrecht’, MQ, lxiv (1978), 50–78

R.D. Ross: ‘Toward a Theory of Tonal Coherence: the Motets of Jacob Obrecht’, MQ, lxvii (1981), 143–64

T. Noblitt: ‘Chromatic Cross-Relations and Editorial Musica ficta in Masses of Obrecht’, TVNM, xxxii (1982), 30–44

T. Noblitt: ‘Obrecht’s Missa sine nomine and its Recently Discovered Model’, MQ, lxviii (1982), 102–27

C. Broekhuijsen: Obrecht in Missa? (thesis, U. of Amsterdam, 1983)

M. Bent: ‘Diatonic Ficta’, EMH, iv (1984), 1–48

R. Strohm: Music in Late Medieval Bruges (Oxford, 1985, 2/1990)

B. Hudson: ‘Two Ferrarese Masses by Jacob Obrecht’, JM, iv (1985–6), 276–302

M.J. Bloxam: A Survey of Late Medieval Service Books from the Low Countries: Implications for Sacred Polyphony, 1460–1520 (diss., Yale U., 1987)

B. Hudson: ‘Obrecht’s Tribute to Ockeghem’, TVNM, xxxvii (1987), 3–13

B. Hudson: ‘On the Texting of Obrecht’s Masses’, MD, xlii (1988), 101–27

A. Leszczyńska: ‘Kadencja w fakturze motetów Jacoba Obrechta’, Muzyka, xxxiii/2 (1988), 41–51

M. Picker: Johannes Ockeghem and Jacob Obrecht: a Guide to Research (New York, 1988)

W. Elders: ‘The Performance of Cantus Firmi in Josquin’s Masses based on Secular Monophonic Song’, EMc, xvii (1989), 330–41

R.C. Wegman: ‘Another “Imitation” of Busnoys’s Missa L’homme armé – and some Observations on Imitatio in Renaissance Music’, JRMA, cxiv (1989), 189–202

M.J. Bloxam: ‘Sacred Polyphony and Local Traditions of Liturgy and Plainsong: Reflections on Music by Jacob Obrecht’, Plainsong in the Age of Polyphony, ed. T.F. Kelly (Cambridge, 1992), 140–77

M.J. Bloxam: ‘Plainsong and Polyphony for the Blessed Virgin: Notes on Two Masses by Jacob Obrecht’, JM, xii (1994), 51–75

R.C. Wegman: Born for the Muses: the Life and Masses of Jacob Obrecht (Oxford, 1994)

R.C. Wegman: ‘From Maker to Composer: Improvisation and Musical Authorship in the Low Countries, 1450–1500’, JAMS, xlix/3 (1996), 409–79

O’Brien, Dan.

See Bryant, Dan.

Obrovská, Jana

(b Prague, 13 Sept 1930; d Prague, 4 April 1987). Czech composer. Born into an artistic family, she had a short but significant musical career. She studied the piano with Berta Kabeláčová, music theory with Jaroslav Řídký and composition with Emil Hlobil at the Prague Conservatory (1949–55), where her graduation composition, an acclaimed Piano Concerto, revealed her talent for concertante forms. She worked as an editor for the Supraphon music publishing house in Prague. She was married to the guitar player Milan Zelenka. Her guitar pieces show a delicate stylization: Passacaglia-Toccata won the prize at the international guitar competition in Paris in 1972, and Hommage à Béla Bartók was the compulsory piece for the 1975 competition.

WORKS

(selective list)

Orch: 2 pf concs., 1955, 1960; Scherzino, wind, 1962; Concerto meditativo, gui, str, 1971; Pf Conc. ‘Da Tasca’, 1973; Conc., 2 gui, orch, 1977; Smutek sluší viole [Melancholy Suits the Viola], va, orch, 1978; Suita, str, 1979; Concertino, vn, va, db, str, 1981; Quasi concerto, vn, str, 1982

Chbr and solo inst: Podzimní preludia [Autumn Preludes], vn, pf, 1956; Wind Qt, 1968; Hommage à Béla Bartók, gui, 1970; Passacaglia-Toccata, gui, 1972; Suoni, b cl, pf, 1974; Str Qt, 1976; Fanfárová suita [Fanfare Suite], 13 brass insts, 1976; Tryptych, gui, accdn, 1982

Vocal: 5 songs (folk texts), 1955; Canzoni in stilo antiquo, A, gui, 1969

Principal publishers: Max Eschig, Panton, Supraphon

BIBLIOGRAPHY

CŠHS

A.I. Cohen: International Encyclopedia of Women Composers (New York, 1981, 2/1987)

A. Martínková: Čeští skladatelé současnosti [Czech contemporary composers] (Prague, 1985)

ANNA ŠERÝCH

Obscoenus, Paulus.

See Wüst, Paul.

Obst, Michael

(b Frankfurt, 1955). German composer. After his musical studies in Mainz, he studied piano with Alfons and Aloys Kontarsky in Cologne (1977–82). As a pianist he was one of the founder members of the Frankfurt-based Ensemble Modern, one of the leading groups in contemporary European musical life; he played with them between 1981 and 1986. At the same time he embarked on a career as a composer specializing in electronic music. He worked in the electronic music studio of the Cologne Hochschule für Musik, and then obtained commissions from and spent periods of residence with electronic studios in Stockholm (Electronic Music Studio), Cologne (WDR), Bourges (Groupe de Musique Expérimentale), Freiburg (Strobel Foundation, SWF) and Paris (IRCAM). From 1986 to 1989 he was also one of Stockhausen’s preferred interpreters, and played the electronic keyboard in Stockhausen’s operatic cycle Licht. Several of his electro-acoustic works have won prizes, allowing him to embark on more extensive collaborations, in particular with IRCAM: the institute commissioned him to write the music for acoustic instruments and electronic sound to accompany the second part of Fritz Lang’s silent film of 1922, Dr. Mabuse, der Spieler, and IRCAM also took part in the electronic realization of his chamber opera Solaris, to a libretto by Stanislav Lem, which had its première at the Munich Biennale in 1996. In 1997 he took up a teaching appointment (professor of composition) at the Musikhochschule in Weimar.

WORKS

electronic and electro-acoustic

metal drop music, 1980–81; YE-NA-JE, 1982, arr. synth, elec org, tape, 1984; Inside, 1981–2; Visioni di Medea, 1983; Kristallwelt (Teil I), 1983–5; Kristallwelt – Choral (Teil II), 1984–5; Kristallwelt (Teil III), 1985–6, arr. inst ens, tape, 1986; Intermède (für den Zyklus Kristallwelt), 1986; Kristallwelt (Teil IV), inst ens, tape, 1986; Ende gut, 1987; Poèmes, 1988; Belagerungszustand, 1989; Chansons (E. Fried), Mez, b cl/contrabass cl, synth, 2 perc, live elecs, tape, 1987, arr. Mez, tape, 1988, arr. Mez, 2 perc, tape, 1989; Poèmes, perc, tape, 1989; Dr. Mabuse, der Spieler: [I] Dr. Mabuse, der grosse Spieler, [II] Inferno (film score, F. Lang), insts, elec, 1990–93; Nachtstücke, ens, live elecs, 1990; Fábrica, 4 perc, elecs, 1995; Solaris (chbr op, S. Lem), Munich, 1996

acoustic

Dramatic: Jedermann (incid music, H. von Hofmannsthal)

Other: Klavierstück 3, 1980; Resonanzen 1, vc, 1980; Traumlandschaften, 2 pf, 1981–8; Klavierstück 4, 1982; Klarinettenquartett, E-cl, 2 B-cl, b cl, 1984; Dialog, b cl, perc, 1985; Qt, fl, cl, eng hn, b cl, 1985, rev. of Klarinettenquartett: Miroirs (mid–late medieval French texts), 6vv, 1989; Poèmes, d’apres image en blanc et noir, large orch, 1990–92; Fresko, cl, trbn, vc, hp, pf, 1991; Nuances, fl, perc, 1991; Diaphonia, large orch, 1994

ERIC DE VISSCHER

Obterre.

See Hotteterre family.

Obukhov, Nicolay.

See Obouhow, Nicolas.

Očadlík, Mirko

(b Holešov, 1 March 1904; d Prague, 26 June 1964). Czech musicologist. He studied music in Vienna with Albert Pozděna and Ferdinand Löwe and musicology, aesthetics and history at Prague University (graduated 1932), where he took the doctorate in 1946 with a dissertation on Smetana's opera Libuše. He worked first for Czechoslovak Radio in Prague (1928–50) as editor, head of music broadcasting and director of programmes, and edited the music supplements of the periodicals Národní osvobození (1928–9), Radioamatér (1933–5), Volné směry (1940–43) and Rozhlasová práce (1947). He was an editor in the music department of the publishing firm Melantrich (1939–45), and also founded and edited the musical periodical Klíč (1930–34), which played an important part in Czech musical life by defending the musical avant garde between the wars (Stravinsky, Milhaud, Berg, Schoenberg, Hindemith, Janáček, Martinů, Hába etc). In this connection Očadlík worked in the Society for Modern Music based in Prague (1927–34). He founded (1956) and edited the scholarly journal Miscellanea musicologica.

Očadlík taught from 1948 at the Prague Academy, becoming head of the music theory department in 1951. In the same year he began lecturing at Prague University, where he became professor (1952), head of the department of musicology (1952–9), dean of the arts faculty (1954–8) and director of the Institute for Czech Music History (from 1959). He received the DSc in 1956.

Očadlík was one of the leading figures in Czech musicology of his time. His orientation and methodology were similar to Nejedlý's, but with more attention to stylistic analysis. His attention to detail and his interest in documentary matters, moreover, has meant that many of his works have retained their usefulness. Such works include his edition of Smetana's correspondence with Krásnohorská, his critical editions of four of Smetana's librettos (The Kiss, 1942; The Devil's Wall, 1946; The Bartered Bride, 1951; The Two Widows, 1962) and his valuable lists of Czech librettos and of Smetana's letters. Although Smetana dominated his output he never wrote a comprehensive account and instead concentrated in pursuing a career as a many-sided popularizer, writing many thousands of articles, radio programmes and lectures. His much-used concert guide, Svět orchestru, is typical of his accessible style.

WRITINGS

ed., with A.J. Patzaková: Sborník prací k padesátým narozeninám profesora dra Zdeňka Nejedlého (Prague, 1929) [incl. ‘Opery L.E. Měchury’ [Měchura's works], 129–60]

‘Nová hudba’ [New music], Dějiny světové hudby slovem, obrazem a hudbou, ed. J. Branberger (Prague, 1939), 674–718

Libuše (Prague, 1939, 2/1949)

Smetanovská diskografie [Smetana discography] (Prague, 1939)

Eliška Krásnohorská – Bedřich Smetana (Prague, 1940) [correspondence between Krásnohorská and Smetana]

Poslání české hudby [The mission of Czech music] (Prague, 1940)

Karel Boleslav Jirák (Prague, 1941)

Problémy hudebního libreta [Problems of the musical libretto] (Prague, 1941)

Svět orchestru, i: Klasikové a romantikové; ii: České orchestrální skladby [The world of the orchestra, i: Classical and Romantic composers; ii: Czech orchestral compositions] (Prague, 1942–6, 6/1965)

První náčrtek Prodané nevěsty [First sketch of The Bartered Bride] (Prague, 1944)

Prazhskiye pis'ma P.I. Chaykovskovo [Prague writings of Tchaikovsky] (Prague, 1949) [in Russ.]

Život a dílo Zdenka Fibicha [The life and work of Fibich] (Prague, 1950)

‘Co dalo Švédsko Bedřichu Smetanovi’ [What Sweden gave Smetana], MMC, no.3 (1957), 55–94

‘Soupis českých tištěných operních textů’ [A list of printed opera librettos in Czech], MMC, no.7 (1958), 9–186

‘75 let opery Národního divadla’ [75 years of opera at the National Theatre], MMC, no.9 (1959), 27–77

‘Dvě kapitoly k Janáčkovým Výletům pana Broučka na měsíc’ [Two chapters on Janáček's Mr Brouček's Excursion to the Moon], MMC, no.12 (1960), 113–47

‘Několik dokumentů o Beethovenově koncertním vystoupení v Karlových Varech v roce 1812’ [Some documents about Beethoven's concert performances in Karlsbad in 1812], MCC, no.14 (1960), 37–44

‘Soupis dopisů Bedřicha Smetany’ [A list of Smetana's letters], MMC, no.15 (1960), 5–133

ed. H. Segvardtova: ‘Smetanův tvůrčí řád’ [Smetana's compositional methods], OM, ii (1970), 143–51

EDITIONS

Zpěv českého obrození (1750–1866) [Song in the Czech Revival] (Prague, 1940)

Zápisník motivů Bedřicha Smetany [Smetana's notebook of motifs] (Prague, 1942) [facs. edn with commentary]

Bedřich Smetana: Klavírni dílo, i: První cykly; ii: Polky; iii: Skladby studijní [Piano works, i: First cycles; ii: Polkas; iii: Study compositions] (Prague, 1944–57)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

ČSHS [incl. extensive list of writings]

J. Berkovec: ‘K padesátinám Mirko Očadlíka’ [Očadlík's 50th birthday], HRo, vii (1954), 112–13

J. Racek: ‘K padesátinám prof. dr. Mirko Očadlíka’ [Očadlík's 50th birthday], Musikologie, iv (1955), 256–8

V. Lébl: ‘Mirko Očadlík a jeho muzikologické dílo’ [Očadlík and his musicological work], HV, i (1964), 525–34

OLDŘICH PUKL/R

Ocarina

(It.: ‘little goose’).

A Vessel flute with a hollow body, originally in the shape of a large elongated egg. The standard Western ocarina was invented and named in about 1853 by Giuseppe Luigi Donati (b Budrio, 2 Dec 1836; d Milan, 14 Feb 1925). The term ‘ocarina’ has since been applied to other vessel flutes; this article will discuss the history of the vessel flute worldwide.

Ocarinas are usually made with ducts; that on Donati’s model is contained within a spout which protrudes part way along the main body of the instrument. The player’s breath is directed through this extended mouthpiece to a sharp edge, causing the mass of air in the instrument to vibrate. On other shapes of ocarina, the mouthpiece may be found at any convenient point on the body and may also be incorporated into the design (e.g. in the form of a bird’s tail). Ocarinas without ducts are played by directing breath over a hole. The sound of the ocarina is largely free of upper harmonics, and it cannot normally be overblown to play an upper octave. Ocarinas may be made with or without finger-holes, which may be placed anywhere on the body since the size of the hole, rather than its position, determines the tuning. The pitch of the lowest note is established mainly by the ocarina’s internal volume and, to a lesser extent, by the dimensions of the mouth-hole and by the angle and strength of the player’s breath. When all the finger-holes are closed, the ocarina acts as a Stopped pipe, thus sounding about an octave lower than an open-ended flute of similar size. Vessel flutes with very few or no finger-holes are classed as whistles when used purely for bird calls or as signalling devices (e.g. cuckoo whistle, sports whistle); when used for musical purposes they are classed as flutes. The most versatile ocarinas have four or more finger-holes for playing up to 20 chromatic notes. They may be made with a single chamber or with multiple chambers for playing more than one note simultaneously.

The earliest predecessors of the ocarina were made of natural materials such as stone, wood, bone, shell and gourd. By 4000 bce the Chinese were making clay whistles and early versions of the Xun. Throughout Latin America, pre-Columbian clay vessel flutes were made in large numbers and various forms, including those of animals, birds (fig.1) and people. In Africa, vessel flutes are made mainly from gourds and fruit shells. The rhonge is a vessel flute of the Tsonga people, made of a ripe dry sala fruit, played mostly by herd-boys (see South africa, §I, 4(i)). Kenyan bushmen blow into animal shells or cupped hands to imitate the call of the honey-guide bird. Whirling aerophones in the form of gourds tied to lengths of twine and swung through the air to make a sound as they travel (a distinctive note is produced internally by a hole cut in the side) have been found in the rainforests of the Amazon and Papua New Guinea.

In Europe, by the mid-19th century, clay bird-whistles had become popular as children’s toys, and were sold at markets and fairs. Donati’s ocarina was a transformation of the simple clay whistle, having up to 10 finger- and thumb-holes and tuned to a full Western scale. By 1863 Donati had joined with others to perform five-part harmony on different-sized ocarinas. They played traditional tunes from their home region and arrangements of popular themes from Italian opera. Donati continued to make ocarinas in Budrio, while his fellow performers toured concert halls across Europe from 1870 onwards. They amazed audiences with their wonderful sound, skilful execution and unusual appearance dressed as the ‘Mountaineers of the Apennines’ (fig.2). Some of these performers became makers themselves, returning to Budrio, where the tradition of ocarina making and playing continues to the present day. Others went on to establish manufacturing and sales in other parts of Europe, including Paris and London. Donati’s success led him to move to larger premises in Bologna; he eventually settled in Milan, where he continued making ocarinas into his old age.

The basic form of the Italian (‘submarine’) ocarina has remained largely unchanged, although its length can vary from as little as 6 cm to 48 cm. In Eastern Europe, a simplified seven-hole version has been made. Further adaptations in other parts of Europe and Japan include the addition of tuning-slides (fig.3), keys to cover the larger holes, and the splitting of the smaller holes for playing semitones. In the USA, Bing Crosby was one of many who played the ocarina (‘sweet potato pipe’) as a novelty instrument in the era of jazz and swing. Its portability made it a favourite instrument with generations of children. American servicemen brought bakelite ocarinas to Europe during World War II; plastic versions eventually took their place alongside those made of clay, porcelain and metal.

The ‘English’ ocarina, along with the ‘four-hole system’ of tuning, was first developed in the early 1960s by the ethnomusicologist and musical inventor John Taylor (b Wolverhampton, 12 Sept 1940). In 1963 he discovered that a diatonic octave could be played by cross-fingering four holes of different sizes; the resultant four-hole system became a standard method of tuning and by the 1970s had spread to many parts of the English-speaking world through Taylor’s students and friends. The system comprises one small, one medium and two large finger-holes. A pentatonic scale is sounded by opening one hole at a time; cross-fingering and half-covering holes produces a full chromatic octave. Like its Italian predecessor, the English ocarina has been developed in a number of ways. Its range has been extended by the addition of extra holes, and different sizes of body have been made to produce consorts ranging over five octaves. The four-hole system has been adapted for one hand by placing three holes on top and one underneath, resulting in the development of sophisticated double-chambered instruments. Although other tuning methods are known, the Italian and English systems are the most widely used, as is reflected in the range of published music, teaching methods and recordings available. During the 1980s the ‘Poly-oc’ plastic four-hole ocarina (fig.4) was developed by John North Langley (b Adelaide, 26 Nov 1944) specifically for use in schools along with ocarina tablature.

Ocarinas have been used to play most types of music. The most distinguished exponent, Mosé Tapiero, made more than 30 recordings before World War I and demonstrated a virtuosity usually associated with more complex instruments.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

A. Adversi: L’ocarina di Budrio (Bologna, 1963)

D. and C. Liggins: The Secret History of the Ocarina: 125 Years of Ocarinas in the English-speaking World (Kettering, 2000)

DAVID LIGGINS

O'Carolan, Turlough.

See Carolan, Turlough.

Occhio

(It.: ‘eye’).

Soundhole.

Oceania.

See Melanesia, Micronesia and Polynesia.

Očenáš, Andrej

(b Selce, central Slovakia, 8 Jan 1911; d Bratislava, 8 April 1995). Slovak composer and teacher. After graduating from the teachers' institute in Banská Bystrica he studied composition with Alexander Moyzes and conducting with Josef Vincourek at the Academy of Music and Dramatic Art in Bratislava (1932–7); thereafter he took part in Novák’s master classes at the Prague Conservatory. Appointments followed in the music department of Bratislava radio (1939–50) and at the Bratislava Conservatory (1943–73), which he directed between 1950 and 1954. From 1956 to 1962 he was head of music at Bratislava radio, and was teacher of composition at the Academy of Music thereafter. He received several state awards, including the title National Artist (1978).

After a period of experimentation culminating in the neo-classical Piano Suite no.2, Očenáš drew his inspiration from folklore, which, in a refined form, became one of the permanent aspects of his compositional style. In comparison with Moyzes and composers of his own generation, the use of folk material in Očenáš's music is more straightforward, his musical imagination being decisively affected by the archaic modality of folksong and by the mysterious world of folktales and myths. While Janáček-like compactness is typical of his less extensive pieces (eg. Nová jar, ‘A New Spring’, and Fresky, ‘Frescoes’), his programmatic compositions tend to be monumental and assertive, which, after 1948, was in tandem with the requirements of socialist realism. His works from the latter half of the 1950s and from the 60s, namely chamber pieces, show a trend towards introversion (i.e. Poéman o srdci, ‘Poem of the Heart’) and a typically direct confrontation between material derived from folk music (including harmonic and melodic elements as well as figures typical of folk instruments) and a textural sound world (i.e. Ruralia slovaca). The last period of his career saw a return to large, monumental forms and variations of tried and tested procedures.

WORKS

(selective list)

Stage: Na zbojníckom tanci [At the Brigands' Ball] (pantomime, 4, Očenáš after L'. Ondrejov), 1941; Jánošíkova smrt' [Jánošík's Death] (stage cant. J. Botto), 1948; Marína (stage cant. A. Sládkovič), 1948; Vrchárska pieseň [Highlander Song] (ballet, 4, Očenáš, after O. Jariabek), 1956; Román o ruži [Novel About a Rose] (choreog. sym., 3), op.41, solo vv, chorus, orch, 1970

Vocal: Prortoctvá [Prophecies] (cantata, tetralogy, P. Országh Hviezdoslav), op.6, chorus, orch, 1949–52; Marína (cycle, A. Sládkovič), op.15, chorus, 1957; Pamätníky slávy [Memorials of Glory] (R. Fabry), sym. poem tetralogy, T, chorus, orch, 1961; Ako hviezdy padajú [As the Stars Fall] (P. Koyš), song cycle, op.31, high v, pf, 1964; O zemi a človeku [Of the Country and Man] (V. Mihálik, M. Válek, V. Mayakovski), sym., op.43, chorus, orch, 1970; Miloval som t'a [I loved you] (laudatorio, A. Plávka, J. Kostra), op.46, solo vv, chorus, orch, 1973; O vlasti [About the Native Land] (cycle, P. Koyš), op.48, chorus, 1973; Cesta k slnku [The Way to the Sun] (cycle, P. Koyš), op.56, Mez, chorus, orch, 1980

Orch: Povesti o rodnom kraji [Legends about the Native Land], Suite, op.3, 1943; Vzkriesenie [Resurrection], trilogy of sym. poems, op.4, 1945, rev. 1953 as op.8; Mǒjmu národu [To my People], sym. cycle, op.5, 1947; Vc Conc., op.7, 1952; Ruralia slovaca (orig. Rozlúčka s mladost'ou) [Farewell to Youth], suite, op.19, cimb, chbr orch, 1957; Pf Conc., op.20, 1959; Concertino, op.27, fl, str, pf, 1962; Sinfonietta, op.35, 1966; Plamene mája [The Flames of May], ov., op.45, 1973; Vn Conc., 1974; Českaslovenská preddra [Czechoslovak Ov.], op.53, 1977

Chbr: Obrázky duše [Pictures of the Soul] (Str Qt no.1), 1942; Pf Trio, op.36, 1967; Fresky [Frescos], op.37, vn, pf, 1967; Poéma o srdci [Poem of the Heart], op.38, vn, 1967; Donquijotská suita [Quixotic Suite], op.40, vn, vc, 1969; Etude Qt, op.42, str qt, 1970; Ozveny št'astia [Echoes of Happiness], op.54, str qt, 1981

Kbd: L'udové pastorálie zo Seliec [Folk Pastoral from Selce], org, 1949; Nová jar [a New Spring], op.11, pf, 1954; Mladost' [Youth], suite, op.14, pf, 1956; Organové pastely [Organ Pastels], op.26, org, 1961; Portréty [Portraits], op.39, org, 1968; Zvony [Bells], pf sonata, op.44, 1972; Svadobné tance [Wedding Dances], op.52, pf, 1977

Principal publishers: Opus, Slovenské vydavatel'stvo krásnej literatúry, Sloveknský hudobný fond, Supraphon, Štátne hudobné vydavatel'stvo

BIBLIOGRAPHY

J. Fišer: Andrej Očenáš: profil skladatel’a [Očenáš: profile of the composer] (Bratislava, 1955)

I. Hrušovsky: Slovenská hudba v profiloch a rozboroch [Slovak music in profiles and analyses] (Bratislava, 1964), 286–300

L. Burlas: Slovenská hudobná moderna [Slovak avant garde music], 148–50

T. Mažáriová: Andrej Očenáš: katalóg hudobnej tvorby [Očenáš: catalogue of musical works] (Banská Bystrica, 1991)

M. Palovčik: ‘Anrej Očenáš’ 100 slovenských skladateľov, ed. M. Jurík and P. Zagar (Bratislava, 1998)

VLADIMÍR ZVARA

Ocharte [Ochart], Pedro

(b Rouen, 1531–2; d Mexico City, 1592). Mexican music printer of French origin. Of the 13 known liturgical books with music printed in Mexico City between 1556 and 1589, the earliest in the New World, six were printed by Ocharte. He lived in Rouen until 1546 or 1547, when he moved to Seville; he probably emigrated to Mexico about 1549. In 1561–2 he married María de Figueroa, daughter of the printer Juan Pablos whose press he leased for two years from 1563, following Pablos’s death; later he apparently bought it. In 1563 Ocharte printed a Psalterium Chorale for Dominican use (unknown until 1963, when a copy was found in an Amerindian village in Guatemala). In 1568 he issued a Manuale Sacramentorum, secundum usum almae Ecclesiae Mexicanae, duplicating one printed by Pablos; most of the plainchant in it is for the Office for the Dead. A Graduale Dominicale paid for by Ocharte and printed by Antonio Espinosa was probably published before 1572; a copy found in an Amerindian village contains five pre-Tridentine sequences not in later Mexican versions.

In 1572, when he was finishing the printing of 100 passioners ordered by the Bishop of Michoacán (in a press run of 310), Ocharte was imprisoned by the Inquisition; he arranged for Espinosa to finish the printing. This passioner was unknown until a few leaves from the book were found in an Indian village in the 1930s. An Antiphonale Dominicale that Espinosa began printing in 1572 at Ocharte’s expense was finished about 1575. Three editions of a new Graduale Dominicale were published in 1576, one printed by Espinosa at Ocharte’s expense and two by Ocharte himself; this, issued as a result of Pius V’s 1571 reform, was said to include graduals, alleluias, tracts, offertories and communions by Juan Hernández (1545–1621). In 1584 Ocharte published a Psalterium, An[t]iphonarium Sanctorale, cum Psalmis & Hymnis, including illustrative prints (some hand coloured), probably for use by the Jesuits. A copy of his 1589 Antiphonarium de tempore, probably for Franciscan and Dominican use, contains marginal notations indicating that chant was accompanied by organ in some Mexican churches. Except for Juan Navarro’s passioner of 1604, this was the last collection of music printed in Mexico before the 18th century.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

J.T. Medina: La imprenta en México, 1539–1821 (Santiago de Chile, 1907–12/R)

L.M. Spell: ‘The First Music Books Printed in America’, MQ, xv (1929), 50–54

R. Stevenson: ‘A Newly Discovered Mexican Sixteenth-Century Musical Imprint’, YIAMR, ii (1966), 91–4

R. Stevenson: Music in Aztec and Inca Territory (Berkeley, 1968), 180–92

E.P. Housty: The Graduale Dominicale (Mexico: Pedro Ocharte, 1576) of Juan Hernández(diss., Catholic U. of America, 1970)

M.E. Duncan: A Sixteenth-Century Mexican Chant Book: Pedro de Ocharte’s Psalterium, An(t)iphonarium Sanctorale cum Psalmis & Hymnis (1584) (diss., U. of Washington, 1975)

A.A.M. Stols: Pedro Ocharte, el tercer impresor mexicano (Mexico City, 1990)

JOHN KOEGEL

Ochetus

(Lat.).

See Hocket.

Ochman, Wiesław

(b Warsaw, 6 Feb 1937). Polish tenor. After studying in Warsaw he made his début in 1959 as Edgardo (Lucia di Lammermoor) in Bytom, where he was engaged until 1963, then sang at Kraków, Warsaw and Berlin. In 1967 he was engaged at the Hamburg Staatsoper and the following year made his British début at Glyndebourne as Lensky, returning as Don Ottavio and Tamino. In 1972 he sang Alfredo (La traviata) at Chicago and Cavaradossi at San Francisco, in 1973 Idomeneus at Salzburg and in 1974 Henri in Les vêpres siciliennes at the Paris Opéra. Henri was also the role of his Metropolitan début in 1975, when he also sang Alfred in the centenary performance of Die Fledermaus at the Theater an der Wien, Vienna. His plangent tone was particularly suited to Slavonic music, and his repertory included Grigory/Dmitry (Boris Godunov), Andrey Khovansky and Vasily Golitsïn (Khovanshchina), Lensky, Hermann (The Queen of Spades), the Prince (Rusalka) and both Laca and Števa in Jenůfa. He sang the Shepherd in the first performance of Szymanowski's King Roger on the American continent (1981, Buenos Aires), and also recorded the opera. Gradually abandoning the Mozart and lighter Italian roles he once sang so stylishly, Ochman acquired a new, heavier repertory with such roles as Erik, Florestan, Herod and Fritz in Schreker's Der ferne Klang. His other recordings include Hermann, the Prince, Narraboth (Salome), Laca, Idomeneus, Jontek (Halka) and Stefan (The Haunted Manor).

ELIZABETH FORBES

Ochs, Phil(ip David)

(b El Paso, TX, 19 Dec 1940; d Far Rockaway, NY, 9 April 1976). American singer-songwriter. Born to an American father and a Scottish mother, he showed early musical promise as a clarinettist and was introduced to pop music by his brother, inaugurating a passion for Presley. Ochs studied journalism at Ohio State University where he learnt radical politics and began playing the guitar in a folksinging duo, the Sundowners. His first song, The Ballad of the Cuban Invasion, was written in the wake of the Bay of Pigs affair. By the early 1960s he had joined the burgeoning folk music scene in Greenwich Village and was involved in Broadside magazine with Bob Dylan. Journalism informed his songwriting and, like Woody Guthrie, Ochs's work both celebrated and criticized America, the latter bringing him into conflict with the Nixon administration.

Inevitably compared to Dylan – his album All the News that's Fit to Sing (Elektra, 1964) was reviewed favourably alongside Freewheelin’ – Ochs was left behind as Dylan's popularity rose and musical fashions changed in the late 1960s. Perhaps his best-known song is There but for Fortune, a hit for Joan Baez in 1965. He never ceased to champion causes, organizing a benefit for Chile in 1974 and a concert to mark the end of the Vietnam War the following year. However, he increasingly misused alcohol and drugs and, in a fit of depression, hanged himself.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

J.L. Rodnitzky: Minstrels of the Dawn: the Folk-Protest Singer as a Cultural Hero (Chicago, 1976)

R. Denselow: When the Music's Over: the Story of Political Pop (London, 1989)

M. Elliot: Phil Ochs: Death of a Rebel (London, 1990)

LIZ THOMSON

Ochs, Siegfried

(b Frankfurt, 19 April 1858; d Berlin, 5 Feb 1929). German chorus master and composer. While studying chemistry in Heidelberg he learnt the piano and was a part-time répétiteur at the theatre. In 1877 he moved to Berlin for further study at the Hochschule für Musik, where his teachers included Friedrich Kiel (theory), Joachim (ensemble playing) and Adolf Schulze (choral singing). Following his dismissal he studied privately with Kiel and Heinrich Urban. In 1882 he founded a choral society with 11 members, which became known as the Philharmonischer Chor during the 1887–8 season; its membership eventually grew to over 400. Bülow was an admirer of Ochs's work, and conducted the choir in several concerts between 1889 and 1892. In 1920 it dissolved because of financial difficulties but was largely absorbed by the choir of the Hochschule, where Ochs had become director of the oratorio department. His compositions include a three-act comic opera, Im Namen des Gesetzes, produced at Hamburg in 1888 (vs, Berlin, 1888), choral works and many songs; only his humorous piano variations on 's kommt ein Vogerl geflogen have survived.

In his concerts Ochs concentrated on the works of Schütz, Bach, Handel, Beethoven, Schubert and Brahms; he gave the first Berlin performances of Bruckner's Te Deum and works by Wolf, and was particularly celebrated for his performances of the St Matthew Passion. Noted for his extreme care in rehearsing, fine musicianship and natural sense of style (especially in early music), in 1928 he conducted the first Schütz work ever recorded (Saul, Saul, was verfolgst du mich?); his other recordings include works by Bach, Handel, Mozart and Mendelssohn. He had a special interest in Bach, as can be seen in his editions of the St Matthew Passion and the cantatas Christ lag in Todesbanden bwv4 and Du Hirte Israel, höre bwv104. The arioso Dank sei Dir, Herr, allegedly from an unspecified cantata by Handel and published in 1905, seems to be a composition by Ochs and not just an arrangement by him (as Ochs claimed). His writings include a four-volume treatise on choral singing and an autobiography.

WRITINGS

Der deutsche Gesangverein für gemischten Chor, i–iv (Berlin, 1923–8)

Über die Art, Musik zu hören (Berlin, 1926, 2/1928) [lecture of 1914]

BIBLIOGRAPHY

R. Sternfeld: Chronik des Philharmonischen Chors in Berlin zu seinem fünfundzwanzigjährigen Bestehen ihm und seinem Dirigenten Siegfried Ochs gewidmet (Berlin, 1907)

M. Schneider: ‘Zur Aufführung der Bach'schen Matthäuspassion durch den Berliner Philharmonischen Chor’, ZIMG, xiv (1912–13), 139–45

S. Ochs: Geschehenes, Gesehenes (Leipzig and Zürich, 1922) [autobiography]

M. Stappenbeck: Chronik des Philharmonischen Chors in Berlin 1882–1932 (Berlin, 1932)

K. Singer: Siegfried Ochs: der Begründer des Philharmonischen Chors (Berlin, 1933)

M. Staehelin: ‘“Dank sei Dir, Herr”: zur Erklärung einer Händel-Fälschung des frühen zwanzigsten Jahrhunderts’, Göttinger Handel-Beiträge, ii (1986), 194–206

MARTIN ELSTE

Ochsenkun [Ochsenkhun], Sebastian

(b Nuremberg, 6 Feb 1521; d Heidelberg, 20 Aug 1574). German lutenist. His father Jörg was a trumpet maker and barber in Nuremberg. Wolf Ochsenkun, a lutenist who was married in Nuremberg in 1530, presumably belonged to the same family. Ochsenkun's teacher was Hans Vogel, who died before 1558 and may have been a lutenist at the court at Munich. In 1543–4 Ochsenkun was in the service of the Count Palatine, Ottheinrich, at Neuburg an der Donau, where he probably remained in service. He is again mentioned in the retinue of Ottheinrich at Heidelberg in 1552, where the latter had resided from 1544 to 1552 after the loss of his Neuburg principality. Ochsenkun's Tabulaturbuch of 1558 was published in Heidelberg, where Ottheinrich had returned in 1556 as elector and where he remained until his death in 1559. In his introduction Ochsenkun referred to the elector as his lord and the initiator of the publication.

The Tabulaturbuch contains no original compositions for the lute; its intabulations include 29 motets, 38 sacred and secular German songs, five madrigals and four chansons. The book includes an interesting cross-section of the repertory of the musicians of the Hofkapelle, with compositions by the court organist Gregor Peschin, the court secretary, printer and musician Johann Kilian, composers of the Heidelberg circle (Stephan Zirler, Jobst vom Brandt and Caspar Othmayr), and Wilhelm Breitengraser of Nuremberg. Of the major composers in the collection, Ludwig Senfl predominates, represented by 14 pieces; nine motets of Josquin are intabulated, including Praeter rerum seriem, Pater noster and Stabat mater. Other composers represented are Sermisy, Mouton and Crecquillon. Texts are supplied for all the pieces: Isaac's Innsbruck appears with the text Herr Gott, lass dich erbarmen; its tenor part is used as the bass in Sih lieb ich muss dich lassen by Kilian. Ochsenkun’s intabulations reproduce the original vocal lines exactly in score; lively ornamentation is tastefully added. The book contains an interesting portrait of Ochsenkun, which shows his right hand placed almost at right angles to the strings, suggesting a technique well suited to the difficulties of polyphonic playing.

For a page from Tabulaturbuch, see Sources of lute music, fig.2.

WORKS

Tabulaturbuch auff die Lauten von Motetten, frantzösischen, welschen und teutschen geystlichen und weltlichen Liedern (Heidelberg, 1558²⁰); 2 pieces ed. in DTÖ, xxviii, Jg.xiv/1 (1907/R); 14 pieces ed. A. Geering and A. Altwegg, L. Senfl: Sämtliche Werke, vii (Wolfenbüttel, 1960); 7 pieces ed. in DTÖ, lxxii, Jg.xxxvii/2 (1930/R); ed. in Hong [excluding pieces by Senfl]

BIBLIOGRAPHY

R. Eitner: ‘Lautenbuch von 1558’, MMg, iv (1872/R), 52–5

R. Wagner: ‘Wilhelm Breitengraser und die Nürnberger Kirchen- und Schulmusik seiner Zeit’, Mf, ii (1949), 141–77, esp. 169

G. Pietzsch: Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschichte der Musik am kurpfälzischen Hof zu Heidelberg bis 1622 (Wiesbaden, 1963), 733

H. Haase: ‘Die Einwirkung des Isaakschen Innsbruck-Liedes auf das Schaffen Kilians und Jobst vom Brandts’, Mf, xvii (1964), 15–22

K. Dorfmüller: Studien zur Lautenmusik in der ersten Hälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts (Tutzing, 1967)

J.O. Robison: ‘Ornamentation in Sebastian Ochsenkun's Tabulaturbuch auff die Lauten’, JLSA, xv (1982), 5–26

C.M. Hong: Sebastian Ocksenkun's ‘Tabulaturbuch auff die Lauten’ (1558) (diss., Michigan State U., 1984)

J. Lambrecht: Das ‘Heidelberger Kapellinventar’ von 1544 (Codex Pal. Germ. 318): Edition und Kommentar (Heidelberg, 1987)

KURT DORFMÜLLER

Ochswald, Henrique.

See Oswald, Henrique.

Ockeghem [Okeghem, Hocquegam, Okegus etc.], Jean de [Johannes, Jehan]

(b Saint Ghislain, nr Mons, c1410; d ?Tours, 6 Feb 1497). Franco-Flemish composer. A native of Hainaut, he spent most of his active career in the service of the French royal court. Alongside Binchois, Du Fay, Busnoys and Josquin, with whom his name is linked in documents of the time, he is considered one of the greatest composers of the 15th century. Of the many forms in which his name appears, ‘Ockeghem’ has been given modern preference on the basis of a supposed facsimile of his signature published by Giraudet (1885) from a document now apparently lost. However, ‘Okeghem’ is the spelling most often found in the payment registers and other documents stemming from the French court and in the sources most central to the area in which he lived.

2. Service at the French court.

LEEMAN L. PERKINS

1. Early life and career.

A recently discovered reference to Ockeghem in the payment records of the parish church of St Martin in Saint Ghislain, near Mons, identifies him as a ‘natif’ of that place and records the establishment of an obit that was celebrated continuously from the 16th century until the end of the ancien régime (van Overstraeten, 1992). As the name suggests, the family may have originated in the town of Okegem on the Dendre, less than 50 km to the north in East Flanders. Persons so named can be traced to nearby Ninove as early as 1165, and to Termonde [now Dendermonde], about 25 km to the north of Okegem, from 1381. These include a certain Jan van Ockeghem who is cited in documents of Termonde from 1385 until 1416 (Bovyn, 1970). It is yet to be determined, however, whether any of them is directly related to the composer. The documents in Saint Ghislain confirm, instead, the assertion made in 1511 by the poet and historiographer Jean Lemaire de Belge, himself a proudly self-proclaimed ‘natif de Haynault’, that Ockeghem was his neighbour (‘voisin’) and countryman (‘de nostre mesme nation’). Latin verses by Pierre Paul Vieillot (Senilis), secretary at the court of Louis XI, also stress the composer’s origins in Hainaut (Strohm, 1997).

Given his place of birth, it is possible that Ockeghem began his musical training in Saint Ghislain itself, conceivably as a choirboy in the parish church where he founded the obit. It seems more probable, however, that he received most of his early education in nearby Mons at one of the churches with a musical establishment capable of providing such instruction. These include – significantly, in view of the circumstances linking Ockeghem to Binchois – those of St Germain and Ste Waudru, which were probably both served by the same group of choristers.

The date of Ockeghem’s birth has yet to be established, and in the absence of unequivocal documentation estimates have ranged from 1410 (or earlier) to 1430. A clear preference for about 1420 seems to have emerged in the biographical literature (Plamenac; RiemannL12; van den Borren, 1948–51; Picker, 1988), but Ockeghem could have been born as much as a decade earlier. A personal and affectionate relationship with Binchois, attested by Ockeghem’s déploration on Binchois’s death in 1460 and his compositional reference to a Binchois chanson (Gallagher, 1995), may go back to a period when both were still resident in Hainaut. If so, the two may have become acquainted even before Binchois, who served as organist at Ste Waudru from 1419, left Mons for Lille in 1423. That would suggest, in turn, that Ockeghem, if a choirboy at the time (hence between 7 and 15 years of age), could have been born as early as 1405 and hardly later than c1415.

The earliest documentation of Ockeghem’s activity as a musician is for the year beginning 24 June 1443, when he was numbered among the vicaires-chanteurs at the church of Our Lady, Antwerp. The nature of that appointment indicates that his training was by then fully completed. At the same time, his irregularity in attending the services in which the choir was involved and the lack of evidence for subsequent contact with the city or any of its churches suggest that his ties to Antwerp were neither close nor lasting.

His next known appointment was at the court of Charles I, Duke of Bourbon, whose principal residence was in Moulins. In the accounts for 1446–8 Ockeghem is listed first among the seven singers of the ducal chapel, preceded only by the premier chapelain and three priests (Vayssière, 1891), indicating that he was by then an accomplished musician whose skills and gifts were fully recognized. Because the payment records of the court are fragmentary, it is unclear whether, as seems likely, he entered the duke’s service directly after his stay in Antwerp, in the summer of 1444, or somewhat later. Similarly, there is no way to determine from the documents currently known, whether he continued as a member of the ducal chapel until he joined the musical establishment of Charles VII at the French royal court some time in 1451, as seems most plausible, or had an interim appointment elsewhere. Since Binchois was employed at the ducal court of Burgundy from the 1420s until he retired to Soignies in 1453, it is perhaps worth noting that the Duchess of Bourbon was Agnes of Burgundy, the sister of Duke Philip the Good; Ockeghem’s appointment to the Bourbon chapel may therefore have been facilitated in some way by that connection.

2. Service at the French court.

Ockeghem is first mentioned by name among the chapel singers of the French court in the payment records for the fiscal year ending 30 September 1453, implying that he had been there at least since the previous October. The accounts for 1452 do not list the chapel singers individually, but the total number of chaplains was unchanged, and an 18th-century copy of the original documents specifies that Ockeghem was ‘new in 1451’. When his name first appears on the chapel rolls, he is already listed first among the singer-chaplains who were not priests, a clear indication that his reputation as both singer and composer was by then already solidly established. Moreover, during the years of royal service that followed (nearly half a century), his situation only improved. In January 1454 Ockeghem presented his royal patron with a book of music as a New Year’s gift and received in return four ells of scarlet cloth worth 44 livres. The account in which the exchange is recorded refers to the composer as premier chapelain of the royal chapel, the first known use of that title. The fiscal summary drawn up the following September indicates that later in the year he had also been awarded a special gift of 180 livres, the equivalent of his annual salary, and a similar supplement was apparently granted regularly in subsequent years (Perkins, JAMS, 1984).

Ockeghem again offered Charles VII a New Year’s gift in 1459, this time a chanson ‘most richly illuminated’, and the king reciprocated with the sum of 44 livres (33 écus). However, the single most generous mark of Charles VII’s evident esteem for his first chaplain came, it would seem, between November 1458 and July 1459. As nominal abbot of the wealthy collegiate church of St Martin, Tours, where Ockeghem had already been installed as prévôt de la Varenne some time prior to 21 March 1458 (Higgins, 1987), the king named Ockeghem to the high and richly remunerated office of treasurer of the church – perhaps prompting the composer’s gift. As was usual in such cases, there was initial resistance from the canons in Tours. But hearings on the matter before the Parlement of Paris seem to have simply petered out some time in 1462, possibly due to the influence of the crown (by then Louis XI), and there is no further indication of a challenge to Ockeghem’s possession of the dignity from any side. Charles died in July 1461, having just previously decreed Ockeghem’s release from the usual requirement of residence in Tours in connection with his new dignity, and Ockeghem was among the officers of the royal household for whom black robes and hoods were made for the king’s obsequies.

During the long reign of Louis XI, Ockeghem’s service in the royal chapel continued without interruption, and his favour at court seems only to have increased. As the king was increasingly in residence at his favorite hunting lodge at Plessis-lez-Tours, Ockeghem must have been able to reconcile more easily his functions in the royal chapel with his duties as treasurer of St Martin. In addition he was named to a canonry at the cathedral of Notre Dame, Paris, in 1463, a benefice that remained in dispute in the courts for more than four years. As Ockeghem was apparently never present for deliberations of the chapter nor involved in any meaningful way with either the musical or the administrative life of the cathedral, it has been suggested that his nomination was largely a ploy of Louis XI’s ecclesiastical politics (Wexler, 1997). Whatever Ockeghem’s purpose in the matter, he relinquished his claim to the canonry at Notre Dame in 1470 in a three-way permutation that gave him instead a chaplaincy at the collegiate church of St Benoît, Paris, a prebend he also appears to have held in absentia.

Relatively good relations between Louis XI and Philip the Good of Burgundy at the beginning of Louis’s reign, apparently made it possible for Ockeghem to visit his homeland. The records of Cambrai Cathedral indicate that while in the area he paid a visit to Du Fay, whom he may have known since his youth and met on earlier occasions (1452 and 1455) during formal meetings between the royal court of France and the ducal court of Savoy while Du Fay was still in the service of Duke Louis. Ockeghem is known to have been in Cambrai on 2 June 1462, when the cathedral’s Office du Four et du Vin recorded a gift to him of six loaves of bread, but there is nothing to suggest how long he might have stayed. In 1464 he was again in Cambrai, having travelled north with the court of Louis XI, and between 20 February and 5 March he was a guest in Du Fay’s house (Wright, 1975).

It was presumably in Cambrai, and perhaps on this occasion, that Ockeghem, who was identified as a sub-deacon as late as 1463, was ordained a priest; Vatican registers dating from 1472 refer to him as presbyter Cameracensis diocesis (a priest of the diocese of Cambrai), indicating that he had been ordained during the intervening years (Roth, 1994). Since Cambrai was his home diocese, it is not surprising that he would have gone there for the ordination, but his reasons for waiting until so late in his life before postulating for the higher office remain unclear. It has been suggested that he did so, finally, to assure the peaceful possession of his dignity as treasurer of St Martin (Roth, 1994), but this seems unlikely so long after all resistance had apparently evaporated. It is also possible that he sought the ordination in order to be able to assume the office of maître de chapelle, which was usually reserved for an ecclesiastic of elevated rank, and thus enter the inner circle of the king’s council; significantly, he is first identified by this title in court records in 1465 (Perkins, 1997). Interestingly, Ockeghem’s ongoing attachment to his home diocese is apparent in his support for the Collège de Cambrai in Paris; he is listed 11th in a printed necrology (undated, but probably 18th-century) among the three founders and 14 benefactors for whom students there were instructed to pray daily.

Through this same period, from 1460 at the latest until at least 1465, Ockeghem must also have had frequent contact with Antoine Busnoys. An entry in a papal register for 28 February 1461 refers to Busnoys as holding a chaplaincy in the cathedral of St Gatien, Tours, in circumstances indicating that he had already been there for some time (Starr, 1992). By 1465 he was a choir clerk and heurier at St Martin, where he was made a sub-deacon on 13 April (Higgins, 1986). Given Busnoys’ long stay in the city of Tours and his association with the church where Ockeghem held one of the principal dignities, it is virtually certain that the two musicians were well acquainted. Moreover, in light of Busnoys’ encomium to Ockeghem in the motet, In hydraulis (text and commentary in Perkins, JM, 1984), which was probably completed between 1465 and 1467, it appears likely that Ockeghem played a significant role in the musical development of his younger colleague.

In January 1470 the king’s treasury paid Ockeghem 275 livres tournois to cover expenses for a trip to Spain. It seems likely that this disbursement was authorized in connection with one or both of the diplomatic embassies sent by Louis XI to the court of Henry IV of Castille under the direction of Cardinal Jean Jouffroy, Bishop of Albi. The mission of the first, which reached Córdoba in late May or early June 1469, was to dissuade the Castilians from joining an alliance with England and Burgundy against France. Friendly relations were to be cemented by means of a marriage between Louis’ brother, Charles, Duke of Guyenne, and Henry’s sister Isabella, who had just been declared heir to his throne. Isabella, who preferred a union with Ferdinand of Aragon, was more than reluctant. She eluded Henry’s attempts to take forcible custody of her person and resisted the arguments of the eloquent Jouffroy, who sought her out for a face-to-face interview at her retreat in Madrigal before leaving Spain in August.

The news of Isabella’s marriage to Ferdinand on 18 October prompted Louis XI to send the cardinal back to the court of Castile, this time to wed the Duke of Guyenne by proxy to the eight-year-old Juana la Beltraneja (the queen’s daughter), who was to be declared heir to the throne of Castile in Isabella’s place. The embassy reached Burgos towards the end of July 1470, and the nuptials were celebrated (with a proxy standing in for the duke) during the week of 20–26 October 1470 (Märtl, 1996). It is not clear from the lapidary entry in the account books if Ockeghem participated in both embassies or just one of them, and if only one then which of the two. It is still uncertain whether his role was primarily a musical one. It is possible that in those circumstances he was expected to function as a member of the royal council; in a document of 1477 he is referred to as a conseiller to the king and he may have been entrusted with other matters as well.

Whatever Ockeghem’s part in these diplomatic initiatives, the most intriguing evidence of his presumed involvement is musical: his reworking of Johannes Cornago’s canción, ¿Qu’es mi vida preguntays?. However, even though the principal source for Ockeghem’s sacred works, the Chigi Codex (I-Rvat Chigi C.VIII.234), was on the Iberian peninsula from some time after 1514 through to the end of the 16th century, his music seems generally not to have been well known in Spain; aside from the Cornago arrangement, Spanish sources include only his Missa ‘Au travail suis’, the tract of his Requiem, Sicut cervus, and the widely travelled combinative chanson, S’elle m’amera/Petite camusette (Russell, 1979).

A letter in flattering terms addressed by Duke Galeazzo Maria Sforza of Milan to ‘Domino Johanni Oken’ on 3 November 1472, requesting assistance with the recruitment of singers for the ducal chapel, gave rise to speculation that the composer may have spent time in Italy just before his appointment at the royal French court (VanderStraetenMPB). Ockeghem was undoubtedly the intended recipient of Galeazzo’s letter, but he would not have needed to cross the Alps in order to make the duke’s acquaintance. Sforza had taken an auxiliary troop of soldiers to Louis XI’s aid in 1466 (Brenet, 1911) and may have made a point, given his musical proclivities, of becoming acquainted with the king’s distinguished maître de chapelle. Alternatively, the letter may have resulted from another diplomatic mission of Cardinal Jouffroy, whom Louis XI sent in early 1471 for private discussions in his name with Galeazzo (Märtl, 1996). There is, in any case, nothing in Ockeghem’s known works to suggest that he was familiar with the indigenous musical traditions of northern Italy.

In the summer of 1484 Ockeghem visited Bruges and Dammes. Brenet (1911) suggested that the primary purpose of the journey was again to assist with the negotiations undertaken by the French court that resulted in the alliance, concluded on 25 October 1484 between Anne of France and her consort Pierre de Bourbon (as regents for the 14-year-old Charles VIII) on the one hand, and the Three Members of Flanders – Ghent, Bruges and Ypres – (acting on behalf of the 6-year-old Philip the Fair) on the other. That may well have been the case, but her main argument, that because Ockeghem was not travelling alone, he must have been on royal business, is not convincing; a person of his rank and class would not have gone any distance without a retinue. In any case, his visit to Bruges may have been for more personal reasons: Busnoys had recently been named maître de chapelle at the city’s church of St Saviour. In addition, the banquet at St Donatian in honour of his presence suggests that Ockeghem may have had earlier contacts with its clergy. It is perhaps significant that Binchois, with whom Ockeghem may have become acquainted while still in his youth, had held a prebend there in 1430–31.

Following the death of Louis XI in 1483, Ockeghem’s place and role in the royal chapel are difficult to determine; the payment registers for the chapel musicians are missing from 1476 until well after Ockeghem’s death. However, he is identified as usual in the document recording his visit to Bruges as the king’s premier chapelain, and Guillaume Crétin used the same designation in his Déploration. In addition, Ockeghem is identified as prothocapellanus of the royal chapel in one of a series of executorial letters prepared at the papal court for the signature of Innocent VIII on 28 July 1486, apparently at the request of Charles VIII (Roth, 1994). These were requests for benefices in a variety of ecclesiastical institutions made individually on behalf of 20 members of the king’s chapel. Ockeghem was to be given preference for the next prebend available at Bayeux Cathedral (Perkins, JAMS, 1984), but there is as yet no evidence that any of these ‘expectatives’ was ever granted.

The only mention of the composer in court documents relating to the reign of Charles VIII simply indicates that he was among those present when the king observed the ritual of washing the feet of the poor on Maundy Thursday in April 1488. By contrast, his name continues to appear regularly in documents drawn up at St Martin, Tours, until 1494. In March 1487 he prepared his testament, bequeathing his property and revenues to the chapter of the collegiate church. His death on 6 February 1497 is known only through the king’s nomination of his successor as treasurer of St Martin, Evrard de la Chapelle, who also served at the royal court.

3. Reputation.

Ockeghem’s passing was lamented by some of the most celebrated poets and musicians of the time: Crétin, his colleague in the court chapel, wrote a lengthy déploration in French; Jean Molinet, perhaps in response to Crétin’s exhortation to join in the poetic expression of grief, wrote similar poems in both the vernacular and Latin. His French lament, Nymphes des bois, was later given a poignant musical setting by Josquin, who may have added a descriptive verse of his own (Lowinsky, 1968). The humanist Erasmus, perhaps at the request of his patron, Henri de Berghes, Bishop of Cambrai, composed a Latin naenia, Ergone conticuit, that was subsequently set to music by Johannes Lupi (see Lupus) (Margolin, 1965). Ockeghem is also included among the musicians for whom supplication is made to the Virgin in Compère’s famous motet, Omnium bonorum plena.

The man described in these various works is exceptionally engaging: honest, virtuous, kind, generous, charitable and pious. Francesco Florio, writing in Tours in the 1470s, long before Ockeghem’s death, declared:

I am sure you could not dislike this man, so pleasing is the beauty of his person, so noteworthy the sobriety of his speech and of his morals, and his graciousness. He alone of all the singers is free from vice and abounding in all virtues.

At about the same time, apparently, Pierre-Paul Vieillot (Senilis), secretary to Louis XI, penned in Latin an epigram and a curious series of epitaphs in honour of the composer in similarly laudatory terms (Strohm, 1997). Crétin, some two decades later, praised Ockeghem’s wise and just administration of his dignity at St Martin, his charitable generosity and his exemplary Christian virtues.

His reputation as a singer of extraordinary skill (Milsom, 1997) and a master among composers was well established during his lifetime. Johannes Tinctoris dedicated to him (and to Busnoys) his Liber de natura et proprietate tonorum of 1476, and the following year, in his Liber de arte contrapuncti, he listed Ockeghem first among the most excellent composers of his generation, those whose works were distinguished by exceptional sweetness and beauty. In his De inventione et usu musice of 1481 Tinctoris also praised Ockeghem’s bass voice as the finest he knew. Florio, similarly, asserted that Ockeghem was superior to all of his colleagues in the royal chapel as both singer and composer. Molinet, who was himself both poet and musician, praised the ‘subtle songs, the artful masses and the harmonious motets’ of Ockeghem, Du Fay, Binchois and Busnoys, placing Ockeghem first among them.

In his elaborate lament Crétin had a personified Musique refer to Ockeghem as her son, the ‘pearl of music’. He put in the mouth of Orpheus the expression ‘flower of musicians’, in that of Pan the epithet ‘pillar of music’ and he caused Tubal, ‘the ancient father’, to praise him for having mastered ‘all the secrets of subtlety’. The poet also spoke of Ockeghem’s ‘elevated style, in which no imperfection is found’. Jean Lemaire de Belges, in a letter published in 1513, credited Ockeghem with having ennobled music just as Crétin himself had enriched and exalted the French language. Nicole le Vestu, in a chant royal written in 1523 for the Rouen puy, described Ockeghem as ‘most learned in the mathematical arts, arithmetic, geometry, astrology and music’; he praised his motet for 36 voices, which he termed a chef d’oeuvre of nature, for its ‘sweetness’ and its ‘delicate harmony’. As late as 1567 the Italian humanist Cosimo Bartoli declared, in his Ragionamenti accademici (published in Venice), that Ockeghem was ‘almost the first in these times to rediscover music, which was nearly dead, just as Donatello rediscovered sculpture’. It is not certain that Bartoli knew any of Ockeghem’s music first hand, but the composer’s reputation was clearly such that the Italian author did not hesitate to place him at the fons et origo of the cultural reawakening that, in accordance with the common historical view of that age, has come to be called the Renaissance.

Ockeghem’s reputation among the composers of his age is perhaps best illustrated neither by the encomia of poets nor the praise of theorists, but by the numerous works of the 15th and early 16th centuries either based directly on an earlier piece of his or quoting substantively from his music in ways both technically and symbolically significant (Jas, Picker, 1997). These include the masses that derive a tenor cantus firmus (and more) from one of his chansons (e.g. Au travail suis, D’ung aultre amer, Ma bouche rit, Malheur me bat) as well as the numerous reworkings of Au travail suis and Fors seulement (Picker, 1981). Of particular significance in this connection for developments in the Low Countries are the borrowings in the masses of Obrecht and La Rue.

As Ockeghem’s music disappeared from the practical sources in daily use, knowledge of his existence, and of his extraordinary contrapuntal skills, came to be transmitted solely by the theorists of the 16th century. Writers from Aaron to Zacconi, and in particular German schoolmasters such as Heyden, Ornithoparcus and Wilfflingseder, commented on the exceptional achievements of the Missa cuiusvis toni, the Missa prolationum and the canonic chanson, Prenez sur moi. This tradition was carried into the 17th century with the publications of the Italian theorists Rossi (1619) and Liberati (1685), undoubtedly long after any of the authors had occasion to hear in performance either those works or others by the 15th-century composer.

This distorted perspective caused Ockeghem’s music to be viewed rather negatively by 18th-century scholars such as Charles Burney and Nicolaus Forkel. Although they appreciated Ockeghem’s contrapuntal genius, they were clearly put off by what seemed to be an excessive emphasis on contrapuntal ‘artifice’; Burney opined that ‘learning and labour seem to have preceded taste and invention’ and Forkel characterized Prenez sur moi as ‘unsingable’. As critics they were clearly insensitive to Ockeghem’s suavitas, the sweetly agreeable sonorities that had so charmed Ockeghem’s immediate contemporaries, fellow musicians and patrons alike.

Not until the 19th century did historians such as A.W. Ambros begin to rehabilitate Ockeghem’s reputation, refuting the negative judgments of the previous age in the light of romantic aesthetics and focussing on his ‘inherent musicality’ and ‘singing soul’. More recent assessments by Pirro (1940), Van den Borren (1948–51) and especially Plamenac (MGG1) have been based on a broader knowledge of Ockeghem’s compositions and a more balanced appreciation of his role in the development of the musical genres and styles of the 15th century. Nevertheless, attempts to define and characterize his contributions have led to strikingly different, even contradictory views (Bernstein, 1994). Ockeghem has been variously seen as the inventor of the imitative style (Riemann, 1907–13), as an arch-cerebralist with little or no interest in musical expression, and as a profound mystic whose music supposedly reflected the religious fervour and the aesthetic attitudes of northern Europe, in particular those of the devotio moderna as espoused by the Brethren of the Common Life, and expressed in the De imitatio Christi of Thomas à Kempis (Besseler, 1931).

Although lacking any historical foundation, this notion has led to the widely held but highly questionable view that Ockeghem’s compositional procedures are ‘irrational’, his melodies ‘unpredictable’ in their rise and fall and his counterpoint without easily discernible contours and seams. Bukofzer (1950) went so far as to assert that Ockeghem ‘renounces with amazing consistency all customary means of articulating a composition: cadences, profiled motives, symmetrical phrase structure, lucid interrelation of parts, imitation, sequences, prominence of one voice over others, and so forth’ (Bernstein, 1997).

It is increasingly clear, Bukofzer notwithstanding, that close study of Ockeghem’s music inevitably reveals the presence and carefully planned use of all of these elements, however subtly treated or – at times – carefully disguised. While certain of the features mentioned are much more in evidence in some works than in others, his composition is invariably grounded in some rational, usually ingenious conception, the most striking examples of which are the Missa prolationum and the Missa cuiusvis toni. In their execution, however, his underlying designs are usually artfully concealed in accordance with two of the principal aesthetic ideals of the period, as articulated, for example, by Tinctoris: subtilitas and varietas. Consequently, the ‘unfamiliar features of Ockeghem’s style’ that, in the words of Bukofzer, ‘baffled past generations’, continue to pose problems for the present as well, and these difficulties will only be resolved by means of a deeper, fuller understanding of the conceptual matrix and the aesthetic ideals that inform this composer’s music generally.

4. Masses.

Although the number of known works attributed to Ockeghem is surprisingly small in view of the length of his life and the esteem in which he was held, his masses constitute an imposing repertory. In addition to the earliest surviving polyphonic requiem and an isolated Credo, there are 13 cyclic Ordinaries, of which three appear to be partial settings. Unfortunately, it is rarely possible to date Ockeghem’s compositions with any precision, either from biographical details or from the evidence of the sources. One of the two masses for three voices may, however, be among the earliest; the cyclic structure produced by similar voice ranges, modal finals and mensural patterns recurring from one section to the next is reinforced by a head-motif rather than the tenor cantus firmus that tended to dominate continental mass composition beginning in the 1440s. Also noteworthy is a surprisingly consistent use of imitation, more so than in the presumably later four-voice masses. The implication is that if Ockeghem mastered imitative techniques early in his career, he made a conscious decision to employ them less predictably in subsequent works. The other three-voice cycle, the Missa quinti toni, which is characterized by exclusively binary mensurations and homogeneous textures, may date instead from the early 1470s, like its putative twin in the Vatican manuscript San Pietro B 80 (now attributed to Colinet de Lannoy), and reflect a renewed interest in three-voice mass composition during that decade (Wegman, 1987; Kirkman, 1997).

The remaining masses fall into two separate categories. The first and larger group consists of cyclic Ordinaries based on pre-existent material, either sacred or secular. The smaller group – equally important historically – comprises masses that seem to have been primarily freely composed. Turning first to the cantus-firmus compositions, one of the earliest is undoubtedly the Missa ‘Caput’, which Ockeghem modelled on the presumably English mass, once thought to be by Du Fay. With the exception of the Kyrie, the successive sections follow closely the structure of the earlier mass. But while Ockeghem adopted the rhythmicization of his model for the cantus firmus, he shifted it to the lowest voice, thus displaying his contrapuntal skills (and perhaps a special affection for his own voice register).

Perhaps his most straightforward treatment of a cantus firmus is deployed in the Missa ‘L’homme armé’. The mensural rhythms given to the famous tune in its polyphonic setting as a combinative chanson with Il sera pour vous are taken over into the mass with only minor differences. The borrowed tune is thus easily recognized even when, as in the Osanna and the third Agnus Dei, the values are prolonged in comparison with the movement of the other voices. The clarity of presentation of the cantus firmus makes even more effective its abandonment at the end of each major section as all four parts join to accelerate into the closing cadence. The cantus firmus is transposed (as in the ‘Caput’ mass) – to the lower 5th in the Patrem and to the lower octave in the Agnus Dei – reflecting again the composer’s tendency to favour the bass register. Ockeghem’s choice of range also provides a relatively early indication of the downward extension of the vocal registers that is one of the notable innovations of his musical style. In addition, Ockeghem appears to have imbedded into his counterpoint, as a kind of musical gloss on the pre-existent melody, references not only to the cantus of the combinative chanson but also to his own rondeau, L’autre d’antan, presumably in both cases because of the military imagery of the vernacular texts (Perkins, JM, 1984).

In what are probably later works, Ockeghem varied the treatment of the cantus firmus, assimilating it increasingly to the rhythmic and melodic activity of the other voices and thus moving towards a homogeneity of texture among the parts that was ever more characteristic of his mature style. In the Missa ‘De plus en plus’, for example, each movement opens with a literal quotation of the tenor of Binchois’ rondeau in extended values, but the borrowed melody is then paraphrased so freely as to make it virtually indistinguishable from the surrounding voices. (In this case, interestingly, Ockeghem repeated the first phrase of his cantus firmus at the end of each statement, probably in order to retain the orientation towards mode 8 on G with which the chanson opens rather than to follow its change to mode 2 on D.)

For the Missa ‘Ecce ancilla Domini’, the only surviving cyclic Ordinary by Ockeghem to use a plainchant melody as its tenor cantus firmus, the composer followed essentially the same pattern as in the Missa ‘De plus en plus’. In addition, this mass makes use of two innovative compositional procedures that anticipate the practice of following generations. One is the brief but quasi-systematic sequential treatment of the rising figure for the Amen at the conclusion of the Gloria, which helps to convey a sense of closure. The other is recourse to mimetic gestures not unlike those that were to become so common in the secular music of the next century to illustrate individual words and conceits of the text. In the Credo, for example, ‘et ascendit in celum’ is set to a steadily rising line, ‘sedet ad dexteram Patris’ to a descending one that settles into a cadence.

Ockeghem’s treatment of the cantus firmus in the Missa ‘Au travail suis’ (based on the tenor of a rondeau ascribed to both Ockeghem and Barbingant) is more original still. Whereas he presented the borrowed melody completely and with reasonable fidelity in the Kyrie (even though he altered its mensuration), in the following sections reference to it is reduced to little more than a head-motif. In addition, his extensive reliance in this work on homophonic textures removes it even further from the traditional pattern for cantus-firmus masses.

The incomplete cycle for five voices (sine nomine), which is based on plainchants for the Kyrie, Gloria and Credo, makes even more extensive use of syllabic declamation on repeated pitches (in the manner of the chants themselves). The liturgical melody is heard most frequently in the tenor, but it permeates the polyphony through imitation in the Kyrie, and in the Credo by migrating from voice to voice.

Ockeghem’s two other partial cycles, the Missa ‘Ma maistresse’ and the Missa ‘Fors seulement’, are both based on chansons of his own and appear to be late works as well. In these masses the voices take over material from more than one part of the model simultaneously and keep the borrowed lines in their original relationship to one another as other voices weave new counterpoints against them. Ma maistresse, a virelai, begins with a short mensuration canon between cantus and tenor that becomes a head-motif between superius and contratenor in the mass. The Kyrie is based primarily on the tenor of the chanson, carried by its bass, while its tenor quotes short excerpts from the cantus of the model. By contrast, the Gloria (the only other surviving section) borrows from the cantus for its contratenor, while its bass draws upon the virelai’s tenor. The resulting permeation of the part-writing by material derived from the chanson is greater than in any other of Ockeghem’s masses except the Missa ‘Fors seulement’. Here the tenor of the chanson has been adopted as a fundamental cantus firmus throughout, but the other voices are quoted extensively as well. Ockeghem may not have been the first to have quoted from several voices of a polyphonic model at once, but his ingenious and original use of these procedures clearly helped to prepare the way for the widespread adoption of similar procedures in the ‘imitation’ or ‘parody’ masses of the 16th century.

Ockeghem’s polyphonic Requiem has special historical significance as the earliest surviving setting. Each section is based on the corresponding plainchant, and the melodies, which are carried in the superius and only lightly embellished, are treated in the manner that had become conventional early in the 15th century for liturgical polyphony such as hymns, Magnificats and psalm settings. The numerous subsections for two or three voices give an impression of sober simplicity, but their skilful alternation with full four-voice textures achieves the cumulative effect that is characteristic of much of Ockeghem’s music. The work culminates with the offertory in which a more consistent use of full textures, together with more recondite mensural schemes and contrapuntal procedures, contributes to a sense of climax and closure.

The small group of masses that were apparently freely composed includes the compositions made famous over the centuries by the recurring discussions of fascinated theorists. Each is unique in its own way and without clear historical precedent; consequently their place in the development of the genre, individually and collectively, is difficult to determine. The Missa cuiusvis toni is not unduly complex in its contrapuntal style despite the practical problems involved in reading the work as notated with each of several modal finals as the determinant of scalar structure and modal orientation. The mass is designated by the composer as ‘in any mode’; Glarean categorized it as a ‘catholicon’, meaning it ‘might be sung in many modes, almost at the will of the singers’. Most discussions interpret the mass as intended to exemplify the four regular finals, re, mi, fa and sol (see Houle, 1992; Perkins, 1993), but an interpretation on three finals, ut, re and mi, was suggested by Glarean (see van Benthem, 1996; Dean, 1996). Since such a mass could have been used repeatedly and, if performed from changing finals, still have sounded somehow different from one time to the next, it may have been intended for ferial use. By contrast, the Missa prolationum may well be the most extraordinary contrapuntal achievement of the 15th century; using all four of Philippe de Vitry’s prolations simultaneously, it presents a series of canons whose interval of imitation expands from the unison progressively through to the octave in accordance with a complex combination of verbal instructions, rests and mensural signs. Surprisingly, the result is a graceful, euphonious composition that gives the listener no hint of the intricate technical problems it embodies.

Ockeghem’s purpose in writing such a pair of masses may have been didactic as well as musical. Taken together, they constitute a practical exemplification of the modal and mensural doctrine of 15th-century theory, a musical counterpart to treatises such as those written by Tinctoris. If the (much more modest) canonic chanson, Prenez sur moi, is seen in a similar light as a thorough-going exercise in solmization, the three compositions cover in a comprehensive and engaging way the fundamentals of music as taught at the time: hexachordal and modal systems, notation, mensural usage and of course composition (Perkins, 1990).

Perhaps nowhere does Ockeghem show more clearly his mastery of the cyclic mass as a polyphonic genre, nor the genius of his own style, than in the Missa ‘Mi-mi’. Here he has reduced the head-motif to the most concise of gestures, the falling 5th (E to A, mi in the natural and soft hexachords, respectively) in the bassus. If that figure refers at the same time to the tenor of his virelai, Presque transi, as has been claimed (Miyazaki, 1985), the allusion is both brief and characteristically subtle; for most of its substance the work seems to be essentially freely composed. Ockeghem deployed a typical pattern of changing mensurations throughout, mostly involving perfect and (diminished) imperfect tempus, coupled with skilfully wrought contrasts in texture and sonority. Internal cadences are often concealed by the continuous flow of interlocking melodic lines, and the ends of major sections are approached with lively rhythms and dotted figures that generate a strong sense of climax. This mass also has a surprising number of text-related compositional devices, such as contrasting registers – low for ‘suscipe deprecationem nostram’ and high for ‘Qui sedes ad dexteram Patris’ (Gloria); superius and altus for ‘Pleni sunt celi’ followed by tenor and bassus for ‘et terra’ (Sanctus) – strict imitation for ‘Et unam sanctam catholicam’ and black notes in extended values for ‘mortuorum’ (Credo). It exemplifies in full measure the ‘varietas’ and ‘subtilitas’ that characterize Ockeghem’s artistic aesthetic. It may also give some indication of the extent to which the humanistic passion for epideictic oratory – intended more to move than to persuade – had begun to influence Ockeghem’s compositional manner. A close relationship with Cardinal Jean Jouffroy, as is suggested by the shared embassy to the court of Castile and by the cardinal’s central role in procuring papal benefices for Ockeghem and his companions in the royal chapel, could have acquainted Ockeghem with the growing enthusiasm for rhetorical studies in humanistic circles. Jouffroy completed his education at the University of Pavia, where he studied rhetoric with Lorenzo Valla (who became his lifelong friend), and was himself both a scholar and an accomplished orator (Perkins, 1997).

5. Motets.

Ockeghem’s motets, though few in number, display perhaps even greater inventiveness than his masses, no doubt because the genre was itself in a state of stylistic redefinition during much of the 15th century. For most of the known repertory, Ockeghem followed a growing tradition in setting Marian texts, either liturgical (in which case the plainchant melody is usually adopted as well) or devotional. The Salve regina that appears to be securely attributed to him presents the chant with melodic coloration, but in the bass (as in the Missa ‘Caput’) rather than, as conventionally, in the tenor. In his Alma Redemptoris mater the antiphon melody is heard in an upper voice, as in a treble-dominated plainsong setting, but with the addition of a fourth part in an unusually high range above it.

By contrast, neither Ave Maria nor Intemerata Dei mater shows any trace of a borrowed melody. Nonetheless, the latter, like both the plainsong settings and the cantus-firmus motets, reflects the influence of the polyphonic masses; it is divided into sections with contrasting mensurations, and the structure is further articulated (especially in the 2nd and 3rd sections) by introductory duos or trios in changing combinations of voices. In addition, its syllabic declamation and homophonic textures are much more common in Ockeghem’s masses than in his motets. Exceptional, however, even for Ockeghem, who was to become famous for his exploration of modal relationships and possibilities, is the succession of finals to the sections of Intemerata from D through A to E (on which all three sections begin).

Ockeghem’s motet-chanson, the déploration on the death of Binchois, has an archaic flavour; in ballade form, it combines the treble-dominated style, polytextuality and cantus-firmus-based structure that were all characteristic of the medieval motet tradition. Though clearly not the first of its kind, the work appears to have defined in significant measure the functional and compositional conception of the genre for subsequent generations (Meconi, 1997). Ut heremita solus is analogous in a sense to the Missa cuiusvis toni and the Missa prolationum in its use of a complex puzzle canon to generate the tenor and regulate its manipulation, but stylistically it stands apart from the other motets of Ockeghem’s known authorship (see Lindmayr, AcM, lx, 1988, for explanation of its resolution). It makes consistent use of short motifs sequentially elaborated in a manner most unusual for him, suggesting that it was – paradoxically for a motet – intended for instruments. It is, in addition, so idiosyncratic in style that Ockeghem’s authorship has been questioned (Lindmayr-Brandl, 1997). The attribution to Ockeghem is implied in Crétin’s Déploration; the work may have been Ockeghem’s reply to Busnoys’ ‘In hydraulis’.

Celeste beneficium and Gaude Maria, which are found only in a set of mid-16th-century part-books in the Proske Musikbibliothek, Regensburg, are now thought to be by another, later composer, despite their ascription to ‘Johannes Okegus’. This is not only because of the lateness of the source and the unusual form of the name (although also used by Erasmus), but more importantly because the sub-genre of the responsory-motet with its aBcB pattern apparently did not become current until the 1530s. Nevertheless, Celeste beneficium, the text of which is probably a contrafactum, recalls Ut heremita by the treatment of its cantus firmus and, even more particularly, by the character of its melodies and counterpoint. Gaude Maria is perhaps less typical of Ockeghem because of its systematic use of syntactic imitation, but some of the traits of his mature style are present, most notably the customary sweep of the melodic lines, the energy of the rhythmic figures and the imaginative freedom with which the cantus firmus has been treated. By contrast, the Salve regina (ii), a relatively conventional plainchant setting with the liturgical melody in the superius, is surely a case of mistaken attribution due to speculation concerning the name (Basiron) that was partially trimmed from the margin of I-Rvat C.S.46 (Lindmayr, 1988).

6. Secular works.

Ockeghem adhered most consistently to tradition in his secular works, perhaps in part because the compositional conventions were more firmly established for the chanson than for mass or motet. Even in this well-trodden field, however, his creative imagination asserted itself. More generously represented in the surviving sources than his sacred music, and better contextualized by contemporaneous repertory, his songs can be seen as central to his own artistic development and to his contribution to the evolving styles and genres of the period (Fallows, 1997). The majority of his works on texts in the vernacular follow the formes fixes that had been in use for more than a century. At least 16 are rondeaux; four others, Ma bouche rit, Ma maistresse, Presque transi and Tant fuz gentement resjouy, are virelais with only a single complete stanza (as was customary at the time judging from the works of Busnoys and other contemporaries who adopted the form). Ockeghem apparently wrote in most instances for three parts, but two of his pieces were originally for four parts; they were not merely supplied later with an optional contratenor as was the case for many chansons of the period.

The predominant texture of Ockeghem’s chansons derives from the treble-dominated solo song characteristic of the genre in the 15th century, but there are significant exceptions in addition to the strictly canonic Prenez sur moi: L’autre d’antan was clearly conceived as a duo between cantus and tenor and in Fors seulement l’attente the cantus and tenor share the same range and much of the same material. For Petite camusette the lower three voices are all based on the eponymous chanson rustique. These three works exhibit a good deal of the imitative counterpoint typical of the chanson repertory of the period, but elsewhere Ockeghem restricted imitation to the beginning of just a phrase or two, as in Ma bouche rit, or avoided it entirely, as in the quasi-homophonic Presque transi.

Ockeghem’s treatment of the vernacular poetry was also largely conventional. He set it line by line, providing for each verse a self-contained melodic phrase. When, as at the beginning of both D’un aultre amer and Presque transi, he weakens the effect of the articulating cadence, it is usually in response to the syntax or sense of the text, which bridges the verses in an enjambment. Conversely, when the verse is cast in decasyllables with a clear caesura after the fourth, he often breaks the melodic line as well, as for the fourth verse of the refrain in Ma maistresse and the first of the second section, or for the second and third verses of Ma bouche rit, where both the caesura and the enjambment are respected. Most of the time the opening rhythms of a melodic phrase allow for a syllabic declamation of the text. In a few instances, however, such as Les desléaux and Quant de vous seul, the subsequent melismatic development of the line sometimes assumes a scope and an energy more like the melodic writing in the masses and motets.

Although Ockeghem generally adhered to the musical structures traditionally derived from the poetic formes fixes, he repeated the first line of L’aultre d’antan as the last, text and music, thus imposing on the rondeau an over-riding formal order that, like the light tone of the verse and the lively tempo of the music, anticipates characteristics of the chanson in the early 16th century. His setting of Petite camusette represents another significant departure from the courtly tradition. All four voices carry text: the lower three have the words of the chanson rustique upon which they are based, and the cantus has a related poem. In both style and substance Petite camusette is typical of the combinative chanson that became fashionable towards the end of the 15th century (Maniates, 1970).

Ockeghem also appears to have played a role in the development of an important new secular genre: an arrangement, usually florid in character, based on one or more parts from a well-known chanson, that would lead to the instrumental canzona. This is suggested by his composition of a second cantus for O rosa bella, his reworking of Cornago’s ¿Qu’es mi vida preguntays?, and in particular by his use of the tenor of Fors seulement l’attente as the point of departure for the réplique, Fors seulement contre ce qu’ay promis, among the first of the 30 or so compositions to rework in some way the melodic material of that chanson (see Picker, 1981). In his rondeau Au travail suis (attributed to Ockeghem in F-Pn R 57 but to Barbingant in F-Dm 517) at the words ‘ma maistresse’, Ockeghem quoted the opening of his virelai Ma maistresse.

Too little is known still about Ockeghem’s relationships with his immediate contemporaries, but it is evident that he was familiar with musical practices and repertories at both Cambrai Cathedral and the Burgundian court chapel. He must have owed significant aspects of his development to the example of Binchois and may have been exposed to the influence of English composers on the Continent. There was ample opportunity for meaningful contact with Du Fay from the 1450s on, and it is quite likely that Busnoys profited from Ockeghem’s tutelage while both were associated with musical institutions in Tours in the early 1460s. During the more than 40 years that Ockeghem served at the French royal court, however, there was no one else in the chapel who even approached his stature as musician and composer.

Like his contemporaries, he adhered to tradition, but no other 15th-century master seems to have handled with as much freedom compositional procedures such as head-motifs, cantus firmi and canonic imitation, nor to have treated established musical genres (mass, motet and chanson) with such subtly inventive creativity. He seems to have been involved with innovatory developments in a number of significant areas: word painting, modal transmutation, the exploitation of new sonorities (especially in the lower registers) and, perhaps most importantly, the contrapuntal, and hence melodic integration and equalization of the separate voices. In every respect Ockeghem achieved a level of contrapuntal skill and artistic excellence without which the extraordinary accomplishments of the next generation of composers, including such figures as Obrecht, La Rue and Josquin, might not have been possible.

WORKS

Editions:Johannes Ockeghem: Sämtliche Werke (Messen I–VIII), ed. D. Plamenac, Publikationen älterer Musik, Jg.i/2 (Leipzig, 1927); rev. 2/1959 as Masses I–VIII, Johannes Ockeghem: Collected Works, i; Masses and Mass Sections IX–XVI, ed. D. Plamenac, ibid., ii (New York, 1947, 2/1966); Motets and Chansons, ed. R. Wexler with D. Plamenac, ibid., iii (Philadelphia, 1992) [P]Johannes Ockeghem: Masses and Mass Sections, ed. J. van Benthem, i– (Utrecht, 1994–) [B]

For other edns of masses, mass sections, motets and chansons, see P i–iii, Editorial Notes, and Picker (1988)

masses and mass sections



Title	No. of voices

Missa	3vv
Edition : P i, 15–29
Remarks : sections linked by common head-motif in Sup and T
Missa	5vv
Edition : P ii, 77–82; B i/3
Remarks : only Ky, Gl, Cr; each section paraphrases a plainchant from the Ordinary
Missa ‘Au travail suis’	4vv
Edition : P i, 30–41
Remarks : T of chanson (attrib. Ockeghem and Barbingant) used first as T c.f. (Ky), then as head-motif
Missa ‘Caput’	4vv
Edition : P ii, 37–58; B i/1
Remarks : T c.f. derived from final melisma of ant for Maundy Thursday, Venit ad Patrem, as rhythmicized in anon. Eng. mass attrib. Du Fay, transposed to lower octave as sounding B; head-motif links all sections except Ky; also ed. A. Planchart (New Haven, CT, 1964)
Missa cuiusvis toni	4vv
Edition : P i, 44–56; B iii/3–4
Remarks : ‘in any mode’; variously interpreted with 2, 3 or (most likely) 4 finals; sections linked by a changing but recognizable head-motif in Sup; also ed. D. Fallows (London, 1989); G. Houle (Bloomington, IN, 1992)
Missa ‘De plus en plus’	4vv
Edition : P i, 57–77; B ii/1
Remarks : T c.f. based on T of Binchois’ chanson, subjected to both augmentation and paraphrase
Missa ‘Ecce ancilla Domini’	4vv
Edition : P i, 79–98; B i/2
Remarks : T c.f. from 2nd half of Marian ant Missus est angelus Gabriel; Du Fay’s and Regis’s homonymous masses are based on different plainchant
Missa ‘Fors seulement’	5vv
Edition : P ii, 65–76; B ii/4
Remarks : only Ky, Gl, Cr; T of Ockeghem’s chanson used as migrating c.f. among inner voices in various transpositions; sometimes simultaneous borrowings from Sup and Ct
Missa ‘L’homme armé’	4vv
Edition : P i, 99–116
Remarks : T c.f. based on T of combinative setting II sera pour vous/L’homme armé, heard generally in augmentation, at pitch, but as sounding B at lower 5th (Cr) and lower octave (Ag); significant quotes from Sup of the chanson and possible references to Ockeghem’s L’autre d’antan; head-motif in Sup and A links Gl and Cr, echoed in Sup of San and Ag
Missa ‘Ma maistresse’	4vv
Edition : P i, 117–23
Remarks : only Ky, Gl; Sup and T of Ockeghem’s virelai both used as c.f., T (Ky) at lower octave in B, Sup (Gl) at lower octave in Ct; quotations from the other voice in both
Missa ‘Mi-mi’ [= Missa quarti toni]	4vv
Edition : P ii, 1; B iii/2
Remarks : head-motif, the falling figure E–A and its continuation in following 2 bars, only in B; resemblance with Ockeghem’s virelai, Presque transi noted by Miyazaki (1985) confined to opening of B
Missa prolationum	4vv
Edition : P ii, 21–36; B iii/4
Remarks : series of double mensuration canons beginning at the unison (Ky) and proceeding to the octave (Osanna), but reverting to the 4th (Ag I, Benedictus) and the 5th (Ag II, Ag III). Cited by Heyden (1540), Zanger and Wilfflingseder, because of its elaborate canonic structures
Missa quarti toni [= Missa ‘Mi-mi’]
Missa quinti toni	3vv
Edition : P i, 1–14
Remarks : all movts linked by common head-motif in all voices; 2nd motif also links Ky II with ‘Qui tollis’, ‘Osanna’
Requiem	3/4vv
Edition : P ii, 83–97
Remarks : int, Ky, grad (Si ambulem), tr, off; based on plainchant melodies, paraphrased at times and with interpolations of varying length, carried in highest voice; also ed. G. Darvas (Zürich, 1977); B. Turner (London, 1978)
Credo	4vv
Edition : P ii, 59–64, B i/3
Remarks : based on the Credo I plainchant, which migrates from voice to voice; may be the Patrem de village copied in Bruges, 1475–6

motets

Alma Redemptoris mater	4vv	P iii, 3–5	plainchant melody, transposed up 5th, embellished and varied, used as melodic c.f. in A
Ave Maria	4vv	P iii, 6–7	no identifiable c.f.
Intemerata Dei mater	5vv	P iii, 8–12	Marian text in hexameters; no identifiable c.f. but probably intended for devotional purposes; ranges unusually low; change of final for each of the 3 partes is without precedent
Salve regina (i)	4vv	P iii, 13–17	Marian ant with plainchant, embellished, paraphrased and transposed to lower 4th as c.f. in B, anticipatory quotations of opening phrase at pitch in Sup and T
Ut heremita solus	4vv	P iii, 18–24	elaborate canonical and hexachordal puzzle; may be Ockeghem’s reply to Busnoys’ In hydraulis

motet-chanson

Mort, tu as navré/Miserere

4vv

P iii, 77–8; B ii/1, 34–7

déploration on death of Binchois (d 1460); French ballade in Sup, combined with Latin text in T that concludes with words and plainchant of final phrase of Dies irae, but see B ii/1; Ct and B are textless in sources

chansons

Aultre Venus estes	3vv	P iii, 59	rondeau quatrain in octosyllables
Au travail suis	3vv	P iii, 93	rondeau quatrain in octosyllables attrib. Barbingant in F-Dm 517, Ockeghem in Pn R 57; taken as the starting point for Missa ‘Au travail suis’, but see Fallows (1984)
Baisiés moy dont fort	3vv	P iii, 60	rondeau quatrain in octosyllables; only refrain of text survives
D’un autre amer	3vv	P iii, 61	rondeau quatrain in decasyllables; attrib. Busnoys in Pn fr.15123 is peripheral and largely contradicted by other sources
Fors seulement contre	3vv	P iii, 64–5	rondeau cinquain in decasyllables, perhaps intended as a réplique to Fors seulement l’attente, whose T, transposed to lower 12th, functions as B
Fors seulement l’attente	3vv	P iii, 62–3; B ii/4, vi–xi	rondeau cinquain in decasyllables, used by Ockeghem in his mass and widely used as a model for reworking or recomposition; see Fors seulement contre
Il ne m’en chault plus	3vv	P iii, 66	rondeau cinquain in octosyllables
J’en ay dueil	?3/4vv	P iii, 67–9	rondeau quatrain in octosyllables; two versions differ in ranges of lower 3 parts and composition of Ct altus, suggesting orig. written for 3 parts: Sup, T and B
La despourveue et la bannie	3vv	P iii, 70	rondeau cinquain in octosyllables
L’autre d’antan	3vv	P iii, 71	rondeau cinquain in octosyllables, but with repetition of 1st line of refrain (text and music) as last phrase; two distinct versions of Ct and 4 different mensuration signs, one of which prompted criticism from Tinctoris in his Proportionale
Les desléaux ont la saison	3vv	P iii, 72	rondeau quatrain in octosyllables
Ma bouche rit	3vv	P iii, 73–4	virelai with 5-line refrain and 3-line ouvert and clos in decasyllables
Ma maistresse	3vv	P iii, 75–6	virelai with 5-line refrain and 3-line ouvert and clos in decasyllables; taken by Ockeghem as starting point for his mass
Prenez sur moi	3vv	P iii, 80	canonic chanson, ‘fuga trium vocum in epidiatessaron’, with one part notated and the other two entering a breve apart, each time at the lower 4th; termed a catholicon by Glarean: starting pitches are not specified by clef and could imply more than one modal final; often included in 16th-century treatises; the text, a rondeau cinquain in decasyllables, is part of the canon, but only the refrain is given
Presque transi	3vv	P iii, 81–2	virelai with 5-line refrain and 3-line ouvert and clos in decasyllables; may have been starting point for head-motif of ‘Missa Mi-mi’
Quant de vous seul	3vv	P iii, 83	rondeau cinquain in octosyllables
S’elle m’amera/Petite camusette	4vv	P iii, 88–9	combinative chanson with rondeau cinquain in octosyllables in Sup; lower 3 parts based on monophonic chanson or quodlibet
Se vostre cuer eslongne	3vv	P iii, 90	rondeau cinquain in decasyllables; only refrain survives
Tant fuz gentement resjouy	3vv	P iii, 91	virelai with 5-line refrain and 3-line ouvert and clos in octosyllables
Ung aultre l’a	3vv	P iii, 92	‘rondeau royal’, rondeau cinquain in octosyllables

arrangements of works by others

Alius discantus super ‘O rosa bella’	2vv	P iii, 79	1 voice concordant with discantus of the setting of Giustiniani’s ballata attrib. Bedyngham or Dunstaple
Qu’es mi vida preguntays	4vv	P iii, 84–5	reworking of Cornago’s 3vv setting of this canción; added to Sup and T of the earlier piece are a new B and Ct, the latter quoting initially from Cornago’s Ct at the lower octave

lost works

Missa della madonna (? Missa de Beata Virgine)		T of Credo cited by Zacconi, Cerone; see P ii, p.xlii
Missa ‘Domine, non secundum peccata nostra’ T of Gloria cited Zacconi; see P ii, p.xlii
Missa ‘Jocundare’		T of Osanna cited by Zacconi; see P ii, p.xlii
Missa ‘La belle se siet’	T and Ct of Credo cited by Tinctoris, De arte contrapuncti; see P ii, p.xlii
Noel		first work in a choirbook copied for Louis XI in 1471; see Perkins, JAMS, 1984, p.535

questionable and speculative attributions

Missa ‘Le serviteur’	4vv		c.f. mass based primarily on T of rondeau attrib. Du Fay, but with borrowings from Sup as well; attrib. Ockeghem in I-TRmn 88, but to Faugues by Tinctoris, De arte contrapuncti; ed. in DTÖ, xxxviii, Jg.xix/1, 1912/R and Faugues, Collected Works, ed. G.C. Schuetze, 1960, pp.5–46
Missa ‘Pour quelque paine’	4vv	P ii, 98–115	c.f. mass based on T of anon. chanson; attrib. Ockeghem in B-Br 5557 added by a later hand; attrib. Cornelius Heyns in I-Rvat C.S.51 now generally accepted
Missa [primi toni]	3vv		San (frag.) and Ag in Rvat San Pietro B 80, judged to be a ‘twin’ of Ockeghem’s Missa quinti toni because of resemblances in texture, mensuration and general stylistic features (see Wegman, 1987) but found in CZ-Hk II.A.7 ascribed to ‘Lanoy’
Deo gratias	36vv	P iii, 35–42	canonic work for 9 groups of 4vv each; anon. in sources but attrib. Ockeghem because 15th- and 16th-century authors credited him with a motet in 36 parts; this work does not fit the description of Ockeghem’s canon by Virdung, who knew it first hand, as 6 groups of 6vv each (but see Lowinsky, 1969)
Celeste beneficium	5vv	P iii, 26–34	setting, in responsory form, of a text referring to the Lutheran reformation, probably a contrafactum; an apparent c.f. in T has not been identified; doubts have been raised as to Ockeghem’s authorship because the unique source is peripheral and late (c1538), the responsory motet was not common until the generation after Josquin, and the compositional style is unlike anything in Ockeghem’s other motets
Gaude Maria	5vv	P iii, 43–52	T c.f. motet in four parts, based on text and music of liturgical responsory and following its form; attrib. Ockeghem challenged on the same grounds as for Celeste beneficium, with which it is found in its only source
Miles mirae probitatis	4vv		anon., in honour of St Martin of Tours; attrib. Ockeghem suggested by Ambros, iii, 1869, p.179, because of the text and on general stylistic grounds, but rejected by Plamenac, MGG1
Salve regina (ii)	4vv	P iii, 53–5	setting of Marian ant with plainchant melody paraphrased in Sup; attrib. Ockeghem resulted from misreading of name trimmed from I-Rvat C.S.46, recte Basiron, whose authorship is confirmed by 1520¹ (see Dean, 1986)
Vivit Dominus	2vv	P iii, 25	imitative duo, probably a contrafactum of an internal section of an unknown mass; given lateness of the only source, 1546¹⁵, attrib. Ockeghem cannot be taken at face value
Permanent vierge/Pulchras es/Sancta Dei genitrix	5vv	P iii, 96–7	motet-chanson, combining rondeau quatrain in decasyllables with two Marian ants.; anon. in only source, F-Dm 517; attrib. Ockeghem suggested by Ambros, ii, 1864, p.534, apparently accepted by Stephan, 1937 and Plamenac, MGG1, but designated doubtful by Wexler, P iii
Resjois toy, terre de France/Rex pacificus	4vv		motet-chanson in ballade form (although final 4 lines of verse do not correspond to the usual conventions for the poetic form) combined with ant for 1st Vespers at Christmas and the acclamation ‘vivat rex’; text seems to reflect victories of Charles VII in final stage of Hundred Years War, or impending coronation of Louis XI soon after, leading Fallows (1976–7) to suggest attrib. Ockeghem, which he later rejected (1984); Lindmayr sees attrib. Busnoys in name partially trimmed from F-Pn fr.15123
Ce n’est pas jeu [= Si mieulx ne vient]	3vv		rondeau quatrain in decasyllables, attrib. Ockeghem in I-Rc 2856 but to Hayne in E-SEG, F-Pn 2245, and I-Fr 2794 (anon. in 3 other sources); ed. B. Hudson in Hayne van Ghizeghem: Opera omnia, CMM, lxxiv, 1977
Departés vous Malebouche	3vv	P iii, 94	? rondeau cinquain in decasyllables, refrain only; attrib. Ockeghem in F-Pn fr.15123 and Du Fay in I-MC 871 (anon. in Bc Q 16); doubt has been cast on both ascriptions, but Fallows (1984) favours Du Fay
Malheur me bat [= Dieu d’amours]	3vv	P iii, 95	incipit only, but rondeau form, possibly quatrain; attrib. Ockeghem in 1501¹, taken over by scribe of CH-SGs 461 and Aaron, but attrib. Martini in I-Fc 2439, Fn B.R.229 and Rvat C.G.XIII.27; attrib. Malcort in Rc 2856 (anon. in 5 other sources); attribs. in Florentine MSS appear most reliable
Quant ce viendra	3vv		added Ct in US-NH 91, I-TRmn 91; ed. L. Perkins, The Mellon Chansonnier (New Haven, 1979), ii, 76–9; rondeau cinquain layé in octosyllables, tetrasyllables for interpolated shorter lines; attrib. Ockeghem in E-E IV.a.24, but to Busnoys in F-Dm 517, US-Wc Lab; anon. in 6 other sources; attribs. in central French sources appear more reliable
Tous les regretz	3vv		ed. Picker (1980); anon. chanson with this incipit in 1504³ may be a setting for the rondeau cinquain in decasyllables written by French court poet Octavien de St Gelais on departure of Marguerite of Austria from France in 1493; Picker suggests music may be by Ockeghem

Ockeghem, Jean de: Bibliography

BIBLIOGRAPHY

early writers

studies on ockeghem

general studies

early writers

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J. Tinctoris: Proportionales musices (MS, c1473–4); ed. in CoussemakerS, iv, 153–77; CSM, xxii/2a (1978); Eng. trans., JMT, i (1957), 22–75; also ed. as Proportions in Music (Colorado Springs, CO, 1979)

J. Tinctoris: Liber de arte contrapuncti (MS, 1477); ed. in CoussemakerS, iv, 76–153; CSM, xxii/2 (1975); Eng. trans., MSD, v (1961)

F. Florio: De Probatione Turonica (c1477); ed. A. Salmon, ‘Description de la ville de Tours sous le règne de Louis XI’, Mémoires de la Société archéologique de Touraine, vii (1855), 82–108

J. Tinctoris: De inventione et usu musicae (Naples, c1487); ed. K. Wienmann, Johannes Tinctoris und sein unbekannter Traktat ‘De inventione et usu musicae’ (Regensburg, 1917)

F. Gaffurius: Practica musice (Milan, 1496/R); Eng. trans., MSD, xx (1968); ed. and trans. I. Young (Madison, WI, 1969)

J. Frappier, ed.: J. Lemaire de Belges: La Concorde des deux langages (Paris, 1947), 112

A. Ornithoparchus: Musicae activae micrologus (Leipzig, 1517/R, 5/1535 as De arte cantandi micrologus; Eng. trans., 1609 as A Compendium of Musical Practice, ed. G. Reese and S. Ledbetter, New York, 1973)

P. Aaron: Thoscanello de la musica (Venice, 1523/R, 5/1562; Eng. trans., 1970)

S. Heyden: Musicae, id est Artis canendi, libri duo (Nuremberg, 1537, 2/1540/R as De arte canendi; Eng. trans., MSD, xxvi, 1972)

H. Glarean: Dodecachordon (Basle, 1547/R; Eng. trans., MSD, vi, 1965)

G. Faber: Musices practicae erotematum libri II (Basle, 1553)

J. Zanger: Practicae musicae praecepta (Leipzig, 1554)

H. Finck: Practica musica (Wittenberg, 1556, enlarged 2/1556/R)

A. Wilfflingseder: Erotemata musices practicae (Nuremberg, 1563)

J. Paix: Selectae, artificiosae et elegantes fugue (Lauingen, 1587, lost, 2/1590)

J. Paix: Kurtzer aber gegruendter Bericht auss Gottes Wort und bewehrten Kirchen-Historien von der Music (Lauingen, 1589)

L. Zacconi: Prattica di musica (Venice, 1592/R, 2/1596)

P. Cerone: El melopeo y maestro: tractado de música theorica y practica (Naples, 1613/R)

G.B. Rossi: Organo de cantori (Venice, 1618)

A. Liberati: Lettera (Rome, 1685)

Ockeghem, Jean de: Bibliography

studies on ockeghem

E. Thoinan: Déploration de Guillaume Crétin sur le trépas de Jehan Okeghem, musicien, premier chaplain du roi de France et trésorier de Saint-Martin de Tours (Paris, 1864)

E. Giraudet: Les artistes tourangeaux (Tours, 1885), 312–13

E. Motta: ‘Musici alla corte degli Sforza’, Archivio storico lombardo, 2nd ser., iv (1887), 305–6

A. Vayssière: ‘Fragment d’un compte de Gilles le Tailleur, argentier de Charles Ier, Duc de Bourbonnais en 1448’, Bulletin archéologique du Comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques (1891), 54–76

A. de Marsy: ‘Un musicien flamand, Jean de Ockeghem’, Annales du Cercle archéologique de Termonde, 2nd ser., vi (1897), 5–62

P.F. de Maesschalk: ‘Documents inédits sur la maison natale de la famille de Jean Van Ockeghem’, RHCM, ii (1902), 118–19

M. Brenet: Musique et musiciens de la vielle France (Paris, 1911/R)

B. Wallner: ‘Sebastian Virdung von Amberg: Beiträge zu seiner Lebensgeschichte’, KJb, xxiv (1911), 85–106

A. Schering: ‘Ein Rätseltenor Okeghems’, Festschrift Hermann Kretzschmar (Leipzig, 1918/R), 132–5

D. Plamenac: Johannes Ockeghem als Motetten- und Chansonkomponist (diss., U. of Vienna, 1925)

M. Cauchie: ‘Les véritables nom et prénom d’Ockeghem’, RdM, vii (1926), 9–10

D. Plamenac: ‘Autour d’Ockeghem’, ReM, ix/4–6 (1927–8), 26–47

D. Plamenac: ‘Zur “L’homme arme”-Frage’, ZMw, xi (1928–9), 376–83

C. Samaran: ‘Cinquantes feuilles retrouvées des comptes de l’argenterie de Louis XI’, Bulletin philologique et historique du Comité travaux historiques et scientifiques (1928–9), 79–89

C. van den Borren: ‘Le madrigalisme avant le madrigal’, Studien zur Musikgeschichte: Festschrift für Guido Adler (Vienna, 1930/R), 78–83

L. Roosens: ‘Werd Jan van Ockeghem te Dendermonde geboren’, Musica sacra, xliii (1936), 13–18

J.S. Levitan: ‘Ockeghem’s Clefless Compositions’, MQ, xxiii (1937), 440–64

W. Stephan: Die burgundisch-niederländische Motette zur Zeit Ockeghems, vi (Kassel, 1937/R)

O. Strunk: ‘Origins of the “L’homme armé” Mass’, BAMS, ii (1937), 25–6

R.G. Harris: ‘An Analysis of the Design of the “Caput” Masses by Dufay and Ockeghem in their Metric and Rhythmic Aspects’, Hamline Studies in Musicology, i (St Paul, MN, 1945), 1–46

V. Seay: ‘A Contribution to the Problem of Mode in Medieval Music’, Hamline Studies in Musicology, i (St Paul, 1945), 47–68

J. du Saar: Het leven en de composities van Jacobus Barbireau (Utrecht, 1946)

E. Krenek: ‘A Discussion of the Treatment of Dissonances in Okeghem’s Masses as Compared with the Contrapuntal Theory of Joh. Tinctoris’, Hamline Studies in Musicology, ii (St Paul, 1947), 1–26

M.F. Bukofzer: ‘Caput: a Liturgico-Musical Study’, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music (New York, 1950), 217–310

D. Plamenac: ‘A Postscript to Volume II of the Collected Works of Johannes Ockeghem’, JAMS, iii (1950), 33–40

S. Clercx: ‘Introduction à l’histoire de la musique en Belgique’, RBM, v (1951), 114–31

A. Krings: ‘Die Bearbeitung der gregorianischen Melodien in der Messkomposition von Ockeghem bis Josquin des Prez’, KJb, xxxv (1951), 36–53

E. Krenek: Johannes Okeghem (New York, 1953)

B. Meier: ‘Caput: Bemerkungen zur Messe Dufays und Ockeghems’, Mf, vii (1954), 268–76

I. Pope: ‘La Musique espagnole à la cour de Naples dans la seconde moitié du XVe siècle’, Musique et poésie au XVIe siècle (Paris, 1954), 35–61

R. Lenaerts: ‘Contribution à l’histoire de la musique belge de la renaissance’, RBM, ix (1955), 103–20

F. Brenn: ‘Ockeghems spiritueller Rhythmus’, IMSCR VII: Cologne 1958, 73–4

H. Kellman: ‘The Origins of the Chigi Codex’, JAMS, xi (1958), 6–19

N. Bridgman: ‘The Age of Ockeghem and Josquin’, NOHM, iii (1960), 239–302

C. Dahlhaus: ‘Ockeghems “Fuga trium vocum”’, Mf, xiii (1960), 307–10

H.M. Brown: ‘The Genesis of a Style: the Parisian Chanson, 1500–1530’, Chanson and Madrigal, 1480–1530 (Cambridge, MA, 1964), 1–50

R. Lenaerts: Die Kunst der Niederländer, Mw, xxii (1962; Eng. trans., 1964)

J. Margolin: Erasme et la musique (Paris, 1965)

R. Zimmerman: ‘Stilkritische Anmerkungen zum Werk Ockeghems’, AMw, xxii (1965), 248–71

C.A. Miller: ‘Erasmus on Music’, MQ, lii (1966), 332–49

M. Henze: Studien zu den Messenkompositionen Johannes Ockeghems (Berlin, 1968)

E. Lowinsky: The Medici Codex of 1518 (Chicago, 1968), iii, 213–14

G. Reese: ‘Musical Compositions in Renaissance Intarsia’, Medieval and Renaissance Studies, ii (Durham, NC, 1968), 74–97

J.L. Curry: A Computer-Aided Analytical Study of Kyries in Selected Masses by Johannes Ockeghem (diss., U. of Iowa, 1969)

H. Hewitt: ‘“Fors seulement” and the Cantus Firmus Technique of the Fifteenth Century’, Essays in Musicology in Honor of Dragan Plamenac, ed. G. Reese and R.J. Snow (Pittsburgh, 1969/R), 91–126

F. Lesure: ‘Ockeghem à Notre-Dame de Paris (1463–1470)’, ibid., 147–54

E.E. Lowinsky: ‘Ockeghem’s Canon for Thirty-Six Voices: an Essay in Musical Iconography’, ibid., 155–80

Johannes Ockeghem en zijn tijd, Stadthuis, 14 Nov – 6 Dec (Dendermonde, 1970) [exhibition catalogue]

M. Bovyn: ‘(van) Ockeghem’s te Dendermonde’, Johannes Ockeghem en zijn tijd (Dendermonde, 1970), 49–59

M. Maniates: ‘Combinative Chansons in the Dijon Chansonnier’, JAMS, xxiii (1970), 228–81

R. Nowotny: Mensur, Cantus Firmus, Satz in den Caput-Messen von Dufay, Ockeghem, und Obrecht (diss., U. of Munich, 1970)

J.-M. Vaccaro: ‘Jean de Ockeghem, trésorier de l’église Saint-Martin de Tours de 1459(?) à 1497’, Johannes Ockeghem en zijn tijd (Dendermonde, 1970), 72–6

E.F. Houghton: Rhythmic Structure in the Masses and Motets of Johannes Ockeghem (diss., U. of California, Berkeley, 1971)

H. Kellman: ‘Josquin and the Courts of the Netherlands and France’, Josquin des Prez: New York 1971, 181-216

A. Planchart: ‘Guillaume Dufay’s Masses: Notes and Revisions’, MQ (1972), 1–23

L. Lockwood: ‘Aspects of the “L’homme armé” Tradition’, PRMA, c (1973–74), 97–122

E.F. Houghton: ‘Rhythm and Meter in Fifteenth-Century Polyphony’, JMT, xviii (1974), 190–212

H. Huschen: Die Motette, Mw, xlvii (1974; Eng. trans., 1976)

R. Lenaerts: ‘Bermerkungen über Johannes Ockeghem und seinen Kompositionsstil’, Convivium musicorum: Festschrift Wolfgang Boetticher zum sechzigsten Geburtstag, ed. H. Hüschen and D.-R. Moser (Berlin, 1974), 163–7

M. Caraci: ‘Fortuna del tenor “L’homme armé” nel primo Rinascimento’, NRMI, ix (1975), 171–204

C. Wright: ‘Dufay at Cambrai: Discoveries and Revisions’, JAMS, xxviii (1975), 175–229

D. Fallows: ‘English Song Repertories of the Mid-Fifteenth Century’, PRMA, ciii (1976–7), 61–79

M. Eckert: The Structure of the Ockeghem Requiem (diss., U. of Chicago, 1977)

D. Plamenac: ‘On Reading Fifteenth-Century Chanson Texts’, JAMS, xxx (1977), 320–24

M. Eckert: ‘Ockeghem’s Offertory: Mensural Anomaly or Structural Capstone?’, Abstracts of Papers, AMS XLIV: Minneapolis 1978, 1–2

L. Litterick: ‘The Revision of Ockeghem’s “Je n’ay dueil”’, Le Moyen français, Musique naturelle et artificielle, ed. M.B. Winn (Montreal, 1979), 29–48

E. Russell: ‘The Missa In agendis mortuorum of Juan García de Basurto: Johannes Ockeghem, Antoine Brumel and an Early Spanish Polyphonic Requiem Mass’, TVNM, xxix (1979), 1–37

C. Dahlhaus: ‘Miszellen zu einigen niederländischen Messen’, KJb, lxiii–lxiv (1979–80), 1–7

J. Cohen: ‘Munus ab ignoto’, SM, xxii (1980), 187–204

M. Picker: ‘More “Regret” Chansons for Marguerite d’Autriche’, Le moyen français, v (1980), 81–101

M. Picker: ‘A “Salve regina” of Uncertain Authorship’, Datierung und Filiation von Musikhandschriften der Josquin-Zeit: Wolfenbüttel 1980, 177–9

C. Santarelli: ‘Quattro messe su tenor “Fors seulement”’, NRMI, xiv (1980), 333–49

R. Strohm: ‘Quellenkritische Untersuchungen an der Missa “Caput’’’, Datierung und Filiation von Musikhandschriften der Josquin-Zeit: Wolfenbüttel 1980, 153–76

E.E. Lowinsky: ‘Canon Technique and Simultaneous Conception in Fifteenth- Century Music’, Essays on the Music of J.S. Bach and other Diverse Subjects: a Tribute to Gerhard Herz, ed. R.L. Weaver (Louisville, KY, 1981), 181–222

M. Picker, ed.: Fors seulement: Thirty Compositions for three to five voices or instruments from the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries, RRMMAR, xiv (1981)

A. Planchart: ‘Fifteenth-Century Masses: Notes on Performance and Chronology’, Studi musicali, x (1981), 3–29

A. Planchart: ‘The Relative Speed of “Tempora” in the Period of Dufay’, RMARC, no.17 (1981), 33–51

J. Rahn: ‘Ockeghem’s Three-Section Motet “Salve Regina”: Problems in Coordinating Pitch and Time Constructs’, Music Theory Spectrum, iii (1981), 117–31

L. Trowbridge: The Fifteenth-Century French Chanson: a Computer-Aided Study of Styles and Style Change (diss., U. of Illinois, 1982)

R. Wexler: ‘Which Franco-Netherlander Composed the First Polyphonic Requiem Mass?’, Netherlandic Studies I: Lanham, MD, 1982, 71–6

D. Fallows: ‘Specific Information on the Ensembles for Composed Polyphony, 1400–1474’, Studies in the Performance of Late Medieval Music, ed. S. Boorman (Cambridge, 1983), 109–59

H. Garey: ‘Can a Rondeau with a One-Line Refrain Be Sung?’, Ars Lyrica, ii (1983), 10–21

A. Planchart: ‘Parts with Words and without Words: the Evidence for Multiple Texts in Fifteenth-Century Masses’, Studies in the Performance of Late Medieval Music, ed. S. Boorman (Cambridge, 1983), 227–51

D. Fallows: ‘Johannes Ockeghem: the Changing Image, the Songs and a New Source’, EMc, xii (1984), 218–30

W. Haass: Studien zu den ‘L’homme armé-Messen’ des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts (Regensburg, 1984)

L. Perkins: ‘The L’Homme armé Masses of Busnoys and Okeghem: a Comparison’, JM, iii (1984), 363–96

L. Perkins: ‘Musical Patronage at the Royal Court of France under Charles VII and Louis XI (1422–83)’, JAMS, xxxvii (1984), 507–66

R. Wexler: ‘On the Authenticity of Ockeghem’s Motets’, Abstracts of Papers, AMS L: Philadelphia 1984, 41–2

H.M. Brown: ‘“Lord, have mercy upon us”: Early Sixteenth-Century Scribal Practice and the Polyphonic Kyrie’, Text: Transactions of the Society for Textual Scholarship, ii (1985), 93–110

D. Fallows: ‘The Performing Ensembles in Josquin’s Sacred Music’, TVNM, xxxv (1985), 32–64

H. Miyazaki: ‘New Light on Ockeghem’s Missa “Mi-mi”’, EMc, xiii (1985), 367–75

L. Trowbridge: ‘Style Change in the Fifteenth–Century Chanson: a Comprehensive Study of Compositional Detail’, JM, iv (1985–6), 146–70

H.M. Brown: ‘A Rondeau with a One-Line Refrain Can Be Sung’, Ars Lyrica, iii (1986), 23–35

J.J. Dean: ‘Ockeghem or Basiron? A Disputed Salve Regina and a “Very Notable” Minor Composer’, Abstracts of Papers, AMS LII : Cleveland 1986, 46–7

P. Higgins: ‘“In hydraulis” Revisited: New Light on the Career of Antoine Busnoys’, JAMS, xxxix (1986), 36–86

K. Kreitner: ‘Very Low Ranges in the Sacred Music of Ockeghem and Tinctoris’, EMc, xiv (1986), 467–79

R. Taruskin: ‘Antoine Busnois and the “L’homme armé” Tradition’, JAMS, xxxix (1986), 255–93

W. Elders: ‘Struktur, Zeichen und Symbol in der altniederländischen Totenklage’, Zeichen und Struktur in der Musik der Renaissance: Münster 1987, 27–46

C. Goldberg: ‘Musik als kaleidoskopischer Raum: Zeichen, Motiv, Gestus und Symbol in Johannes Ockeghems Requiem’, Zeichen und Struktur in der Musik der Renaissance: Münster 1987, 47–65

P. Higgins: ‘Antoine Busnois and Musical Culture in Late Fifteenth-Century France and Burgundy’ (diss., Princeton U., 1987), 125–60

B. Hudson: ‘Obrecht’s Tribute to Ockeghem’, TVNM, xxxvii (1987), 3–13

R. Wegman: ‘An Anonymous Twin of Johannes Ockeghem’s “Missa Quinti Toni” in San Pietro B 80’, TVNM, xxxvii (1987), 25–48

C. Gottwald: ‘Johannes Ockeghem: Bericht über den Erzavantgardisten’, Revolution in der Musik: Avantgarde von 1200 bis 2000: Kassel 1988, 55–65

A. Lindmayr: ‘Ein Rätseltenor Ockeghems: Des Rätsels Lösung’, AcM, lx (1988), 31–42

G. Montagna: ‘Johannes Pullois in the Context of his Era’, RBM, xlii (1988), 83–117

M. Picker: Johannes Ockeghem and Jacob Obrecht: a Guide to Research (New York, 1988)

M. Raley: Johannes Ockeghem’s ‘Gaude Maria virgo’ (diss., Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, 1988)

C. Goldberg: ‘Militat omnis amans: Zitat und Zitieren in Molinets “Le débat du viel Gendarme et du viel amoureux” und Ockeghems Chanson “L’autre d’antan”’, Mf, xlii (1989), 341–9

C. Wright: Music and Ceremony at Notre Dame of Paris, 500-1500 (Cambridge, 1989), 303–5

C. Goldberg: ‘Text, Music, and Liturgy in Johannes Ockeghem’s Masses’, MD, xliv (1990), 185–231

A. Lindmayr: Quellenstudien zu den Motetten von Johannes Ockeghem (Laaber, 1990)

L. Perkins: ‘Ockeghem’s Prenez sur moi: Reflections on Canons, Catholica and Solmization’, MD, xliv (1990), 119–83

D. Randel: ‘Music and Poetry, History and Criticism: Reading the Fifteenth- Century Chanson’, Essays in Musicology: a Tribute to Alvin Johnson, ed. L. Lockwood and E.H. Roesner (Philadelphia, 1990), 52–74

R. Wegman: ‘The Anonymous Mass D’Ung aultre amer: a Late Fifteenth-Century Experiment’, MQ, lxxiv (1990), 566–94

J.M. Raley: ‘Johannes Ockeghem and the Motet Gaude Maria virgo’, AnM, xlvi (1991), 27–55

K. Schweizer: ‘Interpolationen zur Missa prolationum (Ockeghem)’, Dissonance, xxvii (1991), 30–31

D. Fallows: ‘Prenez sur moy: Okeghem’s Tonal Pun’, Plainsong and Medieval Music, i (1992), 63–75

C. Goldberg: ‘Cuiusvis toni: Ansätze zur Analyse einer Messe Johannes Ockeghems’, TVNM, xlii/1 (1992), 3–35

C. Goldberg: Die Chansons Johannes Ockeghems: Ästhetik des musikalischen Raumes (Laaber, 1992)

G. Houle: Introduction to Missa cuiusvis toni (Bloomington, IN, 1992)

D. van Overstraeten: ‘Le lieu de naissance de Jean Ockeghem (ca 1420–1497): Une énigme élucidée’, RBM, xlvi (1992), 23–32

P. Starr: ‘Rome as the Center of the Universe: Papal Grace and Music Patronage’, EMH, xi (1992), 223–62

W. Thein: Musikalischer Satz und Textdarbietung im Werk von Johannes Ockeghem (Tutzing, 1992)

L. Perkins: ‘Modal Strategies in Okeghem’s Missa Cuiusvis Toni’, Music Theory and the Exploration of the Past, ed. C. Hatch and D.W. Bernstein (Chicago, 1993), 69–79

L. Bernstein: ‘Ockeghem’s Ave Maria’, From Ciconia to Sweelinck: donum natalicium Willem Elders, ed. A. Clement and E. Jas (Amsterdam, 1994), 75–89.

A. Roth: ‘Anmerkungen zur “Benefizialkarriere” des Johannes Ockeghems’, Collectanea I, ed. A. Roth, Capellae Apostolicae Sixtinaeque Collectanea – Acta – Monumenta, iii (Vatican City, 1994), 97–232

J. van Benthem: ‘“Erratic and Arbitrary” harmonies in Ockeghem’s Missa Cuput?’, Modality in the Music of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries, ed. U. Günther, L. Finscher and J. Dean (Neuhausen-Stuttgart, 1996), 247–58

J. Dean: ‘Okeghem’s Attitude towards Modality’, ibid., 203–46

F. Fitch: Johannes Ockeghem: Masses and Models (Paris, 1997)

J. Dean: ‘Okeghem’sIntemerata Dei mater’ (forthcoming)

S. Gallagher: ‘After Burgundy: Rethinking Binchois’ Years in Soignies’, Binchois Studies: New York 1995 (forthcoming)

A. Lindmayr: ‘Resiois-toy terre de France/Rex pacificus: An “Ockeghem” Work Reattributed to Busnoys’, Antoine Busnoys: Method, Meaning and Context in Late Medieval Music (Oxford, forthcoming)

Johannes Ockeghem: Tours 1997

Ockeghem, Jean de: Bibliography

general studies

AmbrosGM

BurneyH

FétisB

Grove6(‘Binchois’; D. Fallows)

HawkinsH

MGG1(Plamenac)

MGG1suppl.

PirroHM

ReeseMR

RiemannL12

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VanderStraetenMPB

H. Bellermann: Die Mensuralnoten und Taktzeichen des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts (Berlin, 1858, enlarged 4/1963 by H. Husmann)

H. Riemann: Handbuch der Musikgeschichte, ii (Leipzig, 1907–13, 2/1920–22/R)

H. Besseler: Die Musik des Mittelalters und der Renaissance, HMw, ii (1931)

C. van den Borren: Geschiedenis van de muziek in de Nederlanden (Amsterdam, 1948–51)

E. Apfel: ‘Der klangliche Satz und der freie Diskantsatz im 15. Jahrhundert’, AMw, xii (1955), 297–313

H.C. Wolff: Die Musik der alten Niederländer (Leipzig, 1956)

E. Sparks: Cantus Firmus in Mass and Motet, 1420–1520 (Berkeley, 1963)

W. Elders: Studien zur Symbolik in der Musik der alten Niederländer (Bilthoven, 1968)

V. Scherliess: Musikalischen Noten auf Kunstwerken der italienischen Renaissance (Hamburg, 1972)

H.M. Brown: Music in the Renaissance (Englewood Cliffs, NJ, 1976)

W. Elders: Symbolic Scores (Leiden, 1994)

A. Blachly: Mensuration and Tempo in 15th-Century Music: Cut Signatures in Theory and Practice (diss., Columbia U., 1995)

C. Märtl: Kardinal Jean Jouffroy (d. 1473): Leben und Werk (Sigmaringen, 1996)

Oclande, Robert.

See Okeland, Robert.

O'Connell, Kevin

(b Londonderry, 22 Dec 1958). Northern Ireland composer. O’Connell began composing at the age of 12. At Trinity College, Dublin (BMus 1982), he studied composition with Joseph Groocock and Brian Boydell. He subsequently worked as a teacher and became a lecturer in composition at Trinity College in 1996. In 1996 he was elected to Aosdána, Ireland’s state-sponsored academy of creative artists. Since leaving university he has been fortunate in gaining a number of important commissions, beginning with the Concertino for 12 Players (1984–5). The cantata From the Besieged City (1988–9) was commissioned by the city council to commemorate the bicentenary of the siege of his home city. It began a line of vocal works that form the cornerstones of his recent output, a line that now includes three chamber operas.

O’Connell’s work is eclectic. Einzeichnung (1987) charts a decidedly modernist course, whereas the chamber opera Sensational! (1992) is full of dance rhythms and melodic lines reminiscent of Broadway. The Saxophone Sonata (1988) mixes strong, almost jazzy, rhythms with lines that sometimes echo Hindemith. But behind these shifts of style lies a common desire to contain ‘unshackled, eruptive force’ within a clear structural framework. This structural vigour is well exemplified by his control over the large span and long-breathed melodies of the first movement of his fine Sonata for Cello and Piano (1993–4).

WORKS

(selective list)

Chbr Op: Sensational! (1, Stembridge), 1992; The Fire King (4, Goodby), 1993–5; My Love, my Umbrella (2, McGahern, Conway), 1997

Orch: Concertino, 12 insts, 1984–5; Einzeichnung, 1987; Conc., vn, chbr orch, 1990; North, 1997–8

Chbr: Str Trio, 1987; Sonata, s sax + a sax, pf, 1988; Tenebrae, cl, vn, vc, 1992; Carrickfergus, pf (4 hands), 1993; Sonata, vc, pf, 1993–4

Vocal: Fáilte don éan [Welcome Little Bird on Branch] (S.D. MacCuarta), SATB, 1988; From the Besieged City (Herbert), Mez, orch, 1988–9

MS in Contemporary Music Centre, Dublin

MICHAEL RUSS

O'Conor, John

(b Dublin, 18 Jan 1947). Irish pianist. He studied at the College of Music, Dublin (1957–69), and later with Dieter Ivebar at the Vienna Hochschule für Musik (1971–6), where he was awarded the top prize for piano in 1975. In 1974 and 1980 he undertook special studies of Beethoven with Wilhelm Kempff. He made his début in Dublin in 1968 and his London début at the Wigmore Hall in 1974, winning first prize in the Vienna Beethoven International Piano Competition in 1973 and first prize in the Bösendorfer Piano Competition, Vienna, in 1975. His repertory favours Mozart, Beethoven (whose complete sonatas he has recorded) and Schubert, and he has made a particular study of the works of John Field, whose complete concertos, nocturnes and sonatas he has recorded. In 1976 O'Conor was appointed professor of piano at the Royal Irish Academy of Music, Dublin. In 1986 he became a co-founder and artistic director of the Dublin International Piano Competition. He is also a frequent jury member at other major international piano competitions including Leeds, Vienna and Sydney.

JESSICA DUCHEN

Ocquet

(Old Fr.).

See Hocket.

Octatonic.

A term that is theoretically applicable to any mode or scale using eight different pitches to the octave, but which has found wide acceptance (since its adoption in Berger, 1963–4) as a designation for the scale (or pitch class collection) generated by alternating whole tones and semitones. A scalar order of the collection can begin with the semitone (the form termed ‘Model A’ by van den Toorn; e.g. C–C–D–E–F–G–A–A) or the tone (‘Model B’; e.g. C–D–D–F–F–G–A–B). Only three distinct transpositions are possible: the forms given above can be transposed to begin on C and D, but any further transpositions will replicate one of those three forms in its pitch class content. The collection is therefore a ‘mode of limited transposition’ under Messiaen's definition (1944).

The octatonic differs from other collections based on symmetrical octave partitioning (such as the whole-tone scale) in that it accommodates both major and minor triads (as well as diminished triads and dominant, minor or half-diminished 7ths) on its degrees a minor 3rd apart (i.e. on C, D, F and A in the ‘Model A’ scale given above). Referentially octatonic passages dating from the mid-19th century, notably in the music of Liszt, tend to involve triadic root progressions by the minor 3rd, while some later examples of the collection (either partial or complete) result from the actual superimposition of minor 3rd- or tritone-related triads or 7th chords (the celebrated bell chord that opens Act 1 scene ii of Musorgsky's Boris Godunov is a subset of the octatonic). The scalar form of the collection was noted by Rimsky-Korsakov (who dubbed it the ‘tone–semitone’ scale – see Taruskin), and numerous 20th-century composers subsequently explored its non-triadic partitionings, notably Stravinsky and Bartók (whose piano piece ‘Diminished Fifth’ from Mikrokosmos divides the collection into two minor tetrachords a tritone apart). As well as by Messiaen (who classified it as his ‘Mode 2’), the scale was used extensively by Pijper in the Netherlands, where it became known as the ‘Pijper scale’. From the 1980s onwards octatonicism received considerable attention in the literature of music analysis: while still most frequently discussed with reference to the music of Stravinsky, it has been explored in studies of Debussy, Ravel, Skryabin and Webern among others.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

O. Messiaen: Technique de mon langage musical (Paris, 1944; Eng. trans., 1956)

A. Berger: ‘Problems of Pitch Organization in Stravinsky’, PNM, ii (1963–4), 11–42

P.C. van den Toorn: The Music of Igor Stravinsky (New Haven, CT, 1983)

R. Taruskin: ‘Chernomor to Kashchei: Harmonic Sorcery; or, Stravinsky's “Angle”’, JAMS, xxxviii (1985), 72–142; rev. repr. in Stravinsky and the Russian Traditions (Berkeley, 1996)

T. Kabisch: ‘Oktatonik, Tonalität und Form in der Musik Maurice Ravels’, Musiktheorie, v (1990), 117–36

R. Cohn: ‘Bartók's Octatonic Strategies: a Motivic Approach’, JAMS, xliv (1991), 262–300

A. Forte: ‘Debussy and the Octatonic’, MAn, x (1991), 125–69

J.-M. Boulay: ‘Octatonicism and Chromatic Harmony’, Canadian University Music Review, xvii (1996), 40–56

A. Forte: ‘The Golden Thread: Octatonic Music in Anton Webern's Early Songs’, Webern Studies, ed. K. Bailey (Cambridge, 1996), 74–110

Cheong Wai-Ling: ‘Scriabin's Octatonic Sonata’, JRMA, cxxi (1996), 206–28

CHARLES WILSON

Octave (i)

(Fr. octave; Ger. Oktave; It. ottava; Gk. diapasōn;; Sp. octava).

The interval between any two notes that are seven diatonic scale degrees apart (e.g. c–c', d–d'). The term usually implies ‘perfect octave’, which is the sum of five whole tones and two diatonic semitones; however it also covers the augmented octave, which is the sum of a perfect octave and a chromatic semitone (e.g. c–c', d–d'), and the diminished octave, which is a perfect octave less a chromatic semitone (e.g. c–c', d–d'). Acoustically the octave is the simplest of all intervals, giving a frequency ratio of 2:1 (a 1:2 ratio of string length); it is also the interval between a note and its first harmonic overtone.

To Western and most non-Western musicians, two notes an octave apart are in a sense alike, being different only in their relative registers and often seeming to blend into one another. This acoustical phenomenon has made the division of the frequency spectrum into octaves fundamental to both the understanding and the notation of music. The ancient Greeks, who recognized this phenomenon, called the octave harmonia, later diapasōn; Ptolemy, writing in the 2nd century, distinguished the octave from the other perfect intervals, calling it homophōnia (the 5th and 4th were called symphōnia). In the notation developed during the Middle Ages, notes an octave or two octaves apart were given the same letter name; and it was the species of octave (i.e. the arrangement of tones and semitones in an eight-note diatonic scale) that determined the Mode to which that scale belonged. Because of its acoustical properties the octave plays a significant role in the construction and playing of instruments, particularly keyboard and woodwind instruments (e.g. those that have ‘octave keys’), and is of fundamental importance to the concept of Register, both in a theoretical sense and as it concerns instruments.

WILLIAM DRABKIN

Octave (ii).

See under Organ stop.

WILLIAM DRABKIN

Octave (iii).

Non-musical uses of the term, which may occasionally be found in musical contexts, include the eighth day (i.e. exactly a week) after any feast day, or the day of a feast and the entire week following it; also the first eight lines of a sonnet.

WILLIAM DRABKIN

Octave courte

(Fr.).

See Short octave.

Octave dividers.

A type of signal processing unit that divides or multiplies the frequency of a signal by a factor of two, to give parallel octaves below or above the note being produced by an instrument. The unit is often operated by means of a foot-pedal. See Electric guitar, §2.

Octave transfer.

See Register transfer.

Octavin

(Fr.).

See under Organ stop.

Octet

(Fr. octette, octuor; Ger. Oktett; It. ottetto).

By analogy with the sextet, septet and nonet, the term ‘octet’, first used at the beginning of the 19th century, denotes a composition in the nature of chamber music for eight solo instruments. The term was first used by Prince Louis Ferdinand of Prussia, whose Octet op.12 (c1800, published 1808) has a central piano part and remained almost unique of its kind. Further works with piano were written by Ferdinand Ries (op.128, 1818), Anton Rubinstein (op.9, 1856) and Paul Juon (op.27, 1907); through the number of instruments alone they all tend to a more concertante style. Nor did the works for mixed wind and string instruments by Peter Winter (c1812), Spohr (op.32, 1814), Reicha (op.96, c1817) and Hindemith (1957–8), each using a different combination, have any lasting influence on the genre. Only the ensemble chosen by Schubert for his Octet (d803), written in 1824 but not published (posthumously) until 1853, developed in the late 19th century into what is still regarded as the standard combination of instruments: clarinet, horn, bassoon, two violins, viola, cello and double bass. Schubert's octet, itself stimulated by Beethoven's extremely successful Septet op.20, inspired many composers to write works for the same ensemble, not least for practical performance reasons: they have included Hugo Kaun (op.26, published in error as op.34, 1891), Ferdinand Thieriot (op.62, 1893), Heinrich Molbe (op.20, 1897), Howard Ferguson (op.4, 1933), Egon Wellesz (op.67, 1949, with english horn), Boris Blacher (1965), Iannis Xenakis (Anaktoria, 1969), Rudolf Kelterborn (Oktett 1969, 1970), Siegfried Matthus (1970), Jean Françaix (A HUIT, 1972), Isang Yun (1978) and Dieter Schnebel (raum-zeit y, arranged for eight instruments 1992–3).

The string octet for four violins, two violas and two cellos, beginning with Mendelssohn's ingenious op.20 (1825, published 1833), formed a separate tradition comprising works by Niels Gade (op.17, 1848), Carl Schuberth (op.23, 1848), Johan Svendsen (op.3, 1865–6), Carl Grädener (op.49, 1870), Joachim Raff (op.176, 1872), Woldemar Bargiel (op.15a, 1877), Hermann Grädener (op.12, 1881), Reyngol'd Glier (op.5, 1900), Enescu (op.7, 1900), Ferdinand Thieriot (op.78, 1903), Bruch (1920) and Shostakovich (Two Pieces op.11, 1924–5). In some of the older compositions the influence of the extremely light, almost scurrying inflection of Mendelssohn's Scherzo can be felt.

Spohr developed an entirely different technical concept of setting with his four double quartets (opp.65, 77, 87 and 136, 1823–47); their antiphonal structure was suggested by a work by Andreas Romberg that remained fragmentary. Similar compositions were written by Nikolay Afanas'yev (Housewarming and Le souvenir) and Mario Peragallo (Music for Double Quartet, 1948). Darius Milhaud's Octet is a curiosity: the composer specified that his 14th and 15th string quartets op.291 (1948–9) may be played separately or, simultaneously, as an octet.

Wind compositions for eight instruments (usually two oboes, two clarinets, two horns and two bassoons), traditionally entitled partita, serenade, cassation, etc., because they were played in the open air, were written for indoor performance as chamber music during the 19th century and termed octets: they included works by Beethoven (op.103, ?1792–3, published 1830), Franz Lachner (op.156, 1850, published 1872), Louis Théodore Gouvy (op.71, published 1882) and Carl Reinecke (op.216, c1892). Entirely different combinations of eight wind instruments are used in Stravinsky's Octet and Varèse's Octandre (both 1923), two important 20th-century compositions.

For bibliography see Chamber music.

MICHAEL KUBE

Octobans.

Drums resembling Boobams.

Octobass.

A large, three-string Double bass.

Octuor

(Fr.).

See Octet.

Oda

(It.).

A stanzaic form of Italian poetry often used by composers of the frottola. Each stanza consists of four iambic lines, the first three with seven syllables and the fourth, of varying length, with usually four, five or 11 syllables. In some examples the fourth line is identical with the first. All stanzas are linked by common rhymes, as in the scheme abbc cdde effg, or less frequently, aaab bbbc. The Italian oda bears no relation to the classical odes of Pindar or Horace but was thought, from the time of 15th-century poet-theorist Francesco Baratella, to represent the kind of ‘frottola’ decried by Landini in his madrigal Musica son (‘Musica son che mi doglio piangendo, / Veder gli effetti miei dolci et perfetti / Lasciar per frottol’i vagh’intelletti’). Musically, it comes close to the barzelletta in its lively rhythms and clear phrases (see, for example, Chi l’aria mai creduto by Marchetto Cara, 1509², with eight stanzas, in which the voices engage in simultaneous declamation). When the last line is short (e.g. with four syllables) it is usually absorbed into the phrase for line 3, thus three phrases for four lines as in the anonymous Audite vui fenestre, F-Pn Rés.Vm⁷ 676, ff.54^v–55. As in other stanzaic frottola types, music is supplied for the first stanza only. See Frottola, §2.

Odăgescu [Odăgescu-Ţuţuianu], Irina

(b Bucharest, 23 May 1937). Romanian composer and musicologist. After studying composition with Mendelsohn and Olah at the Bucharest Academy (1957–63), she became an editor for Editura Muzicală then taught at the Music Lyceum no.5. In 1965 Odăgescu became an assistant lecturer at the Academy, later rising to a professorial position. She studied in Darmstadt in 1972 and 1976. Her compositions blend world music traditions with more modern techniques including serialism. Characteristic elements of her scores include melodic lines of a modal character, blurred harmonic textures and a mood of lyrical contemplation which does not exclude moments of dramatic climax. In her later works, many for choir, she has employed cluster techniques. Odăgescu's writings include didactic books on score-reading.

WORKS

(selective list)

Orch: Passagalia, 1966; Piscuri [Peaks], 1970; Improvizaţii dramatice, 1972; Momente, concertino, 1974; Bătălia cu facle [Battle with Torches], choreographic poem, 1977; Cântec înalt [High Song], choreographic poem, 1983

Chbr and solo inst: Variaţiuni pe o temă populară din Bihor [Variations on a Popular Theme from Bihor], pf, 1961; Str Qt, 1963; Sonata, vn, pf, 1967; Scherzo-Toccata, pf, 1968; Sonata, va, 1982; Muzică pentru 2 piane şi percuţie, 1983

Choral: Tinereţe [Youth] (M. Dumitrescu), chorus, orch, 1963; Oglindire [Mirroring] (Dumitrescu), 1970; Zi de lumină [Day of Light] (M. Negulescu), chorus, orch, 1974; De doi [Of Twos] (trad. text), 1976; Cântând plaiul Mioriţei [Singing the Realm of the Mioriţa], 1977; Rugul pâinii [The Stake of the Bread] (I. Cranguleanu), chorus, perc, 1977; Balada (I. Melinte), 1978; Pe nimb de vulturi [On a Circle of Vultures] (V. Voiculescu), 1981; Urare de dragoste [Good Wishes for Love] (trad. text), 1983; Iia românească [The Romanian Shirt] (trad. text), 1985; 7 cântece de nuntă [7 Wedding Songs] (trad. text), 1989; Tatăl nostru [Our Father], 1996

BIBLIOGRAPHY

V. Cosma: Muzicieni români (Bucharest, 1970)

C. Sârbu: ‘Irina Odăgescu: creaţia corală’, Muzica, new ser., i/4 (1990), 48–76

OCTAVIAN COSMA

Odak, Krsto

(b Siverić, nr Drniš, 20 March 1888; d Zagreb, 4 Nov 1965). Croatian composer. After some music lessons, with private teachers, Odak joined the Franciscan order in 1906, and when he arrived in Munich in 1911 to study theology, he continued studies in composition and organ with Hartmann (1912–13). After he left the order, he moved to Prague to study there at the conservatory with Novák (1919–22). He taught at the Zagreb Academy of Music (1922–61). His output, consisting of over 200 works, reflects the aesthetically diverse style typical of Croatian composers influenced by the modernism of the 1900s, the nationalist style prevalent between the two world wars, and the beginnings of the new music in the 1950s. All three stylistic trends are present in his works: the radical polyphony with extended tonality used in his early works, such as Radosna noć u gradu (‘A Merry Night in the Town’) (1922) and the Madrigal (first performed at the ISCM, Frankfurt, in 1929), hints of dodecaphony in his String Quartet no.5 (1962), the modality in his two Old Slavonic masses and numerous other sacred vocal compositions written in the period of his String Quartet no.2 (1927, which was well-received when the Amar-Hindemith Quartet performed it at the Festival of Chamber Music in Baden-Baden) and no.3 (1935), a well as the national style of Dorica pleše (1933) based on Croatian folklore. His fundamentally romantic Expressionism – outlined already in his op.1, the Violin Sonata (1922), awarded first prize at the diploma concert in Prague – provided a pointer towards polyphonic monumentality reminiscent of Reger and a certain programmatic element in his symphonies, particularly dominant in Symphony no.3 (1961).

WORKS

(selective list)

Stage: Dorica pleše [Dancing Dorica] (op, 3, D. Vilović), op.18, 1933, Zagreb, 16 April 1934; Konac svijeta [Doomsday] (comic op, M. Fotez), op.40, 1944, unperf.; Majka Margarita [Mother Margaritha] (radio op, 1, V. Rabadan), op.60, 1953, Zagreb, 25 March 1955, staged 9 Feb 1957; Leptirica i mjesec [The Butterfly and the Moon] (ballet), 1958, Zagreb, 18 March 1959

Orch: Svečana uvertira [Solemn ov.], 1930; Sym. no.1 ‘Simfonija Jadrana’ [Adriatic Sym.], op.36, 1940; Herojska uvertira [Heroic Ov.], 1954; Sym. no.2, ‘Simfonija brevis’, op.52, 1950; Passacaglia no.2, op 63, 1956; Concertino, bn, st, 1958; Sym. no.3, op.72, 1961, Sym. no.4, 1965

Chbr: Sonata, op.1, vn, pf, 1922; Str Qt no.1, op.5, 1923; Str Qt no.2, op.7, 1927; Str Qt no.3, op.30, 1935; Passacaglia, op.35, org, 1937, arr. str, 1938; Sonata, op.37, pf, 1940; Sonata, op.42, fl, pf, 1946; Str Qt no.4, op.64, 1954; Str Qt no.5, 1962

Vocal: Radosna noć u gradu [A Merry Night in the Town] (A.B. Šimić), male chorus, 1922; 3 Psalms, op.6, Bar, chbr ens, 1925; Madrigal, chorus, 1928; Staroslavenska misa [Old Slavonic Mass] no.1, 1928; Radost [Gaiety] (cant.), 1959; motets, songs, choruses, folk rhapsodies

Principal publisher: Društvo Hrvatskih Skladatelja

WRITINGS

Modulacija [Modulation] (Zagreb, 1954)

Poznavanje instrumenata [The knowledge of instruments] (Zagreb, 1956)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

K. Kovačević: Hrvatski kompozitori i njihova djela [Croatian composers and their works] (Zagreb, 1960), 343–57

K. Livljanć: ‘Odrednice skladateljstva Krste Odaka’ [The co-ordinates of Krsto Odak’s works], Arti musices, xix/2 (1988), 173–84

J. Vysloužil: ‘Hudební centrum Praha v době moderny a Vitězslava Novaka, učitele Krsto Odaka’ [Prague as a musical centre in the time of modernism and of Vitězslav Novák, the teacher of Krsto Odak], Zprávy společnosti Vítězslava Nováka, no.14 (1989), 19–24

E. Sedak, ed.: Krsto Odak: život i djelo [Krsto Odak: life and works] (Zagreb, 1998) [incl. complete list of works]

EVA SEDAK

Oddo.

See Odo.

Oddone, Carlo Giuseppe

(b Turin, 7 Nov 1866; d Rivodora, nr Turin, 23 Feb 1935). Italian violin maker. He was a pupil of Gioffredo Rinaldi of Turin, for whom he worked from 1878 to 1888. He also worked as a restorer for F.W. Chanot in London from 1889 to 1891, returning to Turin in 1892 where he began to make new instruments in 1894. Except for a brief return to London, he remained in Turin for the rest of his active career. He participated in the Turin Exhibizione of 1898 as an exhibitor, displaying a quartet of instruments. He also exhibited at the Turin Exposizione Internationale of 1911.

Oddone is considered one of the most important violin makers and restorers in Italy during the first half of the 20th century. In all, he made over 244 violins, four violas, 19 cellos and two violas d'amore. They reveal a strong and personal character with precise and accurate craftsmanship. His earlier work reflects a lighter and more graceful approach, favouring the models of Amati, Stradivari and Guarneri as well as occasionally Rocca. After 1900 his work takes on a stronger and more robust character, and incorporates models of Pressenda and the bolder models of Stradivari and Guarneri. The woods used are always of the finest quality. The varnish is usually coloured a deep golden orange, although a reddish brown is sometimes seen. The edges of the scroll and corner joints on the ribs are marked out in black. After 1894 Oddone's instruments each bore his number on the label as well as his brands on the lower rib and frequently on the interior. Among those for whom he made instruments and restorations was Alfred Hill, who held his abilities in high esteem. (VannesE)

GABRIELE NEGRI

Ōdē

(Gk.).

In the music and liturgy of the Byzantine rite, the equivalent of ‘canticle’, a section of biblical poetry other than a psalm forming a regular part of Orthros (the morning Office). See Canticle, §2; Kanōn; Byzantine chant, §10(iii).

Ode (ii)

(from Gk. ōdē, from aeidō: ‘I sing’).

In classical antiquity, a poem intended to be sung, usually in honour of some special occasion or as part of a play. Both Greek and Roman ode texts were set to music in the 15th and 16th centuries: some were purely didactic exercises intended to demonstrate poetic metres through mensural notation, while others apparently formed part of the general humanist homage to classical literary style. In the 17th and 18th centuries a cantata-like form called ‘ode’ was cultivated as a form of panegyric to the English monarch, and it eventually also became a standard part of the annual celebrations of St Cecilia’s Day. Neither these odes nor subsequent musical ‘odes’ have any relation to the form or metres of classical models, although most share a tendency to celebrate particular events, places or men, as did most Greek odes.

1. Classical antiquity.

2. Humanistic settings.

3. The English ode.

4. 19th and 20th centuries.

MICHAEL TILMOUTH/THOMAS J. MATHIESEN (1), JAMES HAAR (2), ROSAMOND McGUINNESS/TONY TROWLES (3), MALCOLM BOYD (4)

1. Classical antiquity.

In ancient Greece, ‘ode’ (aoidē, ōdē) was the generic term for song, whether solo or choral, embracing a wide variety of types (e.g. Hymn, Paean, Epinikion, Thrēnos, Dithyramb, Encomium, Prosodion and Partheneia) named according to their functions. Choral lyrics, usually accompanied by dancing, were used at festivals in honour of Apollo or particular cities (hyporchēma and paean), to honour an individual (opinikion or encomium), as processional hymns (praodion or partheneia) and to celebrate Dionysus (dithyramb).

Choral odes are strophic or triadic. In the strophic form, the metres correspond from stanza to stanza, while in the triadic form, two metrically correspondent stanzas (strophe and antistrophe) are followed by an epode employing a contrasting metric pattern. In general, the metre is complex and the tone of the text is elevated. Many of the most important composers of choral odes were from the Dorian states, including such poets as Alcman, Arion, Ibycus, Pindar and Stesichorus, but some, such as Simonides and Bacchylides, came from other regions. Monodic odes, associated with the poets Alcaeus, Anacreon and Sappho, generally exhibit a simpler metric structure with texts treating the entire range of human experience. Horace’s Odes and Epodes were fashioned after the model of earlier Greek authors, whom Horace specifically names as Sappho and Alcaeus (for the Odes) and Archilochus (for the Epodes). The Pindaric ode was widely imitated in English literature of the Augustan age by such poets as Cowley, Dryden and Thomas Gray.

Choral odes were an essential element of early Greek drama, although the importance of the choral element in drama gradually waned as dialogue assumed a more conspicuous place. In tragedy the chorus made its entry after the prologue, processing to the orchēstra (‘dancing area’) while singing the parodos (see Tragōidia). It contributed short songs within the epeisodia, and odes of considerable dimensions in the stasima and exodos at the end of the play. Euripides’s Bacchae, for example, contains five odes, four of them constructed triadically with one introducing a new element, a refrain linking strophe and antistrophe. The parodos and exodos odes were also features of Greek comedy, which is also distinguished by the parabasis, an elaborate musical interlude, occurring roughly in the middle of a comedy, in which the chorus addresses the audience directly on behalf of the poet. See also Greece, §I, 4.

2. Humanistic settings.

Some Horatian odes were set to music in medieval court circles and monastery schoolrooms; several such settings survive, including an 11th-century copy of a Sapphic ode with neumes outlining the hymn melody Ut queant laxis. Guido of Arezzo wrote in the Micrologus (xv) of metrical performances of classical poetry, probably used for didactic purposes.

It seems likely that 15th-century humanists, such as those who gathered at Marsilio Ficino’s Platonic academies, may have improvised sung odes as part of their attempted reconstruction of antique practices. Indeed, Ficino prided himself on his ability to sing Orphic hymns to his own accompaniment on the ‘lira’ (probably a lira da braccio), suggesting the possibility of other attempts to evoke Greek music. It is thought that the mensurally notated melodies illustrating five classical metres printed in Franciscus Niger’s Brevis grammatica (Venice, 1480) may have been models for such improvisation; indeed, Glarean included a number of monophonic settings of Horatian texts in Dodecachordon (ii, 1547), suggesting that successive stanzas ought to be embellished and altered, and recalling a performance of a long classical text he had heard in Cologne in 1508. Some frottola-like settings of classical texts, such as Michele Pesenti’s Integer vitae, suggest that Italian taste cared little for metrical exactness; but metrically correct settings of Latin odes were nonetheless current in Italian circles. One example is a Sapphic ode by L. Curtius on planetary virtues and powers, set as a quantitatively correct duo by Gaffurius and published in his De harmonia (1518).

The connection between the classical ode and musical life was closer in Germany than in any other country. During the 1490s the German humanist Conradus Celtis, lecturing on Horace at Ingolstadt, commissioned a pupil, Petrus Tritonius, to compose four-voice illustrations of the 19 poetic metres in Horace’s odes. Tritonius’s settings, rather stiff imitations of contemporary Tenorlied style, had the virtue of conforming exactly to the classical metres. They were sung by students at the ends of lectures and were eventually printed, in an expanded form, as Melopoiae sive harmoniae tetracenticae super XXII genera carminum heroicorum elegiacorum lyricorum et ecclesiasticorum hymnorum (1507). The collection enjoyed great success in German schools and was reprinted in various forms. In 1534 a new set of odes by Senfl appeared, in which the tenors of Tritonius’s compositions were used as superius parts and fitted with new harmonizations. Other collections of Horatian odes, similar in character to those of Tritonius and Senfl but newly composed, include one composed by ‘Michael’, printed for T. Billican in 1526, and Hofhaimer’s Harmoniae poeticae (Nuremberg, 1539).

As early as 1495 Latin plays by German schoolmasters included odes. The celebrated Ludus Dianae of Celtis, performed in 1501, had choruses in antique metres sung at the end of each act. This use of choral odes became common in school plays on sacred or allegorical subjects, often using or referring to Horatian texts; such plays were performed by German schoolchildren throughout the 16th century and well into the 17th. The relationship between these choruses and German chorale settings was often close, especially when the plays were in the vernacular. Indeed, some of Tritonius’s ode settings were taken over into the chorale repertory by the mid-16th century. Early Christian texts in antique metres, such as those by Prudentius, were set by such composers as Agricola, Senfl and Benedictus Ducis, and some psalm texts were recast in Horatian metres for musical performance.

Although Glarean cited a metrically exact melody from an ode by Robert Gaugin, a piece he must have seen in his student days in Paris, no French tradition corresponding to the German cultivation of the ode can be observed. Goudimel provided music for an enormous Pindaric ode by Pierre Ronsard, music and text being published in the Amours of 1552–3, and he is known to have published a now lost collection of Horatian odes in 1555, suggesting that the Calvinist psalmody to which he contributed so much may owe something to humanistic concern for classical prosody. The notions of Baïf’s and Ronsard’s contemporaries about ‘musique mesurée à la lyre’ are only indirectly related to the 16th-century tradition of metrically exact ode settings, however. Instead, they seem to have been the logical continuation of earlier humanistic efforts to set classical odes, hymns and hexameters (see Vers mesurés, vers mesurés à l’antique). Exact note-for-syllable equivalence was primarily a matter for the classroom and the academy. Occasional settings of classical odes in motet style by Rore and others, along with the Virgil motets of Josquin and Willaert and the precise hexameters of Lassus’s Prophetiae Sibyllarum, show enough care for declamation to suggest that the humanistic concern shown by academic cultivation of ode composition made a genuine contribution to 16th-century musical thought.

(i) The court ode, 1660–1715.

3. The English ode.

This form of extended cantata, originating shortly after the Restoration and remaining in use for at least 160 years, was most often designed as an act of loyalty to a reigning monarch, an act of thanksgiving, or a tribute to St Cecilia. Any relationship to the classical ode is slender beyond the fact that English odes are occasional and sententious works cast in the form of addresses to the object of praise, as well as being stately in structure, lyrical in expression and serious in tone.

(ii) The court ode, 1715–1820.

(iii) Odes for St Cecilia’s Day.

(iv) Odes for academic ceremonial.

(v) Other aspects of the 18th-century ode.

(i) The court ode, 1660–1715.

The tradition of celebrating personal events in the lives of English monarchs was an old one. It may be linked with the musical tributes offered to Elizabeth I on her progresses, and as early as 1617 Orlando Gibbons composed a ‘welcome song’ on James I’s arrival in Edinburgh, Do not repine, fair sun. This work lacked the solo sections characteristic of the Restoration ode, but its resemblance to the contemporary verse anthem anticipated the later form’s style. The earliest extant ode text is Ben Jonson’s A New-Yeares-Gift Sung to King Charles, 1635 (adapted from a masque text written in 1620 for James I’s birthday); Jonson’s panegyric poetry remained a frequent source for ode texts after the Restoration. The title of Thomas Nabbes’s masque A Presentation Intended for the Prince his Highness on his Birthday, the 29 of May, 1638, Annually Celebrated, for the eighth birthday of the later Charles II, suggests that such celebrations were the rule, although no other examples survive: if the young prince witnessed this and other such performances, its memory may have prompted his later encouragement of official odes.

Contrary to the general belief, then, the writing of odes was not simply a practice borrowed from the French court; the English custom was in fact established before the French one of including panegyrics of the king in opera prologues, and the independent ode was never known in France. The revival of the ode at the Restoration was prompted by the existing literary tradition, the psychological climate after the Commonwealth, and the coincidence of Charles II’s birthday with the date of his return.

The lack of contemporary evidence makes it difficult to trace the ode’s history in the 1660s, and in particular to say when odes were initiated. The earliest extant ones seem to be Henry Cooke’s Good morrow to the year and Locke’s All things their certain periods have, both probably written for 1 January 1666. Nor is it clear whether the performance of odes on royal birthdays was a regular event; birthday odes account for many of the surviving examples, but there are also ‘welcome songs’ on a monarch’s return to London (mostly from the reign of James II), ‘feast songs’ for banquets, funeral odes, and odes on coronations, military victories or treaties. (Odes on St Cecilia’s Day are discussed below.) It is impossible to say with whom the responsibility for producing odes lay; the writing of the texts and composition of the music does not, until 1715, seem to have been the obligation of particular court functionaries. Most texts before 1715 are anonymous, and neither the poets known to have written the remaining ones (including Flatman, Shadwell, D’Urfey, Sedley, Tate, Motteux, Prior and Wall) nor the composers of the music (Cooke, Locke, Humfrey, William Turner (ii), Blow, Henry and Daniel Purcell, Staggins, Tudway, Clarke, Croft and Handel) held any court position in common. Performances were generally given by the Gentlemen and Boys of the Chapel Royal with the King’s Band of 24 violins, supplemented as necessary.

Only ten odes from 1660 to 1680 survive in complete form (one by Locke, three each by Cooke, Humfrey and Blow); each consists of verses for solo or duet (with continuo) and verses for chorus, with instrumental ritornellos. There is some echoing of motifs between successive movements; sometimes entire sections were repeated, as required by the poetic form, and the overture (or parts of it) could be used for ritornellos. Humfrey and Blow favoured the French overture rather than the Italian symphony used by Cooke.

From about 1680 the court ode began to depart from its model and take on more individuality, partly under the influence of Purcell. He and Blow shared responsibility for the provision of court odes: in James II’s reign, Purcell provided welcome songs and Blow the birthday and New Year odes, a division that continued into the reign of William and Mary, though Purcell now composed occasional birthday odes. Their odes of this period show a wider range of dramatic effect and more colourful instrumentation; and the use of better vocal soloists (notably the countertenor John Abell and the bass John Gostling) led to the inclusion of virtuoso solo items. Purcell, in fact, widened the ode’s expressive range with his use of ritornellos, recurring grounds, motivic relationships and broader tonal planning. The death in 1685 of Charles II, who had exerted a considerable influence on the style of court music, gave the composers a freer hand in the composition of odes; Charles’s successors showed little interest in musical matters.

After Purcell’s death, and eventually Blow’s, the ode tradition was continued by lesser composers, including Daniel Purcell, and John Eccles, who was however capable of some degree of originality. Few odes from this period survive. The most important is Handel’s written for Queen Anne’s birthday in 1713: italianate in style, it nevertheless shows a marked Purcellian influence. While Handel drew on some of his previous works, including operas and oratorios, for several of its songs, he ended each item with a choral setting of the lines ‘The day that gave great Anna birth, Who fix’d a lasting peace on earth’.

(ii) The court ode, 1715–1820.

From 1715 to the end of the regency in 1820, the preparation of odes on the royal birthday and the New Year was part of the duties of the Poet Laureate and the Master of the King’s Music. Texts were written by Rowe, Eusden, Cibber, Whitehead, Warton, Pye and Southey, and music by John Eccles, Greene, Boyce, Stanley and William Parsons. During the reigns of George I and II odes were performed twice a year, except during court mourning or, sometimes, when the day to be fêted fell on a Sunday; in George III’s reign, birthday odes were given each year until 1810. Poets were outspoken about their distaste for writing odes; both Thomas Gray and Sir Walter Scott declined the laureateship to avoid the duty, and William Whitehead, Poet Laureate from 1758 to 1785 and the author of at least 50 odes, complained of the position of a poet who, ‘oblig’d by sack and pension, Without a subject or invention … Must some half-meaning disguise And utter neither truth nor lies.’

The works of Greene and his successor as Master of the King’s Music, Boyce, are almost the only court odes after 1735 for which both text and music have survived. Both used the standard procedures and the idiom of contemporary dramatic works, like Handel’s. Impetus was given to this use of the Handelian model not only by the general popularity of Handel’s music but also by the particular enthusiasm for it of George I, II and III. Apart from Boyce’s settings of some of Whitehead’s longer texts, which are primarily in recitative style, the odes came to be successions of four or five affective arias or solo ensembles, accompanied by a variety of instruments whose choice was related to the text. Both secco and accompagnato recitative styles were used, and the whole was preceded by a substantial French overture or Italian symphony and concluded with a chorus. The instrumental introductions could make up half the length of the entire ode, and were usually its best music (Boyce published two collections of his overtures). J.C. Bach’s single offering to the ode tradition, a birthday ode for Queen Charlotte (consort of George III) in 1762, is noteworthy as an isolated example of an extant ode in the galant style.

With the exception of part of Stanley’s New Year ode for 1782, none of the music written for odes by Stanley or Parsons has survived, although the texts are available. Surviving descriptions of Stanley’s odes suggest that the influence of Handel’s dramatic style remained strong, and that the ode consisted of an alternation of recitatives and songs framed by an overture and a chorus. Parsons, the last Master to be burdened with the court ode, was chiefly renowned for his skill and good taste in adapting Handel’s music to Pye’s poetic texts.

In the early 18th century a parallel tradition of ode writing developed in Ireland, where the birthdays of the monarch and consort, but not New Year’s Day, were celebrated before the Lord Lieutenant (or his deputies) at Dublin Castle. Apart from an ode on Queen Anne’s birthday set by Charles Ximenes in February 1707 the first group of works of this sort were by J.S. Kusser, who arrived in Dublin that year and provided his first birthday ode in 1708; over the next 20 years he composed at least 18 birthday offerings. All but the first are described as serenatas, and the frequent use of the term serenata theatrale in the surviving librettos (all anonymous), along with elaborate scenic descriptions and the use of characterization, suggest that the works drew heavily on the masque tradition and included dramatic action as well as costumes and scenery. The only serenata by Kusser for which the music has survived is The Universal Applause of Mount Parnassus, written for Queen Anne’s birthday in 1711, which has a freshness and originality lacking in London court odes of the period.

After his death in 1727 Kusser was succeeded as Master and Composer of State Music in Ireland by Matthew Dubourg, many of whose odes are extant; but all the overtures are lost, and what survives of the music is of little interest apart from some occasionally elaborate violin accompaniments. He was succeeded in turn by Richard Hay and John Crosdill, but the Dublin court ode tradition died out some years before its London counterpart, the last known performance being for Queen Charlotte’s birthday in 1794.

(iii) Odes for St Cecilia’s Day.

The largest single body of odes, besides those for royal birthdays and New Year festivities, was composed for the annual celebration of St Cecilia’s Day (22 November), a practice instituted in London by the Musical Society in 1683 and observed for 30 years (except in 1688 and 1689). Thereafter, Cecilian odes continued to be performed sporadically until the end of the 18th century; some were also composed in the 19th and 20th, but not always for performance as part of the traditional celebration (see §4).

The first celebration of St Cecilia’s Day was probably held at York Buildings, Villiers Street, which evidently proved too small, for subsequent events were held at Stationers’ Hall, where a banquet was followed by the performance of an ode. From 1693 the feast was preceded by a choral service at St Bride’s in Fleet Street during which a sermon in defence of church music was usually preached. A contemporary account appeared in the Gentleman’s Journal (January 1692):

On that day [22 November] or the next when it falls on a Sunday, … most of the lovers of music, whereof many are persons are of the first rank, meet at Stationers’-Hall in London, not thro’ a principle of superstition, but to propagate the advancement of that divine science. A splendid entertainment is provided, and before it is always a performance of music by the best voices and hands in town; the words, which are always in the patronesses praise, are set by some of the greatest masters in town.

Fishburn, Oldham, Tate, Dryden, Shadwell, D’Urfey, Brady, Congreve, Hughes, and others contributed texts, and the composers included Henry Purcell (1683 and 1692), Blow (1684, 1691, 1695, 1700), Draghi (1687), Finger (1693), Daniel Purcell (1694 and 1698), Clarke (1697) and John Eccles (1701). The odes were performed by leading singers of the day, with a chorus drawn from the choirs of St Paul’s Cathedral, Westminster Abbey and the Chapel Royal, and instrumentalists from the King’s Band and the theatres. Most texts conform to a common pattern: a conventional opening section praising Cecilia; a contrasting section, often using military imagery to express the chaos preceding the advent of ‘heavenly harmony’; and a final section lauding the qualities of individual instruments. The most distinguished texts are Dryden’s From Harmony (1687, music by Draghi) and Alexander’s Feast (1697, music by Clarke).

In musical organization and style, the Cecilian odes are similar to the court ones: songs, duets and trios setting descriptive passages, with choruses for the laudatory sections. Draghi’s fine setting of Dryden’s From Harmony did much to expand the expressive range of the Cecilian ode, exploiting the imagery of the text in both the melodic writing and the instrumental accompaniment. His ode undoubtedly influenced Purcell’s Hail! Bright Cecilia (1692) which, with its unusual formal coherence and consistently high musical quality, was the finest work to emerge from the annual festival. The London feasts inspired numerous provincial concerts on St Cecilia’s Day, and newly composed odes were given in Oxford (Daniel Purcell), Hereford (Henry Hall), Winchester (Vaughan Richardson) and elsewhere in England.

During the 18th century regular observance of St Cecilia’s Day declined, but the encomium musicae continued to provide inspiration for poets, either in the traditional form of an ode in honour of the patron saint (Pope, Lockman) or as a more general ode in praise of music or harmony (Warton, Pye). In this latter form the ‘ode to music’ retained some popularity with composers. Pope’s Cecilian ode was set by Greene, in a modified version, as his Cambridge doctoral exercise in 1730 and later, in its original form, as an Oxford BMus exercise by William Walond. William Boyce wrote a short ode for St Cecilia’s Day about 1738 as well as his fine extended setting of John Lockman’s See famed Apollo and the nine (1739). The poems written by Dryden for the feasts of 1687 and 1697 were set by Handel in 1739 and 1736 respectively (the former having its first performance on 22 November), and towards the end of the 18th century Samuel Wesley made an extended setting of a Cecilian ode by his grandfather that both William Norris and Daniel Purcell had set over a century earlier. Less substantial works in the Cecilian tradition by Pepusch, Alcock, Festing and the Hayeses are extant.

(iv) Odes for academic ceremonial.

A separate tradition of ode writing developed at the University of Oxford; in its earliest manifestation, Latin songs performed to accompany the annual academic ceremony known as the Act (see Act music (ii), it probably predates the court ode. At Cambridge ode performances were much rarer. By 1730, when Gibbs’s Senate House was opened, the distinction between different types of ode and their functions was increasingly blurred, a fact underlined by the performance of Greene’s doctoral St Cecilia ode as part of the celebrations for the new building. The only odes subsequently composed for Cambridge were Boyce’s setting of a text by William Mason for the installation of a new Chancellor in 1749, and John Randall’s installation ode of 1769 (now lost), with words by Thomas Gray. In Dublin an early example of an ode for an academic occasion is Purcell’s Great parent, hail (words by Tate), performed at Christ Church Cathedral in 1694 to celebrate the Trinity College centenary. The Earl of Mornington’s ode for the new Chancellor of the university in 1768 appears to have been the only other example.

(v) Other aspects of the 18th-century ode.

Court odes inspired similar works in celebration of prominent figures and events of national significance, including Jeremiah Clarke’s ode celebrating the victories of the Duke of Marlborough and his so-called ‘Barbadoes Song’ commemorating a hurricane in the West Indies. Performances for charitable causes formed another strand of the ode tradition (e.g. Boyce’s Ode to Charity, 1774, and Arne’s ode for the Middlesex Hospital, 1775). Other odes for the inauguration of new buildings included those by James Hook (1772) and Samuel Arnold (1785).

Changes in literary taste had a significant influence on the ode as a musical form. Boyce’s Ode in Commemoration of Shakespeare (first performed 1756) and Arne’s setting of words by Richard Garrick for the so-called Shakespeare Jubilee of 1769 reflect the mid-century revival of interest in the Bard. There was a further Shakespeare ode from Samuel Arnold (given at Marylebone Gardens in 1769), but the most striking work of this sort was Thomas Linley’s A Lyric Ode on the Fairies, Aerial Beings, and Witches of Shakespeare, performed at Drury Lane in 1776. The text, by French Lawrence, reflects the rising romantic mood in English poetry, and Linley responded with fine music to produce one of the most important later examples of the genre.

Other poets influenced by the romantic movement (Gray, William Collins) increasingly wrote lengthy odes that lacked any occasional or topical significance but retained the characteristically rich language and imagery of the form. Such poems attracted many composers, an early example being William Hayes, whose setting of Collins’s The Passions was first performed in 1750, but it was composers of the next generation (Philip Hayes, William Jackson, Benjamin Cooke and John Wall Callcott) who established a tradition of ‘abstract’ odes. These are among the most substantial in the ode repertory, with overtures in several movements, extended self-contained vocal sections, elaborate fugal choruses and large-scale accompaniments. Few can be considered in toto as musically outstanding, but they frequently demonstrate the composers’ imaginative response to the libretto, expressed in vivid word-setting and unusual orchestration.

During the 18th century the term ‘ode’ came to be applied to a wide variety of works, ranging from strophic songs for solo voice, through works that are in effect cantatas, to settings on the scale of a small oratorio. The development of the public concert towards the end of the 17th century helped to sustain the ode’s development and ensured that many occasional pieces first heard in a setting appropriate to the event were repeated in the concert room, the theatre or the pleasure garden. Of the more than 500 odes known to have been composed between 1660 and 1800 well over half have survived in some form.

4. 19th and 20th centuries.

The ode hardly lends itself to precise definition as a musical genre in the 19th and 20th centuries. That is partly because poets themselves have not always been discriminating in their use of the term (there is no obvious reason, for example, why Keats’s To a Nightingale should be called an ode while Shelley’s To a Skylark is not), and also because during that period there was no unbroken tradition like that of the English court ode. Such late 18th-century publications as Sei ode di Oratio tradotta in lingua italiana (London, c1775), including settings by J.C. Bach and Antonio Boroni, and Odes d’Anacréon, … avec … odes grecques mises en musique par Gossec, Méhul, Le Sueur et Cherubini (Paris, 1798) seem to have been isolated examples of the classical revival. Many of the poems originally entitled odes in the 19th and 20th centuries were not so called when set to music, and vice versa. The best known of all musical odes, Beethoven’s setting of Schiller’s An die Freude in the finale of the Ninth Symphony, was not called an ode by Schiller, and although the title-page of the symphony reads Sinfonie mit Schluss-Chor über Schillers Ode ‘An die Freude’, Beethoven elsewhere referred to the poem in other terms. The settings (in translation) by Tchaikovsky (1864) and Mascagni (1882) are usually called cantatas.

Indeed, there is little to be gained by attempting to separate the ode from the cantata as a musical form in the 19th and 20th centuries; both might be described as substantial works for chorus and orchestra (often with solo voices) on a secular and usually elevated theme. (Brahms’s setting of Hans Schmidt’s Sapphische Ode, like other short odes for voice and piano, belongs to a different genre.) Odes, like cantatas, were frequently written for ceremonial occasions (e.g. Sterndale Bennett’s setting of Tennyson’s Ode Written Expressly for the Opening of the Industrial Exhibition, 1862, and Sullivan’s setting of Lewis Morris’s Imperial Institute Ode, 1887), and the tradition of celebrating the feast of St Cecilia with a specially composed ode was carried on intermittently. Among the many odes of Hubert Parry was a setting of the same Ode on St Cecilia’s Day by Pope that Maurice Greene and William Walond set in the 18th century. Among the best 20th-century Cecilian odes is Gerald Finzi’s For St Cecilia, composed to words by Edmund Blunden for the St Cecilia’s Day Festival in London in 1947. Britten’s unaccompanied Hymn to St Cecilia on a text by Auden, though not an ode in title, comes into the same category.

Works such as these were clearly related to the ancient classical odes of Horace and Pindar in so far as the poems they use were expressly written for musical setting. The majority of odes composed during the 19th and 20th centuries, however, were settings of verses not originally intended to be sung. A glance through the works of the major European composers of this period reveals surprisingly few odes (Bizet’s Vasco de Gama (1859–60) and Debussy’s unfinished Ode à la France (1916–17) are rather isolated examples), but the poetic form was much cultivated by the English Romantics, and many of their greatest odes attracted composers. Keats’s famous Ode to a Nightingale was set by Hamilton Harty, Ernest Walker and Richard Walthew, for example, and Holst used the same poet’s Ode on a Grecian Urn for the slow movement of his Choral Symphony (1923–4). Byron’s Ode to Napoleon was set for reciter and instruments by Schoenberg in 1942, and Finzi’s ambitious setting of Wordsworth’s Ode on the Intimations of Immortality was written for the Three Choirs Festival at Gloucester in 1950. Finzi omitted two of Wordsworth’s stanzas, but his ode is nevertheless one of the longest ever composed. Among later poems must be mentioned the verses of Walt Whitman that were used by Stanford for his Elegiac Ode (1884) and by Holst for his Ode to Death (1919). Robert Bridges commemorated the bicentenary of Purcell’s death in 1895 with an Ode to Music, which Parry set in that year as Invocation to Music; his own Ode to Music (1901) is to words by A.C. Benson. Holst also drew upon Bridges’s poem for part of his Choral Fantasia (1930). The ode was not much cultivated after World War II, perhaps because of its past associations with rather high-flown poetic sentiments and with a tradition of choral writing that many have considered stuffy and outworn.

1. Origin and early history.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

MGG2 (E. Pöhlmann, K.G. Hartmann/T. Schmidt-Beste, T. Trowles, P. Jost)

W.H. Husk: An Account of the Musical Celebrations on St. Cecilia’s Day (London, 1857)

R. von Liliencron: ‘Die horazischen Metren in deutschen Kompositionen des 16. Jahrhunderts’, VMw, iii (1887), 26–91 [incl. edns of the odes of Tritonius, Senfl and Hofhaimer]

R. von Liliencron: ‘Die Chorgesänge des lateinisch-deutschen Schuldramas im XVI. Jahrhundert’, VMw, vi (1890), 309–87

P. Eickhoff: ‘Eine aus dem Mittelalter überlieferte Melodie zu Horatius III₉, nebst dem Bruchstück einer solchen zu III₃’, VMw, vii (1891), 108–43

E. Walker: ‘The Bodleian Manuscripts of Maurice Greene’, MA, i (1909–10), 149–65, 203–14

E.K. Broadus: The Laureateship (Oxford, 1921/R)

H.W. Shaw: ‘The Secular Music of John Blow’, PMA, lxiii (1936–7), 1–19

J.A. Westrup: Purcell (London, 1937, 4/1980)

H.W. Shaw: ‘Blow’s Use of the Ground Bass’, MQ, xxiv (1938), 31–8

D.P. Walker: ‘The Aims of Baïf’s Académie de poésie et de musique’, JRBM, i (1946–7), 91–100

H.L. Clarke: John Blow (1649–1708), Last Composer of an Era (diss., Harvard U., 1947)

F.W. Sternfeld: ‘Music in the Schools of the Reformation’, MD, ii (1948), 99–122

R. Lebègue: ‘Ronsard et la musique’, Musique et poésie au XVIe siècle: Paris 1953, 105–20

H.C. Wolff: ‘Die geistlichen Oden des Georg Tranoscius und die Odenkompositionen des Humanismus’, Mf, vi (1953), 300–15; vii (1954), 39–53

J. Herbage: ‘The Secular Oratorios and Cantatas’, Handel: a Symposium, ed. G. Abraham (London, 1954/R), 132–55

S.M. Lincoln: ‘Handel’s Music for Queen Anne’, MQ, xlv (1959), 191–207

S.M. Lincoln: John Eccles: the Last of a Tradition (diss., U. of Oxford, 1963)

W. Müller-Blattau: ‘Der Humanismus in der Musikgeschichte Frankreichs und Deutschlands’, Festschrift für Walter Wiora, ed. L. Finscher and C.-H. Mahling (Kassel, 1967), 296–303

F.B. Zimmerman: Henry Purcell, 1659–1695: his Life and Times (London, 1967, 2/1983)

H.D. Johnstone: The Life and Work of Maurice Greene (diss., U. of Oxford, 1967)

R. McGuinness: ‘“A Fine Song on Occasion of the Day was Sung”’, ML, 1 (1969), 290–95

R. McGuinness: ‘The Ground-Bass in the English Court Ode’, ML, li (1970), 118–40, 265–78

R. McGuinness: English Court Odes 1660–1820 (Oxford, 1971) [incl. complete list of musical and literary sources]

J. Draheim: Vertonungen antiker Texte vom Barock bis zur Gegenwart (Amsterdam, 1981)

J. Draheim and G. Wille: Horaz-Vertonungen vom Mittelalter bis zur Gegenwart: eine Anthologie (Amsterdam, 1985)

T. Trowles: The Musical Ode in Britain c.1670–1800 (diss., U. of Oxford, 1992)

Odell.

American firm of organ builders. It was founded (as J.H. & C.S. Odell) in 1859 by John Henry Odell (1830–99) and Caleb Sherwood Odell (1827–93) in New York. Before starting their own company, the Odell brothers had worked for Richard Ferris, and for William Robjohn, whom they succeeded. Although the firm's output was never great and was largely confined to the New York area, the Odells are credited with several important inventions, mostly patented during the 1860s and 1870s, including a reversible coupler action, an early combination action and a crescendo pedal. They were also early experimenters with tubular-pneumatic action, for which they obtained patents in 1872 and 1898. Among their more notable instruments were those built for the Fort Street Presbyterian Church, Detroit (1876), and Fifth Avenue Presbyterian Church, New York (1893). After the deaths of the founders, the firm was operated for a time by John Henry's son, George Washington Odell, under the name of J.H. & C.S. Odell & Co., and the scope of the company's work gradually narrowed to small organs, rebuilding and maintenance. William Henry Odell, son of Caleb, later operated the company with his sons Caleb H. (d 1944) and Lewis C. (d 1959); in 1928 the sons relocated the workshop to Mount Vernon, New York. After their deaths the company was run as a maintenance operation by Harry Odell (1919–98, son of Caleb H. Odell), who sold its assets to Anthony R. Meloni & Co. of Portchester, New York, in 1985.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

O. Ochse: The History of the Organ in the United States (Bloomington, IN, 1975)

J. Ogasapian: Organ Building in New York City, 1700–1900 (Braintree, MA, 1977)

F.R. Webber: ‘A Century of Odell Organs’, The Tracker, xxvi/4 (1981–2), 8–13

BARBARA OWEN

Odense.

City in Denmark, the country's third largest city, on the island of Fyn. In early times music was taught at the Latinskole, and a town musician was employed. As the city was the winter residence of the landed gentry, a rich theatrical and musical life developed from the end of the 18th century. Visiting opera companies appeared at the Odense Teater (erected 1795, rebuilt 1840 and 1891; new building 1914); concerts were also held at the inn of Herman Kyhn (from the winter season of 1772) and later in the Odense Klub (founded 1780, closed 1801). Passion concerts with oratorios were conducted by the choirmaster of the Latinskole, Johan Jacob Heimeran. From 1813 to 1818 Count Frederik Ahlefeldt-Laurvig's orchestra formed the nucleus of concert life. In 1819 the Musikalske Selskab (Musical Society) was formed, holding subscription concerts in the town hall. The Odense Musikforening (Music Society), founded in 1866, was active over a long period and among other things performed oratorio. In 1880 a 20-man regimental orchestra was established, continuing until 1932 and later continued until 1997 in the Musikkorps Fyn (earlier the Fynske Livregiments Musikkorps). In 1918 the Odense Private Kammermusikforening (from 1920 the Odense Kammermusikforening) was set up. Several attempts were made to establish a permanent city orchestra (e.g. the Filharmonisk Orkester for Fyns Stift, founded 1926); finally in 1946 the Odense Municipal Orchestra (Byorkester) was founded (from 1986 the Odense Symfoniorkester). It performed in the Fyns Forsamlingshus (built 1910; c1700 seats) and later in the Odense Koncerthus (inaugurated 1982), which has two halls seating 1300 and 360; the large hall houses an organ by Marcussen with 46 stops. In 1929 the Fynske Musikkonservatorium was established; it has been a national institution since 1972. Fyns Unge Tonekunstnerselskab has performed new music since 1982, for example at the Musiknytår and Musikhøst festivals. Other ensembles are the Carl Nielsen Kvartetten (formed 1963; known as Fynske Kvartet, 1963–73) and the Fynske Trio (founded 1973; from 1990 called the Lin Ensemble). Opera and operetta were performed occasionally at the Odense Teater, more regularly from 1948. Fynske Opera, founded in 1953, staged a new production annually at the Odense Teater until it disbanded in 1964.

The composer Carl Nielsen was born near Nørre Lyndelse, south of Odense, in 1865 and as a young man worked in the city as a military musician. There is a museum in Odense honouring Nielsen and his wife, a sculptor, and a smaller one at one of his childhood homes, south of the city. In 1982 the first known manuscript of a symphony attributed to Mozart (k16a) was found in Odense; it had its modern première there in 1984 and, although the attribution is discredited, is now known as the Odense Symphony.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

C.M.K. Petersen: ‘Musik og skuespil fra 1770 til vore dage’, Odense bys historie, ed. H. St Holbeck and others (Odense, 1926), ii, 679–783

G. Hansen: Die Entwicklung des National-Theaters in Odense aus einer deutschen Entreprise: ein Beitrag zur deutsch-dänischen Theatergeschichte, Die Schaubühne: Quellen und Forschungen zur Theatergeschichte, lix (Emsdetten, 1963)

H. Albrecht: Odense musikforening 1866–1966 (Odense, 1966)

P. Dreyer, ed.: Odense Teater 175 år 1796–1971 (Odense, 1971)

T. Vandsted: Gennem kamp til sejr: Odense Byorkester, Fyns symfoniske Orkester 1946–1971 (Odense, 1971)

C. Alsted, ed.: Odense private kammermusikforenings symfoniorkester, 1948–1973 (Odense, 1973)

S. Reventlow: Musik på Fyn: blandt kendere og liebhavere (Copenhagen, 1983)

J.P. Larsen and K. Wedin, eds.: Die Sinfonie KV16a ‘del Sigr. Mozart’ Odense 1984

N. Oxenvad: ‘Teater og musik’, Mod bedre tider: Odense 1789–1868, ed. P. Thestrup and others (Odense, 1986), 386–403

J. Haestrup: ‘Musiklivet’, Storby og servicecenter: Odense 1945–1988, ed. S.N. Laursen and others (Odense, 1988), 428–44

CLAUS RØLLUM-LARSEN

Odeon.

German record company. Odeon was a trademark of the International Talking Machine Co., founded by Frederick Prescott in Berlin in 1903. In 1911 it was acquired by the German Carl Lindström company, which in turn was bought by Columbia International in 1926. In 1931, after the merger of Columbia and the Gramophone Company, Odeon became part of Electric and Musical Industries (EMI). EMI issued records on a variety of labels, but Odeon remained the main label of the German branch, and even after the merger it operated quite independently. After World War II it took a less prominent role, but EMI was still using the name as a trademark in 2000.

Odeon had international ambitions from the start. By 1906, the company claimed to have made 14,000 different recordings in various parts of the world. The recordings were originally made by engineers sent out from Berlin and pressed in Germany for subsequent export to the country of origin, but later additional factories were established in major markets. In Europe, Odeon had a large popular and classical repertory, with Lilli Lehmann, Emmy Destinn and John McCormack among its artists; in north Africa and Asia it recorded a large number of local artists.

During the 1920s and 30s Odeon was the flagship label of the Lindström company, its prominent artists including Lotte Lehmann, Richard Tauber, Bronisław Huberman, Gregor Piatigorsky, Hermann Abendroth, Hans Knappertsbusch, Otto Klemperer and Willem Mengelberg. The label was well known in most parts of the world, except the UK and North America. In the USA, European Odeon recordings usually appeared on the Columbia and OKeh labels, although a number of releases mainly aimed at the immigrant market appeared on the original label. The Lindström company had an extensive network of local branches and agents in continental Europe and Latin America, including such minor markets as Latvia and Albania. It was also established in most Asian countries, and was among the first record companies to exploit systematically the emerging African record market. It was the company's practice to assign separate catalogue number series for each country.

The total number of Odeon records issued is not known; probably many have been lost. Surviving examples show that in addition to its repertory of classical and popular Western music, the company made an extraordinary number of recordings of the various musical idioms of the world. Its anthology Music of the Orient, compiled from the company's repertory by the musicologist Erich von Hornbostel and issued in an album of 78 r.p.m. records in Germany and the UK during the 1930s, probably represented the first attempt to present in-context recordings of non-Western traditional music to Western audiences.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

A. Guttmann: 25 Jahre Lindström 1904–1929 (Berlin, 1929)

H. Wahl: Odeon: die Geschichte einer Schallplatten-Firma (Düsseldorf, 1986)

P. Vernon: Ethnic and Vernacular Music, 1898–1960: a Resource and Guide to Recordings (Westport, CT, 1995)

PEKKA GRONOW

Odessa.

The fourth largest Ukrainian city, it is strategically located at the mouths of the Danube, Dnester, Boh and Dnepr rivers. In 1480 the Odessa territory was captured by Turks, who built a fortress on it. During the Russo-Turkish War (1789), the Russian army and the Zaporozhian Cossacks took the fortress and the settlements, and in 1792 the territory was transferred to Russia under the terms of the treaty of Iaşi. In 1795 it was renamed, from the Turkish Hadzhybei, Odessa. Catherine II decided to develop the town into a large naval and commercial port and trade centre, and, because of its position as ‘the southern window to Europe’, the city grew rapidly in the second half of the 19th century, soon becoming the major cultural centre of southern Ukraine. Although the dominant language and culture was Russian, a sizeable German and Jewish minority (as well as Greek, Turkish, French and Italian) developed their own distinct cultural forms.

Odessa soon became an important musical centre: the opera house was built in 1810 and the Philharmonic Society was formed in 1839. Italian music was in vogue; Italian opera flourished and the only professional music activity in the city was operatic until in 1831 A.D. Zhilin organized instrumental concerts. It was fashionable at that time to have mixed vocal-instrumental concerts presenting a number of artists on the same evening. This changed with Franz Liszt's first tour of Odessa in 1847, which consisted of six solo concerts. Liszt was followed in 1848 by Henry Vieuxtemps, and in 1852 by A.F. Servais, and Henryk and Józef Wieniawski. Other famous violinists such as Alexander Artôt, Lipiński, Joseph Mayseder and C.-A. de Bériot also visited the city.

Official music instruction began in 1848 with the violin studio of L. Gold. Following reorganizations (first in 1866, then again in 1886), a school was set up in 1897 by the Russian Music Society and on this base the Odessa Conservatory was founded, in 1913. Violin instruction in Odessa became famous for attracting and producing world-class performers: Misha Elman (who studied with A. Fiedemann, 1897–1902), Nathan Milstein and David Oistrakh (who studied with Pyotr Stolyarsky) are just three examples. The conservatory was divided in 1923 into the Odessa Institute of Music and Odessa Music Tekhnikum. In 1928 the schools were combined as the Beethoven Music and Drama Institute. In 1934 the Odessa Conservatory was re-established. Its current name is the A.V. Nezhdanova Odessa State Conservatory. The Conservatory produced many virtuosos, among them Mikhail Goldstein and Emil Gilels. Odessa has also been home to notable composers. In 1858 P.P. Sokal's'ky settled there, pursuing his activities as composer, critic, ethnographer and music promoter until his death in 1887. In the early years of Soviet Ukraine Mykola Vilinsky and Volodymyr Femelidi achieved prominence, to be succeeded by Konstantin Dankevych (1905–84). Today the principal names are Karmela Tsepkolenko, who also runs a festival in Odessa, and Y. Znatokov (b 1926).

The core of Odessa's musical life, and one of the most important musical centres of the tsarist empire, was opera: such composer-conductors as Tchaikovsky, Rubinstein, Rimsky-Korsakov, Nápravník, Arensky and Glazunov, and singers such as Chaliapin, Krusceniski, Sobinov, Caruso, Battistini, Anselmi and Titta Ruffo graced the stage there. The Odessa Russian Opera was founded in 1809. In its early years the theatre featured drama and opera productions, ballets and vaudevilles, in which Russian, Italian and French companies appeared. In 1873 the theatre burnt to the ground; the Viennese architects Fellner and Helmer built a new one between 1884 and 1887. In 1925 fire again damaged the theatre, and the following year it was reopened as the Odes'ky Akademichny Teatr Opery ta Baletu (Odessa Academic Theatre of Opera and Ballet). The next serious reconstruction took place in 1965–7. The Odessa Opera played a major role in the development of Ukrainian opera: two of Lysenko's works received their premières there, The Drowned Maiden (1885) and Natalka Poltavka (1889). After the reorganization in 1926, when the company became Ukrainian, it began to produce a number of Ukrainian operas, notably The Break by Volodymyr Femelidi (1929), The Golden Ring by Lyatoshyns'ky (1930), Verykivsky's The Ensign (1938) and Taras Bulba by Lysenko (1971). During the late 1920s and early 30s, until the advent of socialist realism, productions were often experimental, borrowing as much from cinema as from the theatrical avant garde.

The New Philharmonic, which includes a symphony orchestra, was founded in 1936 and has performed with many notable conductors, including Natan Rakhlin, Yury Temirkanov and Kurt Sanderling. In 1993 the Odessa Philharmonic became the first orchestra from any city in the former USSR, other than Moscow or St Petersburg, to travel to the USA. In 1992 the Venezuelan-American Hobart Earle became its music director.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

G. Artemov and I. Ignatkin: Odessskiy operniy teatr [Odessa opera theatre] (Kiev, 1969)

For further bibliography see Ukraine, §I.

VIRKO BALEY

Odington, Walter [Walter Evesham; frater Walterus de Otyngton monachus de Evesham]

(fl 1298–1316). English musical theorist and scientist. His treatise on music, the Summa de speculatione musice, is the most systematic and comprehensive English work of its period. It exists in a complete version, GB-Ccc 410, and a recently discovered major fragment, Lbl Add.56486(A). The Summa was a significant source for later English theory including the Regule of Robert de Handlo, the Breviarium of Willelmus and the Quatuor principalia of John of Tewkesbury, and it continued to be copied into the 15th century. Odington further explored the Quadrivium in treatises on arithmetic, geometry and astronomy. His alchemical treatise, the Ycocedron, seems to have been the most widely disseminated of his works.

The scarcity of direct biographical evidence has led to misattribution and misdating of Odington's work. Bishop Bale, writing in 1557, assigned the scientific works to ‘Odingtonus’, whom he dated c1280, and the musical treatise to ‘Gualterus de Evesham’, dated c1240. As a result, Burney, Fétis, Coussemaker and Eitner variously placed the Summa between 1217 and 1240. A ‘Walter de Evesham’ documented between c1331 and 1346 as a Fellow of Merton College, Oxford, has also been wrongly identified with Odington. (It is possible, however, that he may have been the author of the works ascribed to ‘Walter Evesham’.) On the evidence of Odington’s own words we know that he was a monk of Evesham, a Benedictine abbey near Worcester. In the minutes of a Benedictine chapter general in 1298 he is named as a member of a committee for the administration of Gloucester College, a Benedictine college at Oxford for monks of the Canterbury province. It may have been here that ‘Walter Evesham … made his deliberations at Oxford c1316ad’, as William of Worcester noted in 1463.

The Summa de speculatione musice, as its title suggests, is a comprehensive work, logically organized and firmly based upon recognized authorities. As a work of ‘speculation’ upon music it treats the mathematical bases of the art as prerequisites for the exposition of practical music. Like Hieronymus de Moravia, whose compilation resembles Odington's treatise in scope, Odington drew freely on the standard medieval sources: Boethius (De institutione arithmetica, De institutione musica), Isidore of Seville (Etymologiarum) and Cassiodorus. Of more recent writers, Adelard of Bath and Ibn Sīnā are cited, and an important passage seems to derive from the earlier 13th-century Johannes de Garlandia, perhaps through Hieronymus de Moravia. Unlike Hieronymus, Odington assimilated his borrowings into the logical framework of the Summa.

Part i of the treatise deals with arithmetic, the study of numbers in itself. Following Boethius's Arithmetica, it explains the possible relationships between unequal numbers (multiple, superparticular, superpartient) and the possible means between numbers (arithmetic, geometric and harmonic). Part ii, based on the Musica of Boethius, considers music as understood in the classical sense of number related to sound, or what we would term harmonics. Intervals, consonances and the comma are considered in terms of their mathematical demonstration. In the course of this discussion it is observed that the major and minor 3rds, since they approach the ratios of 5:4 and 6:5, are sometimes considered consonances, and are in performance altered to mathematically perfect consonances.

Part iii, ‘On the construction of musical instruments’, is not a handbook for the craftsman but a demonstration of the harmonic relationships presented in the previous chapter in the proportions of the monochord, organ pipes and bells. Part iv, based on Isidore's discussion of poetic metres, employs the same numerical relations outlined in the first part to enumerate the proportional relationships between the two parts of a metrical foot.

While these four sections of the treatise serve the musicus or theorist, the last two chapters are designed for the practising musician, and their models are closer to hand. Part v is a chant treatise and tonary – a genre stretching from Aurelian of Réôme through Guido to the Lucidarium of Marchetto da Padova. There are tables of notes and ligatures and an explanation of the hexachord system. The tonary, apparently derived from the Sarum Tonale, which forms the bulk of the chapter, describes and illustrates each of the eight ecclesiastical modes.

Part vi is a discant treatise on the lines of the treatises of Johannes de Garlandia and Franco. The opening section on notation falls in the late Ars Antiqua tradition, reflecting English developments just prior to the innovations of the early 14th-century Johannes de Garlandia reported by Handlo in the Regule. It describes the duplex longa, longa, brevis, semibrevis (divisible into three minute … quasi minime seu velocissime), plicas, the rules of perfection and alteration, ligatures and the notation of the rhythmic modes. In discussing modal notation it is stated that ‘among the early composers of organum the long had only two beats as in meters, but afterward it was brought to perfection, to consist of three tempora’. Some writers have interpreted this to mean that binary modes preceded ternary ones. In fact, it merely refers to the earliest rhythmic modes, I and II, both ternary modes in which a two-beat long alternated with a one-beat breve. In more modern rhythmic notation, the dot has not replaced the short stroke as a signum divisionis between brevis values; rather, a small circle (parvulus circulus) replaces the stroke where the brevis is divided into more than three semibreves and in hockets of semibreves and their rests (dividing the brevis in three), where the stroke might be mistaken for a rest.

The chapter concludes with a description of the categories of polyphonic composition: organum purum, rondellus, conductus, copula, motet and hoquetus. This section is also illustrated by numerous musical examples, some of them occurring in continental motet collections, others presumably original. The triplum of one motet on the tenor Agmina is found elsewhere only in Handlo's Regule. The rondellus technique described and illustrated by a unique three-voice setting, Ave mater domini, is not that of the polyphonic rondeau but rather a distinctive constructivist device of later 13th-century English polyphony.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

F.F. Hammond, ed.: W. Odington: Summa de speculatione musicae, CSM, xiv (1970)

J. Huff: [a translation of part vi], MSD, xxx (1973)

FREDERICK HAMMOND/PETER M. LEFFERTS

Odissi.

A classical Indian dance genre of Orissa. See India, §IX, 1(viii).

Odo [Oddo].

The name of several medieval musicians whose identity has been confused. A tonary and treatise of the late 10th century attributed to ‘Abbot Odo’ may be regarded as the work of an Abbot Odo of Arezzo (see §2), rather than Abbot Odo of Cluny, composer of hymns and antiphons (§1). A Dialogus on music has been attributed to the latter, but it is more probably an anonymous treatise of north Italian provenance (§3). Another tonary, probably of Franciscan origin, has also been wrongly attributed to ‘Abbot Odo’ (§1), and a simple monk of Cluny named Odo has been confused with Abbot Odo of Cluny (§1). A further tonary, De modorum formulis, dating from the 11th century, is an anonymous work showing the influence of Odo of Arezzo and the Dialogus(§4).

1. Odo of Cluny.

Odo, Abbot of Cluny, was born in the Maine in 878/9 and educated by Remigius of Auxerre. He succeeded Berno (d 927), the first abbot of Cluny, and died at Tours on 18 November 942. Besides sermons and biblical commentaries, he wrote three hymns (Rex Christe Martini decus, Martine par apostolis and Martine iam consul poli) and 12 antiphons for the monastic Office of St Martin on 11 November (AH, 1, 1907/R, pp.264–8; ed. J. Szövérffy, Die Annalen der lateinischen Hymnendichtung, i, Berlin, 1964, pp.320–23). Odo's authorship of these hymns and antiphons was attested by his first biographer, John, who noted that they were still sung at Benevento (‘retinentur hactenus Beneventi’, PL, cxxxiii, 48c).

Although these antiphons are not found in the antiphoner of St Lupo at Benevento (CAO, ii, no.116), the complete series survives in the noted Cluny breviary (F-Pn lat.12601, f.153) and in French and Italian Cluniac antiphoners (Pn lat.12044, f.203v; I-Rc 54, f.74v–75). They were subdivided into three phrases with cadences (‘ternas per singulas habentes differentias’). The antiphon O beatum pontificem (CAO, iii, no.4002) quoted in the anonymous Dialogus falsely attributed to Odo (GerbertS, i, 256), there said to have been corrected musically by ‘Abbot Odo’, is not one of these antiphons but is a part of the ancient Gregorian repertory.

The likelihood of Odo's authorship of the Dialogus (GerbertS, i, 252ff, attributed in several manuscripts to ‘Odo’ or ‘Odo abbas’) is further reduced since his first two biographers (De viris illustribus, PL, clx, 573) did not list it among his works; neither did it survive among the writings of the abbots of Cluny even though the abbey library was scrupulously maintained during the 12th century (see L. Delisle: Le cabinet des manuscrits de la bibliothèque impériale, ii, Paris, 1874, p.469, nos.300–14).

The various tonaries falsely attributed to ‘Abbot Odo’ (see Huglo, Les tonaires, 1971, pp.183–5) include a 14th-century Intonarium a domno Odone abbate diligenter examinatum et ordinatum (F-SDI 42: CoussemakerS, ii, 117–49). However, the prologue of this tonary borrows from the Franciscan ruling of before 1254 concerning noted chant books (see M. Huglo: ‘Règlement du XIIIe siècle pour la transcription des livres notés’, Festschrift Bruno Stäblein, ed. M. Ruhnke, Kassel, 1967, pp.121–33) and quotes an antiphon of St Francis; it is, therefore, of Franciscan origin (see Huglo, Les tonaires, 184).

Before he was elected abbot, Odo had discharged the functions of magister scholae. Another monk also called Odo, but a simple deacon (‘Oddo levita’), was the scholae cantorum magister at Cluny in 992 (see A. Bruel, ed.: Recueil des chartes de l'abbaye de Cluny, iii, Paris, 1884, p.145).

2. Odo of Arezzo.

A tonary with a discussion of the modes is preserved in about 20 manuscripts, of which four specifically attribute the composition of the text to ‘the religious lord Abbot Oddo who was skilled in the art of music’. The Proper chants in the tonary, with their frequent references to Bishop Donatus of Arezzo, indicate that this ‘Abbot Oddo’ compiled his work at Arezzo in the late 10th century. Although several different versions of the text exist, some of them originating in monasteries considerably distant from the city, the association with Arezzo is evident even in those versions that show substantial modification (see Huglo, Les tonaires, 1971, pp.223–4).

The prologue to the tonary, ‘Formulas quas vobis’ (GerbertS, i, 248–9), is contained in only six tonaries, all of central or southern Italian origin; three of these contain ascriptions to Odo. The lack of ascription to Odo in the other sources does not mean that he was not the author: successive revisers of his work would not necessarily name the original author of the text. The work is given no title in the extant manuscripts and its initial word, ‘Formulas’, suggests a description of modal formulae rather than specifying a tonary. However, several treatises by Guido of Arezzo use phrases such as ‘formulae modorum/tonorum/super tonos’ and ‘in modum formulis’, or simply the word ‘toni’, to refer to a tonary, unlike ‘regulae’ which, unqualified, could signify a treatise on music theory. Merkley's contention that the prologue might be a later accretion is based on the announced intention of the prologue to reform the modal assignments of the chants and the subsequent demonstration that the antiphon O beatum pontificem (cf §1 above) should be classified as tone 1 rather than tone 2 and assigned to differentia 7 (see Merkley, 31). Although this emended tonal designation is followed in several Italian tonaries and one from southern France (F-Pn lat.7185), all of them associated with the prologue (or vice versa), none assigns the majority of its antiphons in the same melodic class as O beatum pontificem to differentia 7. The emendation itself, however, was transmitted into the 12th century as the prototype of the ‘revised’ modal formula in the De modorum formulis tonary (see §4 below). The number of differentiae in the prologue in I-MC Q318, pp.125–7 (GerbertS) agrees in each of the eight tones with the tonary that follows in the same manuscript.

The surviving sources of the tonary fall into three classes (see Huglo, Les tonaires, 186–204): (1) versions of the text containing only minor modifications of the original, for example, I-MC Q318 (first tonary), the earliest dated in this group; (2) interpolated versions; and (3) texts deriving from (1) but which do not form a single textual family and contain numerous modifications that distance them from both (1) and (2). The texts of the surviving sources are too disparate and too heavily modified (notably in tones 2, 4 and 5) for a faithful reconstruction of Odo's original text to be tenable, although a comparison of the extant manuscripts would provide some idea of what he might have written. Merkley has suggested that each version of the text may have followed its own individual and independent path, thereby invalidating both the construction of stemmata for the tonary and its prologue and the positing of a tonary archetype (Merkley, 32, 56). He does not, however, take into account the existence of ‘active texts’ (Huglo, 1979, p.309) – those used primarily for instruction and modified at the discretion of the magister – such as the theory manuscript of Martin Bodmer (CH-CObodmer 77), which is swollen with magisterial accretions.

Both I-MC Q318 (first tonary) and Fs (see Huglo, Les tonaires, pl.III) contain the ascription to Odo, the former proposing to assign antiphons to differentiae under their respective modal ‘formulae’ – presumably the echemata. Merkley has approached a reconstruction of the original text by examining seven large representative Italian tonaries and comparing the classification in them of Office antiphons according to their respective differentiae with the assignment in the first tonary of MC Q318 (see Merkley, 161–236). His analysis shows that the correspondence is greatest – a total of 423 antiphons – in the two tonaries bearing Odo's name. Next in order of compatibility, with 73 correspondences, is GB-Ob 25, from central Italy near the Beneventan zone (Huglo, Les tonaires, 197), followed by CH-CObodmer 77, I-Fn conv.soppr. F III 565, Lc 603 and MC Q318 (second tonary), which includes the tonus peregrinus. From this examination of successive versions of the tonary, it is clear that although the original Odonian text has undergone substantial revision, it has nevertheless survived in the distribution of the majority of the antiphons to the 41 differentiae proposed by Odo.

3. The anonymous ‘Dialogus’.

A Dialogus on music is attributed in a dozen manuscripts as in Gerbert's edition (GerbertS, i, 252–64) to Odo. This treatise, compiled in the province of Milan, came to bear this attribution because the author mentioned that Abbot Odo had corrected the antiphon O beatum pontificem for modal reasons; an Italian or German copyist then came wrongly to ascribe the whole treatise to Odo (see Huglo, 1969). The Odo in question here is in fact Odo of Arezzo rather than Odo of Cluny. (See also §1.)

The Dialogus (partial Eng. trans. in StrunkSR1, 103–16) consists of 18 chapters and deals with the division of the monochord (1–2), the intervals (3–5) and the modal system (6–18). This treatise is one of the earliest datable documents using the term ‘gamma’ with reference to the monochord, although it occurs in the Musica enchiriadis (late 9th century) as the name of the lowest note of the gamut (gamma ut; see Meyer, p.xxix). The active diffusion of the monochord measurement of the Dialogus was widened by its association in manuscripts that circulated Guido's texts, and its ascending progression through two successive tones was continually adopted into, for example, organistrum tuning (Meyer, pp.xlii, lviii). Another treatise, Musicae artis disciplina (GerbertS, i, 256ff), shares much of the content of the Dialogus and is regarded by Oesch as an earlier version.

In nine of the manuscripts, the Dialogus is preceded by a prologue (GerbertS, i, 251–2; ed. Huglo, ‘Der Prolog’, 1971, pp.138–9). This had a separate origin and was apparently composed for an antiphoner with alphabetic notation, only later coming to be attached to the anonymous Dialogus. Guido of Arezzo drew on this prologue for his Prologus in antiphonarium and even for the prologue to his Micrologus.

4. ‘De modorum formulis’.

The anonymous tonary known as De modorum formulis (ed. Brockett), composed during the second half of the 11th century, shows the influence of the work of Odo of Arezzo and the anonymous Dialogus de musica, which was closely associated with Guido of Arezzo (b c990) though not written by him. De modorum formulis probably originated in central Italy and subsequently spread northwards. The untitled preface to the tonary, ‘Vocum modus’ (Brockett, 46–56), is known to have been preserved in five sources: the manuscript at St Blasien, now lost, that Gerbert used in his preparation of the text (GerbertS, ii, 37a–40b, there attributed to Guido); F-Pn lat.10508 (CoussemakerS, ii, 78a–81a; published without the figure); I-MC 318, pp.208–14 (see Brockett, pl.I), in which it is widely separated from Odo of Arezzo's prologue ‘Formulas quas vobis’ on p.127; Fl Ashb.1051, ff.67r–68r; and CH-CObodmer 77, ff.109v–111r. The last three sources are fragmentary.

The rationale of music theory found in the prologue was influenced by Remigius of Auxerre's commentary on book 9 of the De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii of Martianus Capella and by the works of Guido of Arezzo, especially the Micrologus (c1030; see esp. chaps.6, 8, 12 and 16) and the Epistola de ignoto cantu directa (also known as Epistola ad Michaelem; GerbertS, ii, 43–50; see Brockett, 7–17, 19, 21). The most Guidonian aspects of the prologue are the designation of differentiae (‘formulae’ in the text) in relation to the initial pitches of the chant (differentiae with melodies higher than the initial pitch are classified as praepositivae; those that are equal are termed appositivae; and those that are lower are suppositivae) and the categorization of chant melodies accordingly within each of the eight tones. Guido's terminology – praepositae, appositae and suppositae – was almost identical to that of the prologue and was adopted in the following tonary; however, Guido's designation of two further categories of ‘motions of notes’, namely the interpositae and mixtae, are not used in the tonary.

The author of the De modorum formulis differs from Guidonian theory in his use of a three-tetrachord complex – mediae (finales), bordered by graves and acutae – adapted to the eight tones; the Micrologus (chap.11) employs a four-tetrachord standard, including the superacutae. The author also uses C rather than Guido's A as the orientation pitch. Such differences and the paucity of evidence linking Odo with the work makes it unlikely that he was the author of De modorum formulis. However, the correspondence between the prologue and the tonary suggests that they were originally intended to be together.

The tonary (Brockett, 57–128) is identified in precisely those sources designated in class (2) above (see §2): F-Pn lat.10508 (CoussemakerS, ii, 81a–109b, but with misinterpretations and inaccuracies); GB-Ob Digby 25; I-Rvat Reg.lat.1616; GB-Lbl Add.10335 (lacking tones 1 and 2); the St Blasien manuscript, no longer extant, used by Gerbert (GerbertS, ii, 41a–b), which contained only the introduction leading up to the formula of tone 1. These sources are remarkably consistent in their assignments of differentiae and the ordering of antiphons within each category, but they diverge considerably from the ordering characteristic of class (1). For example, in the longest list of antiphons – which occurs in tone 1, differentia 1 – the sources containing the De modorum formulis (class 2) all present a similar order of antiphons, although the total number of chants varies; the manuscripts with the two Odonian texts (class 1) disagree radically with the class 2 sources and with each other (see Brockett, 163–5). A process of codification appears to have occurred between the 11th and 12th centuries that produced the more consistent list of the De modorum formulis.

The treatment of the differentiae, which are described in the prefaces to each tone and notated in the tonary proper, respects to a certain extent the tradition transmitted by Odo of Arezzo's tonary and its preface ‘Formulas quas vobis’. The discrepancies probably result from the arbitrary categorizations that situate them above, below, or apposite with the antiphon intonation; they occur in tones 2, 4 (with six differentiae, but its preface stating nine), 5, 7 and 8 (with four differentiae, but the preface delineating six). Tone 1 appends three additional differentiae, evidently for the adjustment of dubious assignments to this tone; tone 2 appends one, perhaps intended to accommodate antiphons intoned and terminating on the upper 5th like its specimen. The tonary contains 689 Office antiphons, 146 introits, 97 communion antiphons, 11 responsories and 9 responsory verses (Brockett, 162).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

RiemannG

P. Thomas: ‘Saint Odon de Cluny et son oeuvre musicale’, A Cluny: congrès scientifique: fêtes et cérémonies liturgiques en l’honneur des saints abbés Odon et Odilon: Cluny 1949, 171–80

J. Smits van Waesberghe: De musico-paedagogico et theoretico Guidone Aretino (Florence, 1953), 81ff

H. Oesch: Guido von Arezzo (Berne, 1954), 37–53

M. Huglo: ‘L'auteur du “Dialogue sur la musique” attribué à Odon’,RdM, lv (1969), 119–71; repr. in The Garland Library of the History of Western Music, i: Monophony, ed. E. Rosand (New York, 1985), 95–148

M. Huglo: Les tonaires: inventaire, analyse, comparaison (Paris, 1971), 182–224, 325, pl.III

M. Huglo: ‘Der Prolog des Odo zugeschriebenen Dialogus de musica’, AMw, xxviii (1971), 134–46

M. Huglo: ‘Un nouveau témoin du “Dialogue sur la musique” du Pseudo Odon (Troyes, Bibliothèque municipale 2142)’, Revue d'histoire des textes, vii (1979), 299–314

P. Merkley: Italian Tonaries (Ottawa,1988)

C. Meyer: Mensura monochordi: la division du monocorde (Xe–XVe siècles) (Paris,1995)

C. Brockett, ed.: Anonymi de modorum formulis et tonarius, CSM, xxxvii (1997)

K.-W. Gümpel, ed.: Pseudo-Odo: Dialogus de musica (forthcoming)

MICHEL HUGLO (1, 3), CLYDE BROCKETT (2, 4)

O'Donnell, Bertram Walton

(b Madras, 1887; d Belfast, 20 Aug 1939). English conductor and composer of Irish descent. He grew up with military bands; his father and brothers Percy and Rudolph all conducted them, embracing between them Army, Royal Marines and RAF. O'Donnell was in the Marines at Portsmouth (1917–23) and Deal, but most notably conducted the BBC (Wireless) Military Band, formed in August 1927 and which survived until 1943, latterly under his brother Percy. It inspired, besides his own and others' arrangements of classical works, some original music including Holst's Hammersmith (1931).

Curiously the band's programmes included little of O'Donnell's own music yet this was brilliantly inventive and, for its time, harmonically adventurous. The Two Irish Tone Sketches and Songs of the Gael draw upon his links with Ireland, while Three Humoresques may derive from Jane Austen. These, with Woodland Sketches, were later arranged for orchestra. Other pieces were originally orchestral, such as the modestly astringent Miniature Suite, and in these his writing for strings shows an understanding of resources beyond those of the military band. O'Donnell died two years after becoming head of the BBC Northern Ireland Region. His work is discussed in P.L. Scowcroft: British Light Music: a Personal Gallery of Twentieth-Century Composers (London, 1997).

WORKS

(selective list)

Military band: Theme and Variations (1920); Three Humoresques, op.28 (1923): 1 Pride and Prejudice, 2 Prevarication, 3 Petulance and Persuasion; 2 Irish Tone Sketches, op.20 (1923): 1 The Mountain Sprite, 2 At the Pattern; Songs of the Gael ‘Amráin na n-ġaedeal’, a Gaelic Fantasy, op.31 (1924); Crusader March; Woodland Sketches; many arrs.

Orch: Miniature Suite; The Irish Maiden; Minuet; Fragment for Strings; Three Humoresques; Woodland Sketches

Other inst: A Slumber Song, vn/vc, pf (1911); 2 Lyric Poems, pf (1914): When the Sun is Setting, Before the Dawn

PHILIP L. SCOWCROFT

Odorannus of Sens [Odoramnus Senonensis]

(b c985; d 1046). Theorist and composer. Professed as a monk of St Pierre-le-Vif at Sens, Odorannus was trained in metalworking, sculpture and mechanics. His monastic observance seems to have been a constant reproach to his slacker brethren, whose enmity forced him to retire to St Denis from 1022 to 1023. He returned to his monastery in triumph, and in 1028 was commissioned by King Robert and Queen Constance to make a reliquary for the relics of St Sabinian and subsequently one for those of St Potentian. He commemorated those saints in an account of the translation of their relics and in the composition of an Office in their honour. The Office and Odorannus’s theoretical writings are preserved in an autograph manuscript (I-Rvat Reg.lat.577), once the property of Queen Christina of Sweden. His theoretical writings (ed. M.E. Duchez and M. Huglo, Odorannus de Sens: Opera omnia, iv–v, Paris, 1972) include a tonary, which apparently influenced other theorists, and two treatises consituting a practical guide to the performance of plainchant and a summary of the theory of musical pitch before the acceptance of Guido of Arezzo’s reforms. He also wrote on other aspects of the liturgy, as well as history, canon law and scripture.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

H. Villetard: Odorannus de Sens et son oeuvre musicale (Paris, 1912)

H.M. Bannister: Monumenti vaticani di paleografia musicale latina (Leipzig, 1913/R), 198 [Guidonian hand from Reg.lat.577]

J. Smits van Waesberghe: De musico-paedagogico et theoretico Guidone Aretino (Florence, 1953), 162

M. Huglo: ‘Le tonaire de Saint-Bénigne de Dijon (Montpellier H.159)’, AnnM, iv (1956), 7–18

H. Villetard: Office de Saint-Savinien et Saint-Potentien, premiers évêques de Sens (Paris, 1956)

FREDERICK HAMMOND/R

Odoyevsky, Prince Vladimir Fyodorovich

(b Moscow, 1/13 Aug 1804; d Moscow, 27 Feb/11 March 1869). Russian author and writer on music. Best known for his short stories, he was also the first significant Russian music critic. After attending the Noble Boarding School attached to Moscow University, he worked in several branches of government, initially in Moscow, then from 1826 in St Petersburg and from 1862 again in Moscow. His unusual range of interests – from the natural sciences to education, from social organization to anatomy – made him an invaluable employee, and brought him a wide circle of acquaintance which included almost every important figure in Russian literature from Pushkin (whom he knew well) to Turgenev and Tolstoy; the poet and Decembrist A.I. Odoyevsky was his cousin. An early fascination with philosophy drew him to German idealism and particularly Schelling. His prose writings include satires on contemporary life and tales of the fantastic as well as the futuristic The Year 4338. The collection Russian Nights, published in 1844, draws together stories and philosophical studies previously issued separately, including two musical stories, Beethoven's Last Quartet (1831) and Sebastian Bach (1835).

Odoyevsky's career in literature ended with the publication of Russian Nights, after which he immersed himself in charitable works; but his early involvement in music continued until the end of his life. He contributed reviews to periodicals and entries to encyclopedias; he sought to influence musical life through contacts in high society and the world of musicians (Glinka was among his close friends); and he kindled in others his own enthusiasms, whether for the phenomena of acoustics, ancient Russian church music, Russian folksong, choral singing using Chevé notation, or the enharmonic piano. Odoyevsky revered Bach, Mozart and Beethoven, and was hostile to modern Italian opera, partly because of its hold over fashionable society and its predominance in Russian theatres. He was a champion of Russian music, especially of the works of Glinka, whose A Life for the Tsar he acclaimed in 1836 as the beginning of a new period in musical history, ‘the age of Russian music’. In 1850 he included three Glinka premières in an orchestral concert for whose programme he was responsible. Following visits to Russia by Berlioz (in 1847 and 1867) and Wagner (in 1863) he wrote articles enthusiastically promoting their music.

At a time when musically knowledgeable criticism barely existed in Russia, Odoyevsky's writings are informed by his experience as a pianist, organist and composer (one of his piano works, Berceuse, was edited and published by Balakirev in 1895) and by the breadth of his interests. The creation of a chair in the history of Russian church music at the new Moscow Conservatory was a tribute to Odoyevsky's research in that field and his view that the intellectual aspects of music should not be overwhelmed by the study of the mechanics of performance.

WRITINGS

(on music only)

Muzïkal'naya gramota ili osnovaniya muzïki dlya nemuzïkantov [The rudiments of music, or The principles of music for non-musicians] (Moscow, 1868)

ed. G.B. Bernandt: V.F. Odoyevsky: muzïkal'no-literaturnoye naslediye [V.F. Odoyevsky’s legacy of writings about music] (Moscow, 1956) [contains a complete list of his writings and most of the texts, excluding those on church music]

ed. S. Campbell: Russians on Russian Music, 1830–1880 (Cambridge, 1994) [contains examples of Odoyevsky's work in translation]

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Yu.A. Kremlyov: Russkaya mïsl' o muzïke: ocherki istorii russkoy muzïkal'noy kritiki i ėstetiki XIX veka [Russian thought about music: essays on the history of Russian music criticism and aesthetics in the 19th century], i (Leningrad, 1954)

G.B. Bernandt: ‘V.F. Odoyevskiy – muzïkant’ [V.F. Odoyevskiy as a musician], V.F. Odoyevskiy: muzïkal'no-literaturnoye naslediye (Moscow, 1956), 5–75; also in G.B. Bernandt: Stat'i i ocherki [Articles and essays] (Moscow, 1978), 11–107

G.B. Bernandt: V.F. Odoyevskiy i Betkhoven [V.F. Odoyevsky and Beethoven] (Moscow, 1971)

G.B. Bernandt and I.M. Yampol'sky: Kto pisal o muzïke [Who has written about music], ii (Moscow, 1974) [contains a list of writings]

D. Lowe: ‘Vladimir Odoevski as Opera Critic’, Slavic Review, xli (1982), 306–15

A. Stupel': V.F. Odoyevskiy (Leningrad, 1985)

N. Cornwell: The Life, Times and Milieu of V.F. Odoyevsky (London, 1986)

J.S. Campbell: V.F. Odoyevsky and the Formation of Russian Musical Taste in the Nineteenth Century (London, 1989)

STUART CAMPBELL

Odstrčil, Karel

(b Valašské Meziřící, 5 August 1930; d Prague, 21 May 1997). Czech composer. While studying at the University of Mining in Ostrava he took private lessons in the piano, conducting and composition as well as conducting the University Music Ensemble of Ostrava. He then taught at the Secondary Technical School in Příbram and continued his composition studies with Klement Slavický for several years (1957–63). The première of his orchestral work 451^o Farenheita in 1964 led to him being recognized as one of the most significant Czech composers. His richly inventive music incorporates various avant-garde techniques while his experience as a technician deeply affected the development of his electro-acoustic works. He was a co-founder of the first Czech electro-acoustic studio in Plzeň; he also worked with the Via Lucis group based in Brno which attempted to visualize music using laser lights. From 1990 until his death he was president of the Society for Electro-Acoustic Music. He founded the international competition for the creation of electro-acoustic works, Musica Nova.

WORKS

(selective list)

Stage: Antithese (ballet, 3 pts), 1966, concert perf., Prague, 1970; Devátá vlna [The Ninth Wave] (ballet, 1), 1966, Bratislava, Slovak National Theatre, 1967; Buratino (ballet, 4 scenes), 1967, Plzeň, J.K. Tyl Theatre, 1978; Tkáň [The Tissue] (op, R. Lukeš), 1975, Brno, Operú Studio JAMU, 1978; Království času [The Realm of Time] (children's op, D. Zeman), 1979; Toro (ballet), 1980, Liberec, F.X. Šalda Theatre, 1981; Poklad [Treasure] (stage qnt, after K.J. Erben), 1983; Svatební košile [The Spectre's Bride] (stage qnt, after Erben), 1983; Upír contra 007 [Vampire Versus 007] (ballet), 1984; Tarzanova smrt [Tarzan's Death] (op-ballet, Odstrčil, after J. Nesvadba), 1985; Hrabě Monte Christo [Count Monte Christo] (op, 2, J. Someš, after A. Dumas), 1989; Devět křížů [Nine Crosses] (op-ballet, Someš), 1990

Vocal: Výbuch [Explosion] (M. Holub), 4 choruses, 1961; Počátek světa [The Origin of the World] (Holub), 3 choruses, 1965; Moravské dřevoryty [Moravian Woodcuts] (M. Válek, trad.), 3 choruses, 1975; Lísteček z javora [Small Maple Leaf] (trad.), 3 choruses; pf, 1979; Picassova holubička [Picasso's Little Dove] (A. Jemelík), female chorus, male chorus, chorus, 1984; Hra na Robinsony [Robinson's Play] (Someš), scenic children's chorus, 1986

Orch: 451° Farenheita, sym. triptych, 1963; Pia Fraus, ballet sinfonietta, 1965; Femininum, sym. fresque, 1975; Podoba člověka [The Face of Man], 5 sym. pictures, 1980; Radegast, sym. triptych, 1984

Chbr and solo inst: Pf Sonata, 1962; Reflexy [Reflexes], fl, hp, 1964; Sonata montana, hp, fl, vn, va, vc, 1965; Pas de cinq, ww qnt, 1973; Pas de trois, 3 gui, 1974; Stříbrná kniha [The Silver Book], conc., trbn, chbr orch, 1975; Toccata per un'orecchio, org, 1976; Mír s hady [Peace with Snakes], brass qnt, 1977; Barokní masky [Baroque Masks], trbn, pf, synth, 1978; Ladění hromu [Thunder Tuning], perc, 1978; Grand prix, ob, vn, pf, tambourine, 1986; Zimní slunovrat [Winter Solstice], org, 1986

El-ac: Kabinet voskových figur [Cabinet of Waxen Figures], cycle of 10 pieces, 1967–89; Integrace [Integration], 1972; Hledání živé vody [Searching for the Water of Life], el-ac sonata, 1982; Průlet vesmírných částic [Passage of Cosmic Particles], synth, 1987; Future, sym., synth, 2 elec gui, amp insts, 1990; Vox humana (Z. Barborka), dialogue, male v, elecs, 1991; Noc v kabinetu voskových figur neboli Proces [A Night in the Cabinet of Waxen Figures or Process], 1994; Pět etap [Five Stages], trbn, tape, 1996

Principal publishers: ČHF, DILIA, Panton

BIBLIOGRAPHY

L. Mareček: ‘Neklidný puls hudby’ [Restless pulse of music], Tribuna (15 Aug 1979)

O. Pukl: ‘Karel Odstrčil: čára ponoru’ [Odstrčil: load line], HRo, xlii (1989), 232–4

W. Dobrovská: ‘Překračování poznaných rozměrů’ [Exceeding familiar dimensions], HRo, xliii (1990), 445–7

MOJMÍR SOBOTKA

O’Dwyer [Dwyer], Robert

(b Bristol, 27 Jan 1862; d Dublin, 6 Jan 1949). Irish conductor and composer. Born Robert Dwyer of Irish parentage in Bristol, he was a leading voice in the movement to establish a distinctive, nationalistic school of Irish composition. He began his career in 1891, first conducting the Carl Rosa Opera Company and later touring with the Rousbey Opera Company until 1896. He settled in Dublin in 1897 where he held various posts as organist, conductor, composer and teacher. As a critic, O’Dwyer contributed to the influential periodical The Leader, a publication that may have honed his strong nationalistic views. Sympathetic with the aims of the broad cultural movement known as the Gaelic revival, he found a further outlet for nationalistic expression with the creation of the Gaelic League’s Oireachtas Choir (1902). He subsequently became the choir director. The opera Eithne, his major work, was written for the annual Oireachtas festival in 1909. Thomas O’Kelly’s libretto was later translated into Irish, gaining the work particular attention as the first opera to employ an Irish text. Largely on the strength of the opera’s success, O’Dwyer was appointed chair of Irish music at University College, Dublin, a part-time post sponsored by Dublin Corporation. He held this appointment until his retirement in 1939.

JOSEPH J. RYAN

Odyssey.

A duophonic Synthesizer manufactured by ARP Instruments in Newton Highlands, near Boston (later in nearby Newton and Lexington), from 1971 until the company’s demise in 1981. See Electronic instruments, §IV, 5(ii).

Oede de la Couroierie [Eude de Carigas; Odo de Corigiaria; Odon de Paris; Odon de Saint-Germain]

(d 1294). French trouvère. He acted as a clerc to Count Robert of Artois. In this capacity his activities, which often included delicate diplomatic missions, were documented from 1270 until his death in 1294. His will, registered in June of that year, provided for the maintenance of his mistress and two illegitimate daughters in addition to his widow and her three children. In the documents he is referred to as Odon de Paris and Odon de Saint-Germain; this indicates that although he spent most of his working life in Artois he was probably born in the Ile-de-France.

The five songs attributed to him are of interest largely because they are all modelled on songs by older trouvères; two are based on a song of Gace Brulé, who was active at the turn of the 13th century; a third is set to the melody of a song by Blondel de Nesle, who lived in the second half of the 12th century; a song by a near contemporary, Raoul de Soissons, was the source for yet another.

WORKS

Edition: Trouvère Lyrics with Melodies: Complete Comparative Edition, ed. H. Tischler, CMM, cvii (1997) [T]

Chançon ferai par grant desesperance, R.216, T i, 11/2 [modelled on: ‘Au repairier que je fis de Provence’, R.624]

Desconfortés com cil qui est sans joie, R.1740, T ii, 135/3 [modelled on: Gace Brulé, ‘Desconfortés plain d'ire et de pesance’, R.233]

Ma derreniere veul fere en chantant, R.321, T xiii, 1175/2 [modelled on: Raoul de Soissons, ‘Rois de Navarre et sire de virtu’, R.2063]

Tout soit mes cuers en grant desesperance, R.215, T ii, 135/2 (modelled on: Gace Brulé, ‘Desconfortés plain d'ire et de pesance’, R.233]

Trop ai longuement fait grant consirvance, R.210, T v, 359/2 [modelled on: Blondel de Nesle, ‘A l'entrant d'esté’, R.620]

BIBLIOGRAPHY

J. Spanke: ‘Die Gedichte Jehans de Renti und Oedes de la Couroierie’, Zeitschrift für französische Sprache und Literatur, xxxii (1908), 157–218

H.-H.S. Räkel: Die musikalische Erscheinungsform der Trouvèrepoesie (Berne, 1977), 215

For further bibliography see Troubadours, trouvères.

ROBERT FALCK

Oeglin, Erhard

(b Reutlingen; d ?Augsburg, c1520). German printer. In 1491 he became a citizen of Basle, where he served his printer's apprenticeship. He was registered at the University of Tübingen in 1498 and joined the printer Johann Otmar, also a native of Reutlingen, with whom he moved to Augsburg in 1502. Here he printed works on a variety of subjects, some in collaboration with Otmar, some with Georg Nadler and some alone. They include several publications commissioned by Emperor Maximilian I.

In music Oeglin is known mainly for two collections: the four-part settings of 22 Latin odes by Petrus Tritonius (1507) and a group of 42 German songs and six Latin texts, also set for four voices (RISM 1512¹). Of a further collection of 68 German songs only the discant partbook survives (c1513³). The books of German songs include the works of such composers as Isaac, Hofhaimer and Senfl, all associated with Maximilian's court, and thus reflect the court’s musical repertory. An excellent craftsman, Oeglin was the first German printer to use Petrucci's technique of multiple impression, although he reduced it to double impression by printing the lines and notes together. The songbooks are decorated with woodcuts by Hans Burgkmair.

PUBLICATIONS

music only

P. Tritonius: Melopoeiae sive harmoniae tetracenticae super XXII genera carminum (1507); partial edn in Liliencron

… Gesangkbücher (1512¹); ed. in PGfM, ix (1880)

[Discant partbook of 68 German songs] (c1513³) [for description and contents see Eitner]

BIBLIOGRAPHY

MGG1 (B. Meier)

A. Schmid: Ottaviano dei Petrucci … da Fossombrone und seine Nachfolger im sechzehnten Jahrhunderte (Vienna, 1845/R), 171

R. von Liliencron: ‘Die horazischen Metren in deutschen Kompositionen des 16. Jahrhunderts’,VMw, iii (1887), 26–91

R. Eitner: ‘Ein Liederbuch von Oeglin’, MMg, xxii (1890), 214–17 [incl. description and contents]

R. Proctor: An Index to the Early Printed Books in the British Museum, ii/1 (London, 1903/R), 77–9

H.J. Moser: Paul Hofhaimer (Stuttgart and Berlin, 1929, rev., enlarged 2/1966)

A. Dresler: Augsburg und die Fruhgeschichte der Presse (Munich, 1952), 16–19

J. Benzing: Die Buchdrucker des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts im deutschen Sprachgebiet (Wiesbaden, 1963, 2/1982), 14

MARIE LOUISE GÖLLNER

Oe'Harahap, Irwansyah.

See Harahap, Irwansyah.

Oehler, Oskar

(b Annaberg, Erzgebirge, 2 Feb 1858; d Berlin, 1 Oct 1936). German woodwind instrument maker and clarinettist. He developed the clarinet of the German-speaking world to its modern state; this model is thus known as the Oehler system clarinet. His excellent instruments were still prized at the end of the 20th century. Oehler was trained as an organ builder and clarinettist, and set up a woodwind instrument making workshop in Berlin in 1887. For the clarinet he devised additional venting, making the tone and intonation of the Baermann clarinet more even, and designed a mechanism that enabled his new vent keys to operate extremely reliably and with very little additional work from the fingers (the 28 tone-holes of the Oehler system clarinet are controlled by the same number of keys as the 22 tone-holes of the Baermann system instrument). The mechanism for properly venting the forked b/f'' on the right hand is particularly complex, and Oehler worked through several versions before arriving at one that is reliable and effective in all three registers of the clarinet. He is also credited with the idea of making the table of the clarinet mouthpiece slightly concave, a design that ensured (especially in the case of a wooden mouthpiece) a good seal against the reed. Several important makers, most notably F. Arthur Uebel (1888–1963), and also Ludwig Warschewski (1888–1950), served apprenticeships with him and spread his ideas. Oehler was also a distinguished orchestral clarinettist whose last post was in the Berlin PO (1882–8).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Waterhouse-LangwillI

O. Kroll: Die Klarinette (Kassel, 1965, Eng. trans., enlarged, 1968)

P. Weston: More Clarinet Virtuosi of the Past (London, 1977)

NICHOLAS SHACKLETON

Oehlschlägel [Oehlschlegel, Oelschlegel], Franz Joseph [Lohelius, Joannes]

(b Lahošť, nr Duchcov, Bohemia, 31 Dec 1724; d Strahov, Prague, 22 Feb 1788). Bohemian composer, choirmaster, organist and organ builder. He was a church organist first in Bohosudov and from about 1741 in Prague. After finishing his philosophical studies he joined the Premonstratensian order in August 1747, taking the name Joannes Lohelius, under which most of his music was written. His earliest autographs date from about 1755. Besides serving as choirmaster of the monastic churches at Milevsko (1749–50) and at Strahov (from November 1756), he spent 15 years rebuilding the Strahov church organ, making it one of the best and largest in Bohemia at the time (Mozart tested and admired it in autumn 1787); he also designed the organ of the Barnabite monastic church of St Salvator in Prague.

Oehlschlägel was a pupil of J.A. Sehling and Franz Habermann, but he evidently felt a strong inclination towards the more modern idiom of his younger contemporaries Antonio Boroni and F.X. Brixi; works of the latter are predominant in the music he copied for the Strahov choir. His own works show an amalgamation of pre-Classical and early Classical elements. His church oratorios are operatic in style, with large da capo arias, and are remarkable for the skilful treatment of wind instruments in their orchestral accompaniments. Although he was one of the most authoritative and prolific composers of Bohemian church music in the second half of the 18th century, none of his works was printed during his lifetime.

WORKS

Anima desolata (Anima afflicta) (operetta pastoritia), Strahov, 6 Jan 1761, CZ-Pnm

Easter orats (perf. Strahov, Premonstratensian abbey; only printed libs extant unless otherwise indicated): Captiva filia Sion, 1757; Fortis in bello amor et maeror, 1758, Pnm; Justitia et clementia, 1759; Innocentia et pietas, 1760; Patientia et humilitas, 1761, Pnm; Vox filiae Sion, 1762; Patientia victrix, 1763; Jesus Christus gloriose … triumphans, before 1779, Pnm

Numerous other sacred works, autographs mostly Pnm, other MSS in Bm, Pp (see Kouba, 1969)

Inst: Conc., F, 2 ob, private collection, Louny; Parthien, hpd, lost

WRITINGS

Beschreibung des in der königlichen Strahöfer Stifts-Kirche zu Prag neu eingerichteten und im Jahr 1774 zu Standt gesezten Orgelwerkes (MS, CZ-Pa, 1775)

Beschreibung der in der Pfarrkirche des … Stifts Strahof in Prag befindlichen grossen Orgel (Prague, 1786)

Descriptio quorundam bohemicorum musicorum (MS, CZ-Ps D.B.IV.36, 1787) [incl. autobiography]

BIBLIOGRAPHY

WurzbachL

R. Perlík: Jana Lohelia Oehlschlägela život [Oehlschlägel’s life] (Prague, 1927)

R. Perlík: ‘Jana Lohelia Oehlschlägela dílo: 1. Strahovske varhany’ [Oehlschlägel’s work: 1. The organ of Strahov], Cyril, lv (1929), 9–10, 32–4; lvi (1930), 7–8; lviii (1932), 16

V. Němec: Pražské varhany [Prague organs] (Prague, 1944), 139, 144, 155–6

J. Kouba, ed.: Průvodce po pramenech k dějinám hudby [Guide to sources of musical history] (Prague, 1969)

Z. Culka: ‘Pražské varhanářské smlouvy ze 17. a 18. století’ [Prague organ builders’ contracts of the 17th and 18th centuries], HV, xi (1974), 372–85, esp. 372, 383

O. Pulkert: Domus lauretana pragensis: catalogus collectionis operum artis musicae, Catalogus artis musicae in Bohemia et Moravia cultae, i (Prague, 1973) [summaries in Eng., Ger.]

J. Pešková: Collectio ecclesiae březnicensis: catalogus collectionis operum artis musicae, Catalogus artis musicae in Bohemia et Moravia cultae, iii (Prague, 1983) [summaries in Eng., Ger.]

Z. Pilková: ‘Doba osvícenského absolutismu (1740–1810)’ [The age of englightened absolutism (1740–1810)], Hudba v českých dějinách: od středověku do nové doby [Music in Czech history: from the Middle Ages to the modern era] (Prague, 1983, 2/1989), 211–84, esp. 257–8

J. Štefan: Ecclesia metropolitana pragensis: catalogus collectionis operum artis musicae, Catalogus artis musicae in Bohemia et Moravia cultae, iv (Prague, 1983–5) [summaries in Eng., Ger.]

MILAN POŠTOLKA

Oehman, Carl-Martin

(b Floda, nr Göteborg, 4 Sept 1887; d Stockholm, 26 Dec 1967). Swedish tenor. He studied the piano and the organ at the Stockholm Conservatory, and then, privately, singing in Stockholm and Milan. He appeared first in concerts in 1914, making his operatic début in Fra Diavolo at Göteborg three years later. The Swedish Royal Opera, which became the centre of his career, heard him first in 1919 and last in 1941. He became well known for his singing of the more lyrical Wagnerian roles, yet in his single season at the Metropolitan in 1924 he appeared only as Laca in the American première of Jenůfa and as Saint-Saëns’s Samson. At Covent Garden in 1928 he sang Tannhäuser and Walther in Die Meistersinger: the power of his full voice and the charm of his mezza voce were admired. Some of his best work was done in Berlin, where he sang in the local première of Simon Boccanegra (1930). As a teacher he numbered among his pupils Jussi Björling, Martti Talvela and Nicolai Gedda, all of whom paid warm tribute to his musicianship and clarity. On recordings he is somewhat variable, but at best the voice has fine quality and the style remarkable sensitivity.

J.B. STEANE

Oehring, Helmut

(b Berlin, 16 July 1961). German composer and guitarist. Born a hearing child to deaf parents, his first language was sign language. He trained as a construction worker (1978–80); as a conscientious objector to military service (1986–7) he worked as a cemetery gardener, in forestry and as a night watchman. Self-taught as a composer, his first works included incidental music and a string quartet. After consultations with Asriel, Goldmann and Zapf, he attended Katzer’s masterclass at the Berlin Akademie der Künste (1990–92). His honours include the Hanns Eisler Prize (1990), a young composer's award from West German Radio, Cologne (1992), the Orpheus Prize, Italy (1996), the Hindemith Prize (1997) and the Schneider-Schott Music Prize (1998).

Oehring's compositions derive from the complex physical and facial expressions of sign language, which he notates as music. His works outline bleak narratives that address the chasm between individuals and the futility of communication. His early compositions are concerned with stages of agony and human actions that lead to death; in later works, speech as a symbol of the impossibility of human discourse becomes the central musical subject. Much of his work can be considered social criticism. Several compositions include deaf people among the performers.

WORKS

(selective list)

Stage: Dokumentation I (chbr op, Oehring), 1993–6, Spoleto, 1996; Dokumentaroper (Oehring), 1994–5, Witten, 1995; Das D'Amato System (Tanzoper, 15 scenes, Oehring), 1996, Munich, 1996

Inst: Str Qt, 1987; Do you wonna blow job, sax qt, 1988; Nos.1–3, multiple versions, 1988–92; COMA I, orch, 1991; Asche, ob, eng hn, trbn, va, vc, db, pf, perc, 1992; Locked-in-, gui, str trio, 1992; Losheit, 2 db, 1992; Strychnin I, tpt, trbn, va, db, pf, 1993; Strychnin II, trbn, db, hp, 1993; Lethal injection, eng hn, bn, va, tape, 1994; Leuchter, ob, vc, prep pf, 1994; Suck the brain out of the head, 6 perc, tape, 1994; Dienel, bn, db, hp, 1996; Zuendel, fl, ob, str trio, prep pf, tape ad lib, 1996–7; Prae-senz (Ballet blanc II), vn, vc, pf/sampling kbd, 1997, collab. I. ter Schiphorst; Do you wish to proceed, str qt, live elec, 1998

Other works: Wrong (Schaukeln-Essen-Saft) (B. Sellin, Oehring), deaf person, ob, b tpt/trbn, vn/va, elec gui, perc, live elec, 1993–5; Self-Liberator (Oehring, R. Taumel), 2 deaf people, tpt, ens, 1994; Polaroids (melodrama, ter Schiphorst, Oehring), deaf person, 1v, 12 insts, live elecs, 1996, collab. ter Schiphorst; Live (A. Sexton), 18 songs, 1v, vn, vc, prep pf/sampling kbd, live elecs, 1997, collab. ter Schiphorst; Requiem, 3 Ct, ens, live elecs, 1998, collab. ter Schiphorst; Sprachkörper, 1v, prep pf, trbn, elec gui, live elecs, 1998

Principal publishers: Boosey & Hawkes, Bote & Bock

Principal recording companies: Wergo

BIBLIOGRAPHY

G. Nauck: ‘Verborbene Ge(Schichten): zu den Grundlagen der Musik von Helmut Oehring’, Positionen, no.32 (1997), 12–15

G. Nauck: ‘Komponieren interessiert mich nicht so sehr …: Zur Musik von Helmut Oehring’, NZM, no.1 (1998), 38–41

GISELA NAUCK

Oelze, Christiane

(b Cologne, 9 Oct 1963). German soprano. She studied with Klesie Kelly-Moog and Erna Westberger, working for the first years of her career in concert and oratorio. In 1990 she made her operatic début as Despina in Così fan tutte at Ottawa, with a first appearance at Salzburg the following year as Konstanze in Die Entführung. Her performance as Anne Trulove in The Rake’s Progress at Glyndebourne in 1994 was widely praised, and the same year audiences at Covent Garden enjoyed her delightful Zdenka in Arabella. She returned to Covent Garden as Servilia (La clemenza di Tito) in 2000. In 1995 she sang Pamina in a series of performances of Die Zauberflöte conducted by John Eliot Gardiner that were also filmed and recorded; and in 1996 she was the Marzelline in Gardiner’s revival of Beethoven’s Leonore.

Her pure, delicate timbre is matched by a graceful style which can lend itself more readily to expressions of happiness than of grief and deep thoughtfulness. This was sometimes remarked upon with regard to her Pamina and it has somewhat limited the effectiveness of her lieder singing. However, recordings such as that of songs by Webern show a not inappropriate coolness as well as a charming voice and resourceful musicianship.

J.B. STEANE

Oesch, Hans (Rolf)

(b Wolfhalden, canton of Appenzell, 10 Sept 1926; Anwil, Basle, 7 May 1992). Swiss musicologist. He studied musicology from 1946 with Jacques Handschin at Basle University, where he took the doctorate in 1951 with a thesis on Guido of Arezzo. Until Handschin’s death in 1955 he was an assistant lecturer in the Basle musicology institute, and from 1951 to 1966 was music critic on the National-Zeitung in Basle. He completed the Habilitation in 1959 at Zürich with a work on the medieval theorists Berno and Hermannus Contractus. Until 1967 he lectured at Zürich on ethnomusicology and medieval music history. At the same time he held a similar appointment at Basle University, where he succeeded Schrade as professor of musicology in 1967. He was also editor (1972–4) and co-editor (1975–8) of Melos (the leading German-language periodical for contemporary music), chairman of the Heinrich-Strobel-Stiftung in Freiburg (1973–92) and academic coordinator of the Paul Sacher Stiftung (from 1986). He retired in 1991.

Influenced by his teacher Handschin’s Enlightenment belief in a ‘universal’ approach, Oesch dedicated himself to the ‘musical people of all times and all populations’, focussing his work on two diverse areas, 20th-century music and ethnomusicology. In connection with the latter, he directed several field projects (in Malacca, Malaysia, 1963; in India, Indonesia and elsewhere in South-east Asia, 1974), whose findings were documented in a series of recordings. Oesch’s fieldwork was significant for its early attempts to overcome Eurocentrism in favour of a more open-minded approach to cultural history. In Aussereuropäische Musik (1984–7), Oesch summed up the guiding principle of his scholarship: to arrive at a world history of music in all its similiarities and differences, musical cultures must be examined in terms of their own underlying principles. Oesch also had personal contact with many modern composers and was convinced of the importance of a scholarly grappling with the ‘Ars Nova of the 20th century’. In addition to his many years as editor and writer in this field, he was engaged with public concert life, undertaking the role of spokesman for repertory outside the canon of both old and new music.

WRITINGS

Guido von Arezzo: Biographisches und Theoretisches unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der sogenannten odonischen Traktate (diss., U. of Basle, 1951; Berne, 1954)

ed.: Gedenkschrift Jacques Handschin (Berne and Stuttgart, 1957)

Berno und Hermann von Reichenau als Musiktheoretiker: mit einem Ueberblick über ihr Leben und die handschriftliche Ueberlieferung ihrer Werke (Habilitationsschrift, U. of Zürich, 1959; Berne, 1961)

‘Klaus Huber’, SMz, ci/3 (1961), 12–19

‘Wandelt sich das europäische Musikbewusstsein?’, Melos, xxxi (1964), 212–19

Die Musikakademie der Stadt Basel: Festschrift zum hundertjährigen Bestehen der Musikschule Basel 1867–1967 (Basle, 1967)

Wladimir Vogel: sein Weg zu einer neuen musikalischen Wirklichkeit (Berne, 1967)

‘Sorhythmische Struturen im Orient und Abendland’, Melos, xxxvii (1970), 12–14

‘Igor Strawinsky und sein Werk’, Universitas, xxvi (1971), 835–44; repr. in Strawinsky: sein Nachlass, sein Bild (Basle, 1984), 235–62

‘Das Musikleben zwischen gestern und morgen’, SMz, cxi (1971), 321–7

‘Albert Moeschingers Briefwechsel mit Thomas Mann’, SMz, cxii (1972), 3–11

‘Musik in nicht-integrierten Gesellschaften’, Schweizer Beiträge zur Musikwissenschaft, i (1972), 9–22

‘Das “Melos” und die Neue Musik’, Festschrift für einen Verleger: Ludwig Strecker, ed. C. Dahlhaus (Mainz, 1973), 287–94

‘Musikalische Kontinuität bei Naturvölkern: dargestellt an der Musik der Senoi auf Malakka’, Studien zur Tradition in der Musik: Kurt von Fischer zum 60. Geburtstag, ed. H.H. Eggebrecht and D.-R. Moser (Munich, 1973), 227–46

‘Musikalische Gattungen bei Naturvölkern’, Festschrift für Arno Volk (Cologne, 1974), 7–30

‘Schönberg im Vorfeld der Dodekaphonie: zur Bedeutung des dritten Satzes aus opus 23 für die Herausbildung der Zwölfton-Technik’, Zeitschrift für Musiktheorie, v/1 (1974), 2–10

‘Pioniere der Zwölftontechnik’, Forum musicologicum, i (1975), 273–304

with E. Schlager: Rituelle Siebenton-Musik auf Bali (Berne, 1976)

‘Musikwissenschaft und Neue Musik’, Schönberg und andere: gesammelte Aufsätze zur Neuen Musik, ed. C. Dahlhaus (Mainz, 1978), 7–27

‘Auskomponierte live-elektronische Klangumformung’, GFMKB: Bayreuth 1981, 200–04

ed.: Aussereuropäische Musik (Laaber, 1984) [2 vols.]

‘Schönberg und die russichen Avantgardisten um 1920’, Die Wiener Schule in der Musikgeschichte des 20. Jahrhunderts: Vienna 1984, 108–21

‘Der Essayist Pierre Boulez’, Pierre Boulez: eine Festschrift zum 60. Geburtstag, ed. J. Häusler (Vienna, 1985), 178–85

‘Im Schatten des ‘Sacre du Printemps’: Beobachtungen zu den “Trois poésies de la lyrique japonaise”, einem Schlüsselwerk von Igor Strawinsky’, Komponisten des 20. Jahrhunderts in der Paul Sacher Stiftung (Basel, 1986), 95–102

‘Musik als Vehikel der Jenseitsreise in schamanischen Kulturen Südostasiens’, Entgrenzungen in der Musik, ed. O. Kolleritsch (Vienna, 1987), 29–36

‘Weberns erste Bagatelle’, Das musikalische Kunstwerk: Festschrift Carl Dahlhaus, ed. H. Danuser and others (Laaber, 1988), 695–712

‘Weberns Plan einer Gesamtausgabe’, Neue Musik und Tradition: Festschrift Rudolf Stephan, ed. J. Kuckertz and others (Laaber, 1990), 501–9

ed.: Quellenstudien I: Gustav Mahler, Igor Strawinsky, Anton Webern, Frank Martin (Winterthur, 1991) [incl. ‘Webern und das SATOR-Palindrom’, 101–56]

BIBLIOGRAPHY

W. Arlt and A. Baltensperger, eds.: Festgabe für Hans Oesch (Basle, 1991) [incl. list of writings, 49–60]

T. Hirsbrunner: ‘Der gute Geist des Schatzhauses’, Dissonanz, xxxiii (1992), 23 only

D. Schaareman, ed.: Balinese Music in Context: a Sixty-Fifth Birthday Tribute to Hans Oesch (Winterthur, 1992) [incl. list of ethnomusicological writings, 347–53]

JÜRG STENZL/R

Oeser, Fritz

(b Gera, 18 May 1911; d Kassel, 23 Feb 1982). German musicologist and editor. He studied at the Realgymnasium, the university and the conservatory in Leipzig; among his teachers in musicology were Helmuth Schultz and Theodor Kroyer. In 1938 he joined the staff of the Musikwissenschaftlicher Verlag, Leipzig. Following military service during World War II, he became director of the Brucknerverlag, Wiesbaden, in 1947; the firm became Alkor-Edition, Kassel, in 1955. He retired in 1971. Oeser’s main areas of study were Bruckner’s music, Czech music, and Russian and French opera in the 19th century; among his writings, mostly on operatic subjects, is a study of the texts of Bruckner’s symphonies, Die Klangstruktur der Bruckner-Symphonie (Leipzig, 1939, 2/1941), with which he obtained the doctorate at Leipzig University in 1939. He edited several orchestral works, notably Bruckner’s Third Symphony (1878 version; Wiesbaden, 1950), made a number of German translations of operas and prepared performing versions of several operas, including Gounod’s Faust (Kassel, 1972) and Offenbach’s Les contes d’Hoffmann (Kassel, 1975). The most important is that of Bizet’s Carmen (Kassel, 1964; see Oeser’s article ‘Neu entdeckte “Carmen”’, Musica, xviii (1964), 108–14), in which much music traditionally omitted is restored; his edition has however been criticized for misrepresenting Bizet’s final intentions (see W. Dean: ‘The True Carmen?’, MT, cvi (1965), 846–55, rev., Essays on Opera, Oxford, 1990, 281–300; for biography see H. Vogt: ‘Fritz Oeser’, Musica, xxxvi (1982), 194–6).

BENJAMIN KORSTVEDT

Oesterreicher, Georg

(b Wiebelsheim, nr Windsheim, Franconia, 1563; d Windsheim, 9 Jan 1621). German composer, music editor, poet and schoolmaster. From 1585 he studied at Wittenberg University. In 1588 he became teacher at the grammer school of the imperial town of Windsheim and in 1608 was promoted Kantor. In this post he produced numerous German and Latin school plays, which gained wide recognition. He edited a hymnal for the town of Windsheim, Geistliche Lieder aus dem Catechismo … zugericht (Giessen, 1614), which is lost, but the posthumous second edition, Ein recht christlich Gesangbüchlein (Rothenburg ober der Tauber, 1623), survives. Alongside many hymns then in general use, it contains texts and unharmonized melodies by Oesterreicher himself. Several of these melodies appear too in the Ansbach, Rothenburg and Heilbronn hymnbooks of that period. Oesterreicher also composed the music for the funeral service of Margarethe Barbara Seubold at Ansbach in 1620. The ‘Cantor-Büchlein’ of 1615 that Gerber attributed to him is probably identical with the 1614 edition of the Windsheim hymnal, which was listed in 1615 in the catalogue of the Frankfurt Book Fair. (EitnerQ; GerberNL; GöhlerV; ZahnM)

FRANZ KRAUTWURST

Oestvig, Karl Aagaard

(b Christiania, 17 May 1889; d Oslo, 21 July 1968). Norwegian tenor. He studied at Cologne and made his début in 1914 at Stuttgart, where he sang the Lay brother/Giovanni in the first performance of Max von Schillings’s Mona Lisa (1915). Engaged at the Vienna Staatsoper from 1919 to 1927, he created the role of the Emperor in Strauss’s Die Frau ohne Schatten (1919); from 1927 to 1930 he sang at the Berlin Städtische Oper. His repertory included Tamino, Lohengrin, Walther, Parsifal, Don José, Hoffmann, Paul in Korngold’s Die tote Stadt, Bacchus in Ariadne auf Naxos and Max in Krenek’s Jonny spielt auf, which he sang at Munich on 16 June 1928, when the performance was interrupted by a Nazi demonstration. A very stylish singer, he brought a lyrical approach even to his heavier, more dramatic roles. In 1932 he retired to Oslo, where he taught singing and produced opera.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

H. Wagner: 200 Jahre Münchner Theaterchronik, 1750–1950 (Munich, 1958, 2/1965)

ELIZABETH FORBES

Oettingen.

Oettingen-Oettingen and Oettingen-Wallerstein were two small German courts in Swabia, south of Ansbach; the former had a brief musical importance in the late 17th century and the latter was particularly prominent in the late 18th century. The house of Oettingen, whose history dates from the mid-12th century, was divided during the 16th century into Protestant and Catholic branches, with Oettingen belonging to the former, Wallerstein to the latter.

A court Kapelle is known to have existed in Oettingen during the reigns of both Albrecht Ernst I (1674 to his death in 1683) and his successor, Albrecht Ernst II (1683–1731). The most important musician active in Oettingen was Johann Georg Conradi (see Jung), the son of the Oettingen organist Caspar Conrad, who was Kapellmeister from 1671. From 1689 the court Kapelle consisted of about a dozen musicians, and court opera performances are known at least for the period 1699–1703 (see Brockpähler). Conradi, who left Oettingen in 1683, was succeeded by Jakob Christian Hertel. However, at the end of Conradi’s successful career as a Hamburg opera composer, he returned to Oettingen as Kapellmeister in 1698. He was succeeded in about 1699 by his son Johann Melchior, who remained in the post until the court was dissolved in 1732 and joined to that of Oettingen-Wallerstein.

Musical institutions at Wallerstein were greatly strengthened during the reign of Count Philipp Karl (1745–66), though the music was mainly functional, for church and for entertainment during dinner and after the hunt. The count’s Hofmusik, primarily wind players and mainly Bohemians, included some of Germany’s finest horn players (e.g. Friedrich Domnich and Johann Türrschmidt, both founders of important families of horn players), and the composers Ignaz Klauseck (at Wallerstein from 1747 to 1751) and Franz Xaver Pokorny (employed there from about 1751 to 1770).

After Philipp Karl’s death (1766) his widow, Countess Juliane Charlotte, acted as regent for her son. Under the countess’s administration conditions deteriorated and many musicians left Wallerstein. A turning-point in Wallerstein’s musical history occurred in 1773 when Kraft Ernst assumed control of the countship, which one year later was elevated to a princedom. Almost immediately the new prince began to form a Hofkapelle. His musical training by several of his father’s court musicians and at the imperial Savoyische Ritterakademie in Vienna enabled him to make a good selection. To the unpretentious group of musicians inherited from his father, he added several acknowledged virtuosos, including Antonio Rosetti (Anton Rösler, violone), Josef Reicha (cello), Anton Janitsch (violin), Joseph Fiala (oboe) and Johann Nisle (horn). To complete his ensembles he employed household servants who could double as musicians.

After the death in 1776 of Kraft Ernst's young wife, Maria Theresa, born princess of Thurn und Taxis, the court entered an extended period of mourning, putting a temporary halt to the development of the Kapelle. Several musicians left, and others were given permission to travel. It was during this period that Mozart, on his way to Mannheim, stopped at Hohenaltheim, the prince's Lustschloss. The prince, who was still in mourning, would hear no music, and Mozart left without performing for the court. By 1780 Kraft Ernst was again ready to focus his attention on music. New talent was hired for the Hofkapelle. Significant in this group were Franz Zwierzina and Joseph Nagel (horn), Christoph Hoppius (bassoon) and Gottfried Klier (oboe). Wallerstein's musical reputation grew rapidly; by 1784 C.F.D. Schubart wrote that ‘music flourishes there in a most excellent degree’. In the mid- to late 1780s the Wallerstein court orchestra numbered approximately 24 members, being a combination of professional performers and house servants with some musical skill (see Rosetti and Musikalische Realzeitung).

As at Mannheim several members of the Wallerstein orchestra were also active as composers, in fact a virtual school of composers developed there during the 1770s and the 1780s, headed by Intendant Ignaz von Beecke and Kapellmeister Antonio Rosetti and including Josef Reicha, Joseph Fiala, Georg Feldmayr, Paul Wineberger, Franz Zwierzina, Anton Hutti, Joseph Nagel and Friedrich Witt. The court music library, originally housed in Schloss Harburg (now in D-Au) includes, in addition to the works of these ‘house composers’, others by most of the popular composers of the time, including a large collection of Haydn’s symphonies, some commissioned by Kraft Ernst.

The prince encouraged travelling musicians to perform at Wallerstein and among his more illustrious guests were Jan Zach in 1773, Beethoven in 1787 and Haydn on his first journey to London in 1791. Haydn is reputed to have said on hearing the Wallerstein orchestra that ‘no orchestra plays my music with such precision as this ensemble’.

After Kraft Ernst’s death in 1802 the Wallerstein Hofkapelle entered a period of steady decline and was eventually dissolved. In 1806 Oettingen-Wallerstein was incorporated into the state of Bavaria and the increased financial burdens of the following years forced Kraft Ernst’s widow, Countess Wilhelmine Friederike, to release most of the court musicians. A reorganization of the Hofkapelle was attempted under Prince Ludwig Kraft in 1812, the court music director being Xaver Hammer, a local musician. The Weimar composer Franz Seraph von Destouches was connected with the court during this period. In a further attempt to revitalize the court music Prince Ludwig established a quartet school under Hammer’s direction in 1817, but Hammer died the following year and the venture failed. Hammer was replaced by Johannes Andreas Amon from Bamberg. In the next few years the prince spent more and more time away from court and finally, in 1821, court concerts were discontinued. After Amon’s death (1825) virtually all secular music at Wallerstein ceased. Wallerstein’s last Kapellmeister, Johann Michael Mettenleiter, died in 1859. The decline of Wallerstein’s music coincided with the end of the tradition of court music in Germany. For an illustration of the wind band at Oettingen-Wallerstein in about 1783 see Harmoniemusik.

The town of Oettingen is the seat of the well-known firm of organ builders, g.f. Steinmeyer (founded 1847), which has been responsible for the building of almost 2400 organs, including the cathedral organs of Bamberg, Munich, Speyer, Passau and Trondheim.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

A. Rosetti: Bemerkung zu Errichtung einer Kirchen Musik nit Zuziehung des Hof-Orchestre (MS, Wallerstein Archive, D-Au, 1785)

‘Nachricht von der fürstl. Wallersteinischen Hofkapelle’, Musikalische Realzeitung, i/7 (1788), 52–3

P. Weinberger: Die fürstliche Hofkapelle in Wallerstein von 1780 bis 1840 (MS, Wallerstein Archive, D-Au)

L. Schiedermair: ‘Die Blütezeit der Öttingen-Wallerstein’schen Hofkapelle’, SIMG, ix (1907–8), 83–130

A. Diemand: ‘Josef Haydn und der Wallersteiner Hof’, Zeitschrift des Historischen Vereins für Schwaben und Neuburg, xlv (1920–22), 1–40

R. Brockpähler: Handbuch zur Geschichte der Barockoper in Deutschland (Emsdetten, 1964)

H.R. Jung: ‘Johann Georg Conradi (um 1648 bis 1699)’, BMw, xiii (1971), 31–55; xiv (1972), 1–62

J.P. Piersol: The Oettingen-Wallerstein Hofkapelle and its Wind Music (diss., U. of Iowa, 1972)

V. von Volckamer: ‘Geschichte des Musikalienbestandes’, Thematischer Katalog der Musikhandschriften der fürstlich Oettingen-Wallerstein'schen Bibliothek Schloss Harburg, ed. G. Haberkamp (Munich, 1976), ix–xvii

S.E. Murray: ‘Bohemian Musicians in South German Hofkapellen during the Late Eighteenth Century’, HV, xv (1978), 153–73

S.E. Murray: Introduction to Seven Symphonies from the Court of Oettingen-Wallerstein, 1773–1795, The Symphony 1720–1840, ser. C, vi (New York, 1981), xi–xlvii

F. Little: The String Quartet at the Oettingen-Wallerstein Court: Ignaz von Beecke and his Contemporaries (New York and London, 1989)

STERLING E. MURRAY

Oettingen, Arthur (Joachim) von

(b Dorpat, Livonia [now Tartu, Estonia], 28 March 1836; d Leipzig, 6 Sept 1920). German scientist and musical theorist. After reading sciences at the University of Dorpat (1853–8), he continued his study of physics, physiology and mathematics in Paris and Berlin (1859–62) and completed his Habilitation (1863) in Dorpat. In 1865 he was appointed associate professor and in 1866 professor of physics; from 1869 to 1874 he was secretary of the Natural Science Academy in Dorpat, and, from 1877, corresponding member of the St Petersburg Academy of Science. In 1894, after the russification of the University of Dorpat (Yuriev), he took his pension and settled in Leipzig, where he was honorary professor at the university until 1919.

In Dorpat, Oettingen was president of a musical association and director of a well-trained amateur orchestra; he wrote many important articles in the field of natural science, and also won recognition as a musical theorist by the publication of his Harmoniesystem in dualer Entwickelung (1866). He developed the idea that major and minor triads and key systems are mirror inversions of each other: that the major triad C–E–G, designated c⁺, is mirrored by the minor triad C–A–F (reading downward), designated c°. The tonic major scale C–D–E–F–G–A–B–C is mirrored by the phonic scale E–D–C–B–A–G–F–E (reading downward), which is the common A minor scale descending from the dominant. In this arrangement the intervals of the two scales are the same and every triad in the tonic scale is mirrored by a triad of the opposite mode in the phonic scale. If the triads repeat their roots, the phonic chords will all be second inversions in the major-minor system.

Oettingen's principle of organization might be summarized by saying that tonality is the property of intervals or chords having a common fundamental tone called the ‘tonica’, while phonality is the property of intervals or chords possessing a common overtone called the ‘phonica’. In the major chord c'–e'–g' all the sounds find a focus in the difference tone or fundamental tone, C, and in the minor chord c'–e'–g', the fundamental tone is the first common partial tone, g'''. The two fundamentals are each two octaves distant from the roots of their respective chords.

Oettingen designed his dual system as the antithesis to Helmholtz's Lehre von den Tonempfindungen (1863). He believed that Helmholtz was wrong in his concept of consonance and dissonance. Because even a single tone has beats caused by the higher harmonics approaching each other in pitch, he believed that Helmholtz was measuring merely a greater or lesser dissonance. He thought that Helmholtz's approach was negative, and he advocated simply considering dissonance as a positive meeting of two or more different chords, major and minor chords thus being of equal value. As a proponent of just intonation he used in his figuration system a line over the letter name to indicate a tonic major 3rd and a line under the letter name of the phonic major 3rd, making clear his reference to 3rds of 5/4 ratio rather than to the major 3rds of 81/64 ratio used in Pythagorean intonation.

WRITINGS

Harmoniesystem in dualer Entwickelung: Studien zur Theorie der Musik (Dorpat and Leipzig, 1866, enlarged 2/1913 as Das duale Harmoniesystem)

‘Die Grundlagen der Musikwissenschaft und das duale Reininstrument’, Abhandlungen der königlichen sächsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, xxxiv/2 (Leipzig, 1916)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

R. Münnich: ‘Von [der] Entwicklung der Riemannschen Harmonielehre und ihrem Verhältnis zu Oettingen und Stumpf’, Riemann-Festschrift (Leipzig, 1909/R), 60–76

M. Vogel: ‘Arthur von Oettingen und der harmonische Dualismus’, Beiträge zur Musiktheorie des 19. Jahrhunderts (Regensburg, 1966), 103–32

P. Rummenhöller: Musiktheoretisches Denken im 19. Jahrhundert (Regensburg, 1967), esp. 83–93

G. Schubert: ‘Zur Kritik der Musiktheorie’, Zeitschrift für Musiktheorie, ii/1 (1971), 35–7

W. Keller: ‘Die Modulationen in Mozarts Fantasie KV 475’, Festschrift Erich Valentin, ed. G. Weiss (Regensburg, 1976), 79–88

R. Devore: ‘Nineteenth-Century Harmonic Dualism in the United States’, Theoria, ii (1987), 85–100

MARK HOFFMAN/BERND WIECHERT

Oeuvre

(Fr.).

See Opus (i).

Oevering, Rynoldus Popma van.

See Popma van oevering rynoldus.

Ofenbauer, Christian

(b Graz, 24 March 1961). Austrian composer and organist. He studied at the Klagenfurt Conservatory, at the Vienna Musikhochschule with Uhl (1979–82) and Cerha (1982–7), and in Paris (1986) where he was in touch with Boulez. From 1982 to 1987 he worked as an organist at the Votivkirche, Vienna, and as a composer for the experimental drama group TheaterAngelusNovus. He has also performed with the Viennese ensemble Die Reihe. He began working as a freelance editor for Universal Edition in 1985. His teaching appointments have included positions at the Graz Musikhochschule (1986, 1987–91), the University of Giessen (1988, 1991), the Vienna Musikhochschule (from 1989, visiting professor 1991–2) and the Musikhochschule of the Salzburg Mozarteum (visiting professor 1994–7).

Contrasts in Ofenbauer’s work, such as the harsh tonality of the Streichquartettsatz 1997 in comparison to the much gentler music of unordentliche inseln/de la motte fouqué-vertonung (1995), indicate his reluctance to adopt a consistent style. The issue of identity has been a theme in a number of compositions; in Medea (1990–94), for example, the role of the heroine is shared by seven soloists. Later works, such as the violin concerto fancies/fancy papers (1997), show an increasing tendency towards tranquillity and subtle transitions.

WORKS

Dramatic: Tod des Hektor (Musiktheater, Homer, J.H. Voss, J.W. von Goethe and H. Müller), 1987–; Medea (op, H. Müller), 1990–94; Septet (Hektors Tod), spkr, chbr ens, silent film; SzenePenthesileaEinTraum (op, H. von Kleist), 3 female vv, 3 male vv, spkr, actors, 27 insts, 1999–

Orch: … wie eine Nachtmusik, 1986; Sospir – fragmenté par polyphonie, 1988; Odysseus/Abbruch/Sirenen, pf conc., 1989; 2 int, chbr orch, 1991 [from Medea]; BruchStück 6, 1996; fancies/fancy papers, vn conc., 1997; 2 Frankfurter Preludes, 1997–8

Vocal: Ich bin der Franz (K. Bayer, Ofenbauer), 3 female spkrs, fl, ob, cl, bn, perc, pf, str qt, 1983; 3 Lieder (G. Meyrink), S, fl, cl, perc, pf + cel, vn, vc, 1983; Der Engel ist geschlachtet (A. Gerk), Mez, 3 cl, 3 trbn, perc, cel, pf, str qt, 1995; Kommt, Sirenen Klagt, S, cl, vn, Hammondorg, pf, 1999

Chbr and solo inst: 5 Stücke, org, 1984; Katalog 1, pf, 1985; 2 Stücke, vc, pf, 1985; Katalog 2, pf, 1986; BruchStück 1, vc, 1987; BruchStück 2, pf, 1988; Albumblatt für J.M., pf, 1990; BruchStück 3, va d’amore, vc, Hammond org, pf, 1990; Pf Trio, 1990; Bruchstück 4, 3 vn, prep pf, 1992 [commentary on Medea]; Mechanische Bagatelle, vn, pf, 1993; BruchStück 5, 3 cl, 3 trbn, perc, cel, pf, str qt, 1995; Klavierstück 1995, 1995; unordentliche inseln/de la motte fouqué-vertonung, ens, 1995; Streichquartettsatz 1997, 1997

El-ac: Fatzer Material Frag., 6–10 tapes, 1985; … durchsichtig bewegt … , chbr ens, tape, 1987; Hektors Tod, 16 tapes, 1987 [based on Tod des Hektor]; Katalog 3, 1–20 pf + tape/elecs, 1988; Simultan, pf, telephone message, 1988; Argonautenstudie (Studio per un Argonauta), elec enhanced prep db, 1993; Prolog und Epilog, orch, tape, 1993 [from Medea]; Klage der Persephone bin ich: Sirene, 6 female vv, 12 channel elecs, 1995

Arrs.: A. Berg: Sonata op.1, 1984

Principal publisher: Doblinger

BIBLIOGRAPHY

LZMÖ

R. Westphal: ‘Christian Ofenbauer – Aufbauen und Abbrechen … das … widersprüchliche komponieren … Widersprüchliche Komponieren’, Wien modern IV: Vienna 1991 (Vienna, 1991), 113ff

R. Busch: ‘Christian Ofenbauer, “Klavierstück 1995” und “Bruchstück IV”: ein fingiertes Gespräch’, Musikprotokoll im steirischen herbst ’96 (Graz, 1996)

BERNHARD GÜNTHER

Off-beat.

Any impulse in a measured rhythmic pattern except the first (called the Downbeat); the term is commonly applied to rhythms that emphasize the weak beats of the bar (ex.1). The impulse that immediately precedes – and anticipates – the downbeat of a bar is called the Upbeat.

See also Rhythm.

Offenbach, Jacques [Jacob]

(b Cologne, 20 June 1819; d Paris, 5 Oct 1880). French composer of German origin. He was, with Johann Strauss (ii), one of the two composers of outstanding significance in popular music of the 19th century and the composer of some of the most exhilaratingly gay and tuneful music ever written. His opera Les contes d’Hoffmann has retained a place in the international repertory, but his most significant achievements lie in the field of operetta. Orphée aux enfers, La belle Hélène, La vie parisienne, La Grande-Duchesse de Gérolstein and La Périchole remain outstanding examples of the French and international operetta repertory. Moreover, it was through the success of Offenbach’s works abroad that operetta became an established international genre, producing outstanding national exponents in Strauss, Sullivan and Lehár and evolving into the 20th-century musical.

ANDREW LAMB

1. Life.

His father, born Isaac Juda Eberst, left his native Offenbach am Main in about 1800 for Cologne, where he became known as ‘Der Offenbacher’ and then simply Offenbach. He earned a living from bookbinding, music teaching and composition, and was later cantor at a synagogue in Cologne. Jacob was the second son and the seventh of ten children, and was born a short distance from the square in Cologne which today bears his name. He was first taught the violin, but at the age of nine took up the cello. With his brother Julius (1815–80) who played the violin, and sister Isabella (1817–91) at the piano he formed a trio which played in Cologne bars. He studied at first with Joseph Alexander and then with Bernhard Breuer; he dedicated his first published composition to the latter in 1833. In November of that year Isaac took Julius and Jacob to Paris in search of further tuition. There a place was obtained for Jacob at the Conservatoire, and positions were found for the two boys in a synagogue choir before Isaac returned to Cologne.

In Paris the two boys were soon known as Jules and Jacques. The latter left the Conservatoire after a year’s study with Vaslin, and after brief periods with two orchestras he found a position in the orchestra of the Opéra-Comique. There he played beside Hippolyte Seligmann, and received further tuition with Seligmann’s own teacher Louis Norblin. He also met Halévy, who gave him some composition lessons. In the summers of 1836 and 1837 some waltzes were performed in the Jardin Turc under Jullien, including one, Rebecca, on 15th-century Hebrew themes. After leaving the orchestra of the Opéra-Comique in 1838, he made the acquaintance of Flotow, through whom he gained entry to Paris salons, performing with him jointly composed pieces for cello and piano. Through contacts made in the salons he obtained pupils and also received a commission for a score for a vaudeville Pascal et Chambord produced in March 1839. In January 1839 he gave his first public concert with his brother Jules.

During the 1840s he continued his career as a cello virtuoso, appearing in Paris in 1841 with Anton Rubinstein and in Cologne in 1843 with Liszt. In May 1844 he visited London, performing at concerts of the Musical Union with Joachim and Mendelssohn and at an Ascot Week banquet at Windsor Castle. That August, after becoming a Roman Catholic, he married Herminie d’Alcain; he had met her at the salon of her mother, whose second husband was related to a London concert agent, John Mitchell. Meanwhile, his attempts to get stage works, including the one-act L’alcôve, accepted by the Opéra-Comique were unsuccessful, and he was forced to arrange concerts of his own to have them performed. His hopes of greater success with Adam’s Opéra National were dashed by the Revolution of 1848, during which he temporarily returned to Cologne.

In 1850 he was appointed conductor at the Théâtre Français, but he continued to have little success in getting his stage works accepted until the Exhibition year of 1855. Then, no doubt emboldened by the success of Hervé’s Folies-Nouvelles, where Offenbach’s own Oyayaye, ou La reine des îles had been accepted, he rented for the Exhibition season the tiny wooden Théâtre Marigny in the Champs Elysées. With a hastily compiled programme of short comic pieces, the theatre opened as the Bouffes-Parisiens on 5 July. With occasional changes of programme, the entertainments were a big success of the Exhibition season, enabling Offenbach to give up his position at the Théâtre Français and transfer to winter quarters at the Théâtre Comte (Théâtre des Jeunes Elèves) in the Passage Choiseul. The following summer he moved again to the Théâtre Marigny, but from the following winter settled permanently in the Salle Choiseul.

Besides his own works his repertory embraced those of other composers, including Adam, Delibes, Duprato, Gastinel and Jonas as well as adaptations of Mozart’s Der Schauspieldirektor and Rossini’s Il Signor Bruschino. In 1856 his competition for young composers attracted 78 entrants: the winners were Bizet and Lecocq, with their settings of Le Docteur Miracle. The continuing success of the Bouffes persuaded John Mitchell to bring them to London. The entire company (including Jules Offenbach, who was leader of the orchestra) opened an eight-week season at St James’s Theatre in May 1857 and also included a performance before the exiled Queen Marie-Amélie at Claremont.

Initially Offenbach’s licence restricted him to pieces for only two or three stage performers, but the loosening of restrictions gradually enabled him to produce more ambitious works. The two-act Orphée aux enfers (1858) was a big success and the prototype of the larger-scale operettas, though for a time he continued to concentrate mainly on one-act works. In 1860 a two-act ballet Le papillon was produced at the Opéra and the three-act Barkouf at the Opéra-Comique, without giving him any greater acceptance in more respectable circles. Although he resigned as director of the Bouffes in January 1862, he continued to write mainly for that theatre and for the summer theatre at Bad Ems. In 1860 he had become a naturalized Frenchman and in August 1861 was appointed a Chevalier of the Légion d’Honneur. His family by now consisted of four daughters and a son Auguste (1862–83), and besides his Paris home in the rue Lafitte he also owned a Villa Orphée in the fashionable Normandy resort of Etretat.

His opéras bouffes had by now become established abroad, particularly in Vienna, at first in pirated versions and then under the composer’s own direction. While he was in Vienna in 1864 his romantic opera Die Rheinnixen was performed at the Hofoper, and he composed a waltz Abendblätter in competition with the Morgenblätter of Johann Strauss (ii), whom he is also reputed to have encouraged to write operettas. From the same year dates the period of his greatest successes with La belle Hélène (1864) followed by Barbe-bleue (1866), La vie parisienne (1866), La Grande-Duchesse de Gérolstein (1867) and La Périchole (1868). During the Exhibition season of 1867 his works filled three Paris theatres, but thereafter his success began to wane. Popular taste in the musical theatre changed after the civil war of 1870–71, for much of the duration of which he was abroad in San Sebastian, Italy, London and Vienna.

During the 1870s it was the more escapist works of Lecocq that attracted the public, although Offenbach’s own new works continued to be performed. On 1 June 1873 he took over the management of the Théâtre de la Gaîté, where he produced spectacular new versions of Orphée aux enfers and Geneviève de Brabant. But he was a poor businessman, and losses suffered on a production of Sardou’s La haine in 1874 forced him into bankruptcy. He then composed music for a Christmas piece Whittington (1874) for the Alhambra in London, and in an endeavour to make up some of his losses he embarked on a trip to the USA for the Philadelphia centennial Exhibition of 1876. He gave some 40 concerts in New York and Philadelphia as well as conducting performances of La vie parisienne and La jolie parfumeuse. On his return he published a volume of his impressions of the USA.

In his last years he experienced success in London with Madame Favart (1878) and in Paris with La fille du tambour-major (1879) as well as with revivals of earlier works such as Orphée aux enfers with Hervé as Jupiter for the Exhibition season of 1878. However, his main preoccupation was with the score of the fantastic opera Les contes d’Hoffmann. During 1880 he was working on the score at the Pavillon Henri IV in Saint Germain-en-Laye, but in September worsening health forced him to return to Paris. There he died in October, the gout from which he suffered having affected his heart. At the request of his family, the score of Les contes d’Hoffmann was completed by Guiraud and that of an operetta Belle Lurette by Delibes.

Offenbach, Jacques

2. Works.

As with all stage works for the genre, the success of Offenbach’s operettas depended a good deal on the librettists and performers. In this respect Offenbach was both well served and skilful at discovering talent. Like Sullivan, and unlike Johann Strauss (ii), he was consistently blessed with workable subjects and genuinely witty librettos. His chief librettist, Ludovic Halévy (1834–1908), was one of the leading French theatrical writers of the time, and was given his chance at the age of 21 in writing material for the opening night of the Bouffes-Parisiens in 1855. Offenbach’s leading lady Hortense Schneider (1833–1920), who enjoyed immense personal success in La belle Hélène, Barbe bleue, La Grande-Duchesse de Gérolstein and La Périchole, was also discovered by Offenbach and given a role in Le violoneux as early as August 1855. Likewise Zulma Bouffar, star of La vie parisienne and Les brigands, was discovered by Offenbach himself.

Offenbach’s sound theatrical judgment extended to his part in selecting and shaping the subjects he used. Many of these were satirical treatments of familiar tales, for example myths (Orphée aux enfers, La belle Hélène) or stories well known in France (Geneviève de Brabant, Barbe-bleue, Robinson Crusoé), while others satirized contemporary society and politics (La vie parisienne (fig.2), La Grande-Duchesse de Gérolstein). His one-act works include similar examples, such as M. Choufleuri restera chez lui le … which satirized Paris salons, while others were slight comic sketches such as the highly successful Les deux aveugles. He satirized particularly the regime of Napoleon III, and it was with the fall of Napoleon III that Offenbach’s own success declined.

The humour of the pieces was rarely very subtle in purely musical terms, in keeping with the requirements of his audiences. Effect was often achieved by quoting familiar music, the satire being not so much in the treatment of the themes themselves as by introducing the themes in incongruous surroundings. Examples of such quotations are the introduction of music from Les Huguenots in Ba-ta-clan, Gluck’s ‘Che farò’ in Orphée aux enfers, the patriotic trio from Guillaume Tell in La belle Hélène, and Donizetti’s La fille du régiment in La fille du tambour-major. Other comic devices were the introduction of parts for animals (Barkouf) and the setting of gibberish (Ba-ta-clan). He further exploited incongruity, for example in Orphée aux enfers by providing a cancan for the gods, and in La belle Hélène by setting the phrase ‘Un vile séducteur’ to his most lilting waltz tune and by building up a grandiose operatic ensemble around the banal phrase ‘L’homme à la pomme’. He also exploited the natural flexibility of the French language by varying accentuation, and a notable device was the breaking-up of words as in La Périchole:

Aux maris ré,
Aux maris cal,
Aux maris ci,
Aux maris trants,
Aux maris récalcitrants.

All this he backed up with simple but effective devices of a purely musical nature. His tunes are very often built upon a rising phrase and in a major key, but he achieved remarkable variety of mood by varying the rhythmic pattern. Noteworthy too is his gradual speeding-up of the finale of an act to achieve an exciting climax. His vocal writing produced outstanding lyrical examples such as the tenor’s ‘Au mont Ida’ (La belle Hélène) and rumbustious comic songs such as the Gendarmes’ Duet (Geneviève de Brabant); but when he allowed himself to break away from straightforward rhythmic patterns, he produced examples of sensitive shaping of phrases in solos written for Hortense Schneider in La belle Hélène and La Périchole.

The most individual feature of Offenbach’s orchestration lies in his use of brass to heighten the impact and excitement of climaxes. He generally made effective use of wind instruments, but for much of his work he was restricted in orchestral resources and in any case concerned to ensure that the orchestra did not obscure the words. In fact, it is not always his own orchestration that is heard. The well-known overture to Orphée aux enfers, for example, was composed on Offenbach’s themes by Carl Binder (1816–60) for the Vienna production of 1860. Through this overture and particularly through the famous cancan, Orphée aux enfers has remained Offenbach’s best-known operetta (fig.3), though a consensus as to the best of his operettas would probably prefer La vie parisienne for its sparkle, La Périchole for its charm and La belle Hélène for its all-round brilliance.

Offenbach’s talents were often stretched by the need to work at breakneck speed to produce new works. For the same reason he often re-used material. Thus La chanson de Fortunio (1861), one of his best one-act works, was written around a song composed for Alfred de Musset’s Le chandelier at the Théâtre Français in 1850. A valse des rayons in his 1860 ballet Le papillon, which reappeared in his 1864 opera Die Rheinnixen and in the ballet music of Le Roi Carotte (1872), later achieved its most familiar form when used as an apache dance for a Moulin Rouge revue in 1908. Die Rheinnixen also included a Vaterland Lied composed in Germany in 1848, and was itself the source of the music of the celebrated Barcarolle in Les contes d’Hoffmann.

During his lifetime Offenbach’s success brought a considerable amount of disapproving comment from those who resented the ‘naughtiness’ of the French stage and the lack of pretence at any elevated form of art, or who considered his use of other composers’ music irreverent. Wagner, whom Offenbach parodied in his revue Le carnaval des revues (1860), referred to ‘the warmth of the dung-heap’, though his attitude towards Offenbach later mellowed. The entry in the first edition of Grove’s Dictionary of Music and Musicians typified the attitude of more elevated music circles of the time, concluding that ‘it is melancholy to predict that of all these musical bouffonneries little or nothing will remain; since in order to live, a work must possess either style or passion, whilst these too often display merely a vulgar scepticism, and a determination to be funny even at the cost of propriety and taste’.

His standing was undoubtedly helped by the success in more respectable circles of Les contes d’Hoffmann. The libretto, by Jules Barbier (1825–1901), was based on a play by Barbier and Michel Carré (1819–72) produced in Paris in 1851; it portrayed three stories of the author E.T.A. Hoffmann (1776–1822) as episodes of his love life. Although without the frivolous touches of the operettas, a good deal of their ready melodic appeal was carried over into the opéra comique, and in addition there was some powerful dramatic writing, particularly in the Antonia act (the three central acts are commonly known by the names of the heroines of the three episodes). The fact that the work is not as homogeneous as the best of the operettas may not be altogether Offenbach’s fault. At his death he apparently left the work in a complete piano score, but to meet the requirements of the Opéra-Comique, Guiraud not only completed the orchestration but also added recitatives. In addition it was belatedly decided to omit the Giulietta act with some of its music hastily redistributed. The work was first published in this corrupt version, and over the years it has been subjected to all manner of further variants. In recent years, thanks largely to the conductor and musicologist Antonio de Almeida, much original material has come to light; but there can never be a definitive score of a work that Offenbach never quite completed.

The appeal of individual numbers of Les contes d’Hoffmann and the fantastic nature of the story has kept the work in the international opera repertory. The lack of a recognized international operetta tradition formerly meant that revivals of the operettas were less regular. The best tunes, however, retained their wide popularity, particularly through their use in the score arranged by Manuel Rosenthal for Leonid Massine’s ballet Gaîté parisienne for the Ballets Russes de Monte Carlo in 1938. More recently, the greater attention paid to the classical operetta since World War II has made the best of Offenbach’s operettas familiar again and permitted fuller appreciation of his standing as the supreme master of the genre.

Offenbach, Jacques

WORKS

all first performed and published in Paris, unless otherwise stated

BPSM	Bouffes-Parisiens (at Salle Marigny)
OC	Opéra-Comique
BP	Bouffes-Parisiens (at Salle Choiseul)
PR	Palais-Royal
FD	Folies-Dramatiques
R	Renaissance
G	Gaîté
V	Variétés

operettas and opéras comiques

L’alcôve (1, P. Pittaud de Forges, A. de Leuven and E.-G. Roche), Tour d’Auvergne, 24 April 1847

Le trésor à Mathurin (1, L. Battu), Salle Herz, 7 May 1853; rev. as Le mariage aux lanternes (J. Dubois [M. Carré], and Battu), BP, 10 Oct 1857

Pépito (1, J. Moinaux and Battu), V, 28 Oct 1853

Luc et Lucette (1, Pittaud de Forges and Roche), Salle Herz, 2 May 1854

Entrez, messieurs, mesdames (prol, F.-J. Méry and J. Servières [L. Halévy]), BPSM, 5 July 1855

Les deux aveugles (1, Moinaux), BPSM, 5 July 1855

Une nuit blanche (1, E. Plouvier), BPSM, 5 July 1855

Le rêve d’une nuit d’été (1, E. Tréfeu), BPSM, 30 July 1855

Oyayaye, ou La reine des îles (1, Moinaux), Folies-Nouvelles, 7 Aug 1855

Le violoneux (1, E. Mestépès and E. Chevalet), BPSM, 31 Aug 1855

Madame Papillon (1, J. Servières [Halévy]), BPSM, 3 Oct 1855

Paimpol et Périnette (1, Pittaud de Forges), BPSM, 29 Oct 1855

Ba-ta-clan (1, Halévy), BP, 29 Dec 1855

Un postillon en gage (1, J. Adenis), BP, 9 Feb 1856

Trombalcazar, ou Les criminels dramatiques (1, C.D. Dupeuty and E. Bourget), BP, 3 April 1856

La rose de Saint-Flour (1, Carré), BPSM, 12 June 1856

Les dragées du baptême (1, Dupeuty and Bourget), BPSM, 18 June 1856

Le ‘66’ (1, Pittaud de Forges and M. Laurencin [P.A. Chapelle]), BPSM, 31 July 1856

Le financier et le savetier (1, Crémieux and E. About), BP, 23 Sept 1856

La bonne d’enfants (1, E. Bercioux), BP, 14 Oct 1856

Les trois baisers du diable (1, Mestépès), BP, 15 Jan 1857

Croquefer, ou Le dernier des paladins (1, A. Jaime and Tréfeu), 12 Feb 1857

Dragonette (1, Mestépès and Jaime), BP, 30 April 1857

Vent du soir, ou L’horrible festin (1, P. Gille), BP, 16 May 1857

Une demoiselle en lôterie (1, Jaime and Crémieux), BP, 27 July 1857

Les deux pêcheurs (1, Dupeuty and Bourget), BP, 13 Nov 1857

Mesdames de la Halle (1, A. Lapointe), BP, 3 March 1858

La chatte metamorphosée en femme (1, Scribe and Mélesville), BP, 19 April 1858

Orphée aux enfers (2, Crémieux and Halévy), BP, 21 Oct 1858; rev. (4), G, 7 Feb 1874

Le mari à la porte (1, A. Delacour), BP, 22 June 1859

Les vivandières de la grande armée (1, Jaime and Pittaud de Forges), BP, 6 July 1859

Geneviève de Brabant (2, Jaime and Tréfeu), BP, 19 Nov 1859; rev. (3, Crémieux), Menus-Plaisirs, 26 Dec 1867 (5, Crémieux), G, 25 Feb 1875

Le carnaval des revues (1, E. Grangé, Gille and Halévy), BP, 10 Feb 1860

Daphnis et Chloé (1, Clairville [L.F. Nicolaie] and J. Cordier [E.T. de Vaulabelle]), BP, 27 March 1860

Barkouf (3, Scribe and H. Boisseaux), OC, 24 Dec 1860

La chanson de Fortunio (1, Crémieux and Halévy), BP, 5 Jan 1861

Le pont des soupirs (2, Crémieux and Halévy), BP, 23 March 1861; rev. (4), V, 9 May 1868

M. Choufleuri restera chez lui le … (1, Saint-Rémy [Duc de Morny], E. L’Epine, Crémieux and Halévy), Présidence du Corps Législatif, 31 May 1861, BP, 14 Sept 1861

Apothicaire et perruquier (1, E. Frébault), BP, 17 Oct 1861

Le roman comique (3, Crémieux and Halévy), BP, 10 Dec 1861

Monsieur et Madame Denis (1, Laurencin [Chapelle] and M. Delaporte), BP, 11 Jan 1862

Le voyage de MM. Dunanan père et fils (3, P. Siraudin and Moinaux), BP, 22 March 1862

Les bavards [Bavard et bavarde] (2, Nuitter, after Cervantes: Los habladores), Bad Ems, 11 July 1862, Vienna, Kaitheater, 20 Nov 1862, BP, 20 Feb 1863

Jacqueline (1, P. d’Arcy [Crémieux and Halévy]), BP, 14 Oct 1862

Il Signor Fagotto (1, Nuitter and Tréfeu), Bad Ems, 11 July 1863, BP, 13 Jan 1864

Lischen et Fritzchen (1, P. Dubois [P. Boisselot]), Bad Ems, 21 July 1863, BP, 5 Jan 1864

L’amour chanteur (1, Nuitter and E. L’Epine), BP, 5 Jan 1864

Die Rheinnixen (3, A. von Wolzogen, after Nuitter), Vienna, Hofoper, 4 Feb 1864

Les géorgiennes (3, Moinaux), BP, 16 March 1864

Le fifre enchanté, ou Le soldat magicien (1, Nuitter and Tréfeu), Bad Ems, 12 July 1864, BP, 30 Sept 1868

Jeanne qui pleure et Jean qui rit (1, Nuitter and Tréfeu), Bad Ems, 19 July 1864, BP, 3 Nov 1865

La belle Hélène (3, H. Meilhac and Halévy), V, 17 Dec 1864

Coscoletto, ou Le lazzarone (2, Nuitter and Tréfeu), Bad Ems, 11 July 1865

Les refrains des bouffes (1), BP, 21 Sept 1865

Les bergers (3, Crémieux and Gille), BP, 11 Dec 1865

Barbe-bleue (3, Meilhac and Halévy), V, 5 Feb 1866

La vie parisienne (5, later 4, Meilhac and Halévy), PR, 31 Oct 1866

La Grande-Duchesse de Gérolstein (3, Meilhac and Halévy), V, 12 April 1867

La permission de dix heures (1, Mélesville [A.H.J. Duveyrier] and P.F.A. Carmouche), Bad Ems, before 20 July 1867, R, 4 Sept 1873

La leçon de chant (1, E. Bourget), Bad Ems, 20 July 1867, Folies-Marigny, 17 June 1873

Robinson Crusoé (3, E. Cormon and Crémieux, after D. Defoe), OC, 23 Nov 1867

Le château à Toto (3, Meilhac and Halévy), PR, 6 May 1868

L’île de Tulipatan (1, H. Chivot and A. Duru), BP, 30 Sept 1868

La Périchole (2, Meilhac and Halévy), V, 6 Oct 1868, rev. (3), V, 25 April 1874

Vert-vert (3, Meilhac and Nuitter), OC, 10 March 1869

La diva (3, Meilhac and Halévy), BP, 22 March 1869

La princesse de Trébizonde (2, Nuitter and Tréfeu), Baden-Baden, 31 July 1869, rev. (3), BP, 7 Dec 1869

Les brigands (3, Meilhac and Halévy), V, 10 Dec 1869, rev. G, 26 Dec 1878

La romance de la rose (1, Tréfeu and J. Prével), BP, 11 Dec 1869

Boule de neige (3, Nuitter and Tréfeu), BP, 14 Dec 1871; rev. of Barkouf

Le Roi Carotte (4, V. Sardou, after E.T.A. Hoffmann), G, 15 Jan 1872

Fantasio (3, P. de Musset), OC, 18 Jan 1872

Fleurette, oder Näherin und Trompeter (1, J Hopp and F. Zell [C. Walzel], after Pittaud de Forges and M. Laurencin [P.-A. Chapelle]), Vienna, Carltheater, 8 March 1872

Der schwarze Korsar (3, Nuitter, Tréfeu, J. Offenbach and R. Genée), Vienna, An der Wien, 21 Sept 1872

Les braconniers (3, Chivot, Duru), V, 29 Jan 1873

Pomme d’api (1, Halévy and W. Busnach), R, 4 Sept 1873

La jolie parfumeuse (3, Crémieux and E. Blum), R, 29 Nov 1873

Bagatelle (1, Crémieux and Blum), BP, 21 May 1874

Madame l’archiduc (3, Halévy and A. Millaud), BP, 31 Oct 1874

Whittington (3, Nuitter, Tréfeu and H.B. Farnie), London, Alhambra, 26 Dec 1874, Châtelet, 19 Oct 1893

Les hannetons (3, E. Grangé and Millaud), BP, 22 April 1875

La boulangère a des écus (3, Meilhac and Halévy), V, 19 Oct 1875

La créole (3, Millaud and Meilhac), BP, 3 Nov 1875

Le voyage dans la lune (4, Leterrier, Vanloo and A. Mortier), G, 26 Nov 1875

Tarte à la crème (1, Millaud), BP, 14 Dec 1875

Pierrette et Jacquot (1, J. Noriac and Gille), BP, 13 Oct 1876

La boîte au lait (4, Grangé and Noriac), BP, 3 Nov 1876

Le Docteur Ox (3, A. Mortier and Gille, after J. Verne), V, 26 Jan 1877

La Foire Saint-Laurent (3, Crémieux and A. de Saint-Albin), FD, 10 Feb 1877

Maître Péronilla (3, Offenbach, Nuitter and Ferrier), BP, 13 March 1878

Madame Favart (3, Chivot and Duru), FD, 28 Dec 1878

La marocaine (3, Ferrier and Halévy), BP, 13 Jan 1879

La fille du tambour-major (3, Chivot and Duru), FD, 13 Dec 1879

Belle Lurette (3, Blum, E. Blau and R. Toché), R, 30 Oct 1880, completed by Delibes

Les contes d’Hoffmann (5, J. Barbier), OC, 10 Feb 1881, completed by Guiraud

Mam’zelle Moucheron (1, E. Leterrier and A. Vanloo), R, 10 May 1881, rev. Delibes

vaudevilles and incidental music

Pascal et Chambord (1, A. Bourgeois and E. Brisebarre), PR, 2 March 1839

Le brésilien (1, Meilhac and Halévy), PR, 9 May 1863

Le gascon (5, T. Barrière and Poupart-Davyl), G, 2 Sept 1873

La haine (5, Sardou), G, 3 Dec 1874

vocal

(selective list)

1 voice, piano, unless otherwise stated; German songs published in Cologne

6 fables de Lafontaine (1842): Le corbeau et le renard, Le rat de ville et le rat des champs, Le savetier et le financier, La laitière et le pot au lait, Le berger et la mer, La cigale et la fourmi

Le langage des fleurs (E. Plouvier) (1846): La branche d’oranger, La rose, Ne m’oubliez pas, La marguerite, L’églantine, La pâquerette

Les voix mystérieuses (1852): L’hiver (A. Barthet), Chanson de Fortunio (A. de Musset), Les saisons (J. Barbier), Ma belle amie est morte (T. Gautier), La rose foulée (C. Poncy), Barcarolle (Gautier)

Lieder und Gesänge (1853): Cathrein was willst du mehr, Mein Lieb’, gleicht dem Bächlein, Leb’ wohl; Was fliesset auf dem Felde

Over 50 singly pubd works, incl.: (1838–46): A toi, romance (N. Armand); Dors mon enfant, mélodie (Armand); Doux ménéstrel, romance (C. Saudeur); J’aime la rêverie, romance (Gay de V.); Jalousie! romance dramatique (A. Gourdin); La croix de ma mère, chansonette (Armand); L’arabe a son coursier, chant (J. Reboul); La sortie du bal, romance (E. Chevalet); L’attente, romance; L’aveu du page, romance (E. Plouvier); Le moine bourru, ou Les deux poltrons, duo bouffe, T, B (Plouvier); Pauvre prisonnier, romance (L. Leube); Le sergent recruteur (Plouvier); Le sylphe, romance (Leube); Meunière et fermière, duo bouffe (Plouvier); Rends-moi mon âme, romance dramatique (Reboul) ; Ronde tyrolienne, pf, ob (C. Catelin); Sarah la blonde, séguidille (Carré); Virginie au départ, romance dramatique (Plouvier)

(1848–73): Bibi Bamban (E. Bourget); Bleib bei mir, Lied (C.O. Sternau); Das deutsche Vaterland (H. Hersch); Der kleine Trommler (L. Pfau), T, male vv; Im grünen Mai (Sternau); Jeanne la rousse (A. Houssaye); La chanson de ceux qui n’aiment plus (Houssaye); Lebe wohl, herzliebster Schatz (Sternau), T, male vv; Le décameron, ou La grotte d’azur (J. Méry); Leidvolle Liebe, T, male vv (Sternau); L’étoile (E. Chevalet); Der deutsche Knabe, (Hersch); Sérénade du torero (Gautier); Si j’étais petit oiseau (Jousselin); Ständchen (Sternau), T, male vv

ballets

Arlequin barbier (1, Placet, after Rossini), BPSM, 5 July 1855

Pierrot clown (1, Jackson), BPSM, 30 July 1855

Polichinelle dans le monde (1, W. Busnach), BPSM, 19 Sept 1855

Le papillon (2, M.Taglioni, J.H. Vernoy de Saint-Georges), Opéra, 26 Nov 1860

dance music

(selective list)

all arranged for piano

Décameron dramatique, album du Théâtre Français (1854); Rachel, grande valse; Emilie, polka mazurka; Madeleine, polka villageoise; Delphine, rédowa; Augustine, schottisch; Louise, grande valse; Maria, polka mazurka; Elisa, polka trilby; Nathalie, schottisch du tambourin; Clarisse, varsoviana

6 singly pubd suites of waltzes (1836–8): Brunes et blondes, Les fleurs d’hiver, Les Amazones, Les jeunes filles, Les trois Grâces, Rébecca

Over 10 singly pubd pieces (1844–76), incl.: Abendblätter, Walzer; Herminie, valse; Les belles américaines, suite de valses; Offenbach valse; Polka burlesque

cello

(selective list)

For vc, orch: Prière et Boléro, op.22 (1840); Musette, Air de ballet du 17me siècle, op.24 (1842); Hommage à Rossini, 1843; Concerto militaire, 1847; Concerto rondò, 1851

For vc, pf: Rêveries (1839), collab. F. von Flotow: La harpe éolienne, Scherzo, Polka de salon, Chanson d’autrefois, Les larmes, Rédowa brillante; Chants du soir (1839), collab. Flotow: Au bord de la mer, Souvenir de bal, La prière du soir, La retraite, Ballade du pâtre, Danse norvégienne; Introduction et valse mélancolique, op.14 (1839); Deux âmes au ciel, élégie, op.25 (1844); Chants du crépuscule, op.29 (1846): Souvenir du val, Sérénade, Ballade, Le retour, L’adieu, Pas villageois; Rêverie au bord de la mer (1848); La course en traîneau, étude-caprice (1849)

For vc, other insts: Divertimento über Schweizerlieder, vc, 2 vn, va, db, op.1, 1833; Las campanillas, vc, bells, 1847

For vcs: Fantasy on Robert le diable, 7 vc, 1852; Adagio et scherzo, 4 vc, 1845

For vc solo/vc, pf: fantasies on Anna Bolena, Beatrice di Tenda, Il barbiere di Siviglia, I puritani, Jean de Paris, Joseph, La dame blanche, La sonnambula, Le nozze di Figaro, L’elisir d’amore, Norma, Parisina, Richard Coeur-de-Lion

Pedagogical works: Ecole du violoncelle, 2 vc, opp.19–21, 34 (1839–46); Cours méthodique de duos, 2 vc, opp.49–54 (1847); 20 petites études, vc, db, op.77 (1855); 12 études, vc, db, op.78 (1855)

For fuller list of works see Almeida

Offenbach, Jacques

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Grove 1(G. Chouquet)

E. de Mirecourt [C.-J.-B. Jacquot]: Auber, Offenbach (Paris, 1869)

Argus [P. Gille]: Célébrités dramatiques: Jacques Offenbach (Paris, 1872)

J. Offenbach: Offenbach en Amérique, notes d’un musicien en voyage (Paris, 1877; Eng. trans. as Orpheus in America, 1958)

A. Jullien: ‘M. Offenbach, critique: sa profession de foi musicale’, Airs variés (Paris, 1877), 347–58

A. Wolff: ‘Jacques Offenbach’, La gloire à Paris (Paris, 1886)

A. Martinet: Offenbach: sa vie et son oeuvre (Paris, 1887)

C. Bellaigue: Etudes musicales et nouvelles silhouettes de musiciens (Paris, 1898)

P. Bekker: Jacques Offenbach (Berlin, 1909)

L. Schmidt: J. Offenbach (Berlin, 1912)

R. Northcott: Jacques Offenbach: a Sketch of his Life and a Record of his Operas (London, 1917)

E. Rieger: Offenbach und seine Wiener Schule (Vienna, 1920)

L. Schneider: Offenbach (Paris, 1923)

K. Soldan, ed.: Jacques Offenbach: Beiträge zu seinem Leben und seinen Werken (Berlin, 1924)

R. Brancour: Offenbach (Paris, 1929)

A. Henseler: Der Aufstieg des Kölners Jacques Offenbach: ein Musikerleben in Bildern (Berlin, 1931)

S. Kracauer: Jacques Offenbach und das Paris seiner Zeit (Amsterdam, 1937/R; Eng. trans., 1937)

J. Brindejont-Offenbach: Offenbach, mon grand-père (Paris, 1940)

Le siècle d’Offenbach (Paris, 1958)

A. Decaux: Offenbach, roi du Second Empire (Paris, 1958, 3/1975)

G. Hughes: Composers of Operetta (London, 1962)

I.I. Sollertinsky: Offenbach (Moscow, 1962)

O. Schneidereit: Jacques Offenbach (Leipzig, 1966, 2/1970)

P.W. Jacob: Jacques Offenbach in selbstzeugnissen und Bilddokumenten (Hamburg, 1969, 2/1980)

A. Lamb: ‘How Offenbach Conquered London’, Opera, xx (1969), 932–8

R.L. Folstein: ‘A Bibliography on Jacques Offenbach’, CMc, xii (1971), 116–28

R. Pourvoyeur: ‘Verne et Offenbach’, Bulletin de la Société Jules Verne, no.20 (1971), 87; no.21 (1972), 112

F. Mailer: ‘Jacques Offenbach – ein Pariser in Wien’ , ÖMz, xxvii (1972), 246–62

R. Pourvoyeur: Jacques Offenbach: Essay in Toengepaste Muziek- en Toneelsociologie (Brussels, 1977; rev. as Offenbach: Idillio e parodia, 1980)

O. Schneidereit: Tödlicher Cancan (Leipzig, 1978)

G. Hauger: ‘Offenbach in English: a Checklist’, Theatre Notebook, xxxiv (1979–80), 9–14; xxxv (1980–81), 87–8; xxxvi (1981–2), 34; xxxvii (1982–3), 31–2

A. Faris: Jacques Offenbach (London, 1980)

P. Gammond: Offenbach: his Life and Times (Tunbridge Wells, 1980, 2/1981)

J. Harding: Jacques Offenbach: a Biography (London, 1980)

A. Lamb, G. Hauger and H. Macdonald: ‘Jacques Offenbach, 1819–1880’, MT, cxxi (1980), 615–21

H.-K. Metzger and R. Riehn, eds.: Jacques Offenbach (Munich, 1980)

K. Pahlen, ed.: Hoffmanns Erzählungen (Munich, 1980, 2/1982)

D. Rissin: Offenbach, ou Le rire en musique (Paris, 1980)

Offenbach 1819–1880: a Tribute (London, 1980)

F. Oeser: Jacques Offenbach: Hoffmanns Erzählungen: Quellenkritische Neuausgabe: Vorlagenbericht (Kassel, 1981)

W. Kirsch and R. Dietrich, eds.: Jacques Offenbach: Komponist und Weltbürger (Mainz, 1985)

G. Brandstetter, ed.: Jacques Offenbachs Hoffmanns Erzählungen (Laaber, 1988)

A. Lamb: ‘Tales of a Monte Carlo Hoffmann’, Opera, xlii (1991), 634–7

P. Goninet, ed.: Jacques Offenbach: lettres à Henri Meilhac et Ludovic Halévy (Paris, 1994)

R. Pourvoyet: Offenbach (Paris, 1994)

J.-C. Yon and L. Fraison: Offenbach (Paris, 1994) [exhibition catalogue]

A. Lamb: An Offenbach Family Album (Croydon, 1997)

J. Kaufman: Isaac Offenbach und sein Sohn Jacques (Tübingen, 1998)

R. Franke, ed.: Offenbach und die Schauplätze seines Musiktheaters (Laaber, 1999)

A. de Almeida: Jacques Offenbach: a Thematic Catalogue of his Works (Oxford, forthcoming)

Offerenda.

Mass chants in the Ambrosian rite, corresponding to the Roman offertories. See Ambrosian chant, §7(i), and Offertory, §3.

Offererius.

See Uffererii, Giovanni Damasceni.

Offertory [offertorium, offerenda].

A chant of the Western Mass rites sung while bread and wine are prepared for eucharistic consecration. It is also the post-medieval name for the complex of priestly prayers and ritual actions (mixing of wine and water, incensation, washing of the hands) that took place during this part of the Mass. In its full medieval form the offertory chant consisted of a choral refrain in richly neumatic style with two or three neumatic–melismatic verses sung by a soloist. The latter part of the refrain (known as the repetendum) was repeated after each verse. Related to the offertory of the Roman Mass are the Ambrosian offerenda, the Mozarabic sacrificium and the Gallican sonus.

2. Offertories of Old Roman and Gregorian chant.

3. Other rites.

4. Post-medieval developments.

JOSEPH DYER

1. Origin and early history.

The earliest descriptions of the Mass (Justin Martyr, Hippolytus) do not single out the placing of bread and wine on the altar as an important ritual event surrounded by prayers and singing. Although nothing is known about the origins of the offertory, it was presumably introduced into the Mass after the gradual, communion and introit chants. The widespread view that Augustine’s allusion (c400) to a Carthaginian practice of singing ‘hymni ad altare … ante oblationem’ refers to singing at the offertory can no longer be maintained. Augustine defended the practice in a lost tract Contra Hilarem, but its exact nature cannot now be ascertained. The earliest reference to singing at this point in the liturgy might be a statement (before 620) by Isidore of Seville about ‘Offertoria quae in sacrificiorum honore canuntur’ (De ecclesiasticis officiis, i.14; PL lxxxiii, 751, cf lxxxiii, 896), if this is not actually a reference to music during Jewish Temple sacrifices. Some medieval commentators on the liturgy viewed such Jewish ritual music as prefiguring the Christian offertory chant, although Walafrid Strabo (c831) believed that the early Christians made their offerings in silence (Liber de exordiis et incrementis, xxiii).

The earliest reference to singing at this point during the Roman Mass occurs in Ordo Romanus I, a description of the papal Mass at about the turn of the 8th century. By this time an elaborate ritual already surrounded the reception of bread and wine from members of the Roman aristocracy by the pope and his retinue. It is not entirely clear whether ordinary members of the congregation participated. The offertory chant (offertorium) is mentioned only when the pope gives the Schola Cantorum a signal that it should be brought to a conclusion (Ordo I, 85; Andrieu, ii, 95). (Ordo Romanus I also calls the veil used to hold the handles of the large chalice into which offerings of wine were poured an ‘offertorium’.) Nothing can be known about the form or musical style of the offertory chant at this period, save that its length could be adjusted to cover the time it took to gather the offerings. Before the end of the 8th century a visitor to Rome who made random observations about the Lenten liturgy thought the verse(s) worthy of mention (Ordo XXII, 21; Andrieu, iii, 262), something he would not have done were these set to a simple psalm tone. Three of the earliest unnotated gradualia from the 9th century (Mont-Blandin, Compiègne, Senlis) contain two or three verses for most offertories, and the Gallicanized episcopal Mass described in Ordo Romanus V (late 9th century) notes specifically that during the people’s offering ‘cantores cantant offertorium cum versibus’.

It has been claimed that the offertory was originally an antiphonal chant associated with psalmody, like the other ‘processional’ chants of the Mass – the introit and communion. This analogy rests in part on the assumption that a lay procession to the sanctuary for the presentation of bread and wine (and possibly other offerings) constituted an original element of the ceremony. Early evidence for a procession of this type at Rome is non-existent. It might have been a Carolingian contribution to the liturgy, but the extent to which the laity customarily made a solemn liturgical presentation of their offerings at Mass during the Middle Ages has yet to be clarified. Certain lavish donations to the church (precious sacred vessels or property) might have been carried in procession and placed on the altar during the offertory of the Mass.

Those who defend the theory of an antiphonal origin claim that the offertory chant later became a responsorial chant with melodically developed refrain and verses. In an attempt to determine when this might have happened, Apel noted that Aurelian of Réôme claimed that ‘the verses of the offertories are inserted in them per tonos’ (Musica disciplina, x.12; ed. L. Gushee, CSM, xxi, 1975, p.87). Apel construed Aurelian’s statement to mean that the verses were sung to standard ‘offertory tones’ in the mid-9th century, and he concluded that their absence in the tonary compiled by Regino of Prüm (915) was proof that the ‘tones’ had been discarded in favour of freely composed verses. Even though the offertories are listed in Aurelian’s ‘deuterologium tonorum’, this is merely for the sake of an inclusiveness typical of the ‘theoretical’ tonaries. Neither the theorists of the Middle Ages nor any of the anonymous tonaries or medieval liturgical manuscripts consider the offertories anything other than responsorial chants. An antiphonal origin seems out of the question.

2. Offertories of Old Roman and Gregorian chant.

The period during which new offertories were composed at Rome may have ended as early as the 8th century. When the Thursdays of Lent, hitherto deprived of Mass liturgies, were given their own Mass formularies by Pope Gregory III (715–31), pre-existing chants supplied all of the needed offertories. Ad te levavi, assigned to the Thursday after Ash Wednesday, is sung on Wednesday in the second week of Lent, on the tenth Sunday after Pentecost and on the first Sunday of Advent. In addition, about two dozen other medieval offertories are sung on more than one occasion. Feasts of saints of the same category (martyr, bishop) often share a common offertory. In a few cases offertory melodies have been adapted to different texts: Viri Galilei was reused for the offertories Stetit angelus, Iustorum anime and Erue me. The verses might not have been sung everywhere or necessarily in the same order; they fell out of general use by the 13th century. Not infrequently, they were transmitted in separate collections along with tropes and prosulas (see Sources, MS, §II, 3).

Most offertories in the Old Roman and Gregorian repertories draw their texts from the Book of Psalms (see Psalter, liturgical). In a study of the 107 offertory texts contained in the Antiphonale missarum sextuplex Hucke (1970) demonstrated the prevalence of two text types: (1) both refrain and verses freely selected from psalm verses not in the order of the Psalter; (2) the refrain selected from an interior psalm verse and the verses of the offertory from the beginning of the psalm. According to Hucke, these text types presuppose a responsorial, not an antiphonal, manner of performance. 18 Gregorian offertories have non-psalmic texts, 12 of which occur in Old Roman chant as well. Levy (1984) described these texts as ‘librettos’ specifically designed for a florid musical setting, and, on the basis of textual and musical parallels, he pointed towards Gaul as the source of the texts and possibly of aspects of their musical settings in the Mozarabic, Gregorian and Ambrosian repertories. The existence of these relationships would push the history of the offertory back to about 700.

Frequently, the texts of the Old Roman and Gregorian offertories were chosen for their close connection with the Gospel pericope or the introit of the day. Iustitie Domini for the third Sunday in Lent (see ex.1) has a refrain pieced together from parts of three verses of Psalm xviii (xix), verses 9a, 11b, and 12a. The Gospel of the day concludes with Jesus’s proclamation that they are blessed who hear the word of God and keep it (‘et custodiunt illud’). The offertory refrain closes with a similar phrase: ‘for your servant keeps them’ (‘nam et servus tuus custodiet ea’). (The neuter plural ‘ea’ refers to the words ‘iudicia eius’, omitted by the compiler of the offertory text. The Cistercian and Dominican revisers of the chant inserted these words before ‘dulciora’ and supplied music for them.) The words ‘illuminans oculos’ (‘illuminating the eyes’) in the first verse of the offertory allude to the first words of the introit for this Sunday, Oculi mei semper ad Dominum.

Although the Gregorian offertory repertory is distinctive because each chant is unique, Iustitie Domini (ex.1) may serve as an adequate representation. The asterisk at the beginning of the second line of the refrain indicates the beginning of the repetendum. This phrase makes good textual sense following the first verse but links less satisfactorily with the second. The range of the refrain (c–a) and its concentration on f is entirely consistent with chants in mode 4, to which this piece was assigned by the Graduale romanum, although some medieval traditions assigned it to mode 6 with a final cadence on F. Verse 1 initiates the curve of intensification characteristic of the offertory chants. It breaks away from f and moves to the upper third, a–c' returning to f as a focal point in the last phrase, thus forming a smooth link with the repetendum. The first phrase of verse 2 explodes into the expansive lyricism encountered frequently in the Gregorian offertory verses. The insistence on a single pitch (here, c') in the long final melisma also represents a distinctive feature of the repertory. Some melismas have repetition patterns (aab, abb), and the final melisma could be provided with a Prosula.

The Old Roman offertories (transcribed by Landwehr-Melnicki) have generally the same textual basis as their Gregorian counterparts. From a structural point of view, however, they differ significantly. They make extensive use of the repetition and artful recombination of phrases, long and short, and approximately two thirds of the repertory (59 of 94 offertories) makes greater or lesser use of two formulae (Dyer, 1998). The first of these (ex.2a, formula A, a formula with four elements that is most often associated with E-mode offertories and verses, has as its most prominent feature a torculus (b–c'–a) that can be repeated several times to accommodate texts of varying lengths. The second formula consists of seven elements (ex.2b, formula B). Though found most frequently with F-mode offertories, it pervades a larger part of the offertory repertory than does the first formula. Allusions to this formula in the Old Roman offertory Iustitie Domini (ex.3) are indicated by brackets above the stave.

Certainly the most peculiar, and hitherto inexplicable, aspect of the Old Roman and Gregorian offertories is the presence of text repetition, found in 14 Old Roman and 13 Gregorian offertories. This can take two forms: (1) the immediate repetition of a text phrase, either with the same or slightly altered music (AA), or (2) the return of the first phrase of the refrain at its end (ABA). None of the various explanations proposed to account for this practice, unique to the offertory, has found general acceptance. The most extraordinary instance of repetition in the Old Roman and Gregorian offertories occurs in verse 4 of Vir erat (ex.4, transcribed by Ruth Steiner from the clefless but diastematic manuscript F-Pn lat.776), a text from the book of Job. In it ‘ut videat/videam bona’ is repeated nine times, although not all manuscript sources agree on the number of repetitions. As in Iustitie Domini, a gradual increase of tension may be observed in Vir erat: the first line hovers around d; the second group of repetitions moves a fifth higher to a; and the climax is reached with the last three anguished cries of the distressed Job. Each group of phrases closes with a melodically expanded variation of the first two sub-phrases.

3. Other rites.

A large number of Mozarabic sacrificia are preserved, but only in staffless neumes that cannot be transcribed. Most of the texts are non-psalmic, though drawn from the Hebrew scriptures or the gospels (listed with sources in Randel, 457–71). Many of the texts refer to offering and sacrifice. Like the Old Roman and Gregorian offertory, the Mozarabic sacrificium consists of a refrain followed by several verses separated from each other by a repetendum. The musical style is prevailingly florid, thus making it regrettable that the corpus of what one authority has called ‘the most prodigious chant in the old Spanish liturgy’ cannot be recovered.

Evidence for the Gallican sonus, if this chant was indeed the equivalent of the Roman offertory, is far more tenuous. The account of the Gallican liturgy attributed to St Germanus (d 576), but probably written in Burgundy in the early 8th century, describes a solemn procession during which members of the clergy transfer bread and wine from the sacristy to the altar. The singing of the sonus, concluded by a triple alleluia, accompanied this procession. Ordo Romanus XV describes a similar ceremony accompanied by the singing of the antiphon Laudate Dominum de celis, to which a response is made. The author then continues: ‘after this the clergy at once sing the offerenda, which the Franks call “sonus”’ (Ordo XV, 134–44; Andrieu, iii, 122–3). With the possible exception of a few texts (see above) the Gallican repertory has been lost.

Many of the Milanese (Ambrosian) offertories (offerendae) are related to Gregorian offertories but there are fewer verses present in the repertory. Most of the texts are psalmic, although a number of Ambrosian offertories share the non-psalmic ‘libretto’ texts that might have a Gallican origin. The Ambrosian offertory refrains manifest about the same level of melodic elaboration as their Gregorian equivalents. They have notable melismas, sometimes even at the beginning of the refrain, as in Haec dicit Dominus.

4. Post-medieval developments.

As the sense of liturgical integrity weakened, the singing of the proper chant offertories declined. Polyphonic settings of the offertory were neglected during the Renaissance, possibly because the florid melodies of the chant offertories did not lend themselves to cantus firmus treatment (see Lipphardt). The 68 offertories for five voices in Palestrina’s superb collection, Offertoria totius anni (1593), make use of freely invented motifs. Lassus had earlier published polyphonic offertories in two collections entitled Sacrae cantiones (1582 and 1585).

During the 17th and 18th centuries settings of the offertory texts were adapted to current modes of musical expression, although stile antico polyphony was not entirely abandoned. In Germany the offertory took on the aspect of an orchestrally accompanied cantata with recitatives, arias and instrumental movements, and the traditional offertory texts sometimes yielded to newly composed poetry. Symphonic movements also found a place at the offertory. French organ masses included an offertoire, a form that reached grand proportions in François Couperin’s Pièces d’orgue consistantes en deux messes (1690). Italian organ composers wrote spirited offertori for this point in the liturgy.

The musical treatment of the offertory (‘offering’) in contemporary Christian churches varies widely. If a choir is present, an anthem with a text relating to the prescribed liturgy of the day or theme of the service can be performed, a role that might also be filled by a vocal soloist. Organ or instrumental music, or a hymn sung by the congregation, are other alternatives. When the offerings have been gathered, they (along with bread and wine, if the Eucharist is to be celebrated) are brought forward with a certain degree of ceremony. The congregation then sings an appropriate brief sentence or a stanza of a hymn. ‘Praise God from whom all blessings flow’, sung to the tune ‘Old Hundredth’, serves this purpose in many Protestant churches of the English-speaking world. Some service books provide other musical options, such as ‘What shall I render’ and ‘Let the vineyards be fruitful’ in the American Lutheran Book of Worship.

(1) Michał Kazimierz Ogiński

BIBLIOGRAPHY

MGG1 (A. Scharnagl)

J. Pothier: ‘Exemples d’offertoires empruntés à d’anciens versets’, Revue du chant grégorien, iv (1895–6), 161–5

P. Wagner: Einführung in die gregorianischen Melodien: ein Handbuch der Choralwissenschaft, i:Ursprung und Entwicklung der liturgischen Gesangsformen bis zum Ausgang des Mittelalters (Leipzig, 3/1911/R), 107–13; iii: Gregorianische Formenlehre: eine choralische Stilkunde (Leipzig, 1921/R), 418–34

M. Andrieu, ed.: Les Ordines romani du haut Moyen-Age (Leuven, 1931–61)

P. Ferretti: Estetica gregoriana, ossia trattato delle forme musicali del canto gregoriano, i (Rome, 1934/R); (Fr. trans., 1938), 191–203

L. David: ‘Les versets d’offertoire’, Revue du chant grégorien, xxxix (1935), 97–104, 175–9

K. Ott: Offertoriale, sive Versus offertorium cantus gregoriani (Paris, 1935, rev. 2/1985 by R. Fischer as Offertoriale triplex cum versiculis)

F. Cabrol: ‘Offertoire’, Dictionnaire d’archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie, ed. F. Cabrol and H. Leclercq, xii/2 (Paris, 1936), 1946–62

O. Heiming: ‘Vorgregorianische römische Offertorien in der mailändischen Liturgie’, Liturgisches Leben, v (1938), 72–9

H. Sidler: Studien zu den alten Offertorien mit ihren Versen (Fribourg, 1939)

D. Johner: Wort und Ton im Choral: ein Beitrag zur Aesthetik des gregorianischen Gesanges (Leipzig, 1940), 362–84

S. Hilpisch: ‘Der Opfergang in den Benediktinerklöster des Mittelalters’, Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des Benediktiner-Ordens und seiner Zweige, lix (1942), 86–95

C. Callewaert: ‘De offerenda et oblatione in missa’, Periodica de re morali canonica liturgica, xxxiii (1944), 61–94

G.J. Booth: The Offertory Rite in the Ordo Romanus Primus (Washington DC, 1948)

J.A. Jungmann: Missarum sollemnia: eine genetische Erklärung der römischen Messe (Vienna, 1948, 5/1962); (Eng. trans., 1951–5/R as The Mass of the Roman Rite), ii, 3–125

A. Clark: ‘The Function of the Offertory Rite’, Ephemerides liturgicae, lxiv (1950), 309–44

W. Lipphardt: Die Geschichte des mehrstimmigen Proprium Missae (Heidelberg, 1950)

W. Apel: Gregorian Chant (Bloomington, IN, 1958, 2/1990)

A.A. King: Liturgies of the Past (London, 1959)

R.-J. Hesbert: ‘Un antique offertoire de la Pentecôte Factus est repente’, Organicae voces: Festschrift Joseph Smits van Waesberghe angeboten anlässlich seines 60. Geburtstag, ed. P. Fischer (Amsterdam, 1963), 59–69

J.B. Molin: ‘Depuis quand le mot offertoire sert-il à désigner une partie de la messe?’, Ephemerides liturgicae, lxxvii (1963), 357–80

G.B. Baroffio: Die Offertorien der ambrosianischen Kirche: Vorstudie zur kritischen Ausgabe der mailändischen Gesänge (Cologne, 1964)

R. Steiner: ‘Some Questions about the Gregorian Offertories and their Verses’, JAMS, xix (1966), 162–81

B. Baroffio: ‘Die mailändische Überlieferung des Offertoriums Sanctificavit’, Festschrift Bruno Stäblein zum 70. Geburtstag, ed. M. Ruhnke (Kassel, 1967), 1–8

H. Hucke: ‘Die Texte der Offertorien’, Speculum musicae artis: Festgabe für Heinrich Husmann, ed. H. Becker and R. Gerlach (Munich, 1970), 193–203

M. Landwehr-Melnicki, ed.: Die Gesänge des altrömischen Graduale Vat. lat. 5319, MMMA, ii (1970), 255–415

G. Anderson: ‘A Troped Offertorium-Conductus Of the 13th Century’, JAMS, xxiv (1971), 96–100

I. Kähmer: Die Offertoriums-Überlieferung in Rom Vat. lat. 5319 (diss., U. of Aachen, 1971)

G.B. Baroffio: ‘Osservazioni sui versetti degli offertori ambrosiani’, Archivio ambrosiano, xxiii (1972), 54–8

D.M. Randel: An Index to the Chant of the Mozarabic Rite (Princeton, NJ, 1973)

H. Hucke: ‘Die Aufzeichnung der altrömischen Offertorien’, Ut mens concordet voci: Festschrift Eugène Cardine, ed. J.B. Göschl (St Ottilien, 1980), 296–312

J. Dyer: ‘Augustine and the Hymni ante oblationem: the Earliest Offertory Chants?’, Revue des études augustiniennes, xxvii (1981), 85–99

G. Björkvall and R. Steiner: ‘Some Prosulas for Offertory Antiphons’, JPMMS, v (1982), 13–35

J. Dyer: ‘The Offertory Chant of the Roman Liturgy and its Musical Form’, Studi musicali, xi (1982), 3–30

H.S. Powers: ‘Modal Representation in Polyphonic Offertories’, EMH, ii (1982), 43–86

J. Johnstone: The Offertory Trope: Origins, Transmission, and Function (diss., Ohio State U., 1984)

K. Levy: ‘Toledo, Rome, and the Legacy of Gaul’, EMH, iv (1984), 49–99

J. Pinell i Pons: ‘Repertorio del sacrificium: canto ofertorial del rito hispanico para el ciclo dominical de quotidiano’, Ecclesia orans, i (1984), 57–111

K. Levy: ‘Charlemagne’s Archetype of Gregorian Chant’, JAMS, xl (1987), 1–30

S. Žak: ‘Sollemnis oblatio: Studien zum Offertorium im Mittelalter’, KJb, lxxii (1988), 27–51

K. Gamber: ‘Fragen zur Processio oblationis im altgallikanischen Ritus’, Studia patristica, lxxx (1989), 375–8

G. Björkvall: ‘The Continuity of a Genre: Offertory Prosulas in Cambrai B.M. 172 (167) from the Twelfth Century’, Cantus planus IV: Pécs 1990, 359–70

J. Dyer: ‘Tropis semper variantibus: Melodic Design in the Offertories of Old Roman Chant’, EMH, xvii (1998), 1–60

G. Björkvall: Corpus troporum, ix: Prosules de l’offertoire (Stockholm, forthcoming)

Office, Divine.

See Divine Office.

Oficleide.

(It.)

See Ophicleide.

Ofterdingen, Heinrich von.

See Heinrich von Ofterdingen.

Ó Gallchobhair, Éamonn [O’Gallagher, Eamonn]

(b Dundalk, 30 Sept 1906; d Spain, 27 Dec 1982). Irish composer. He studied in Dublin at the Leinster School of Music and the Royal Irish Academy of Music. His strong personality led to a varied succession of appointments. He served as the music director at the Abbey theatre, conducted Radio Éireann’s Light Orchestra and later became a member of the station’s music staff. A leading advocate for the development of a distinctive Irish school of composition, he devoted considerable energy as a critic to combating in writing those who argued for a broader compositional outlook.

An active composer in smaller forms, Ó Gallchobhair wrote in a determinedly nationalistic musical style. The structures and harmonies of traditional music strongly inform his works. Five operas survive, all of which are in Irish. Many of his choral and solo vocal works also set Gaelic texts. His sacred works include mass settings and a short St John Passion for male voices (1950). Among his most expressive compositions are the Three Aquarelles (1952), orchestral compliments to watercolours painted by his wife, Mollie Ó Gallchobhair. He also wrote a considerable body of incidental music for productions at the Abbey theatre and scores for films and documentaries.

WORKS

(selective list)

Dramatic: The Singer (ballet, 3 scenes, Ó Gallchobhair, after P. Pearse, choreog. D. Forrest), 1935; Paul Henry-Landscape (ballet, 1 scene, Ó Gallchobhair, choreog. Forrest), 1937; The Twisting of the Rope (ballet, 1 scene, Ó Gallchobhair, choreog. Forrest), 1939; Nocturne sa Chearnóg (op, 3), 1942; Trághadh na Taoide (op, 3, T. Ó Coileáinn), 1950; Ioc-Shláinte an Ghrá (op, 3), 1954; An Mhaighdean Mhara (op, 1, Ó Coileáinn), 1960; An Tinncéir agus an tSidheóg (op, 1), 1963; incid music; film scores

Orch: Sreath Fonn, ob, str orch, 1940; Homage to Mangan, 1950; Three Aquarelles, 1952; Fl Conc., fl, str orch, 1960; Air and Variations, 1962

Choral: Mouth Music, 1930; St John Passion, male chorus, 1950; Tháinig na Salithe, SSATB, 1950; St Colmcille Mass, 1971

Principal Publisher: Govt. Pubns [Dublin]

BIBLIOGRAPHY

E. Deale, ed.: Catalogue of Contemporary Irish Composers (Dublin, 1968, enlarged 2/1973)

B. Harrison, ed.: Catalogue of Contemporary Irish Music [Irish Composers’ Centre] (Dublin, 1982)

JOSEPH J. RYAN

Oganesyan, Edgar Sergeyi.

See Hovhanesian, Edgar Sergeyi.

Oganezashvili, Sasha [Oganyan, Aleksandr]

(b Soganlug, Georgia, 1889; d Tbilisi, 31 May 1932). Armenian k‘emanch‘a player, teacher, theorist and composer. He began to play the k‘emanch‘a at the age of seven and joined a sazander ensemble in which he played the tiplipito and the duduk as well as the k‘emanch‘a. He became a soloist in the composer Anton Mailian's Eastern Orchestra in Baku in 1905 and often appeared with the instrumental ashugh group Haziri in Tbilisi. In the same year he toured the Transcaucasian region, Central Asia and Iran with two mugam performers, the singer D. Karyagdogli and the t‘ar player K. Pirimov. During the period 1906–12 recordings of his performances of classical mugam and Armenian dance music were released by the companies Kontzert-Rekord, Patye and Sport-Rekord. He studied the k‘emanch‘a with Oganez Oganezov, an authority on the Persian mugam, and took the pseudonym Oganezashvili (‘son of Oganez’) in his honour; Oganezashvili added a fourth string to the k‘emanch‘a, which significantly widened its range and thereby increased its potential as a solo instrument.

In 1920 he became the first rector of the Eastern Conservatory in Baku, which taught the theory of eastern music and eastern folk-instrument playing. He began to teach the k‘emanch‘a and music theory in Tbilisi in 1924, and in 1926 he founded a Faculty of Eastern Music at the Yerevan Komitas State Conservatory, at the same time directing and performing as a soloist with the Ensemble of Folk Instruments of Radio Armenia. His students included the k‘emanch‘a players and composers Guzgen Mirzoian and Aram Merangulian. During the late 1920s Oganezashvili worked in the Ton archive in Berlin and took part in the World Exhibition in Frankfurt (1927). He also wrote a series of articles about the monodic musical culture of the Transcaucasus and Iran. His compositions include Farkhad i Shirin (1911) and pieces for k‘emanch‘as, violin and piano.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

G. Gevorgian: Sasha Oganezashvili (Yerevan, 1973)

B. Huseynei: ‘Azerbaydzhanskaya narodnaya muzïka, 1902–82’ [Azerbaijani folk music], Traditsionïy fol'klor i sovremennïye narodnïye khorï i ansambli [Traditional folklore and contemporary folk choirs and ensembles] (Leningrad, 1989), 142–74

H. Apinyan, J. Badalyan and A. Kirakosyan: ‘Diskografiya armyanskoy monodicheskoy muzïki, 1916–89’ [Discography of Armenian monodic music], Traditsionïy fol'klor i sovremennïye narodnïye khorï i ansambli [Traditional folklore and contemporary folk choirs and ensembles], ed. V. Lapin (Leningrad, 1989), 175–246

ALINA PAHLEVANIAN

Ogdon, John (Andrew Howard)

(b Mansfield Woodhouse, Notts., 27 Jan 1937; d London, 1 Aug 1989). English pianist and composer. His first serious piano study was at the Royal Manchester College of Music in 1945 with Iso Elinson. Later teachers included Claud Biggs and Egon Petri, Richard Hall and George Lloyd. As a student he gave the premières of works by Goehr, Maxwell Davies and himself as part of the Manchester New Music Group. He first attracted attention in 1958 when at short notice he replaced an indisposed soloist in Liverpool and performed Brahms's Second Concerto almost at sight. Later that year in the same city he gave the first of his many performances of Busoni's Concerto with a mastery that astounded the audience. His London recital début in 1959 was equally memorable, so complete was his technical command, so refreshing and true his interpretative imagination. He first appeared at the Proms later that year. In 1960 he gained the Busoni Prize and the following year received the Liszt Prize in London. In 1962 he shared with Vladimir Ashkenazy the coveted first prize in the Moscow Tchaikovsky Competition, an achievement that launched his international career.

Ogdon's vast repertory and recorded legacy embraced almost every imaginable aspect of pianism. Already well known for performing popular Classical and Romantic masterpieces and an astonishing variety of 20th-century music, he went on to champion important and lesser-known music from past and present, most notably Alkan, Liszt and Busoni and many of his own contemporaries and compatriots, giving numerous first performances along the way and making many notable recordings. He also gave many duet recitals with Brenda Lucas, whom he married in 1960. A prolific composer, especially of keyboard music, he saw the act of composition as an indispensable part of his overall musical development which influenced his approach to performance. No pianistic challenge proved too much for him; his capacity to absorb substantial works at a glance has already passed into legend and helped him conquer peaks of piano literature hitherto considered unscalable. Modest in demeanour, economical and undemonstrative in his keyboard manner, he was, like most great pianists, a sympathetic chamber musician and accompanist; at the same time his colossal range and control of dynamics, digital brilliance and seemingly limitless resources of physical stamina enabled him to unleash torrents of virtuosity with ease, although always at the service of the music. A widely read man of profound intellect who never took any repertory for granted, he often wrote copious notes about pieces; he even arrived at one recording session clutching his substantial essay on Chopin's G minor Ballade.

During the 1970s he suffered increasingly from mental illness which was eventually diagnosed as schizophrenia. The most outstanding achievement of his final years, when his condition was largely stabilized, was his recording and performance of Sorabji's massive Opus clavicembalisticum. To hold an entire audience's attention throughout more than four hours of almost unremitting complexity relieved only by transcendental virtuosity is a tribute to Ogdon's unique genius as well as to the emotional and intellectual power of Sorabji's music. At recording sessions for this work he generally chose to warm up with Busoni's Fantasia contrappuntistica; the four-CD boxed set which was released a few months after Sorabji's death has come to be regarded as the crowning glory of Ogdon's career. His own death a few weeks later, at the age of only 52, robbed the musical world of one of the most remarkable figures in the history of piano playing. Ogdon's compositions, many in manuscript and some incomplete, are detailed in S. Atman: The Compositions of John Ogdon: a Catalogue (MS, 1990). A substantial collection of his manuscripts is held at the RNCM, Manchester.

WRITINGS

‘Liszt's Solo Piano Music (1861–86)’, Franz Liszt: the Man and his Music, ed. A. Walker (London, 1970, 2/1976)

‘The Romantic Tradition’, Keyboard Music, ed. D. Matthews (Harmondsworth, 1972)

‘Kaikhosru Sorabji and Herman Melville’, Sorabji: Opus clavicembalisticum, Altarus AIR–CD–9075 [disc notes]

BIBLIOGRAPHY

S. Regan: ‘John Ogdon: Pianist off the Beaten Track’, Gramophone, xlix (1971–2), 165–7

B. Lucas: Virtuoso: the Story of John Ogdon (London, 1981)

C. Rice and R. Stevenson: In Memoriam John Ogdon (Ridgefield, CT, 1993)

ALISTAIR HINTON

Ogelby, John.

See Ogilby, John.

Ogier.

See Hoger de Laon.

Ogilby [Ogelby, Oglivie], John

(b north of Dundee, Angus, Nov 1600; d London, 4 Sept 1676). Scottish dancing-master, theatrical impresario, writer, publisher and possibly composer, active partly in Ireland. A man of extraordinary versatility who was adept at attracting influential patronage, he successfully survived many misfortunes. His career began as a dancer at the court of Charles I. After a fall during a court masque in 1621 he was forced to give up dancing and became a dancing master and choreographer. About 1633 he accompanied the Duke of Wentworth (later the Earl of Strafford) to Dublin. He is important in the history of music in Ireland as the first holder there of the title of Master of the Revels, a position created for him by the Earl as Lord Deputy on 28 February 1638. In this capacity he erected in Werburgh Street, close to Dublin Castle, the first theatre to be built in the British Isles outside London. On the outbreak of the Civil War in 1641 his theatre was closed and soon fell into ruin, and he returned destitute to England shortly after. He then turned to translating the classics, including Virgil, Aesop and Homer, and established a profitable publishing business in London issuing both his translations and travel books.

After the Restoration he attracted the attention of Charles II and outmanoeuvred William Davenant in obtaining once again, on 8 May 1661, the monopoly of theatrical interests in Ireland and immediately built the Smock Alley Theatre, which was opened in the autumn of 1662 and survived until 1787. There is evidence that he was at least to some extent versed in musical composition, since the libretto of the musical play Pompey by Mrs Philips, which was performed at the Smock Alley Theatre on 10 February 1663, states that the play concluded with ‘a Grand Masque Danc'd before Caesar and Cleopatra made as well as the other Dances and the Tunes to them by Mr John Ogilby’.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

L.T. Stockwell: ‘Dublin Theatres and Theatre Customs (1637–1820) (Kingsport, TN, 1938)

E. Halfpenny: ‘The “Entertainment” of Charles II’, ML, xxxviii (1957), 32–44 [see also letter from I. Spink, ibid., 210–12]

K.S. Van Eerde: John Ogilby and the Taste of his Times (Folkestone, 1977) [see also review by J. Kenyon, Times Literary Supplement (13 May 1977) and letter, ibid. (17 June 1977)]

BRIAN BOYDELL

Oginaga, Joaquin de.

See Oxinaga, Joaquín de.

Ogiński.

Polish family of musicians.

(2) Michał Kleofas Ogiński

(3) Franciszek Ksawery Ogiński

ALINA NOWAK-ROMANOWICZ

Ogiński

(1) Michał Kazimierz Ogiński

(b Warsaw, 1728; d Warsaw, 31 May 1800). Prince, Grand Hetman of Lithuania, musician and poet. In his youth he spent seven years in France, first at the court of Stanisław Leszczyński at Lunéville and then in Paris. He was taught the violin by G.B. Viotti, and also learnt the clarinet and harp. His improved harp pedal system was adopted in 1762 by the firm of Erard in Paris; he wrote the article on the harp for Diderot’s Encyclopédie (Paris, 1765). From 1771 Ogiński maintained an opera company with ballet and orchestra at his residence at Słonim, Lithuania; it had a large repertory of Polish, Italian, French and German operas and symphonies. He founded a school for local children, who in 1777 acted Rousseau’s Pygmalion in French at his second theatre at Siedlce, near Lublin. Ogiński’s compositions include several operas and songs (for which he also wrote the texts), a ballet celebrating the anniversary of the coronation of Stanisław August (Warsaw, 24 November 1765; now lost) and several polonaises and mazurkas.

WORKS

Spl (librettos by the composer, first performed Słonim, unless otherwise stated): Filozof zmieniony [The Transformed Philosopher], 1771, PL-Wn; Opuszczone dzieci [The Forsaken Children], 1771, WRo; Kondycje stanów [The Social Position of the Classes], 1781, Wn; Pola Elizejskie [The Elysian Fields], 1781, Wn; Cyganie [The Gypsies] (F.D. Kniaźnin), Siedlce, 1786; Mocy Świata [The Powers of the World], before 1788, Wn

26 songs: 12 without acc., 1770, Wn; 14, acc. 2 vn, b, in Bajki i Niebajki, i–ii (Warsaw, 1788)

Inst: 3 National Polonaisen, pf 4 hands (Berlin, n.d.); Polonaise, G, vn, pf, ed. in Kurier Warszawski (1902), no.1; others, Wtm

Ogiński

(2) Michał Kleofas Ogiński

(b Guzów, nr Warsaw, 25 Sept 1765; d Florence, 15 Oct 1833). Composer, nephew of (1) Michał Kazimierz Ogiński. He first studied the violin and piano at Guzów with Józef Kozłowski (1773–8); later he took occasional violin lessons from Viotti (1798), Baillot (1810) and others. From 1789 he held various ambassadorial and governmental positions in the Netherlands (1790), London (1791), Warsaw (as Grand Treasurer of Lithuania, 1793–4), Constantinople (1796) and elsewhere. He travelled throughout Europe, settling in 1802 at Zalesie, near Vilnius, and in 1815 in Italy.

Ogiński is chiefly noted for his piano works, particularly the polonaises, the melancholy, lyrical mood of which suited the taste of the times and expressed Polish patriotism. Many contemporary composers such as Elsner, Kurpiński and Szymanowska were influenced by his works in this form. Ogiński wrote about 20, published in many editions in Poland and abroad, the best known being Pożegnanie Ojczyzny (‘Farewell to the Fatherland’). His vocal works include an opera and many songs; a number of patriotic songs written for the Polish regiment he maintained in the early 1790s are now lost.

WORKS

Pf 2–4 hands: c20 polonaises, incl. ‘Les adieux’ (Warsaw, 1803), Pożegnanie Ojczyzny [Farewell to the Fatherland] (n.p., 1831); mazurkas, waltzes, marches, incl. Marche pour les légions polonaises en 1797 (Leipzig, 1825); Menuet, PL-Kj

Vocal: Zélis et Valcour ou Bonaparte au Caïre (op, 1, Ogiński), 1799, Kj; 13 romances (It., Fr.); 2 songs (Pol.), ed. W. Poźniak (Kraków, 1962)

WRITINGS

Mémoires de Michel Ogiński sur la Pologne et les Polonais, depuis 1788 jusqu’à la fin de 1815, ed. L.J.B. Chodźko (Paris and Geneva, 1826–7; Pol. trans., 1870–77)

Lettres sur la musique adressées à un de ses amis de Florence en 1825 (MS, PL-Kj; Pol. trans., 1956)

Others (MSS, USSR-Mcl)

Ogiński

(3) Franciszek Ksawery Ogiński

(b 1801; d 1837). Composer, eldest son of (2) Michał Kleofas Ogiński. He wrote polonaises for the piano, including two sets of three each published in Warsaw (after 1822, 1827–8) as well as romances for voice and piano including Le page blessé à Pavie (St Petersburg, n.d.) and three to texts by Scott and Zan (Warsaw, 1829).

Another son of (2) M.K. Ogiński, Tadeusz Ogiński, wrote a Marche à quatre mains (22 October 1822, PL-Kj), and a daughter Amelia Ogińska wrote several works at Zalesie (now in Kj): Polonaise à 4 mains (10 November 1822), and two romances (‘Mon âme aujourd’hui’, 1825, and ‘J’aime la nuit’).

The Polish composer Karol Ogiński (fl mid-18th century) did not belong to the princely family. He was probably a member of the orchestra of the Duke of Mecklenburg; his Sonata for violin and piano survives (D-SWl, ed. K. Sikorski, Kraków, 1955).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

MGG1 (Z. Lissa)

W. Poźniak: Romans wokalny w twórczości M. Kl. Ogińskiego [Ogiński’s vocal romances] (Kraków, 1934)

H. Dorabialska: Polonez przed Chopinem [The polonaise before Chopin] (Warsaw, 1938)

R. Haas: ‘Ein polnischer Werther’, MJb 1959, 95–8

A. Ciechanowiecki: Michał Kazimierz Ogiński und sein Musenhof zu Słonim (Cologne, 1961)

Z dziejów polskiej kultury muzycznej [History of Polish musical culture], ii (Kraków, 1966)

I. Belza: Michail Kleofas Ogiński (Moscow, 1965; Pol. trans., 1967)

S. Burhardt: Polonez: katalog tematyczny, ii (Kraków, 1976)

A. Nowak-Romanowicz: ‘Twórczość komediowa Michała Kazimierza Ogińskiego i Katarzyny II’ [The comic creations of M.K. Ogiński and Catherine the Great], Muzyka, xxxv/2 (1990), 110–13

B. Mucha: Artyści polscy w nowozytnejt Rosji [Polish artists in modern Russia] (Łódź, 1994)

Oglio, Domenico dall'.

See Dall'oglio, domenico.

Oglio, Giovanni Battista dall'.

Italian music theorist, not related to domenico Dall'oglio.

Oglio, Giuseppe dall'.

Italian cellist, brother of domenico Dall'oglio.

Oglivie, John.

See Ogilby, John.

Ognivtsev, Aleksandr Pavlovich

(b Petrovskoye, Lugansk region, 27 Aug 1920). Russian bass. In 1949 he graduated from the Kishinyov conservatory and was engaged as a soloist by the Bol'shoy. His début as Dosifey (Khovanshchina) and his performances as Boris soon afterwards brought him immediate recognition as a singer of unusual dramatic accomplishment and authority, with a strong, beautiful voice of velvety timbre, and an imposing stage presence. A versatile actor, he took with equal success roles in high tragedy, complex psychological drama and comedy: his repertory included Ivan the Terrible (The Maid of Pskov), Prince Gremin (Yevgeny Onegin) and René (Iolanta), Gounod’s Méphistophélès, Rossini’s Don Basilio, Philip II, and the General (Prokofiev’s Gambler), which he sang on the Bol'shoy visit to the Metropolitan in 1975. He created Nicholas I in Shaporin’s The Decembrists (1953) and the Leader in Kholminov’s Optimisticheskaya tragediya (‘An Optimistic Tragedy’, 1964), and sang Theseus in the first performances in the USSR of Britten’s A Midsummer Night’s Dream (1965). His film appearances included Aleko (in Rachmaninoff’s opera, 1954). In 1965 he was made People’s Artist of the USSR.

I.M. YAMPOL'SKY

Ogolevets, Aleksey Stepanovich

(b Poltava, 17/29 May 1894; d Moscow, 15 Aug 1967). Soviet music historian, theorist, pianist and instrument maker. In 1912 he went to Moscow University to read physics and mathematics, but he changed to law and graduated in 1917. At the same time he studied at the Moscow People’s Conservatory under Boleslav Yavorsky (composition) and Yevgeny Bogoslovsky and Aleksandr Goedicke (piano). Between 1912 and 1916 he appeared as a concert pianist and performed his own sonatas (all five of which have remained in manuscript) and other works, stylistically influenced by the Taneyev school. In 1915 he started teaching at the conservatory. He edited the literary journal Gyulistan, and from 1923 to 1933 held a number of posts in different publishing houses; from 1937 to 1941 he was editor of the publishing house of the USSR Academy of Architecture. For several years he played an active part in the Union of Soviet Composers; he was chairman of the Moscow branch (1933–8), a member of the standing committee (1934–7) and vice-chairman of the Kuybïshev branch (1941–3). From 1953 until his death he was on the executive committee of the Society for Indo-Soviet Cultural Relations, and from 1952 until 1962 he was general editor of the research publication Voprosï muzïkoznaniya (‘Questions of musicology’).

In 1923 Ogolevets began his research into the harmonic possibilities of the untempered scale, and an important stage in this work was the construction in 1935 of a harmonium which was the first instrument to use a 17-note system. He discussed the general application of the results he had obtained in his monumental work Osnovï garmonicheskogo yazïka (1941). He continued his studies with an examination of the 17-note system of the Arabs and the 22-note system, or shruti, of the Indian peoples. After World War II he devoted most of his time to research, studying problems of the laws of harmony in European and Asian music, and problems of the pitch and intonation of language and music.

WRITINGS

Osnovï garmonicheskogo yazïka [The principles of harmonic language] (Moscow, 1941)

Vvedeniye v sovremennoye muzïkal'noye mïshleniye [Introduction to contemporary musical thought] (Moscow, 1946)

Materialï i dokumentï po istorii russkoy realisticheskoy muzïkal'noy ėstetiki [Materials and documents on the history of the Russian musical aesthetic of realism] (Moscow, 1954–6)

V.V. Stasov (Moscow, 1956)

Slovo i muzïka v vokal'no-dramaticheskikh zhanrakh [Words and music in dramatic vocal genres] (Moscow, 1960)

Vokal'naya dramaturgiya Musorgskogo [Musorgsky’s vocal dramatic works] (Moscow, 1966)

Spetsifika vïrazitel'nïkh sredstv muzïki [The specific characteristics of the expressive means of music] (Moscow, 1969)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

G.B. Bernandt and I.M. Yampol'sky: Kto pisal o muzïke [Writers on music], ii (Moscow, 1974) [incl. list of writings]

IGOR' BĖLZA

O’Hagan, Betsy.

See Wright, Lawrence.

O'Hampsey, Denis.

See Hempson, Denis.

Ohana, Maurice

(b Casablanca, 12 June 1913; d Paris, 13 Nov 1992). French composer of Spanish descent. One of the leading independent figures in French music during the second half of the 20th century.

CAROLINE RAE

1. Background.

Throughout his life Ohana claimed to have been born in 1914. By his own declaration he was plagued by superstitions, particularly concerning the number 13: there is a certain irony, therefore, in the date of his death.

Ohana was described by Gide as a French Joseph Conrad. The intriguing parallel highlights the unusual complexity of Ohana’s cultural origins which, like those of the Ukrainian-born Pole, were different from his bureaucratic national identity. Both Ohana and Conrad were British citizens. (Ohana took French nationality in 1976.) Born in French, colonial Morocco into a family of Spanish origins (Gibraltarian-Andalusian on his father’s side and Andalusian-Castilian on his mother’s), Ohana inherited his British citizenship from his father. The southern culture from which he stemmed reaches beyond the political boundaries of any one country; hence in later life he spoke more of cultural roots and geographical influence than of nationality. As in many Gibraltarian families, English was spoken in the Ohana household, as well as Spanish, while French was, by necessity, Ohana’s language of education and training. He remained trilingual, publishing writings and conducting interviews in all three languages. Describing himself as Spanish by birth and upbringing but French by training and adoption, he had much in common with the stream of Spanish musicians, artists and writers who migrated north to Paris to exploit their cultural heritage. His cultural complexity contributed to the relative neglect of his music in the Anglo-Saxon world. In France, where fascination with the exotic and acceptance of the eclectic are long established, his music has enjoyed a position of eminence since his emergence as a composer in the 1950s. He received numerous prizes and distinctions throughout his lifetime.

Cosmopolitan in upbringing, he spent his youth in Morocco, Spain and the Basque region, and became familiar with Spanish folk music from an early age. He learnt many legends and dances of Spain, as well as repertory from the chanson de geste to the zarzuela from his mother, while his Andalusian-gypsy nurse nurtured him into the tradition of the cante jondo. His musical gifts were recognized early, and he gave his first public piano recital at the age of 11, the programme including Chopin’s Study op.10 no.5 and Beethoven’s op.13 Sonata. Soon after, he enrolled at the Bayonne Conservatoire, where he studied until 1931 as a pupil of Ermend Bonnal. Before the age of 18 he had publicly performed all 32 Beethoven piano sonatas, though as a mature composer he did not remember the experience fondly, feeling ill at ease with music belonging to the Austro-German tradition. Another teacher, Jéhanne Pâris, organist at Ste Eugénie in Biarritz, led him to discover many works, including the quartets of Debussy and Ravel, which remained important to him. He took the baccalauréat in 1932 and went to Paris the same year, originally to study architecture.

Following two years at the Ecole des Beaux-Arts, he entered the Ecole Nationale Supérieure des Arts Decoratifs in 1934. He met Mallet Stephens and visited the workshop of Le Corbusier. Against his father’s wishes he continued his musical training, studying piano with Lazare-Lévy and later with Frank Marshall. In 1936 he abandoned his architectural studies and devoted himself solely to the career of a pianist, giving his Paris début recital in February 1936 at the Salle Pleyel. Of mammoth proportions, the programme clearly revealed his instinctive cultural alignment and included works by Scarlatti, Chopin, Debussy, Granados, Ravel and Albéniz. Before the war he played in many European cities (including London), and he performed Falla’s Noches en los jardines de España at the Salle Gaveau with the Lamoureux Orchestra and Eugène Bigot in both 1937 and 1938. Despite his success as a pianist, he was increasingly drawn to composition and made his first sketches at this time. Feeling the need to extend the scope of his musical training he enrolled at the Schola Cantorum in 1937 and studied for three years with Daniel-Lesur. His studies in counterpoint, plainsong and the medieval and Renaissance repertory, characteristic of the Schola, proved a lasting influence on his musical language and vocal style.

An earlier chance meeting with the flamenco dancer and singer La Argentinita (Encarnación Júlvez López) in October 1936 had encouraged him to look to his Spanish origins as the catalyst in developing a compositional style. Already an established artist closely associated with Lorca and his circle, La Argentinita was famed not only for her Ballet Espagnol and revival of traditional Spanish folk music but also her collaborations with Falla. Together with the guitarist Ramón Montoya, Ohana and La Argentinita formed a trio and made a tour of Spain and northern Europe that included appearances at the Salle Pleyel and the Arts Theatre Club in London. Some of Ohana’s first works were composed for La Argentinita, although most he subsequently destroyed or withheld from publication. Through her he became acquainted with many of the leading figures in ballet at the time, these contacts resulting in several commissions for ballet scores during the 1950s. As a further encouragement to draw on Spanish subjects, La Argentinita gave Ohana the manuscript of Lorca’s poem Llanto por Ignacio Sánchez Mejías which he set for baritone, narrator, chorus and orchestra in 1950.

Throughout this early period, Ohana became increasingly fascinated with improvised folk music traditions, including not only Spanish folk music and the jazz he heard in Paris, but African tribal music. When visiting his home in Casablanca, he travelled into the Atlas mountains to seek out the indigenous berbers, sometimes participating in their tribal ceremonies. He absorbed much about their means of improvisation and learned many of their choral songs and microtonal melodies. He also discovered sub-Saharan African music, the rhythmic processes of which proved a decisive influence on his compositional development. He continued to make journeys to Africa, north and south of the Sahara, until 1965. Although he published some studies of Spanish folk-music, most of his research was intended more for compositional than musicological purposes. The cross-fertilizations between Spanish and African musics and culture became an enduring fascination, African and Afro-Cuban rhythmic patterns and drumming techniques providing a stimulus to which his fullest response came in the works of his last decade, most notably his final work, Avoaha (1991).

2. Achievement.

Ohana’s real beginnings as a composer were interrupted by the outbreak of World War II. Fleeing France in 1940 via Portugal, he joined the British Army and saw active service in Africa, Madagascar, Greece and Italy. During periods of military inactivity he absorbed himself in the five scores he carried in his pack throughout his army life: Falla’s El retablo de maese Pedro and Harpsichord Concerto, Debussy’s Prélude à l’après-midi d’un faune and Nocturnes, and Ravel’s Concerto for the Left Hand. Holding a commission in the Intelligence Corps, he found himself in 1944 in Rome, where he joined Casella’s piano class at the Accademia di Santa Cecilia. His first published works, ‘Enterrar y Callar’ (Trois caprices) and the Sonatine monodique, both for piano, date from this period. Shortly after the cessation of hostilities he gave a recital at the Institut Français in Naples and there met Gide, who was impressed by his interpretations of Chopin. They remained in contact until Gide’s death, and Ohana assisted on Gide’s Notes sur Chopin. Following demobilization in 1946 Ohana settled permanently in Paris and devoted himself increasingly to composition, gradually winding down his performing activities.

Developing a musical language based on plainsong, techniques of early counterpoint, rhythmic processes derived from African tribal music, and melodic features from Spanish folk music, Ohana was not attracted to the new serialism of his contemporaries. He declared his fierce independence from Austro-German traditions by founding the Groupe Zodiaque in 1947 along with two other students of Daniel-Lesur, Alain Bermat and Pierre de la Forest-Divonne. They were joined in 1948 by Sergio de Castro, a former pupil of Falla, and Stanislaw Skrowaczewski, then studying with Nadia Boulanger. The group, which mounted concerts on French Radio and at the Salle Gaveau from 1947 to 1950, rejected not only the tyranny of serialism and the neo-Romanticism of La Jeune France but all aesthetic dogma, advocating instead a reassessment of their respective folk music traditions and plainsong as the basis for an organic musical language that should avoid any elaborate precompositional system. Ohana’s conscious distancing of himself from Darmstadt resulted in exclusion from the concerts of the Domaine Musical, which in turn contributed to his neglect in the United Kingdom. Sympathetic to the independent standpoint of the Zodiaque composers, the positions both Dutilleux and Daniel-Lesur held at French radio were crucial in providing a platform for the group’s music. Although Zodiaque had disintegrated by 1950, Ohana kept his association with French radio and worked for a short time with Pierre Schaeffer; he incorporated electronic tape in several works, most notably in Sibylle (1968) where it is combined with soprano and percussion.

Many of Ohana’s works of the 1950s draw on Spanish subjects and texts, or allude to forms borrowed from Spanish folk music. His setting of Lorca’s Llanto por Ignacio Sánchez Mejías owes much to the timbral acidity of Falla and includes an orchestral harpsichord. Together with Cantigas, based on the monodies of Alfonso el Sabio, these were his first important large-scale works, and show his growing predilection for the voice. Tiento alludes to the traditional Spanish form associated with the guitar, while the guitar concerto Trois graphiques, Si le jour paraît… and the Trois caprices are based on engravings by Goya. While Spanish influences continued to emerge in certain mature works, notably the first cello concerto, Anneau du Tamarit, and the opera La Célestine, they were absorbed into a more homogeneous, if widely eclectic musical language that includes elements of jazz, Afro-Cuban music, and Chinese and Japanese theatre music. His melodic parallelism and colouristic view of harmony as timbre, or sound mass, owes much to Debussy and has parallels in Varèse, just as his superimposed layers of ostinatos in aleatory counterpoint owe much to Stravinsky and have parallels in Lutosławski. His first incorporations of African and Afro-Cuban rhythmic patterns appear in the percussion ballet Etudes chorégraphiques, but were more fully developed in the layering techniques of the percussion concertos Synaxis and Silenciaire, and more freely adapted in certain vocal works, particularly Cris, Lys de madrigaux and the Mass.

As a result of the stylistic and technical experimentation prompted by Ohana’s many commissions for incidental music in the 1950s and early 1960s, the middle 1960s marked a stylistic watershed and witnessed the emergence of his mature style. The Quatre improvisations for flute seek to recreate the spontaneity of improvisation, while Tombeau de Claude Debussy for soprano, piano, zither and orchestra, takes as its point of departure several piano works of Debussy and makes use of a coordinated system of third-tones, created by subdividing each interval of either whole-tone scale into three (see ex.1); the third-tone-tuned zither was thenceforth a recurrent feature of his music. The first string quartet, Cinq séquences, includes sections of aleatory counterpoint, and Si le jour paraît… for the newly invented ten-string guitar, further explores an Impressionism stemming from Debussy. Incorporating all these new textures and techniques, Signes for instrumental ensemble (1965) represents the complete emergence of his mature style. It is the first of a series of eleven works composed during the 1960s and 1970s bearing esoteric titles beginning with the same letter, the ‘Sigma Series’, which according to the composer symbolized evolution and the proliferation of his mature style into his second 50 years. With its title partly borne out by hand-drawn ciphers at the head of each movement, Signes is also one of many works to incorporate allusions to extra-musical symbolism, in this case the image of the tree. Other works notable for their allusive symbolism include the chamber opera Auto-da-fé, the orchestral works T’Harân-Ngô and Livre des prodiges, and Trois contes de l’honorable fleur, music theatre for soprano and ensemble.

Ohana contributed to almost every vocal and instrumental genre and was conspicuous in the harpsichord revival: the concerto Chiffres de clavecin and the opera La Célestine are representative. In Sacral d’Ilx for harpsichord, oboe and horn he used the instrumental combination envisaged by Debussy for the fourth of his uncompleted series of late sonatas. Other instruments he favoured include the guitar, the piano and the two he invented: the third-tone zither and the ten-string guitar. Prolific as a composer for the voice, writing opera, chamber opera and music theatre, as well as non-dramatic works, he concentrated on vocal music in his last years and produced some of his most personal statements. In Swan Song (1987–8) he composed his epitaph.

WORKS

stage

Les répresentations de Tanit (ballet, M. Béjart), orch, 1951, Enghien, Casino, 1956; suite, pf, withdrawn

La soirée des proverbes (incid music, G. Schéhadé) (fl, 2 ob, bn, hn, perc)/(fl, perc), 1953–4, unpubd, Paris, Marigny, 30 Jan 1954

Paso, solea (ballet, F. Dominique), orch, 1954, Lyons, Opéra, 1955, unpubd

Etudes chorégraphiques (ballet, M. Parrès), 4–6 perc, 1955–61, Strasbourg, 8 June 1963

Le guignol au gourdin (incid music, F. García Lorca: Tragicomedia de Don Crístobal y la seña Rosita), 1956, unpubd; arr. as music theatre, 1958, Carcassonne, July 1958

Prométhée (ballet, Béjart), chbr orch, 1955–6, Lyons, July 1956, withdrawn; suite, orch, 1958

Récit de l’an zéro (dramatic orat, G. Schéhadé), 1958–9, Paris, Grand Auditorium de l’ORTF, 11 April 1959

Histoire véridique de Jacotin (incid music, C.J. Cela, adapted A. Trutat), 1961, Paris, ORTF, 1961; rev. as Le mariage sous la mer (children’s chbr op), 1990, Boulogne-Billancourt, Conservatoire National, 18 April 1991

Syllabaire pour Phèdre (chbr op, 6 episodes, R. Cluzel and M. Ohana, after Euripides), 1966–7, Paris, Musique, 5 Feb 1968

Auto-da-fé (dramatic cant., Ohana) spkr, 3 SATB, ens, puppets, 1971, Vaison-la-Romaine, 9 Aug 1971; rev. 1972 as chbr op (10 scenes, Ohana), Lyons, Opéra, 23 May 1972

Office des oracles (music theatre, Ohana), 1974, La Sainte-Baume, 9 Aug 1974

Trois contes de l’honorable fleur (music theatre, O. Marcel, after Ohana), 1978, Avignon, 15 July 1978

La Célestine (op, 2, Ohana and O. Marcel, after F. de Rojas), 1982–8, Paris, Opéra, 13 June 1988; see also vocal [Suite de concert de la Célestine 1989–90; 3 prophéties de la Sibylle, 1989–90]; chamber and solo instrumental [Miroir de Célestine, 1989–90]

Sundown Dances (ballet, E. Hawkins), fl, cl, tpt, trbn, perc, vn. db, 1990, Washington, DC, Kennedy Center, May 1991

other incidental music

(selective list)

Les hommes et les autres (A. Trutat, after E. Vittorini), ens, 1956, unpubd; Médée (J. Bergamin, after Seneca), ens, 1956; Images de Don Quichotte, ens, 1956; Fuenteovejuna (Lope de Vega), SATB, wind, perc, 1957, unpubd; Homère et l’orchidée (B. Horowiscz), 1/3-tone zither, 1959, withdrawn; Hélène (Euripides), female chorus, ens, 1963, unpubd; Les héraclides (Euripides), SATB, wind, pf, 1/3-tone zither, perc, 1964, unpubd; Iphigénie en Tauride (Euripides), solo vv, pf, 1/3-tone zither, 4 perc, 1965, unpubd; Hippolyte (Euripides), S, Mez, SATB, ens, 1966, unpubd

orchestral

Sarabande, hpd, orch, 1950, unpubd; 3 graphiques, gui, orch, 4 perc, 1950–57; Synaxis, 2 pf, 4 perc, orch, 1966; Chiffres de clavecin, hpd, orch, 1968; Silenciaire, 6 perc, str, 1969; T’Harân-Ngô, orch, 1974; Anneau du Tamarit, vc, orch, 1976; Livre des prodiges, orch, 1978–9; Crypt, str, 1980; Pf Conc. 1981; In Dark and Blue, vc, orch, 1989–90

vocal

Choral: Llanto por Ignacio Sánchez Mejías (García Lorca), orat, Bar, spkr, female vv, orch, 1950; Cantigas (J. de Valdivielso, F.A. Mortesino, G. de Berceo, Alfonso X, J. Alvarez), child’s voice, S, Mez, SATB, pf, orch, 1953–4; Cris, SATB, 1968–9; Lys de madrigaux, female vv, ens, 1975–6; Mass, S, Mez, SATB, ens, 1977; 4 choeurs, children’s vv, 1987; Lux Noctis – Dies solis (Catullus, Lat. anon.), 4 choral groups, children’s vv, 2 org, perc, 1983–8; Swan Song (Ohana, after P. Ronsard), SATB, 1987–8; Suite de concert de la Célestine, solo vv, SATB, orch, 1989–90; Tombeau de Louize Labé ‘O beaux yeus bruns’, SATB, 1990; Nuit de Pouchkine, Ct, SATB, va da gamba/vc, 1990; Avoaha, SATB, 2 pf, perc, 1990–91

Solo: 2 mélodies (García Lorca), S, pf, 1947, arr. S, gui/hpd, unpubd; 3 poèmes de Saadi (trans. F. Toussaint), Bar, orch, 1947, unpubd; Tombeau de Claude Debussy, S, 1/3-tone zither, pf, orch, 1962; Sibylle, S, perc, tape, 1968; Stream, B, str trio, 1970; 2 incantations, S, fl, pf, 1972–4 [no.1 from op Auto-da-fé; no.2 from music theatre Office des oracles]; 3 prophéties de la Sibylle, 2 S, pf, perc, 1989–90 [from op La Célestine]

Orchestration: Satie: La messe des pauvres, 1990

chamber and solo instrumental

3 or more insts: 5 séquences, str qt, 1963; Signes, fl + pic, chromatic zither, 1/3-tone zither, pf, 4 perc, 1965; Sacral d’Ilx, ob, hn, hpd, 1975; Str Qt no.2, 1978–80; Kypris, ob/ob d’amore, va, db, pf, 1985; Str Qt no.3 ‘Sorgin-Ngo’, 1989

2 insts: 2 danses, 2 perc, 1954, unpubd; Neumes, ob, pf, 1965; Sorôn-Ngô, 2 pf, 1969–70; Syrtes, vc, pf, 1970; Noctuaire, vc, pf, 1976; Satyres, 2 fl, 1976; Anonyme XXème siècle, 2 gui, 1988; Miroir de Célestine, hpd, perc, 1989–90

Solo ww: 4 improvisations, fl, 1960; Sarc, ob, 1972

Pf: Sonatine monodique, 1945; 3 caprices, 1944–54; 24 préludes, 1972–3; 12 études d’interprétation: bk i, 1982, bk ii, 1983–5 [nos.11 and 12 with perc]

Hpd: Tiento, 1957 [arr. of gui piece]; Carillons ‘Pour les heures du jour et de la nuit’, 1960; 2 pièces, 1983 [no.1 arr. of Wamba]; So Tango, 1991

Gui: Tiento, 1957; Si le jour paraît… 10-str gui, 1963–4, arr. 6-str gui; Cadran lunaire, 10-str gui, 1981–2, arr. 6-str gui

Carillon: Wamba, 1980

MSS held by Association des Amis de Maurice Ohana, Paris and publishers

Principal publishers: Amphion/Durand, Billaudot, Jobert, Salabert, Schott

Principal recording companies: Audivis, Calliope, Erato, Opus 111, Philips, REM, Timpani

WRITINGS

‘Alfredo Casella’, MR, viii (1947), 145

‘Le Flamenco’, Los Gitanillos de Cadiz, Club français du disque G4188 (1955) [disc notes]

‘La géographie musicale de l’Espagne’, Journal musical français, no.47 (1956), 1–5; no.48 (1956), 1–3

‘Erik Satie’, Présences contemporaines: musique française, ed. J. Roy (Paris, 1962), 387–9

‘Béla Bartók’, Ujiras [Budapest] (July, 1965); Fr. orig. in Nouvel observateur (18 Aug 1965)

Disc notes, Etudes chorégraphiques, Philips DSY 836 990 (1967)

‘Micro-Intervals: Experimental Media II’, Twentieth Century Music, ed. R. Myers (London, 1968), 147–50

‘En el centenario de Manuel de Fallaun revolucionario inconsiente’, Triunfo, no.63 (1976)

‘L’ankylose du théâtre psychologique’, Aujourd’hui l’Opéra, no.42 (1980)

‘Les paradoxes de la musique contemporaine’, Musique en questions, no.1 (1980), 9 only

‘La Niña de los Peiñes’, Le chant du monde, Harmonia Mundi LDX 74859 CM 340 (1980) [disc notes]

‘Ecrits et paroles’, ReM, nos.351–2 (1982), 69–76 [incl. ‘La marionette à l’opéra’, 75 only]

‘Au service de la musique’, ReM, nos. 361–3 (1983), 59–60

‘Erik Satie’, ReM, nos.391–3 (1986), 177–9

‘Sud–Nord’, 20ème siècle: images de la musique française, ed. J.P. Derrien (Paris, 1986), 164–7

BIBLIOGRAPHY

A. Gide: Journal 1939–49 (Paris, 1954), 286

A. Carpentier: ‘Revelacíon de un compositor’, El domingo [Caracas] (29 April 1956); repr. in Obras completas, x (Mexico City, 1987), 215–7

B. Gavoty and Daniel-Lesur: Pour ou contre la musique moderne (Paris, 1957), 248–50

C. Rostand: La musique française contemporaine (Paris, 1957; Eng. trans., 1958), 123–6

C. Samuel: ‘Maurice Ohana’, Panorama de l’art contemporain (Paris, 1962), 334

J. Roy, ed.: Présences contemporaines: musique française (Paris, 1962), 385–403

P. Ancelin: ‘Pierre Ancelin avec Maurice Ohana’, Lettres françaises (17 Sept 1964)

R. Myers: Modern French Music (Oxford, 1971), 171–4

F. Goldbeck: Twentieth Century Composers: France, Italy and Spain (London, 1974), iv, 138–9

J. Roy: ‘Les compositeurs français contemporains: Maurice Ohana’, Diapason, no.186 (1974), 10–13

C. Chamfray: ‘Biographie de Maurice Ohana’, Courrier musical de France, no.51 (1975), 9–12

A. Grunenwald: ‘Conversation avec Maurice Ohana: T’Harân-Ngô’, Arfuyen II (Paris, 1975), 58–63

A. Goléa: La musique de la nuit des temps aux aurores nouvelles (Paris, 1977), 844–5

C. LeBordelays: La musique espagnole (Paris, 1977), 123

R. Lyon: ‘Entretien avec Maurice Ohana’, Courrier musical de France, no.62 (1978), 41–6

F.B. Mâche: ‘Les mal entendus: compositeurs des années 1970’, ReM, nos.314–15 (1978), 109–15

F. Bayer: De Schönberg à Cage (Paris, 1981), 119–21

J.-Y. and D. Bosseur: Revolutions musicales (Paris, 1979), 89–90

G. Wade: Traditions of the Classical Guitar (London, 1980), 202–48

C. Prost: Formes et thèmes: essai sur les structures profondes du langage musical de Maurice Ohana (diss., U. of Aix-en-Provence, 1981)

P. Bolbach: ‘Maurice Ohana et la guitare: entretien avec le compositeur, analyse du Tiento’, Cahiers de la guitare, no.2 (1982), 4–10

J. Roy, ed.: ‘Maurice Ohana: essais, études et documents’, ReM, nos. 351–2 (1982) [Ohana issue; incl. J. Roy: ‘Pour saluer Maurice Ohana’, 5–10; O. Marcel: ‘L’Ibérisme de Maurice Ohana’, 13–26; C. Prost: ‘Catalogue raisonné’, 29–67]

F. Bayer: ‘Sous le signe de l’imaginaire: Maurice Ohana’, Esprit, no.99 (1985), 43–57

F. Bayer, ed.: ‘André Gide et Maurice Ohana’, Bulletin des amis d’André Gide, no.71 (1986), 8–32

C. Prost, ed.: ‘Maurice Ohana: miroirs de l’oeuvre’, ReM, nos.391–3 (1986) [Ohana issue; incl. articles by R. Cluzel, F. Ibarrondo, H. Sauguet, F. Bayer, E. Chojnacka, L.M. Diego, P. Roberts, H. Halbreich, G. Reibel, O. Marcel, C. Prost]

C. Paquelet: ‘La percussion dans la musique d’Ohana’, Analyse musicale, no.8 (1987), 56–8

M. Cadieu: ‘La Célestine de Maurice Ohana: une tragi-comédie de moeurs’, Opéra international, no.115 (1988), 24–5

C. Rae: ‘La Célestine: Maurice Ohanas Oper in Paris’, NZM, Jg.149, no.10 (1988), 35–6

C. Rae: The Music of Maurice Ohana (diss., U. of Oxford, 1989)

H. Halbreich: ‘Maurice Ohana’, Guide de la musique de chambre, ed. F.-R. Tranchefort (Paris, 1989), 678–83

L’avant-scène opéra: opéra aujourd’hui, no.3A (1991) [La Célestine issue; incl. interview and articles by C. Prost, H. Halbreich, S. de Castro]

C. Rae: ‘Maurice Ohana: Iconoclast or Individualist?’, MT, cxxxii (1991), 69–74

F. Deval: Llanto por Ignacio Sanchez Mejias de Federico García Lorca à Maurice Ohana (Paris, 1992)

C. Rae: ‘L’improvisation dans l’oeuvre de Maurice Ohana’, L’improvisation musicale: Rouen 1992, 73–85

C. Rae: ‘Le symbolisme et l’archetype du mythe européen dans l’oeuvre de Maurice Ohana’, Cahiers du CIREM, nos. 24–5 (1993), 115–30

H. Halbreich: ‘Maurice Ohana’, Guide de la musique sacrée et choral profane de 1750 à nos jours, ed. F.-R. Tranchefort (Paris, 1993), 771–81

R. Langham Smith: ‘Ohana on Ohana: an English Interview’, CMR, viii/1 (1993), 123–9

C. Rae: ‘Debussy et Ohana: allusions et réferences’, Cahiers Debussy, nos.17–18 (1993–4), 123–9

F. Deval and J. Roy, eds.: Maurice Ohana: le musicien du soleil, Monde de la musique, cahier no.2 (Paris, 1994) [incl. articles by B. Massin, F. Deval, J.L. Tournier, C. Rae, H. Dutilleux, E. Franco, Daniel-Lesur, J. Gottlieb, F. Bayer, M. Weiss]

C. Rae: ‘The Piano Music of Maurice Ohana’, Revista musica [São Paolo], vi/1–2 (1995), 44–74

C. Rae: The Music of Maurice Ohana (London, 2000)

O'Hara, Kane [Kean, Kene]

(b ?Dublin or Co. Sligo, 1711/12; d Dublin, 17 June 1782). Irish librettist and musician. He was the younger son of Kean O'Hara, High Sheriff of County Sligo in 1703, and married the widow of Theobald Mathew the younger of Thomastown, County Tipperary. He was admitted to Trinity College, Dublin, on 3 March 1728 at the age of 16 and graduated in 1732. He is known chiefly as the librettist and arranger of the music for Midas (repr. of lib and facs. of 4 airs from score (Us-Ws) in Dircks; lib ed. Dircks, New York, 1987), the first ‘English burletta’, presented at the Crow Street Theatre, Dublin, on 22 January 1762 as a rival attraction to the season of Italian burlettas at the Smock Alley Theatre. Flood (History of Irish Music) stated that it had previously been performed at the private theatre of the Rt Hon. William Brownlow MP in Lurgan in April 1760; and O'Keeffe (Recollections) described a meeting at O'Hara's house in King Street, Dublin, at which O'Hara, Lord Mornington and Brownlow were ‘settling the music for Midas’. The music contains popular songs of the time, such as arias from Italian operas and folksongs from Ireland and other countries, linked by dialogue set to recitative. There is frequent resort to concerted numbers. With characters consisting of mythological gods and mortals, Midas is in reality a burlesque of opera seria. It attained considerable popularity and was frequently performed in London after the first production at Covent Garden on 22 February 1764.

O'Hara was also author of the libretto for Thomas Arne's pasticcio of 1773, The Golden Pippin (lib ed. Dircks, New York, 1987), and was responsible for the musical farce Two Misers (Covent Garden, 21 January 1775), which was covenanted to Thomas Ryder in 1780 for production at Crow Street in Dublin, the burlesque A Fine Day (Haymarket, 22 August 1777), and a version of Fielding's Tom Thumb (Covent Garden, 3 October 1780), which had been set by both Arne and J.F. Lampe in 1733. He was vice-president of Lord Mornington's Musical Academy, which was founded in 1757 mainly through his exertions. For the last four years of his life he was blind.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

FiskeETM

T.J. Walsh: Opera in Dublin 1705–1797: the Social Scene (Dublin, 1973)

P.T. Dircks: Introduction to Midas: an English Burletta (Los Angeles, 1974) [repr. of lib, with facs. of 4 airs from score in US-Ws]

A. Klein: ‘Irische Nachfogler der Bettleroper, oder Eine kritische Geschichte des “grössten Gelächters” auf britischen Bühnen’, Concerto, no.63 (1991), 13–18

BRIAN BOYDELL

Ohio Chamber Orchestra.

Orchestra established in 1972, based in Cleveland.

Ohio State University School of Music.

A school of music in the college of the arts of the state university at Columbus, Ohio, USA. The university opened in 1873 and soon began to offer music instruction; the school of music was established in 1945. Its first director was Eugene J. Weigel (1894–1973), also director of the university’s renowned marching band. Students numbered about 550 and faculty about 65 in the 1990s; BA, BM, BME, AB, MM, MA, DMA and PhD degrees are awarded in performance, conducting, jazz studies, music education, theory, composition and music history. The library holds over 130,000 volumes and 38,000 recordings. The Weigel Hall (1980) at the school has a recital hall with a movable ceiling and other acoustical refinements.

BRUCE CARR

Öhlberger, Karl

(b St Pölten, 30 March 1912). Austrian bassoonist and teacher. On completing his studies under Karl Strobl in Vienna in 1936, he had the rare distinction of being at once appointed to the principal position in the Vienna PO. Two years later he succeeded his teacher as professor at the Vienna Music Academy. In these positions he upheld the highest traditions of the Viennese school of wind playing, exerting considerable influence by attracting students from many foreign countries. He retired from the Vienna PO in 1974. His 80th birthday was commemorated by a Festschrift, Fagott Forever, edited by W.H. Sallagar and Michael Nagy (Wilhering, 1992).

WILLIAM WATERHOUSE

Ohlsson, Garrick (Olof)

(b Bronxville, NY, 3 April 1948). American pianist. His first teacher was Thomas Lishman at the Westchester Conservatory, and at 13 he went to Sascha Gorodnitzki at the Juilliard School, where he also studied with Rosina Lhévinne. The most crucial influence, however, was Olga Barabini, a pupil of both Arrau and Hofmann. Ohlsson's career was established when he became the first American to win the Warsaw International Chopin Competition (1970); he had already attracted attention as the winner of competitions in Bolzano (1966) and Montreal (1968). Because of his Warsaw success he became known as a Chopin player and has made many tours of Poland. His repertory is nevertheless broad and includes even such early composers as Thomas Tomkins, while Skryabin is a special interest. He has appeared with major symphony orchestras across Europe, the USA, Japan and New Zealand and at numerous festivals including the Proms and the City of London Festival.

Ohlsson is a large man with large hands who plays easily such works as Skryabin's Etude in 9ths. His technique is complete, his tone large and unpercussive, though hard-edged. He is a musician with a modest manner and exceptional intelligence, adept at projecting, for example, the subtle forms of late Chopin, if tending towards heaviness in late Romantic works. He has made many recordings, including works by Chopin, the complete piano music of Brahms and an unusual recording of Wagner performed on the composer's own piano. In 1984 Ohlsson was the soloist for the world première of Wuorinen's Third Piano Concerto.

MICHAEL STEINBERG/R

Ohm, Georg Simon

(b Erlangen, 16 March 1789; d Munich, 6 July 1854). German scientist. He studied mathematics at the University of Erlangen, taking a degree in 1811. He spent the rest of his life in a series of undistinguished posts, teaching mathematics and later physics at a relatively elementary level, apart from a period (1833–49) as professor of physics and rector of the Polytechnic Institute at Nuremberg. Among his writings is the paper of 1827 which contained the famous Ohm’s Law of Electricity, which however was little recognized at the time. His contribution to music is contained in two papers (published in Annalen der Physik uns Chemie, 1843 and 1844) in which he presented what became known as Ohm’s Law of Acoustics: he suggested that musical sounds depended not on phase but on the distribution of energies among the harmonics. His research stimulated Helmholtz’s important experiments in the 1850s and 1860s, and dominated the conception of the subject for a century. Ohm’s place in musical acoustics, although less publicized, is as secure as his place in electromagnetic theory.

See also Physics of music, §4.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

K.L. Caneva: ‘Ohm, Georg Simon’, Dictionary of Scientific Biography, ed. C.C. Gillispie (New York, 1970–80)

JAMES F. BELL/MURRAY CAMPBELL

Ohms, Elisabeth

(b Arnhem, 17 May 1888; d Marquartstein, 16 Oct 1974). Dutch soprano. After study in Amsterdam and Frankfurt, she made her début at Mainz in 1921, and in 1923 joined the Staatsoper in Munich, where she spent the greater part of her career; she was appointed Kammersängerin, and married the Munich stage designer Leo Pasetti. Her many notable performances as Brünnhilde and Isolde during the Munich summer festivals made her name familiar to a wider public, and she began to make guest appearances elsewhere, notably at La Scala, in 1927 and 1928, under Toscanini in Fidelio and Parsifal, at Bayreuth in 1931 in Parsifal (again with Toscanini), and at Covent Garden during three seasons in Wagnerian roles and as Strauss’s Marschallin. At the Metropolitan during three consecutive seasons (from January 1930) she appeared in all the heavier Wagner roles. In Munich her non-Wagnerian parts, besides those mentioned, included Turandot and Strauss’s Helena of Troy. Her dark-coloured, heroic soprano is well represented, among her few recordings, by a majestic ‘Ozean, du Ungeheuer’ from Weber’s Oberon.

DESMOND SHAWE-TAYLOR

Ohren, Jacob.

See Ørn, Jacob.

Oiseau-Lyre, L'.

French/British music publisher and record company. It was named after the rare Australian lyrebird (menura superba or novaehollandiae) and founded in 1932 as Les Editions de l'Oiseau-Lyre (‘The Lyrebird Press’) in Paris by Louise B.M. Dyer, née Smith (1884–1962), an Australian patron of the arts. Her aims were to make available early music that had never been printed in a good modern edition, and to support contemporary composers (Auric, Canteloube, Ibert, d'Indy, Milhaud, Roussel, Sauguet, Britten, Holst and the Australians Peggy Glanville-Hicks and Margaret Sutherland, among others) by commissioning and publishing their works. Her first project was the publication (1932–3) of the complete works of François Couperin to coincide with the 200th anniversary of the composer's death. The 12-volume limited edition that resulted epitomized the quality of subsequent publications in its rigorous scholarship, elegant engraving and modish book design.

After the death of her first husband, Louise Dyer married Joseph (‘Jeff’) B. Hanson (1910–71) in 1938. Over nearly 25 years they produced a remarkable catalogue of fine editions and scholarly books. The firm's headquarters moved to Monaco in 1947; after Dyer's death the firm was run by Hanson. From 1971 to 1996, the publishing venture of L'Oiseau-Lyre was run by Hanson's second wife, Margarita Hanson, née Menendez, who undertook a series of reprints and revisions of existing editions, notably the Couperin complete works. A series entitled Magnus Liber Organi was begun in 1993 with a plan to include seven volumes. In 1979 L'Oiseau-Lyre entered into an agreement with the University of Melbourne whereby regular income from funds bequeathed to the university by Dyer and J.B. Hanson would support publication costs until 2005.

With music ranging from the 13th century to the 20th, L‘Oiseau-Lyre's catalogue has always placed special emphasis on French music, especially the 17th- and 18th-century repertory. Publications are divided between scholarly series and performing editions. The firm's most significant undertaking has been the numbered, limited edition Polyphonic Music of the Fourteenth Century (25 vols., 1956–92)

The first recordings produced by Editions de l'Oiseau-Lyre appeared in 1939. In 1953 distribution of L'Oiseau-Lyre recordings was undertaken by Decca. The company was the first to record several notable artists, among them Janet Baker, Alfred Deller and Colin Davis; Joan Sutherland also made her first recording (of 18th-century arias) with L'Oiseau-Lyre in Paris in 1959, released by Decca only in 1981. The recording business was continued by Hanson after Dyer's death, and sold to Decca in 1970.

Under the direction of Raymond Ware, the label issued recordings of music by contemporary composers, notably Maxwell Davies, Henze and Shostakovich, as well as major Purcell stage works and the first recordings by the Academy of Ancient Music directed by Christopher Hogwood. In 1974 L'Oiseau-Lyre embarked on the pioneering Florilegium series (conceived by Christopher Hogwood and the producer Peter Wadland) with music from the Middle Ages to the Romantic period played on period instruments. Recordings issued over the next 21 years included a large Baroque repertory (including Bach concertos and operas and oratorios by Handel), the complete symphonies of Mozart and Beethoven and many by Haydn played by the Academy of Ancient Music under Hogwood, the complete Beethoven piano sonatas played by Malcolm Binns, Mozart's Da Ponte operas from Drottningholm conducted by Arnold Östman, choral recordings by the Choir of Christ Church, Oxford, under Simon Preston, and much-admired discs of English and Italian Renaissance music by Anthony Rooley and the Consort of Musicke, featuring Emma Kirkby. Artists appearing on the label also included Philip Pickett and the New London Consort, Catherine Bott, the Amsterdam Loeki Stardust Quartet, Christophe Coin and Christophe Rousset (with solo harpsichord albums and his own orchestra, Les Talens Lyriques, in complete opera recordings of works by Mondonville, Handel, Traetta etc.). (J. Davidson: Lyrebird Rising: Louise Hanson-Dyer of L'Oiseau-Lyre, 1884–1962, Melbourne, 1994)

ORHAN MEMED, MAUREEN FORTEY

Oistrakh, David (Fyodorovich)

(b Odessa, 17/30 Sept 1908; d Amsterdam, 24 Oct 1974). Ukrainian violinist. He studied with Pyotr Stolyarsky from the age of five until his graduation (playing both violin and viola) from the Odessa State Conservatory in 1926. (In 1914 he and Nathan Milstein appeared on the same student programme.) While still a student, Oistrakh played with the Odessa SO, as both soloist and leader. In 1927 Glazunov invited him to play his concerto under him in Kiev.

Oistrakh made his début in Leningrad in 1928, and in Moscow the following year. In 1928 he moved to Moscow, and there began a period of intense artistic growth. During the 1930s he won first prizes in the Ukrainian Contest (1930) and the All-Soviet Contest (1935); second prize in the Wieniawski Contest (1935; the first prize was won by Ginette Neveu); and first prize in the Concours Eugène Ysaÿe in Brussels in 1937. This was the beginning of his international career; but during the war he played at the front, in besieged Leningrad, in hospitals and factories. The performance of Bach’s Double Concerto in 1945 in Moscow with Menuhin (the first foreign artist to visit the Soviet Union after the war) was memorable. In 1946–7 Oistrakh gave a cycle of five programmes, ‘The Development of the Violin Concerto’, which included the concertos of Sibelius, Elgar and Walton, as well as Khachaturian’s, dedicated to him. At his New York début in 1955 he introduced Shostakovich’s First Concerto, written for him.

Oistrakh was counted among the greatest violinists of his day, and the most characteristic representative of the Russian school. This is remarkable since his training took place in Odessa, without contact with the Auer school. However, while his early style stressed elegance, he developed his monumental style during his Moscow years. His technical mastery was complete, his tone warm and powerful, and his approach a perfect fusion of virtuosity and musicianship. His willingness to perform new music was notable and many Soviet composers dedicated works to him (Prokofiev, Shostakovich, Myaskovsky, Khachaturian, Rakov, Weinberg). Oistrakh also played sonatas with Lev Oborin and trios with Oborin and Knushevitsky, and was known as a gifted conductor.

In 1934 he was appointed to the Moscow Conservatory; among his students were his son Igor' and Valery Klimov. He was named People’s Artist of the USSR in 1954 and received the Lenin Prize in 1960; he was also honoured by the Royal Academy of Music, London, and the Conservatorio di S Cecilia, Rome. He edited standard violin works and arranged Prokofiev’s Flute Sonata with the composer’s approval. His hobby was chess, and in 1937 he played a match against Prokofiev.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

CampbellGV

SchwarzGM

I. Yampol'sky: David Oystrakh (Moscow, 1964, enlarged 2/1968)

M.A. Grinberg, ed.: David Oystrakh (Moscow, 1963)

L.N. Raaben: Zhizn' zamechatel'nïkh skripachey [The lives of famous violinists] (Leningrad, 1967)

J.W. Hartnack: Grosse Geiger unserer Zeit (Munich, 1967, 4/1993)

E. Richter and E. Krause: David Oistrach: ein Arbeitsporträt (Berlin, 1973) [incl. discography]

J. Creighton: Discopaedia of the Violin, 1889–1971 (Toronto, 1974)

V.A. Yuzefovich, ed.: David Oistrach: Gespräche mit Igor Oistrach (Stuttgart, 1977; Eng. trans., 1979; Russ. orig., 1978, 2/1985) [incl. discography]

V. Grigor'yev, ed.: D.F. Oystrakh: vospominaniya, stat'i, interv'yu, pis'ma [Reminiscences, articles, interviews, letters] (Moscow, 1978)

Y. Soroker: David Oistrakh (Jerusalem, 1982)

T. Potter: ‘David Oistrakh: Heart of the Matter’, The Strad, xcv (1984–5), 406–13

BORIS SCHWARZ/R

Oistrakh, Igor' (Davidovich)

(b Odessa, 27 April 1931). Ukrainian violinist, son of David Oistrakh. His principal teacher was his father. After attending the Central Music School in Moscow, Igor' studied at the Moscow Conservatory and graduated in 1955. While still a student, he won first prize at the International Festival of Democratic Youth in Budapest in 1949 and at the Wieniawski Competition in Poznań in 1952. He was appointed to the staff of the Moscow Conservatory in 1958 (at first as assistant to his father) and became a lecturer in 1965.

His achievements have sometimes been overshadowed by comparison to his father. However, Igor' has a musical profile of his own: his approach to music is leaner and more modern, his tone cooler and less emotional, and his interpretations more detached and objective. His style lends itself particularly well to such works as Bartók’s Violin Concerto no.2. The performances by father and son in violin duets by Leclair and Spohr, as well as in double concertos, were of special interest. They also performed with Igor' as soloist and David as conductor. Igor'’s partner at the piano is his wife, Natal'ya Sertsalova. (D. Blum: ‘The Oistrakh Tradition’, The Strad, c (1989), 210–15)

BORIS SCHWARZ

Oja, Carol J(ean)

(b Hibbing, MN, 18 March 1953). American musicologist. She took the BA at St Olaf College, Minnesota in 1974 and the MA at the University of Iowa in 1976. She studied with H. Wiley Hitchcock, Barry Brook and Sherman Van Solkema at CUNY, taking the doctorate there in 1985 with a dissertation on Colin McPhee. In 1985 she became professor of music at Brooklyn College and the Graduate School, CUNY. From 1980 to 1984 she was a research assistant at the Institute for Studies in American Music at Brooklyn College; in 1993 she became director of the Institute. Her main area of study is American music, with emphasis on the 20th century. She has focussed on the period between the wars, discussing musical publications and publishers of the time. She has written on a wide range of American composers, among them McPhee, Gershwin, Copland, Sessions, Blitzstein, William Grant Still, Virgil Thomson and Elie Siegmeister; she has also edited a volume of Stravinsky’s writings in Modern Music (1982).

WRITINGS

‘The Still-Life Paintings of William Michael Harnett: their Reflections upon Nineteenth-Century American Musical Culture’, MQ, lxiii (1977), 505–23

‘The Copland-Sessions Concerts and their Reception in the Contemporary Press’, MQ, lxv (1979), 212–29

ed.: American Music Recordings: a Discography of 20th-Century U.S. Composers (Brooklyn, NY, 1982)

ed.: Stravinsky in ‘Modern Music’, 1924–1946 (New York, 1982)

Colin McPhee (1900–1964): a Composer in Two Worlds (diss., CUNY, 1985; Washington DC, 1990)

‘Composer with a Conscience: Elie Siegmeister in Profile’, American Music, vi/2 (1988), 158–80

‘Cos Cob Press and the American Composer’, Notes, xlv (1988–9), 227–52

‘Marc Blitzstein’s The Cradle will Rock and Mass-Song Style of the 1930s’, MQ, lxxiii (1989), 445–75

ed., with R.A. Crawford and R.A. Lott: A Celebration of American Music: Words and Music in Honor of H. Wiley Hitchcock (Ann Arbor, 1990) [incl. ‘Virgil Thomson’s Harvard Years’, 323–45]

‘“New Music” and the “New Negro”: the Background of William Grant Still’s Afro-American Symphony’, Black Music Research Journal, xii (1992), 145–69

‘The USA, 1918–1945’, Modern Times from World War I to the Present, ed. R.P. Morgan (London, 1993), 206–30

‘Gershwin and American Modernists of the 1920s’, MQ, lxxviii (1994), 646–68

ed., with R. Allen: Henry Cowell’s Musical Worlds (Brooklyn, NY, 1997)

Experiments in Modern Music: New York in the 1920s (Oxford, forthcoming)

‘Women Patrons and Crusaders for Modernistic Music in New York: the 1920s’, Women Activists in American Music, ed. R. Locke and C. Barr (Berkeley, forthcoming)

PAULA MORGAN

Ojinaga, Joaquin de.

See Oxinaga, Joaquín de.

O’Keeffe [O’Keefe], John

(b Dublin, 24 June 1747; d Southampton, 4 Feb 1833). Irish librettist. He wrote his first play at the age of 15 and acted on the Irish stage before settling in London in 1781. He was a prolific comic dramatist for the Haymarket and Covent Garden theatres, although an accident when he was 27 led to deteriorating sight and he had to dictate all his works from 1781. His most successful pieces were librettos for pasticcio operas with music composed, selected and arranged by Samuel Arnold or William Shield. The Thespian Dictionary described O’Keeffe as having ‘an excellent taste for music, though no theoretic knowledge’, and said that the tunes for his pastoral ballad opera Collin’s Welcome (written while he was still in Ireland) were ‘of his own adapting’. He carefully designed parts for his singers, such as the ‘broken English’ role for Giovanna Sestini in The Castle of Andalusia and Patrick in The Poor Soldier for the Irish contralto Margaret Kennedy. He provided Shield with tunes for this opera by singing to him ‘the fine Irish airs’ of the harper Carolan. ‘The Ploughboy’, Shield’s most famous song, is from his short opera The Farmer. Kelly remembered O’Keeffe in 1793 as ‘broken down, and almost blind; but still full of pleasantry and anecdote’.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

DNB (W. FitzPatrick)

FiskeETM

GroveO (O. Baldwin and T. Wilson) [incl. list of libs]

The Dramatic Works of John O’Keeffe (London, 1798)

The Thespian Dictionary (London, 1802, 2/1805)

Recollections in the Life of John O’Keeffe, written by himself (London, 1826)

M. Kelly: Reminiscences (London, 1826, 2/1826/R); ed. R. Fiske (London, 1975)

A. O’Keeffe: O’Keeffe’s Legacy to his Daughter (London, 1834)

OLIVE BALDWIN, THELMA WILSON

O'Keeffe [Ó Caoimh], Pádraig

(b Castleisland, Co. Kerry, 8 Oct 1887; d Tralee, Co. Kerry, 22 Feb 1963). Irish traditional fiddle player and music teacher. Born in Sliabh Luachra, an area comprising parts of Kerry and Cork noted for its traditional culture, he showed early musical promise and learnt from his mother and his uncles. He trained as a primary teacher in Dublin before briefly assuming his father's former position as the local school teacher. From 1920 he was a highly influential travelling music teacher in Sliabh Luachra, walking long distances daily from his home base. He taught mainly the fiddle and the accordion and frequently played for both listeners and dancers. After teaching tunes orally, he usually gave his pupils notations in tablature for both instruments as aides-mémoires, and changes in the music repertory of his district can be traced in surviving notations. He introduced tunes from a variety of printed sources and commercial sound recordings and developed his own versions of traditional melodies. He preferred to play slow airs rather than the characteristic polkas and slides of Sliabh Luachra. O'Keeffe's vivid personality and wit, his position as an entertainer in the local community and his rakish way of life made him a figure of folklore, and his musical influence continues through the playing of his pupils and his recordings. Some of his large repertory was recorded for the archives of the Irish Folklore Commission and by Radio Éireann and the BBC.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

and other resources

A. Ward: Music from Sliabh Luachra: an Introduction to the Traditional Music of the Cork/Kerry Borderland (London, 1976)

Kerry Fiddles, Topic LP 12T309 (1977); reissued as Ossian CD OSS 10 (1993)

The Sliabh Luachra Fiddle Master Pádraig O'Keeffe, RTÉ 174 CD (1993)

D. Hanafin: Pádraig O'Keeffe: the Man and his Music (Castleisland, 1996)

NICHOLAS CAROLAN

Okeghem, Johannes.

See Ockeghem, jean de.

OKeh.

American record company. It was established in 1918 by General Phonograph, an enterprise set up in New York in 1916 by Otto Heinemann to manage the American operations of Carl Lindström’s German company. Jazz recordings began with items by the New Orleans Jazz Band. Recordings by Mamie Smith established OKeh’s primacy in the field, which was reinforced in 1921 by the setting up of a race series (until 1923 called the Colored Catalog). It became an important jazz, blues and gospel catalogue and included material by Clarence Williams (from 1921), King Oliver (1923), Louis Armstrong’s Hot Five and Hot Seven (1925–9), Lonnie Johnson, Mississippi John Hurt, J.M. Gates and Bennie Moten’s band (1923–5). Discs by Frankie Trumbauer, Bix Beiderbecke and Eddie Lang were issued in a general popular series, and there were also separate series for country music, calypso, Jewish music, European popular music (for post-war immigrants) and Mexican music. The company’s activities were little affected when it was taken over by Columbia in 1926; Heinemann ran OKeh as a new subsidiary specializing in jazz, blues, gospel and popular music but also including violin solos by Eugene Ormandy and a huge novelty hit, the Original Lauf-Aufnahme. Control passed to ARC–BRC in August 1934; later that year the race series was discontinued after almost 1000 issues. ARC–BRC dropped the name OKeh but CBS, which acquired the company in 1938, revived it and continued the numerical series of the Vocalion label, pressing early issues anew with OKeh labels. In the early 1950s the label became CBS’s main outlet for rhythm and blues.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

OKeh Race Records (New York, c1924/R)

OKeh Race Records: the Blue Book of Blues (New York, c1927/R)

R.D. Kinkle: ‘OKeh Numerical List’, ‘Vocalion-Okeh Numerical List’, The Complete Encyclopedia of Popular Music and Jazz, 1900–1950, iv (New Rochelle, NY, 1974), 2123, 2255

HOWARD RYE

Okeland [Hockland, Oclande], Robert

(fl 1532–50). English church musician and composer. From August 1532 to January 1534 he was a lay clerk at Eton College, whence he moved immediately to the parish-church of St Mary-at-Hill, London, remaining there until August 1535 as Master of the Choristers and organist. By June 1545 he was a Gentleman of the Chapel Royal; he last appears there in April 1547, but his composition of music to vernacular texts shows that he lived at least a few years longer. Morley, writing A Plaine and Easie Introduction to Practical Musicke (1597), mentioned Okeland as one of the composers whose work he had consulted.

Okeland’s four-voice Kyrie occurs in a series of Kyrie and Alleluia settings in the Gyffard Partbooks (GB-Lbl Add.17802–5). In this freely composed work he demonstrated a fine technique within a clearly defined tripartite structure. His remaining works – the anthem Prayse we the Father and the prayer Prayse we the Lord O our Souls – are both contained in two of the earliest sources of Anglican music: the Wanley Partbooks (c1550; Ob Mus.Sch.E.420–22) and Day’s Certaine Notes (1560, 2/1565). Although Okeland treated these texts syllabically, he indulged in a surprising amount of melodic movement, rhythmic variety and imitative part-writing. Both pieces were included in James Burns’s Anthems and Services (London, 1847).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

AshbeeR, vii; BDECM; HarrisonMMB

H. Baillie: ‘A London Church in Early Tudor Times’, ML, xxxvi (1955), 55–64

H. Baillie: ‘Some Biographical Notes on English Church Musicians, Chiefly Working in London (1485–1569)’, RMARC, no.2 (1962), 18–57, esp. 48

S. DIANNE BISHOP/ROGER BOWERS

Okeover [Oker], John

(b ?Wells; d Wells, by July 1663). English organist and composer. He was probably a son of John Okeover (b ?Worcester, ?1595; d Wells, c1649), organist and vicar-choral at Wells Cathedral from February 1620, and later Master of the Choristers there, who obtained the Oxford BMus in 1633. Okeover the younger became organist of Gloucester Cathedral on 25 April 1640 (his name appears in account books there as early as 1635). At this time the cathedral gained a new organ built by Thomas Dallam, and the instrument was appraised by Thomas Tomkins, who occasionally visited the cathedral between 1639 and 1641, and whom Okeover would have met. In 1642 Okeover married Mary Mills, and they had a son John in 1656. In 1651 Okeover's distressed circumstances had attracted attention; although he was sympathetic to the parliamentary cause, he became an almsman on the former cathedral foundation in 1655, and remained so until the Restoration, when he moved to Wells. In July 1663 the name of John Browne, his successor as organist at Wells, replaced his in the cathedral accounts. Between 1664 and 1665 Mary Oker received payment for their son, who was one of the choristers.

Okeover’s reputation was evidently local rather than national: his consort music appears only in the manuscript collections of the Gloucester copyist, John Merro (d 1639), and at no point does Okeover’s name appear in any Chapel Royal documents. However, he was clearly aware of the work of some of the foremost court composers, since anthems by Byrd, Gibbons and others occur in significant quantities in a manuscript partbook that he compiled while at Gloucester (in GB-GL).

Only one of Okeover's church compositions, the four-part full anthem Grant, we beseech thee, merciful Lord, survives intact. Significantly, several of the manuscript sources of his four surviving anthems have West Country associations, suggesting that, like his consort output, his sacred music was not widely circulated. None is preserved in contemporary printed anthologies such as John Barnard's Selected Church Music (London, 1641) and James Clifford's The Divine Services and Anthems (London, 1663), although one of the Gloucester sources is a manuscript copy of Barnard, to which some handwritten additions were made, including Okeover's incomplete verse setting of psalm 21, The king shall rejoice. So far as can be determined from the small quantity of his sacred music that survives, Okeover was quite conservative, building his structures out of a succession of well-turned imitative paragraphs, reminiscent of the work of his immediate predecessors, Morley, Gibbons and Weelkes, though without their idiomatic or compositional flair; the opening of The king shall rejoice closely resembles that of John Tomkins's full setting of the same text.

While not perhaps in the front rank of 17th-century English consort music, Okeover's work compares favourably with that of his more eminent contemporaries, Coprario, Ferrabosco, Lawes and Jenkins. His three-part fantasias are fine pieces, featuring memorable opening themes, subsequently developed in expertly crafted counterpoint and revealing a sound – though conservative – harmonic sense. Structurally these pieces are similar to his anthems, comprising a series of imitative paragraphs and typically reaching a climax of rhythmic activity about two-thirds of the way through. The influence of Gibbons's printed three-part consort fantasias is sometimes evident, for instance in terms of registral disposition of the forces and presence of sesquialtera episodes. Okeover's treble parts (in both the three- and five-part fantasias) generally lie quite well on the violin (as do those of, for instance, Gibbons and Tomkins), while his bass parts are notably active, at times traversing patterns more suggestive of the keyboard than the viol.

WORKS

God shall send forth, verse anthem, GB-GL, Lcm, Ob, US-BE: all inc.

Grant, we beseech thee, merciful Lord, full anthem, GB-GL, Lcm

Hear my prayer, O God, full anthem, GL, Lcm: both inc.

The king shall rejoice, verse anthem, GL, Lcm: both inc.

17 fantasias: 10 for 3 viols, Ob; 7 for 5 viols, Lbl

2 pavans, 5 viols, Lbl

BIBLIOGRAPHY

DoddI

MeyerECM

W.K. Ford: ‘The Life and Works of John Okeover (or Oker)’, PRMA, lxxxiv (1957–8), 71–80

P. Willetts: ‘Music from the Circle of Anthony Wood at Oxford’, British Museum Quarterly, xxiv (1961), 71–5

M. Gillingham: The Organs and Organists of Gloucester Cathedral (Gloucester, 1971)

A. Rannie: The Story of Music at Winchester College, 1394–1969 (Winchester, 1969)

J. Morehen: ‘The Gloucester Cathedral Bassus Part-Book MS93’, ML, lxii (1981), 189–96

D.S. Bailey: Wells Manor of Canon Grange (Gloucester, 1985)

J. Bennett: ‘John Oker/Okeover’, Chelys, xvi (1987), 3–11

JOHN IRVING, WYN FORD

Oketus

(Lat.).

See Hocket.

Oktave (i)

(Ger.).

See Octave.

Oktave (ii)

(Ger.).

See under Organ stop (Octave).

Oktavflöte

(Ger.).

Piccolo. See Flute II, §3(i).

Oktavkoppelung

(Ger.).

See Coupling.

Oktavzug

(Ger.).

See under Zug (i).

Oktett

(Ger.).

See Octet.

Oktōēchos

(Gk.: ‘eightfold sound’).

The system of the eight ‘church modes’ (the ‘musical’ oktōēchos) in the medieval Latin, Byzantine, Slavonic, Syrian, Armenian and Georgian repertories of Christian liturgical chant. Also, by association, the practice of grouping chants by mode (the ‘calendric’ oktōēchos) so that they can be sung in numerical order over a period of time, usually one mode per week, proceeding to the next higher number each Sunday and beginning with the 1st mode again when the 8th is completed. And a book (the ‘liturgical’ oktōēchos) in which the chant texts are grouped by mode in numerical order to facilitate performance according to the calendric oktōēchos (see Liturgy and liturgical books, §IV, 3(viii)); books also exist in which chants are arranged according to mode but without regard to a calendar, notably the Western Tonary and the Byzantine Heirmologion).

Although many theories regarding the origins of the eight-mode system have been proposed, the earliest genuine evidence of the musical oktōēchos dates from the 8th and 9th centuries ce. The modes appeared during this period in all the Eastern and Western chant repertories that use them, and the evidence consistently points to an origin in the milieu of Greek-speaking Palestinian monasticism and the closely related liturgical tradition of Jerusalem. The earliest extant collections of modally ordered chants include a series of Proper chants for the Jerusalem Mass in RU-SPsc (Thibaut, 1913, pp.17–30; text on pp.3*–11* of ‘Documents’ section) and a list of prokeimena (‘gradual’ chants; see Prokeimenon) and allēlouïaria in the Palestinian appendix to the Typikon of the Great Church of Hagia Sophia in Constantinople (Mateos, 1963, pp.175–7). Eightfold cycles of chants for the Resurrection Office, celebrated every Sunday in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, Jerusalem, formed the nucleus of the liturgical book known as the Great Oktōēchos or Paraklētikē, traditionally ascribed to John Damascene (d c749), a monk at St Sabas monastery near Jerusalem. More securely connected to the milieu of John Damascene are the many kanōnes (hymns based on the biblical canticles; see Kanōn) composed by him and his fellow monks at St Sabas. The model stanzas (heirmoi) that provided the melodies for these chants were collected in the heirmologion.

The earliest manuscripts of the Georgian liturgical books corresponding to the Great Oktōēchos and the heirmologion are important witnesses to the processes by which these collections were assembled; the same is true of the Slavonic heirmologion. The origins of the Armenian oktōēchos appear to be connected with the importation of the kanōn repertory in the 8th century by Hellenophile Armenians. In the Syrian liturgical traditions the use of the eight modes was also originally associated with Greek genres of hymnody, and the oktōēchos is known to this day only in the two Syrian traditions that are most dependent on Greek models – the Melkite or Antiochian, and the West Syrian or Jacobite. The two other Syrian traditions – the Lebanese Maronite and the Assyrian or Nestorian – betray no evidence of the oktōēchos; nor does the Ethiopian liturgy, the only other Christian tradition based on a Semitic language. Theories that the oktōēchos was ultimately of Syrian or Semitic origin, therefore, cannot be sustained. The few Coptic sources that show an awareness of the oktōēchos are easily explained as reflecting Greek influence.

The eight modes first appear in Western sources in the St Riquier Tonary (F-Pn lat.13159) dated between 795 and 800 (Huglo, 1971, pp.25–9). Like the early Palestinian sources, it is a simple list of texts for the Proper of the Mass, arranged according to their modal number. The adoption of the oktōēchos in the West was clearly part of the Carolingian effort to standardize the melodies of the emerging Gregorian chant repertory. Other Latin chant traditions, such as the Old Roman and Ambrosian (Milanese), made no use of the musical oktōēchos, and no Western tradition has ever followed a calendric oktōēchos. The Western numbering of the modes differs from the Eastern practice (see Table 1), suggesting that the Latin Church had access to a rather primitive form of the oktōēchos, in which authentic and plagal modes alternate rather than being grouped separately (i.e. the authentic modes first, then the plagal). Some early Syrian sources are also organized according to the principle used in the West, but their numbering is different. Western sources preserve the earliest surviving evidence of the ēchēmata (see Ēchēma), which in the Byzantine tradition may have been sung at the beginning of each chant to help the choir become attuned to the mode; the ēchēmata would thus have simultaneously fulfilled the functions of the Western intonation formulae and differentiae (see Psalm, §II).

Efforts to formulate a coherent music theory integrating the oktōēchos with terms and concepts borrowed from the writings of classical antiquity seem to have begun immediately in the West but only later in the East. The ultimate success of the Western synthesis created the false impression that the medieval oktōēchos was inherited directly from ancient Greece. A comparison of the Western theory with the two medieval Byzantine syntheses associated with the treatises known as the Hagiopolitēs and the Papadikē confirms the abundant musical evidence that the familiar modal names ‘Dorian’, ‘Phrygian’ etc., which medieval scholars attached to the modes of the oktōēchos, have nothing to do with the original use of these names to designate ways of tuning the ancient Greek lyre. Table 1 illustrates the different usage of the Greek names within the Western and Byzantine classifications.

There is no early evidence to suggest that numerology influenced the fixing of the number of modes at eight; the 4 × 2 structure of the oktōēchos is more probably the result of musical considerations. The musical characteristics of the Latin, Greek, Slavonic, Syrian and other modes have diverged so much that it is difficult to uncover the original logic of the modal system; yet the outlines of the earliest oktōēchos can be broadly defined. The core of this system may have been the four-note tetrachord with a semitone in the middle, corresponding to the modern pitches D–E–F–G; to complete the octave, this tetrachord was duplicated immediately above, on A–B–C–D. Melodies belonging to the Western ‘authentic’ or Eastern ‘main’ (Byzantine kyrios) categories of mode were those with a relatively high ambitus that ascended into the upper tetrachord; melodies that tended to remain in the lower tetrachord or that descended below it were classified as ‘plagal’. In Byzantine chant to this day authentic melodies often cadence on a final in the upper tetrachord, and plagal melodies in the lower one. This pattern was also followed in early Western chant, but over the centuries the final in the lower tetrachord was gradually accorded precedence. The other Eastern traditions appear to be less concerned with linking each mode to a specific final.

The original tuning of the modal tetrachords is a particularly vexed issue. The Western and Slavonic modes have become relatively diatonic, in keeping with the general characteristics of West European music; the use of B in Gregorian chant is explained as a survival or revival of the synēmmenōn tetrachord of ancient Greek theory. Modern Greek, Syrian and Armenian chant, however, use microtones and other features that recall the maqām principle of Arab and Turkish music, although in Byzantine theory such characteristics are explained as deriving from the ancient Greek enharmonic and chromatic genera. The traditional opinion among Western musicologists that the Greek modes were originally diatonic, like their Western counterparts, and that their chromaticism is a recent development due to Turkish influence is probably overstated. Because of Islamic restrictions on music making, musicians in Ottoman courts tended to be Greeks and other Eastern Christians, who may thus have played a significant role in the creation of Middle Eastern musical cultures. And recent research into Western chant has drawn attention to the large number of chromatic and other modally ambiguous chants that circulated in the early Gregorian repertory. It seems that the oktōēchos, even in earliest Palestinian sources, was originally a descriptive system for classifying melodies that already existed. Only gradually did it develop into a prescriptive system governing the creation of new melodies, and in each tradition this process followed its own path. This explains why every tradition has supplemented the oktōēchos with additional categories for melodies that do not fit well into any of the eight modes, for example, the Western parapteres. Scholars of the Western chant traditions have been particularly keen to identify the musical characteristics that predate the importation of the oktōēchos: pentatonic (Chailley), recitation tone (Claire) and ‘quartal and tertial chain’ (van der Werf) structures have been variously discerned. Yet in each of the Eastern and Western traditions that adopted the oktōēchos, centuries of effort were expended by theorists, composers and editors seeking to make it into an all-encompassing system that fully accounted for the characteristics of the musical repertory. The oktōēchos has thus provided a dynamic impetus to the historical development of music in many cultures.

2. The origin of the two traditions.

PETER JEFFERY

Oktōēchos

BIBLIOGRAPHY

byzantine

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S.I. Savas: Byzantine Music in Theory and Practice (Boston, 1965)

D. Conomos: ‘Modal Signature in Late Byzantine Liturgical Chants’, Byzantine Studies XIII: Oxford 1966, 521–30

J. Raasted: Intonation Formulas and Modal Signatures in Byzantine Musical Manuscripts, MMB, Subsidia, vii (1966)

J. Raasted, ed.: Hirmologium sabbaiticum, MMB, Principale, viii (1968–70)

C. Hannick: Studien zu den Anastasima in den sinaitischen Handschriften (diss., U. of Vienna, 1969)

H. Husmann: ‘Modulation und Transposition in den bi- und tri-modalen Stichera’, AMw, xxvii (1970), 1–22

H. Husmann: ‘Die oktomodalen Stichera und die Entwicklung des byzantinischen Oktoëchos’, AMw, xxvii (1970), 304–25

R. von Busch: Untersuchungen zum byzantinischen Heirmologion: der Echos Deuteros (Hamburg, 1971)

G. Ciobanu: ‘Sur l’ancienneté du genre chromatique dans la musique byzantine’, Etudes byzantines XIV: Bucharest 1971, 513–19

H. Husmann: ‘Hymnus und Troparion: Studien zur Geschichte der musikalischen Gattungen von Horologion und Tropologion’, JbSIM 1971, 7–86

E. Mercenier and N. Egender, eds.: La prière des églises de rite byzantin, iii: Dimanche: office selon les huit tons ‘Oktōēchos’ (Chevetogne, 1972)

M. Velimirović: ‘The Byzantine Heirmos and Heirmologion’, Gattungen der Musik in Einzeldarstellungen: Gedenkschrift Leo Schrade, ed. W. Arlt and others (Berne, 1973), 192–244

F. Desby: The Modes and Tuning in Neo-Byzantine Chant (diss., U. of Southern California, 1974)

K. Reinhard: ‘Über die Beziehungen zwischen byzantinischer und Türkischer Musik’, Musica antiqua IV: Bydgoszcz 1975, 623–32

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G. Amargianakis: ‘The Chromatic Modes’, Byzantinistenkongress XVI: Vienna 1981, 7–17

E.A. Moutsopoulos: ‘Modal “Ethos” in Byzantine Music: Ethical Tradition and Aesthetical Problematic’, Byzantinistenkongress XVI: Vienna 1981, 3–6

G. Marzi, ed.: ‘Byzantina: un trattato di teoria musicale del sec. XV’, Quadrivium, xxiii (1982), 5–60 [incl. pls.2–28]

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A.E. Alygizakēs: Hē oktaēkia stēn hellēnikē leitourgikē hymnographia [The oktōēchos in Greek liturgical hymnography] (Thessaloniki, 1985)

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slavonic

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M.V. Braschnikow: ‘Eine neuentdeckte linienlose Gesangsnotation’, BMw, xiv (1972), 77–82

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D. Petrović: Osmoglasnik u muzičkoj tradicji Južnih Slovena [The oktōēchos in the musical tradition of the southern Slavs] (Belgrade, 1982)

S. Sava: Die Gesänge des altrussischen Oktoechos samt den Evangelien-Stichiren: eine Neumenhandschrift des Altgläubigen-Klosters zu Bélaja Kriníca (Munich and Salzburg, 1984)

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D. Petrović: ‘Osmoglasje i osmoglasnik u vizantijskoj i srpskoj muzičkoj tradicji’ [The eight modes and the oktōēchos in the Byzantine and Serbian musical traditions], Zbornik Matice Srpske za scenske umetnosti i muziku, i (1987), 11–17

latin

F.A. Gevaert: La mélopée antique dans le chant de l’église latine (Ghent, 1895–6/R)

O. Gombosi: ‘Studien zur Tonartenlehre des frühen Mittelalters’, AcM, x (1938), 149–74; xi (1939), 28–39, 128–35; xii (1940), 21–52

K. Meyer: ‘The Eight Gregorian Modes on the Cluny Capitals’, Art Bulletin, xxxiv (1952), 75–94 and pls.

J. Chailley: ‘Le mythe des modes grecs’, AcM, xxviii (1956), 137–63

J. Chailley: L’imbroglio des modes (Paris, 1960)

J. Claire: ‘L’évolution modale dans les répertoires liturgiques occidentaux’, Revue grégorienne, xl (1962), 196–211; xli (1963), 8–29 [incl. 10 tables], 49–62 [incl. 4 tables], 77–102 [incl. 7 tables], 127–51 [incl. 4 tables]

J. Chailley, ed.: Alia musica: traité de musique du IXe siècle: édition critique commentée avec une introduction sur l’origine de la nomenclature modale pseudo-grecque au Moyen-Age (Paris, 1965)

W. Lipphardt: Der karolingische Tonar von Metz (Münster, 1965)

H. Berger: Untersuchungen zu den Psalmendifferenzen (Regensburg, 1966)

M. Huglo: Les tonaries: inventaire, analyse, comparaison (Paris, 1971)

M. Huglo: ‘Comparaison de la terminologie modale en orient et en occident’, IMSCR XI: Copenhagen 1972, 758–61

M. Huglo: ‘L’introduction en Occident des formules byzantines d’intonation’, Studies in Eastern Chant, iii, ed. M. Velimirović (London, 1973), 81–90

T. Bailey: The Intonation Formulas of Western Chant (Toronto, 1974)

J. Claire: ‘Les répertoires liturgiques latins avant l’octoéchos, I: L’office férial romano-franc’, EG, xv (1975), 5–192

H. Hucke: ‘Karolingische Renaissance und Gregorianischer Gesang’, Mf, xxviii (1975), 4–18

M. Huglo: ‘Le développement du vocabulaire de l’Ars musica à l’époque carolingienne’, Latomus, xxxiv (1975), 131–51

J. Marchand: ‘The Old Icelandic Allegory of the Church Modes’, MQ, lxi (1975), 553–9

T. Bailey: ‘Modes and Myth’, Studies in Music from the University of Western Ontario, i (1976), 43–54

C.W. Brockett: ‘Saeculorum amen and differentia: Practical versus Theoretical Tradition’, MD, xxx (1976), 13–36

T. Bailey: ‘“De modis musicis”: a New Edition and Explanation’, KJb, lxi–lxii (1977–8), 47–60

M. Markovits: Das Tonsystem der abendländischen Musik im frühen Mittelalter (Berne and Stuttgart, 1977)

C.M. Atkinson: ‘Parapter’ (1978), HMT

A. Turco: ‘Les répertoires liturgiques latins en marche vers l’octoéchos: la psalmodie grégorienne des fêtes du temporal et du sanctoral’, EG, xviii (1979), 177–223

J. Chailley: ‘Du pentatonisme à l’octoéchos’, EG, xix (1980), 165–84

T.A. Russell: ‘A Poetic Key to a Pre-Guidonian Palm and the Echemata’, JAMS, xxxiv (1981), 109–18

C.M. Atkinson: ‘The Parapteres: Nothi or Not?’, MQ, lxviii (1982), 32–59

A. Hughes: ‘Modal Order and Disorder in the Rhymed Office’, MD, xxxvii (1983), 29–52

H. van der Werf: The Emergence of Gregorian Chant: a Comparative Study of Ambrosian, Roman, and Gregorian Chant, i: A Study of Modes and Melodies (Rochester, NY, 1983)

J. Chailley: ‘Les huit tons de la musique et l’éthos des modes aux chapiteaux de Cluny’, AcM, lvii (1985), 73–94

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R. Crocker: ‘Matins Antiphons at St. Denis’, JAMS, xxxix (1986), 441–90

D. Pesce: The Affinities and Medieval Transposition (Bloomington, IN, 1987)

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M. Huglo: ‘Les formules d’intonations “noeane noeagis” en Orient et en Occident’, Aspects de la musique liturgique au Moyen Age: Royaumont, 1986, 1987, 1988, 43–53

J. Raasted: ‘The laetantis adverbia of Aurelian’s Greek Informant’, ibid., 55–66

C.M. Atkinson: ‘“Harmonia” and the “Modi, quos abusive tonos dicimus”’, IMSCR XIV: Bologna 1987, iii, 485–500

B.G. Baroffio: ‘Le differentiae nei codici italiani’, Ecclesia orans, ix (1992), 61–8

P. Merkley: Modal Assignment in Northern Tonaries (Ottawa, 1992)

H. Möller: ‘Zur Frage der musikgeschichtlichen Bedeutung der “academia” am Hofe Karl des Grossen: die Musica Albini’, Akademie und Musik: Erscheinungsweisen und Wirkungen des Akademiegedankens in Kultur- und Musikgeschichte: Festschrift für Werner Braun, ed. W. Frobenius and others (Saarbrücken, 1993), 269–88

C.M. Atkinson: ‘Modus’ (1995), HMT

K. Falconer: ‘The Modes before the Modes: Antiphon and Differentia in Western Chant’, The Study of Medieval Chant (Rochester, NY, forthcoming)

D.G. Hughes: ‘Guido’s “Tritus”: an Aspect of Chant Style’, ibid.

syrian

H. Husmann: Die Melodien der Jakobitischen Kirche: die Melodien des Wochenbreviers Šhīmtā gesungen von Qurillaos Ja‘qub Kas Görgös, Metropolit von Damaskus (Vienna, 1969)

J. Kuckertz: ‘Die Melodietypen der westsyrischen liturgischen Gesänge’, KJb, liii (1969), 61–9

D. Cohen: ‘The Meaning of the Modal Framework in the Singing of Religious Hymns by [Melkite] Christian Arabs in Israel’, Yuval, ii (1971), 23–57

H. Husmann: Die Melodien der Jakobitischen Kirche: die Qāle gaoānāie des Beit Gaza (Vienna, 1971)

D. Cohen: ‘Theory and Practice in Liturgical Music of [Melkite] Christian Arabs in Israel’, Studies in Eastern Chant, iii, ed. M. Velimirović (London, 1973), 1–50

H. Hussmann: ‘Eine Konkordanztabelle syrischer Kirchentöne und arabischen Maqamen in einem syrischen Musiknotizbuch’, Symposium syriacum I: Rome 1972 (Rome, 1974), 371–85

A. Cody: ‘The Early History of the Octoechos in Syria’, East of Byzantium: Syria and Armenia in the Formative Period: Dumbarton Oaks 1980, ed. N.G. Garsoïan, T.F. Mathews and R.W. Thomson (Washington DC, 1982), 89–113

E. Kesrouani: ‘L’octoéchos syriaque’, Aspects de la musique liturgique au Moyen Age: Royaumont, 1986, 1987, 1988, 77–91

M. Cumant-Chaoul: ‘Le cantus firmus et son traitement dans le chant de l’église syriaque’, Itinéraires du cantus firmus II: De l’Orient à l’Occident: Paris 1993, 7–30

armenian

N. Serkoyan, N. Tahmizian and B. Outtier: ‘Recherches sur le genèse de l’octoéchos arménien’, EG, xiv (1973), 129–211

A. Ertlbauer: Geschichte und Theorie der einstimmigen armenischen Kirchenmusik: eine Kritik der bisherigen Forschung (Vienna, 1985), 63–164

J.-C.C. Chabrier: ‘Le système acoustique arménien d’Hambardzoum au XIXème siècle’, Ethnomusicology and the Historical Dimension: London 1986, 130–32

A.A. Kerovpyan: ‘Les charakan (troparia) et l’octoéchos arménien selon le charaknots (tropologion arménien) édité en 1875’, Aspects de la musique liturgique au Moyen Age: Royaumont, 1986, 1987, 1988, 93–123

A.A. Kerovpyan: ‘Armenian Liturgical Chant: the System and Reflections on the Present Situation’, St. Nersess Theological Review, i (1996), 25–42

georgian

P. Jeffery: ‘The Sunday Office of Seventh-Century Jerusalem in the Georgian Chantbook (Iadgari): a Preliminary Report’, Studia liturgica, xxi (1991), 52–75

P. Jeffery: ‘The Earliest Christian Chant Repertory Recovered: the Georgian Witnesses to Jerusalem Chant’, JAMS, xlvii (1994), 1–39

P. Jeffery: ‘The Earliest Oktoechoi: the Influence of Jerusalem and Palestine on the Beginnings of Modal Ordering’, The Study of Medieval Chant (Rochester, NY, forthcoming)

coptic

L. Villecourt: ‘Les observances liturgiques et la discipline du jeûne dans l’église copte’, Le muséon, xxxvi (1923), 249–92, esp. 262–9

I. Borsai: ‘Y a-t-il un “octoéchos” dans le système du chant copte?’, Studia aegyptiaca I: receuil d’études dédiées à Vilmos Wessetzky, ed. L. Kákosy and E. Gaál (Budapest, 1974), 39–53

R. Moftah and others: ‘Music, Coptic: Description of the Corpus and Present Musical Practice’, The Coptic Encyclopedia, ed. A.S. Atiya (New York, 1991), vi, 1715–29, esp. 1722–4

Okudzhava, Bulat

(b Arbat region, Moscow, 1924; d Paris, 1997). Russian poet, writer and singer of Georgian origin. Okudzhava was the founder of a new popular genre known as gitarnïye pesni (‘guitar songs’) or avtorskiye pesni (‘author's songs’, songs composed by singer-songwriters) which became a new ‘folk’ tradition. Before perestroika these songs were published on cassettes by the underground magnitizdat or samizdat press and were widely sung by young people as an expression of opposition to authoritarianism. Okudzhava was one of a group of singer-songwriters or ‘bards’ (bardy) which also included Aleksandr Galich (1918–77) and Vladimir Visotsky (1938–80); they acknowledged Aleksandr Vertinsky (1889–1957) as the father of the new genre. At the beginning of the 21st century this genre continues to flourish, notably through the work of Zhanna Bichevskaya; her arrangements of village and urban Russian songs sound like American country music and have become a musical symbol of ideological opposition to official Soviet culture.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

B. Okudzhava: 65 pesen [65 songs], ed. V. Frumkin (Ann Arbor, 1980, 4/1988)

G.S. Smith: Songs to Seven Strings: Russian Guitar Poetry and Soviet ‘Mass Song’ (Bloomington, IN, 1984)

IZALY ZEMTSOVSKY

Ólafsson, Björn

(b Reykjavík, 26 Feb 1917; d Reykjavík, 31 March 1984). Icelandic violinist and teacher. From 1931 to 1939 he studied in Vienna with Franz Mairecker (violin) and Ernst Moravec (viola). In 1947 and 1948 he studied with Adolf Busch in New York. In 1939 he was appointed a professor of violin and head of the string section at the Reykjavík College of Music. As a performer Ólafsson was continually active in Icelandic musical life. He gave the first performances of many works by Icelandic composers, and was the leader of the Iceland SO from its inception in 1950 until 1973, when he resigned so that he could devote his time to teaching. He was a Grand Knight of the Icelandic Order of the Falcon and Knight of the Danish Order of Dannebrog.

AMANDA M. BURT/R

Olagnier [née Joly], Marguerite

(b 1844; d Paris, 12 Sept 1906). French composer, novelist, poet and singer. She began her musical life as a singer at the Théâtre des Variétées in Paris, leaving to travel to Egypt with her husband Eugène Olagnier. Possibly while abroad she wrote both words and music of an exotic opera in four acts, Le Saïs, which was staged at the Théâtre de la Renaissance in Paris on 18 December 1881. Later in life she directed her own company, the Théâtre de l'Oratorio, in weekly performances of 18th- and 19th-century oratorios. Two more operas, Le Persan and Lilipa, were never performed, and a novel remains unpublished. Olagnier also wrote a number of songs.

Le Saïs is, in form and genre, a hybrid of late 19th-century operetta and grand opéra, comprising short, strophic numbers and longer, complex forms. The work also draws on traditions of French exotic opera composition: in the Scène du Hachich (1.v), as the cast sit at the foot of a pyramid drinking hashish, chant-like vocal lines, repetitive rhythms and drones conjure an image of the orient. Critics of the time saw Le Saïs as excessively erotic, a view which to some extent holds true today: the heroine, for instance, wears a transparent gown and in Act 2 tantalizingly steps off stage to take her bath.

LUCIE MIDDLEMISS

Olagué [Olaegui], Bertolomeu de

(d Santiago de Compostela, Feb 1658. Spanish or Portuguese composer. His name suggests possible Basque origin. The only known facts about him are that on 20 June 1644 he was named maestro de capilla at Burgos Cathedral, and that he was appointed to the same position at the cathedral of Santiago de Compostela in March 1651. 24 organ pieces by him survive (P-Pm 1577, Loc. B, 5, Libro de cyfra …): 11 tientos (called ‘obra’ or ‘registro’), five entradas, three sets of versets for each ecclesiastical tone, two hymns, one jácara, one toada and one canção (canción). All are transcribed by Hudson and one appears in M.S. Kastner, ed.: Silva ibérica de música para tecla de los siglos XVI, XVII y XVIII (Mainz, 1954), i. There is also at least one Missa (for 9 voices), and an inventory of c1715 lists another one for eight voices (both in E-Zac; the latter has not been confirmed). He also composed three Christmas villancicos. Additional works are reported at E-SE.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

ApelG

M.S. Kastner: ‘Tres libros desconocidos con música orgánica en las Bibliotecas de Oporto y Braga’, AnM, i (1946), 143–7

B. Hudson: A Portuguese Source of Seventeenth-Century Iberian Organ Music (diss., Indiana U., 1961)

A.E. Esteban: ‘Olagué, Fray Bartolomé de’, Diccionario de la Música Española e Hispanoamericana (Madrid, 2000)

BARTON HUDSON

Olah, Tiberiu

(b Arpăşel, Maramureş district, 2 Jan 1928). Romanian composer. At the Dima Conservatory, Cluj (1946–9), he studied theory with Juliu Mureşianu, harmony and counterpoint with Max Eisikovits and the piano with Gheorghe Halmoş; he continued his studies at the Moscow Conservatory (1949–54) under Yevgeny O. Messner (composition) and Dmitry R. Rogal-Levitski (orchestration). In addition he participated in the Darmstadt summer courses (1966–72), where several of his compositions (e.g. Columna infinită, Invocatii) were performed. In 1969–70 he was composer-in-residence at DAAD, Berlin, where he embarked on a study of time and space in music.

Olah’s music is based on an original modal system. He uses numerical sequences and proportional structures that join in an homogenous whole, leaving free certain characteristics of traditional Romanian music. His works use a continuous variation technique capable of generating work cycles such as Brâncuşi and Harmonies. In Harmonies II (1976) processed material is superimposed on original ideas, enabling the work’s superposition on itself. In Harmonies I and III, using tape or a second orchestra, new material is interspersed with passages from works of the same cycle. This conception of musical space and time is discussed in his studies of the music of Webern and Enescu.

Olah has played an important role in the development of national cinematography. Two of his film scores, Răscoala (‘The Uprise’, based on a 12-note sequence G, B, D, F – A, C, E, G – C, E, G, B) and Mihai Viteazul (‘Michael the Brave’) were highly acclaimed at the International Film Festival, Moscow, and have subsequently become successful concert pieces in their own right. Olah’s musicological writings include a study of polyheterophony in Enescu’s music and the organization of Webern’s pre-serial harmonic language; both display a highly original point of view. He was awarded the Prize of the Romanian Academy (1965), the Koussevitzky Prize (1997) and first prize of the Romanian Composers’ Union (1993) for a lifetime’s achievement and several prizes of the Romanian Composers Union.

WORKS

(selective list)

dramatic

Geamgii din Toledo [The Glaziers of Toledo] (television opera, B. Andor), 1970 [from puppet theatre, 1959]

Film scores: The Avalanche, 1959; Străzile au amintiri [Street memory], 1961; Sărutul [The Kiss], 1964; Comoara din Vadul Vechi [The Treasures of Vadul Vechi], 1965; Castelanii [The Castle-Owners], 1966; Meandre [Meanders], 1966; Zodia fecioarei [Virgo], 1966; Răutăciosul adolescent [A Mischievous Adolescent], 1969; Mihai viteazul [Michael the Brave], 1970; Puterea şi adevărul [Power and Truth], 1971; Decolarea [The Take-Off], 1971; Moartea lui Ipu [Ipu’s Death], 1972; Pe aici nu se trece [No Trespassing], 1974; Osânda [The Condemnation], 1976; Trecătoarele iubiri [The Passing Loves], 1977; Independenţa [Independence], 1977; Munţii în flăcări [The Burning Mountains], 1980; La răscrucea marilor furtuni [At the Crossing of the Great Storms], 1980; Convoiul [The Convoy] 1981; Cine iubeşte şi lasă [Who Loves and Leaves], 1982

other works

Orch: Sym. no.1, 1956; Brancuşi: Coloana fără sfîrşit [The Endless Column], 1961, Poarta sărutului [The Gate of the Kiss], Masa tăcerii [The Table of Silence]; Translaţii; Perspective, Crescendo, 1966–72; The Time of Memory, 1973; Harmonies: I, 1975, II, 1976, III, 1978, IV, 1981; Sym. no.2, 1986; Sym. no.3, 1989; Musica concertante, fl, cl, orch, 1990; Obelisco per Wolfgang Amadeus, cl, sax, orch, 1991; Sinfonia giocosa, 1991; Muzică de concert, 16 brass, tape, 1993

Chbr and solo inst: Pf Sonatina, 1950; Str Qt, 1952; Trio, cl, vn, pf, 1954; Sonatina, vn, pf, 1955, rev. 1963; Equinox I, 1957; Sonata no.1, cl, 1963; Spatui si ritm [Space and Rhythm], 3 perc., 1965; Perspectives, 13 insts, 1969; Invocatie I, 1971; PaROdiSSINIana, musical joke, vc, db, tape, 1973; Equinox II, 1975; Invocatie II, 1975; Equinox III, 1976; Invocatie III, 1976; Sonata for flute, 1978; Sonata, vc, 1979; Sonata no.2 (Rhymes for the Revelation of Time), cl, or sax and tape 1982; Conc. notturno, vib, a sax, tape, 1984; Sonata, vn, perc, 1985; Sonata, cb, tape, 1986; 3 zboruri deasupra unui fluviu [3 Flies over a River], 1987; Conc. delle coppie, sax qt, 1988; Incontri spaziali, solo perc, tape, 1989; Peripeţii cu trisonuri majore [Adventures of Major Triads], 1992

Vocal: Cant. (Rom. trad.), 1957; Prind visele aripi [Winged Dreams] (cant., M. Banuş) 1959; Constelaţia omului [Man’s constellation], orat, 1960; Ode (T. Utan), mixed chorus, 1962; E chipul tău [It’s your Face] (T. Utan), 3-part chorus; Ţara lui Făt-Frumos [The Country of Prince Charming] (T. Utan), mixed chorus, 1964; Timpul cerbilor [The Time of the Stags] (choral sym., Pop verses), 1973; Vagues vagues, roses roses (T. Tzara), S, 2 fl, cl, 1974

Principal publishers: ESPLA (Bucharest), Editura muzicală (Bucharest), Salabert (Paris), Schott (Mainz)

WRITINGS

‘Folclor şi esenţă’ [Folklore and essence], Muzica, xxiv/5 (1974), 4–6

‘Weberns vorserielles Tonsystem’ [Webern’s pre-serial compositional system], Melos/NZM, i/1 (1975), 10–13

‘Pe tema experimentului ǐn muzică’, [On experimentation in music], Muzica, xxv/10 (1975), 1–3

‘Une nouvelle méthode d’organisation du matériau sonore: La polyhétérophonie d’Enescu’, Muzica, xxxiii/4 (1983), 35–47

‘Nota simbol de genezá tonalā in “Sinfonia neterminatá” de Schubert’ [The Symbol Sound of genesis in the Unfinished Symphony of Schubert] Muzica, ix/3 (1998), 36–46

L. Manolache: ‘Pe tene de areatic Convorbire all compozitorial Tiberiu Olah’, Muzica, ii/3 (1991), 108–117 [Interview with T. Olah]

BIBLIOGRAPHY

RiemannL12

U. Dibelius: Moderne Musik: 1945–65 (Munich, 1966), 299

V. Cosma: Muzicieni români: lexicon (Bucharest, 1970), 337–8

A. Goléa: ‘Romanian Composers’, The World of Music, xii/3 (1970), 66–9

D. Buciu: ‘Tiberiu Olah’, Revue roumaine, iii (1972), 130–32

C.Á. Stoianov: ‘Tiberiu Olah’, Muzica, xxviii/2 (1978), 7–17; 3 (1978), 7–13; Fr. trans. in Muzica, xxxii/6 (1982), 40–48

VIOREL COSMA

Ölander, Per [Pehr] August

(b Linköping, 8 Jan 1824; dStockholm, 3 Aug 1886). Swedish composer. He was largely self-taught as a composer, but took lessons with J.E. Nordblom while a student at the University of Uppsala. Although his main employment was as a civil servant, he was active as a music critic and as a violinist. He composed his first opera, Blenda (4, L. Josephson and E. Wallmark; S-Skma*), for a competition organized by King Oscar II. It was staged at the Royal Opera, Stockholm, in 1876 but remained in the repertory only until 1879. The work met with some criticism, owing to its poor libretto (based on Schiller’s Die Jungfrau von Orleans) and its lack of originality. However, the composer’s lyric and melodic gifts as well as the dramatic power of certain scenes were much acclaimed, and unique in Swedish 19th-century opera. The opera deals with a war in the early Medieval period between the Danish and the Swedish. Despite the Wagnerian overtones of the plot, Ölander skilfully sets the most dramatic scenes with precision, colourful orchestration and a sense of the musical drama. His lyricism and intensity are often reminiscent of Bellini. Ölander’s other dramatic work, the operetta Mäster Placide (T. Merula, Stockholm, New Theatre, 1879, lost; ov. in Skma), was rather more successful than Blenda, perhaps owing to its lightness and comic verve – both rare in Swedish theatre. His other compositions include a Symphony in E; a Missa solemnis; two psalm settings for solo voices, chorus and organ; a string sextet; several quartets; men’s choral songs and solo songs.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

GroveO (A. Wiklund)

F.J. Huss: ‘Pehr August Ölander’, Svensk musiktidning, vi (1886), 105–6

T. Norlind: ‘Ölander, Per August’, Allmänt musiklexikon, ii (Stockholm, 1916, 2/1928)

ANDERS WIKLUND

Olatunji, Babatunde [Michael Babatunde]

(b Ajido-Badacry, Nigeria, c1920). Nigerian drummer, composer and music organizer and promoter. Educated at the Baptist Academy in Lagos, he moved to the USA in 1950 where he took the BA at Morehouse College in Atlanta, Georgia, in 1954. He settled in New York in 1954, enrolling in a graduate programme at New York University, and later established the Center of African Culture in Harlem in the 1960s, a cultural performing arts school. He collaborated with artists such as John Coltrane, Max Roach, Yusef Lateef, Freddie Hubbard, Sonny Rollins, Jerry Garcia and Mickey Hart. His recordings and touring ensemble introduced countless audiences throughout North America and the world to West African performance traditions. In addition, he wrote about African music and composed several film scores. His association with Grateful Dead drummer Mickey Hart led to several recording projects and further performing opportunities.

WRITINGS

with B.W. Dietz: Musical Instruments of Africa: their Nature, Use and Place in the Life of a Deeply Musical People (New York, 1965)

Yorùbá òde òní (Lagos, 1980)

Drums of Passion Songbook: the Songs of Babatunde Olatunji (New York, 1993)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

and other resources

Drums of Passion, Columbia PC8210 (1960)

Afro-Percussion Zungo!, Columbia CS 8434 (1961)

Flaming Drums!, Columbia CL 1866 (1962)

High Life!, Columbia CD 8796 (1963)

More Drums of Passion, Columbia CL 2507 (1966)

Soul Makossa, Paramount PAS 6061 (1973)

Dance to the Beat of my Heart, Blue Heron (1986) [re-issued as Drums of Passion: the Beat, Rykodisc RCD 10107 (1989)]

Drums of Passion: the Invocation, Rykodisc RCD 10102 (1988)

G. Stewart: ‘The Beat Goes On: Olatunji’, Breakout: Profiles in African Rhythm (Chicago, 1992), 87–96

GREGORY F. BARZ

Olcott, Chauncey [Olcott, Chancellor John]

(b Buffalo, NY, 21 July 1858; d Monte Carlo, 18 March 1932). American singer, composer and lyricist. He toured with several minstrel and opera companies, then went to London for two years, where he studied singing and appeared in comic opera. He achieved fame after his return to the USA when he joined forces with Augustus Pitou in 1893 and succeeded William J. Scanlan as the leading singer in Pitou’s productions of sentimental operettas on Irish themes. His success, founded on his sweet tenor voice and his ingratiating acting and appearance, led to his concentrating on Irish roles for the remainder of his career.

He contributed librettos, songs and lyrics to many of the works in which he appeared, and wrote the complete scores of Sweet Inniscarra (1897), A Romance of Athlone (1899), Garrett O’Magh (1901), and Old Limerick Town (1902). His song My Wild Irish Rose (1899) and the lyrics Mother Machree (1911) and When Irish Eyes are Smiling (1912), both with music by Ernest R. Ball, have attained lasting popularity. He made a few recordings of Irish-American ballads between 1913 and 1920, but his popularity waned after World War I and he retired in 1925. Olcott was considered neither a great singer nor actor, but at the height of his popularity commanded a large and loyal audience among the Irish-American community. His life was the subject of the Hollywood film My Wild Irish Rose (1947).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

DAB (W.P. Eaton)

‘Olcott, Chancellor John (Chauncey Olcott)’, The National Cyclopaedia of American Biography, xi (New York, 1901/R), 519 only

R.O. Olcott: Song in his Heart (New York, 1939)

J. Walsh: ‘Favorite Pioneer Recording Artists: Chauncey Olcott’, Hobbies, lxxv (1970), no.6, p.37, no.7, p.37

D. Carroll: The Matinee Idols (New York, 1972)

MICHAEL J. BUDDS

Olczewska, Maria.

See Olszewska, Maria.

Oldfield, Mike [Michael]

(b Reading, 15 May 1953). English rock composer and guitarist. At the age of 19 he recorded the instrumental album Tubular Bells, funded by Richard Branson's Virgin record shops. In 1973 it became Virgin Records' first release and sold more than ten million copies over the next eight years. Written with the help of David Bedford, it was a quasi-minimalist piece at the melodic end of progressive rock. From this position he subsequently wrote and performed music for the eve of the Prince of Wales's wedding in 1981 and film music for Puttnam's The Killing Fields (Virgin, 1984).

The achievement of Tubular Bells was such that in 1992 he released Tubular Bells II (WEA), which showed an attempt to evade the new-age tag his music had acquired; this was strengthened by a remix by dance outfit The Orb. Between these two, Oldfield recorded a dozen largely instrumental albums: Hergest Ridge (Virgin, 1974) was in the style of Tubular Bells; the more lively Ommadawn (Virgin, 1975) showed some influence of Celtic melody; the single Guilty (1979) toyed with disco; The songs of Distant Earth (WEA, 1994), based on Arthur C. Clarke's novel of the same name, made use of Gregorian and Central Asian chant. He has worked with musicians on the cusp of the divide between pop and classical music, including Bedford, Morris Pert and Jon Anderson, and also those involved with progressive rock, such as Kevin Ayers and Roger Chapman, and has successfully jumped the chasm opened by punk. He is somewhat introverted and largely uninterested in the theatrical possibilities of live performance, not touring until 1979. Like many of his generation, Oldfield has retained a strong following in Germany, Spain and France.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

A. Gill: ‘Mad? Us?’, Q, no.73 (1992), 32–4

S. Moraghan: Mike Oldfield: the Man and his Music (London, 1994)

D. Quantick: ‘Mike Oldfield and Orbital’, Q, no.121 (1996), 102–9

P. Stump: The Music's All that Matters: a History of Progressive Rock (London, 1997), 316–24

ALLAN F. MOORE

Old Hall Manuscript.

The most important manuscript collection of English sacred music of the late 14th and early 15th centuries, until 1973 at the college of St Edmund, Old Hall, near Ware, Hertfordshire, and now GB-Lbl 57950.

1. Compilation and contents.

The main compilation (OH-I) was put together between about 1415 and 1421 by a single scribe and presents for the first time an English repertory largely tied to named composers: Leonel Power, with 20–26 compositions, Pycard, Typp, Byttering, Oliver, Chirbury, Excetre, Cooke, Roy Henry, Queldryk, Tyes, Aleyn, Fonteyns, Gervays, Lambe …, Mayshuet, Pennard, Rowlard and Swynford (in approximate descending order of representation). Antonio Zacara da Teramo can be added on the strength of continental concordances: a Gloria elsewhere ascribed to him with a texted contratenor may have been imported through the Council of Constance, where English musical prowess was noted. Mayshuet (probably Matteo de Sancto Johanne, in England in 1369: Wathey, 1990) is credited with one of the two Deo gratias substitute motets that end the manuscript; he may also have written the other, also preserved in a younger English choirbook (Bent, 1984) and textually connected to a Post missarum solemnia in I-IV. Harrison’s suggestions for other foreign identities are thinly based: that Rowlard may be Philippus Royllart, composer of the motet Rex Karole/Leticie pacis, and that Fonteyns may be a canon of the Ste Chapelle in Paris. Aleyn has been identified with Johannes Alanus, the English composer of Sub Arturo plebs (probably a royal chaplain who died in 1373), but the Old Hall composer’s initial, for an erased Agnus, appears to be W. Equally uncertain is whether the ‘J de Oxonia’ of that motet is the same as the royal clerk John Excetre (1372–97) or the Old Hall composer. Later additions (OH-II) in some seven hands, of music by Damett, Sturgeon, Cooke, Burell, Forest and Dunstaple, were made in the early 1420s on openings left blank by the main scribe and on leaves newly inserted.

The collection is arranged by liturgical category: settings of the Gloria, of antiphons and sequences in score, of the Credo, Sanctus and Agnus Dei, and of isorhythmic motets including Deo gratias substitutes. Within each section devoted to the Mass Ordinary, settings in score precede those notated in parts. There is further evidence of planning within sections, notably the ordering of Sanctus and Agnus Dei settings according to their plainchants. Roy Henry’s two compositions, a Gloria in separate parts and a Sanctus in score, head their respective sections. The later scribes made their additions as far as possible in accordance with this plan, which follows the order of Mass (thus physically separating musically related movements which in later manuscripts tend to be grouped together). Even the motets of this ‘second layer’ which are ‘misplaced’ in the Sanctus section might be treated as Sanctus sequels. (See Damett, and Sturgeon, N..)

Barclay Squire dismissed the possibility of making a bibliographical collation, but this has now been established with almost complete certainty. The details in many cases disprove older hypotheses about the order of compilation and associated datings, and establish beyond any doubt which leaves were later additions to the original book and how many leaves have been lost – the latter being a minimum estimate, since there may originally have been a gathering of Kyries. Discounting this possibility, the manuscript was originally planned to have at least 121 folios, 98 of which survive, though 15 of these were used for later additions instead of the pieces intended by the original scribe. 14 out of at least 16 inserted leaves remain, making an original total of 137 folios of which 112 are left. The original scribe was responsible for about three-quarters – the first layer – of the manuscript as it now survives. The later contributors, notably Damett and Sturgeon or their agents, did not collaborate in the original compilation. The second-layer scribes themselves used the music of the first layer, as their alterations to it show. Substantial rewriting activity by these later scribes on their ‘own’ music, and the simultaneous membership of four of them of the Royal Household Chapel of Henry V, suggest that some pieces were autograph. The composers affected are Damett, Sturgeon, Cooke and Burell. (Although the Forest and Dunstaple works also have their own scribes, similar evidence of personal intervention is lacking.)

2. Date and provenance.

Discussion of the early history of the manuscript has been plagued by misunderstandings, including failure to distinguish between the date of composition of the music and the date of copying of the manuscript; confusion between the layers of activity led to the inverted notion that Damett and Sturgeon may have been actively concerned in the original compilation; and confusion between the Royal Free Chapel of St George in Windsor Castle and the peripatetic Royal Household Chapel of the king (exacerbated by Damett’s and Sturgeon’s associations with both at various dates): this led the manuscript, entirely by virtue of the later additions, to an unjustified association with the Chapel Royal. While a Chapel Royal association for the second layer is almost certain, the nature of the interruption of the original plan pointed to an origin for the first layer outside the royal chapel.

Interest and controversy have surrounded the identity of Roy Henry. Henry VI (Squire) and Henry IV (Harrison) can new be ruled out in favour of Henry V (Bukofzer; Bent, 1984), who was king at the time of writing, especially since the discovery that Leonel Power (Bowers) was a member of the chapel of Henry V’s brother Thomas Duke of Clarence (d 1421), for whose chapel the manuscript can now be presumed to have been prepared and whence it passed to that of Henry V, whose chaplains stayed on to attend the infant Henry VI, adding their own compositions. Some of these may be autograph, and they include three motets by Damett, Cooke and Sturgeon whose titles correspond closely to a contemporary chronicle account of the London festivities following the Agincourt victory in 1415 (Bent, 1967–8). But it is the royal anchorage of OH-I that invites a marginally later dating of the copying than that previously proposed; the absence of Dunstaple (except for the sole later, anonymous addition of his four-part Veni Sancte Spiritus) becomes more surprising as the date of the manuscript has to be advanced, given that he served various members of the royal family and was certainly composing by this time. He is, however, prominent in the aforementioned comparable but fragmentary royal choirbook of slightly later date (Bent, 1984; see also Dunstaple, John), which has significant overlaps with and repertorial advances on Old Hall.

The relationship between the early part of the repertory and its fragmentary English concordances, and that between the later music and its mainly continental copies, give an opportunity for relative stylistic definition which is lacking for the much more fragmentary and chronologically diffuse Worcester Fragments of c1300 (see Worcester polyphony). The only earlier English repertories of comparable completeness are the 11th fascicle of D-W 628 (677) = W1. The earlier date of manuscripts containing concordances to the oldest styles confirms their late 14th-century origin; the distribution of these concordances by provenance, and the geographical implications of some composers’ names, suggest that the repertory was drawn from the widest possible field and was in no sense a local or provincial product, even though it may have included some individual local or provincial pieces. Many of the most complex and virtuoso pieces in the manuscript are unica, indicating a small circle of high cultivation that was also open to simpler styles culled from a wider range.

The provenance of the manuscript cannot be established from its subsequent history. There is some evidence to support ownership by James Strangman, a member of the Elizabethan Society of Antiquaries who died in 1595/6. It was bought in 1813 by John Stafford Smith, at the sale of the Rev. John Parker’s library. The manuscript has flourished capitals in alternating gold leaf and blue. 19 were excised in the 19th century, including more decorative ones at heads of sections, causing loss of music on both sides of the affected leaves. Replacement patches were provided in the late 19th century, and some second-layer pieces received their first capitals at the same time, in spaces that had remained blank (Bent, 1966). The manuscript descended to E.W. Tordiffe, who donated it to St Edmund’s College in 1893. On 29 July 1973 a private sale to the British Library was announced, after the manuscript had failed to reach the reserve price at Sotheby’s.

3. Musical styles.

Stylistic classifications were made by Bukofzer and Hughes (1967), with subsequent refinements. The music notated in score (an English peculiarity at this date) includes chant-based (English discant) and free (cantilena) settings, though the range from homophonic to complex rhythmic styles embraces both. Where present, the plainchant is often in the middle part, cultivating contrary motion with the lowest voice but sometimes migrating to it; occasionally it is paraphrased in the top part. A chant may be used strictly, or freely paraphrased; the dividing line between ‘discant’ and ‘cantilena’ is a soft one. Imperfect time with major prolation is the most common mensuration, rarely signed unless, as in a few pieces, there is a mensural change. With the use of coloration and increasing rhythmic complexity, such pieces (e.g. Cooke’s Gloria, no.7, and Ave regina, no.52, Oliver’s Santus, no.119) might well have been notated in separate parts. Texting beneath the lowest part is aligned for singers, not for musical score-reading. Score pieces are always, here, in three parts; in two cases, an additional contratenor is notated separately. Two-voice score, found in other English sources, is here confined to a few internal duets.

The music notated in choirbook format, or separate parts, includes a number of mass movements that, although physically separated in the manuscript, can be paired on grounds of musical technique or structure. Pairs may have related chants but no common tenors. Tenor chants are proper to the text of the movement concerned, except in isorhythmic compositions, where they may be alien; a few pieces paraphrase their chant in the top part. Isorhythm is used for all the motets and some mass movements. It ranges from the fairly mechanical imposition of a short talea on a long tenor (as in no.85, which has 19 rhythmically similar sections), through flexible structures in which colour and talea do not always coincide (as in Leonel’s paired Gloria and Credo, nos.24 and 84), to pieces fully isorhythmic in all parts with successive colour reductions; this is at its most regular in the motets of OH-II. Of seven canonic works (all in OH-I and several by Pycard) one is a double canon and two incorporate a canon 3 in 1 into a five-part piece. The exceptional number of five-part pieces here reflects the English predilection for multi-voice sonority; there is even one 3rd in a final chord (Leonel, no.21). Several compositions are essays in mensural and proportional virtuosity, with a wide range of colorations including black, red and blue full and void forms, reversed and coloured signatures, half-coloured notes and special signs, presupposing a high degree of sophistication among the intended users, the members of Clarence’s chapel including Power himself.

Much of the remaining music notated in parts is dominated by a texted songlike top part, often quite florid, supported by a grammatically essential tenor paired with a contratenor in the same range. In other styles, text declamation is shared (sometimes in alternation) between two upper parts, supported by an accompanying tenor, with or without a contratenor. There is some textual compression by telescoping, but no omissions.

The music of OH-II displays the suave consonance and melodic elegance associated with the generation of Dunstaple and often labelled the contenance angloise. There is a higher proportion of duet writing, and withdrawal from the extreme rhythmic complexity of OH-I works by Leonel and Pycard.

EDITIONS

A. Ramsbotham [vol.i], H.B. Collins and A. Hughes [vols.ii–iii], eds.: The Old Hall Manuscript (Burnham, Bucks., 1933–8)

A. Hughes and M. Bent, eds.: The Old Hall Manuscript, CMM, xlvi (1969–73)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

HarrisonMMB

MGG2 (M. Bent)

W.B. Squire: ‘Notes on an Undescribed Collection of English 15th Century Music’, SIMG, ii (1900–01), 342–92, 719 [corrections]

J. Harvey: Gothic England (London, 1947, 2/1948)

M.F. Bukofzer: ‘The Music of the Old Hall Manuscript’, ‘The Fountains Fragment’ Studies in Medieval & Renaissance Music (New York, 1950), 34–85, 86–112

B.L. Trowell: Music under the Later Plantagenets (diss., U. of Cambridge, 1960)

A. Hughes: ‘Mensuration and Proportion in Early Fifteenth Century English Music’, AcM, xxxvii (1965), 48–61

A. Hughes: ‘Mass Pairs in the Old Hall and Other English Manuscripts’, RBM, xix (1965), 15–27

M. Bent: ‘Initial Letters in the Old Hall Manuscript’, ML, xlvii (1966), 225–38

A. Hughes: ‘The Old Hall Manuscript: a Reappraisal’, MD, xxi (1967), 97–129

A. Hughes and M. Bent: ‘The Old Hall Manuscript: an Inventory’, MD, xxi (1967), 130–47

M. Bent: ‘Sources of the Old Hall Music’, PRMA, xciv (1967–8), 19–35

M. Bent: The Old Hall Manuscript: a Paleographical Study (diss., U. of Cambridge, 1969)

A.B. Scott: ‘The Performance of the Old Hall Descant Settings’, MQ, lvi (1970), 14–26

M. Bent: ‘The Old Hall Manuscript’, EMc, ii (1974), 2–14

R. Bowers: ‘Some Observations on the Life and Career of Lionel Power’, PRMA, cii (1975–6), 103–27

M. Bent: ‘Text Setting in Sacred Music of the Early 15th Century: Evidence and Implications’, Musik und Text in der Mehrstimmigkeit des 14. und 15. Jahrhunderts: Wolfenbüttel 1980, 291–326

W.J. Summers: English Fourteenth-Century Polyphony (Tutzing, 1983)

M. Bent: ‘The Progeny of Old Hall: More Leaves from a Royal English Choirbook’, Gordon Athol Anderson (1929–1981) in memoriam, ed. L.A. Dittmer (Henryville, PA, 1984), 1–54

M. Bent: ‘Manuscripts as Répertoires, Scribal Performance and the Performing Scribe’, IMSCR XIV: Bologna 1987, 138–48 [discussion 148–51]

A. Wathey: ‘The Peace of 1360–1369 and Anglo-French Musical Relations’, EMH, ix (1990), 129–74

M. Bent: ‘Pycard's Double Canon: Evidence of Revision?’, Sundry Sorts of Music Books: Essays … Presented to O.W. Neighbour, ed. C. Banks, A. Searle and M. Turner (London, 1993), 10–26

J.D.C. King: Texting in Early Fifteenth-Century Sacred Polyphony (diss., U. of Oxford, 1996)

MARGARET BENT

Oldham, Arthur (William)

(b London, 6 Sept 1926). English choirmaster and composer. He studied composition with Howells at the RCM (1943–5) and privately with Britten. The first of his works to attract public attention was the ballet Mr Punch, given by Ballet Rambert at Sadler's Wells. Since that time he has worked as a choirmaster with the Scottish (later Edinburgh) Festival Chorus (from 1965), the Scottish Opera Chorus and the LSO Chorus (1969–76). Also in 1976 he was responsible for the formation, in Paris, of the choir of the Orchestre de Paris, and later the chorus of the Concertgebouw Orchestra. An early compositional career under the shadow of Britten (inevitably so, when both were concerned to write choral music of immediate appeal) was interrupted in 1952 by a nervous breakdown. He recovered and began to compose again towards the end of the 1950s, at about the time he entered the Catholic Church. He was made an OBE in 1989. Much of his music is intended for children. The harmony is largely diatonic, its vitality deriving from an original use of dissonance and unexpected key juxtapositions.

WORKS

(selective list)

Orch: Variations on a Carol Tune, chbr orch, 1949; Divertimento, str, 1951; Circus Parade [suite from ballet Circus Canteen], 1952; The Apotheosis of Lucius, sym. study, 1952; Sinfonietta, wind band, 1974

Stage: Mr Punch (ballet), 1946; The Sailor's Return (ballet), 1947: Circus Canteen (ballet), 1951; ed., Love in a Village (op), 1952; Bonne bouche (ballet), 1952; The Land of Green Ginger (op), 1965

Choral: My Truest Treasure, SATB, 1951; 4 Occasional Anthems, 1952; Missa in honorem Santi Thomae Mori, SATB, 1958; Missa Sanctae Mariae Virginis, congregation, chorus, org, 1960; 2 Carols, SA, org, 1961; Laudes creaturanum (cant.), S, children's chorus, chorus, org, str, 1961; Hymns for the Amusement of Children, S, chorus, org/chbr orch, 1962; Remember, O thou Man, SSATBB, 1962; Blind Audley's Carol, SSATBB, 1965; Quem vidistis, STB, 1966; Sacerdos et pontifex, SATB, org, 1966; Now is the Time for Mirth and Play (C. Smart), unison vv, 1967; O Queen of Virtues, SA, 1967; Psalms in Time of War, Bar, chorus, orch, 1976; Epithalamium (Smart), chorus, org, 1989; Le testament de Villon, 3 solo vv, chbr choir, chorus, orch, 1997

Vocal: 5 Chinese Lyrics, 1v, pf, 1949; Summer's Lease (W. Shakespeare), T, str orch, 1950; The Commandment of Love, 1v, pf, 1951; Cantique de cantiques, 1v, fl, 1980; 5 Noëls, 1v, fl, 1997; 2 villancicos de Santa Teresa de Avila, S, Mez, pf

Chbr: Sonata, vn, pf, 1950

Arrs.: 5 Burns Songs, chorus, 1958; 6 Scots Songs of the XVIII Century, 1v, pf, 1959; 4 Noëls, SSA, 1963

Principal publishers: Boosey & Hawkes, Chester, Editions Salabert, Faber, Novello, Oxford University Press

MSS in GB-Lmic

BIBLIOGRAPHY

C. Wilson: ‘Arthur Oldham’, MT, cvi (1965), 946–8

M.-F. Castarède and C.M. Guilini: Le miroir sonore: essai sur le choeur (Lyon, 1989) [incl. interview]

RICHARD COOKE/R

Oldham, Kevin (William)

(b Kansas City, MO, 30 Aug 1960; d Kansas City, MO, 11 March 1993). American composer and pianist. He studied at Northwestern University and at the Juilliard School, where his teachers included Herbert Stessin and Sascha Gorodnitzki. He made his orchestral début with the Detroit SO under Kunzel in 1980, and throughout that decade presented highly regarded piano recitals in New York, Chicago, Washington, DC, and Los Angeles. In 1988, upon learning that he was infected with HIV, he abandoned the concert stage and devoted the rest of his life to composition. He checked himself out of a New York hospital to rehearse and perform his Piano Concerto with the Kansas City SO under William McGlaughlin in January 1993. The following day he was readmitted to a local hospital, where he died six weeks later.

Oldham’s neo-romantic style combined the lush virtuosity of early 20th-century Russian music (by composers such as Rachmaninoff and Prokofiev) with a jaunty American manner that owed much to film scores and music theatre. The simple and haunting Andante tranquilo from his Piano Concerto has been especially admired. Several of his works have been recorded.

WORKS

Stage: Therese Raquin (op), unfinished; Titanic (musical theatre), unfinished

Vocal: 5 Songs, op.2: I am your Friend; Do I Know Why; Intermezzo, pf; Prelude, pf; Song Without Words in C; Gaspard de la nuit, 3 songs, op.3, S, pf: Ondine, Le gibet, Scarbo; 2 Waltzes, op.4, 3 S, pf, str qnt: Dingbat Waltz, Vocalise Waltz; 4 Songs, op.5: Will You Ever Dance to My Songs Again?, Pretending, All My Thoughts of You, Give me a Break; 4 Songs, op.11, S, unfinished; 5 Songs, op.12, Bar, unfinished; 3 Spirituals, op.13, unfinished; The Boulding Chorales, op.16, pubd: Can I Imprisoned; Small Flowers; Are there No Armies; My Lord, Thou Art in Every Breath I Take; 3 Carols, op.20, pubd: Away in a Manger, Joy to the World, Silent Night; 3 Pss: cxxi, cxxx, cl

Inst: Toccata, op.1, pf; 2 Inst Pieces, op.6; Variations on a French Noel, op.7, pf, pubd; Fuge, op.8, s cl, a cl, cel, pf; Sym. no.1, op.9, org, pubd; Pf Conc., op.14, pubd; 2 Nocturnes, op.15, pf; Ballade, op.17, pf, pubd; Prelude, Saraband and Toccata, op.19 [Toccata completed by S. Cohen] [see also vocal: 5 Songs, op.2]

Transcrs. of works by Bach (Sinfonia, D, bwv29; Fugue, G; Prelude and Fugue, D, bwv532), M. Duruflé (Org Suite, op.5)

TIM PAGE

Oldis [Oldys], Valentine

(b 1620; bur. London, 22 June 1684). English apothecary, poet and amateur composer. His father, also Valentine, had him educated at Cambridge. According to Anthony Wood he was ‘an Apothecary in the Blackfriars in London in the time of the rebellion’. He published a poem in praise of the Restoration, and contributed to other collections, including Alexander Brome's Songs and other Poems (London, 1664). He was made a Cambridge Doctor of Medicine by the king's warrant on 6 October 1671, and became an honorary member of the College of Physicians in 1680. He was buried in St Helen Bishopsgate. Apart from two two-part suites in Playford's Court Ayres (RISM 1655⁵), all of his music is found in a Bodleian Library manuscript (GB-Ob Mus.Sch.G.612; for details see DoddI), which Edward Lowe noted was ‘given mee by the Author 24^th march 1659 [?1660] at y^e Legge in Kings-Street Westminster’. It contains four suites for two trebles and bass, a fifth for three trebles and bass, the bass part of a sixth, and a seventh suite of three-part ‘ayres alamode made in y^e yeare 1674’ added later by Lowe. Lowe copied the first six suites into another manuscript (Och Mus.382–4), and the 1674 suite also appears elsewhere (Ob Mus.Sch.C.44 and E.451). Oldis's music is fluent and attractive in an old-fashioned idiom reminiscent of Jenkins's lighter middle-period works.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

DNB

DoddI

J.D. Shute: Anthony à Wood and his Manuscript Wood D 19(4) at the Bodleian (diss., International Institute of Advanced Studies, Clayton, MO, 1979)

PETER HOLMAN

Oldman, C(ecil) B(ernard)

(b London, 2 April 1894; d London, 7 Oct 1969). English librarian and bibliographer. He read Greats at Oxford and entered the British Museum in 1920 as an assistant keeper in the Department of Printed Books, working there until his retirement in 1959. Through general scholarship and an outstanding capacity for administration, he rose to be head of the department, as principal keeper, for the last 12 years of his service.

Oldman’s early interest in music brought him to the notice of Barclay Squire, who encouraged him to specialize in the bibliography of music, especially the music of Haydn, Mozart and Beethoven. Of Mozart in general he ultimately acquired an encyclopedic knowledge, and his work was recognized in 1950 by the award of the silver medal of the Internationale Stiftung Mozarteum. One of the most notable results of Oldman’s intensive study was ‘Musical First Editions’ (1934), an exceptionally lucid statement of principles and aims, with particular reference to the Classical period. But the pressures of departmental work grew continually in the 1930s and the problems that arose through war damage and postwar reconstruction made it difficult for him to complete any substantial work. He was however generous in sharing his knowledge with others working in the same field.

During his term as principal keeper, Oldman acted as honorary curator of the Royal Music Library, for which he was appointed CVO in 1958. For his work as principal keeper he received the CB in 1952, and his services to musical scholarship were recognized by an honorary doctorate from Edinburgh University in 1956. From 1945 to 1969 he guided the affairs of the British Union-Catalogue first as treasurer and from 1951 onwards as chairman. From 1962 until his death he was chairman of the UK committee for RISM. He was on the council of the Central Music Library in London from its foundation in 1946, and its chairman from 1964. He gave 37 years’ service to the Royal Musical Association, as a member of its council and later as a vice-president, and was honorary librarian of the Royal Philharmonic Society from 1947 to 1969.

WRITINGS

‘J.A. André on Mozart’s Manuscripts’, ML, v (1924), 169–76

‘Thomas Attwood’s Studies with Mozart’, Gedenkboek aangeboden aan Dr. D.F. Scheurleer (The Hague, 1925), 227–40

‘Mozart’s Violin Concerto in E flat’, ML, xii (1931), 174–83

with O.E. Deutsch: ‘Mozart-Drucke: eine bibliographische Ergänzung zu Köchels Werkverzeichnis’, ZMw, xiv (1931–2), 135–50, 337–51

‘Mozart and Modern Research’, PMA, lviii (1931–2), 43–66

‘Collecting Musical First Editions’, New Paths in Book-Collecting, ed. J. Carter (London, 1934), 93–124; pubd separately, with corrigenda and addenda (London, 1938)

ed.: ‘Extracts from the Letters of Constanze Mozart to Johann Anton André’, The Letters of Mozart and his Family, trans. E. Anderson (London, 1938), iii, 1451–1513

with C. Hopkinson: ‘Thomson’s Collections of National Song, with Special Reference to the Contributions of Haydn and Beethoven’, Edinburgh Bibliographical Society Transactions, ii/1 (1940), 1–64 [addenda et corrigenda, iii/2 (1954), 123–4]

‘Watermark Dates in English Paper’, The Library, 4th ser., xxv (1944–5), 70–71

with P. Hirsch: ‘Contemporary English Editions of Beethoven’, MR, xiv (1953), 1–35

‘Constanze Nissen: Four Unpublished Letters from Mozart’s Widow’, MR, xvii (1956), 66–70

‘Panizzi and the Music Collections of the British Museum’, HMYB, xi (1961), 62–7

‘Mozart’s Scena for Tenducci’, ML, xlii (1961), 44–52

‘Cipriani Potter’s Edition of Mozart’s Pianoforte Works’, Festschrift Otto Erich Deutsch, ed. W. Gerstenberg, J. LaRue and W. Rehm (Kassel, 1963), 120–27

‘Thomas Attwood, 1765–1838’, MT, cvi (1965), 844–5

‘Beckford and Mozart’, ML, xlvii (1966), 110–15

‘Attwood’s Dramatic Works’, MT, cvii (1966), 23–7

‘Charles Burney and Louis de Visme’, MR, xxvii (1966), 93–7

‘Haydn's Quarrel with the “Professionals” in 1788’, Musik und Verlag: Karl Vötterle zum 65. Geburtstag, ed. R. Baum and W. Rehm (Kassel, 1968), 459–65

EDITIONS

with E. Hertzmann, D. Heartz and A. Mann: Thomas Attwoods Theorie- und Kompositionsstudien bei Mozart, Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart: Neue Ausgabe sämtlicher Werke, x/30/1 (Kassel, 1965)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

U. Sherrington: ‘A List of C.B. Oldman’s Writings on Music’, MR, xxv (1964), 154–7

A.H. King: ‘C.B. Oldman: a Tribute’, Brio, vii (1970), 1–3

ALEC HYATT KING

Oldovini, Paschaly Caetanus

(fl 1758–77). Portuguese organ builder. An inscription on the organ built for Évora Cathedral in 1758 confirms that he was of Italian origin. His work in Portugal, displaying a mixture of Portuguese and Italian traditions, is of a high quality and not much influenced by the then prevailing Baroque style. He apparently worked in Évora for a number of years on projects at the cathedral, where he restored the Renaissance organ (built by Heitor Lobo), and constructed two other organs, one in 1758 and a smaller Positiv of c1760. A small organ built for Crato parish church is dated 1769, and an impressive instrument, similar in design to the 1758 organ for Évora Cathedral, was installed in Elvas Cathedral in 1777. There is considerable evidence to suggest that the historic organ in Faro Cathedral was repaired by Oldovini, who, at the same time, may have installed its unusual Brustwerk. Faro Cathedral contains another small organ built by him, and an instrument in the chapel of Senhor dos Passos, S Matriz, Viana do Castelo, is almost certainly his work. For further information, see G. Dodener ‘Eine portugiesische Kleinorgel des 17. Jahrhunderts’, Studia organologica: Festschrift für John Henry van der Meer, ed. F. Hellwig (Tutzing, 1987), 45–56.

W.D. JORDAN

Old Roman chant.

Old Roman chant is a liturgical repertory of melodies that survives in certain manuscripts dating from between the 11th and 13th centuries, but it must have existed in some form or other centuries before. Because of the nature of the source material, musical and historical, most scholarly discussions of Old Roman chant have related the repertory to the better-known Gregorian chant.

1. General.

3. Old Roman chant style.

4. The relationship between the Gregorian and Old Roman melodies of the Mass.

5. The relationship between the Gregorian and Old Roman melodies of the Office.

HELMUT HUCKE/JOSEPH DYER

1. General.

Three graduals and two antiphoners survive: one gradual from the church of S Cecilia in Trastevere in Rome written in 1071 (CH-CObodmer C 74); one gradual perhaps from S Giovanni in Laterano, Rome, from the 11th or 12th century (I-Rvat lat.5319); one gradual from S Pietro in Rome from the 13th century (Rvat S Pietro F 22); one antiphoner from an unknown Roman church, perhaps S Croce in Gerusalemme, written in the 12th century (GB-Lbl Add.29988); and one antiphoner from S Pietro, Rome, from the 12th or 13th century (I-Rvat S Pietro B 79). All the manuscripts are thus of Roman origin.

Textually and liturgically they conform to Gregorian sources except for minute but specific divergencies. The melodies are, in most cases, variations of the corresponding melodies in Gregorian chant. Thus we should speak of two chant traditions rather than of two bodies of chant. The textual and liturgical peculiarities of the five Roman manuscripts recur in some liturgical manuscripts without melodies (missals and ordinals); and on this basis it has been claimed that the existence of the Old Roman tradition can be traced back to the end of the 8th century. Some of the unnotated ‘témoins indirects’ (Huglo, 1954) are of non-Roman or northern provenance, and their relevance as witnesses of Old Roman chant has been challenged (Frénaud, 1959).

In the critical literature there is no single view as to what this chant tradition should be called. The name ‘Old Roman chant’ (‘Altrömischer Gesang’), was introduced by Bruno Stäblein; initially he contrasted it with ‘New Roman chant’ (‘Neurömischer Gesang’), but he later replaced this by returning to the concept of ‘Gregorian chant’. Others speak of ‘Urban Roman’ and ‘Gregorian’ (Schmidt), ‘special’ and ‘standard’ (Apel), ‘divergent’ and ‘normal’ (Jammers), ‘Old Roman’ or ‘Roman’ and ‘Frankish’ (Hucke) traditions of Gregorian chant.

2. The origin of the two traditions.

The authors of the introduction to Le répons-graduel Justus ut palma (PalMus, 1st ser., ii, 1891/R), who published a melody of the Old Roman tradition for the first time, regarded this tradition as a later, urban Roman distortion of the Gregorian melodies. In 1912 Andoyer proposed the opposite view that older, pre-Gregorian versions of Gregorian melodies were preserved in the Old Roman tradition. Scholarly discussion of the Old Roman tradition was reopened in 1950 by Bruno Stäblein. According to Stäblein the Old Roman tradition represents what was sung at the time of Pope Gregory the Great, that is, the true ‘Gregorian’ chant. Under Pope Vitalian (657–72) these melodies were subjected to an ‘ingenious reshaping’, the result of which is what we know as Gregorian chant.

The dating of this reshaping in the pontificate of Vitalian rests first of all on a tradition, repeated by various chroniclers since the 12th century, according to which Pope Vitalian was active in the field of liturgical chant. The second basis for this dating is a list, contained in an 8th-century Frankish manuscript (Ordo romanus XIX), of persons who had done much for the cause of Roman chant. The list starts by enumerating popes and closes with the names of three abbots (Catolenus, Maurianus and Virbonus) who were presumably affiliated with the basilican monasteries around S Pietro in Rome at the time of Vitalian. These three abbots were supposed by Stäblein to have taken part in the reshaping of Old Roman into Gregorian chant. The suggestion of Jammers that the transformation of the Old Roman melodies into Gregorian chants during the pontificate of Vitalian was occasioned by the introduction of drones (ison-singing or diaphonia basilica) from Byzantium rests on no reliable evidence.

According to Van Dijk the relationship of Gregorian to Old Roman chant should not be considered solely from a musical point of view: above all it is a question of two different rites. In most of the papal services in the 13th century Gregorian chant was sung, while elsewhere in Rome, especially in S Pietro, the Old Roman rite was used with Old Roman melodies. Van Dijk offered circumstantial evidence that the special papal liturgy stretched back much further than the 13th century and that it had been connected with Gregorian chant from time immemorial. Gregorian chant was supposed (by Van Dijk) to have developed from the pontificate of Vitalian onwards and to have been codified by Pope Gregory II (715–31); Pope Vitalian supposedly founded the Roman Schola Cantorum.

Smits van Waesberghe, on the other hand, argued that the Old Roman chant was the chant of the papal liturgy, and that during the 7th century this chant was transformed into Gregorian chant in the monasteries that were linked with Roman basilicas. In connection with the liturgical and historical investigations of Huglo and with his own study of the graduals, Hucke formulated the thesis that the Old Roman chant was the Roman version of Gregorian chant and that ‘Gregorian chant’ originated in the Frankish Empire in about 800 with the introduction of the Roman liturgy there. He believed that, given the conditions of the 8th and 9th centuries, the transplantation of a vast and highly developed repertory of Gregorian melodies into a completely different musical culture was highly unlikely; in fact, the literary evidence relating to the introduction of the cantus romanus into the Frankish Empire speaks time and time again of difficulties and misunderstandings. Hucke's research into the antiphonal psalmody of the Old Roman sources indicates that the system of the eight psalm tones was not adopted by Old Roman chant until late, and then only incompletely. This would be inexplicable if Gregorian chant had arisen in Rome and been transmitted there since the 8th century alongside Old Roman chant. The system of the eight psalm tones, related directly to the eight church modes, is first attested in the Frankish Empire in about 800. It is clearly one of the achievements of the Carolingian Renaissance. The stylistic differences between old Roman and Gregorian chant must be explained by their different places of origin and by the adaptation of the Roman melodies to the system of the eight church modes.

According to Hucke, after the separation of the Frankish tradition in about 800 the Roman tradition continued to develop until the 11th century and underwent changes in some parts of the repertory more than in others. He maintained that the way in which the Old Roman tradition made Frankish elements its own excludes the possibility that the two traditions originated in the same place and in the same musical culture and co-existed from the beginning. The Old Roman tradition, exposed to the growing pressure of the Frankish tradition spreading from the Frankish Empire, was finally ousted by Gregorian chant in Rome in the high Middle Ages. Apel and Snow also accepted the Frankish origin of Gregorian chant, as did Cutter who, however, later pointed out that the relationship of the two traditions to each other could not be explained in all parts of the repertory by a revision of Old Roman melodies in the Frankish Empire. He suspected that Old Roman chant was transmitted orally for a long time and that this oral tradition was recorded in various Roman churches independently of each other.

Despite the fact that the liturgical practices of the papal court, of the urban churches and of the Roman monasteries each had distinctive features (Van Dijk), that alone would be insufficient evidence for the cultivation of two divergent musical styles in the same city. Apart from whatever apprenticeship training in music might have been available in the Roman tituli (see Rome, §II, 1), there existed in Rome only one singing school, the papal Schola Cantorum (Dyer, 1993). Gregorian chant must be, therefore, in some degree ‘Frankish’, although no agreement has yet been reached about the details of the process that created it. Some regard Gregorian chant as representative of 8th-century Roman chant imported into Charlemagne's realm and ‘frozen’ in the memories (and later manuscripts) of Frankish cantors. Others believe that a process of oral tradition continued for a time, as it most certainly did in Old Roman chant, preserved in written form only from the 11th century.

Various studies (Cutter, Nowacki) have demonstrated the fluidity of detail in the Old Roman melodic tradition, presumably the result of separate, independently written redactions of the oral tradition. Nowacki's investigation of antiphon texts set to different type melodies (Gevaert's ‘thèmes’) in the Old Roman and the Gregorian traditions led him to conclude that the reason for this phenomenon is not to be sought in Frankish confusion or error, but in the extended period of oral transmission at Rome. The process by which Old Roman chant was displaced by Gregorian chant at Rome must have been a gradual one, perhaps already underway when the graduale of S Cecilia in Trastevere was written (1071). The reformed canons of the Lateran and the papal court might have adopted this ‘international’ repertory during the 12th century, and there is some reason to suppose that it formed part of the liturgical reforms of Pope Innocent III (1198–1216). According to a late 14th-century report (Radulph de Rivo), the Old Roman rite and its music were officially suppressed during the pontificate of Nicholas III (1277–80).

3. Old Roman chant style.

In speaking of the stylistic peculiarities of the Old Roman tradition the question must be answered as to whether these peculiarities are common to the different classes of chant or whether they occur predominantly or even exclusively in specific classes of chant. For example, the manner of recitation, often cited as being characteristic of the Old Roman tradition, in which a two- or three-note ornamental figure is reiterated continually (ex.1), occurs predominantly in the offertories. Generally the melodic style of Old Roman chant, like other Italian chant dialects, favours intricate, often repetitive melodic motion within a narrow pitch range; it makes considerable use of varied or literal reiteration of small melodic elements. The gentle rise and fall of the typical Old Roman melody contrasts strongly with the more angular and assertive Gregorian melodic profile. It seems clear that Old Roman chant relied heavily on formulaic construction, even if individual pieces stray from strict adherence to the formulae (Cutter, Connolly, Hucke, Nowacki).

A stylistic characteristic in the Old Roman tradition, or at least in the larger part of its repertory, seems to be the tendency to allow melismas and phrases to flow over the caesura and to link each with the following one, so that the continuation of the melodic flow is apparent rather than the melodic structure. There is a need to investigate the extent to which this is a question of the style of performance and the extent to which the musical notation should be understood as an indication of melodic structures or as a suggestion for a method of performance. In the Old Roman tradition the care taken in recording the melody is palpably less, and the frequency of variations in the transmission of the same melody is virtually a characteristic. Another hallmark of the Old Roman tradition as opposed to the Gregorian is a different feeling of tonality. This difference is noticeable in the manner in which Gregorian psalm tones were taken over by the Old Roman tradition.

4. The relationship between the Gregorian and Old Roman melodies of the Mass.

An initial general survey of the relationships between the chants of the two traditions has been made by Snow (1958). Among the introits some pieces in the two traditions show a very close relationship, while most correspond only generally. Differences of text occur more frequently in the offertories than in other classes of chant. Here the traditions differ from each other more in the melodies of the verse than in those of the refrains. A peculiarity of the Old Roman offertories is the occurrence of unusually long melismas that differ stylistically from the melismas of the alleluias. In addition, there is a manner of recitation that occurs in the offertories whereby a three-note ornamental figure is reiterated for successive syllables of text (see above, ex.1).

The number of Old Roman alleluia melodies is smaller than in the Gregorian chant repertory. Of the Old Roman alleluias, 11 have their own melodies, while the remainder utilize seven standard alleluia formulae and correspond more or less in their verses. Ten Old Roman alleluias have a ‘melodia secunda’, that is, an extension of the alleluia jubilus when it is repeated after the verse. A special study of the tracts of the 2nd mode has been made by Schmidt. The number of standard formulae is smaller in the Old Roman tradition, and in the Gregorian the formulae are not so consistently applied. On the other hand, the terminations are more strictly regularized. In the tracts of the 8th mode the divergence between the two traditions is greater. Four tracts of the 8th mode, namely the cantica of Holy Saturday, are almost identical in the two traditions, and here it is clear that the Old Roman tradition has adopted the Gregorian melodies.

Among the graduals (which have been investigated by Hucke) most of the Gregorian melodies are consistent adaptations of the Old Roman ones. The structure of the melodies was preserved but the melodic flow was radically transformed in a different style. Even where the Old Roman melody is palpably corrupt, the Frankish adaptation has attempted to follow the model closely. Thus it cannot be explained away as an adaptation based on a different aesthetic: rather it gives the impression of being a translation from a foreign musical language. The revised Gregorian melodies were handed down from the beginning with astonishing accuracy. The Old Roman tradition on the other hand shows traces of the subsequent formation of variants and then of later normalization. In some cases, a gradual in the Old Roman tradition has later received another melody.

Of the Old Roman communion antiphons, 30 have also come down to us as Old Roman responsoria prolixa for the Night Office. Until now the Gregorian variants of these communions have been only partly authenticated as responsories, while on the other hand there are communions that are authenticated as responsories in the Gregorian tradition but not in the Old Roman. Two further Old Roman communions are late adaptations of responsories. The relationship between the communion melodies of the two traditions is more varied and complicated than that of the graduals (ex.2 and ex.3). In many communions the melodic ductus of the two traditions is very similar. Often the Old Roman melody seems to be an ornamented version of its Gregorian counterpart: sometimes a specific connection between the corresponding melodies of the two traditions is detectable only at individual, isolated points in the melody, and in some cases it is uncertain whether we have before us a true connection or merely a melodic similarity. The terminations of the communion antiphons are regularized differently and more rigidly in the Old Roman tradition than in Gregorian chant. The Old Roman tradition has borrowed the Gregorian antiphonal psalm tones for the psalm verses of the communion and also for those of the introit. The Old Roman melodies of the Ordinary of the Mass appear to have been taken over wholesale from Gregorian chant.

5. The relationship between the Gregorian and Old Roman melodies of the Office.

The divergencies of the Old Roman repertory from the Gregorian repertory are much greater in the Office than in the Mass; and in addition, the two extant Old Roman antiphoners differ considerably. According to Snow they contain altogether 636 responsoria prolixa, of which a considerable proportion is transmitted in only one of the two manuscripts. Thus the extensive production of new responsories in Gregorian chant between the beginning of the 11th century and continuing through the 12th to 13th centuries did not occur in the Old Roman tradition. Some Old Roman responsories have been taken over from Gregorian chant. While most of the responsory verses in Gregorian chant were sung to standard psalmodic formulae and others had their own melodies, all the Old Roman responsory verses used eight standard psalmodic formulae.

The responsories of the 2nd mode have been examined by Cutter: of 80 responsories, 51 are found in both traditions. The standard melodic formulae used in these responsories appear in both traditions with corresponding variants. The number of these formulae is, however, smaller in the Old Roman tradition; in addition, the formulae of Gregorian chant show a greater tendency to variant forms, and less standardized melodic material is used. The recitation tones of the two traditions also differ. Despite certain similarities, the melodies of the two traditions show evidence of a different stylistic character. A striking characteristic of the Old Roman responsories is the fact that the individual melodic phrases flow directly into each other: often the cadence of the first part is only completed by the opening of the second part. As a whole, the responsories of the 2nd mode in the Old Roman tradition are more uniform and consistent.

In the case of Office antiphons (according to Snow), most of the standard melodies of Gregorian chant recur in the Old Roman tradition, but only about 60% of the antiphons common to both traditions use the same melody in both. Nowacki has investigated the antiphons in greater detail. Of the antiphons contained in the tonary of Regino of Prüm, a witness of the Frankish tradition at the turn of the 9th and 10th centuries, about 56% recur in I-Rvat S PietroB 79: on the other hand, the 12th-century antiphoner I-Lc 601 contains about 69% of the Old Roman antiphons. Jammers postulated that the joint corpus in Italy was enlarged by later compositions from the 9th and 10th centuries. But only about half of the antiphons have the same melody. In the antiphons for Lent, which probably belong to the oldest corpus, the traditions deviate from each other more considerably. Cutter has drawn attention to the fact that standard antiphon melodies, used for different texts, appear in the Old Roman tradition with ever new and different variants; and that, in addition, they deviate markedly from one another in both Old Roman antiphoners. Therefore the relationship of the Office antiphons in each of the two traditions offers a different picture from that of the responsories.

Old Roman psalmody has been investigated by Hucke. In the Old Roman graduals, variants of the eight Gregorian psalm tones are used for the introit and communion; however, the system of differentiae is not used methodically. By contrast, the antiphonal psalmody of the chant books for the Office does not follow the system. Of the antiphons, almost 90% use one of three psalm tones – those that recite on D, C and A and correspond to the 7th, 8th, and 1st Gregorian psalm tones. Of the psalms, about 5% are sung to an equivalent of the 6th Gregorian tone, the remainder to a number of variants of the 2nd and 4th tones or to irregular formulae.

Not all of the many psalm tones and differentiae are evenly distributed throughout the repertory. In part they are used for single feasts or for the octaves of feasts, but in some cases a specific succession of antiphons belonging together liturgically will consistently have the same tone and differentiae. Quite clearly Old Roman chant did not originally know the system of psalm tones. Between the 11th and 13th centuries, when the surviving sources of Old Roman chant were written, the Frankish system of eight psalm tones was adopted for the antiphons of the Mass (and this presupposes at the same time the regularizing of the introit and communion antiphons) and also for the responsories of the Office. The system was not at that time introduced into the Roman antiphonal psalmody of the Office.

3. Performers and performance events.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

FellererG, 167–342

R. Andoyer: ‘Le chant romain antégrégorien’, Revue du chant grégorien, xx (1911–12), 69–75, 107–14

W. Lipphardt: ‘Gregor der Grosse und sein Anteil am römischen Antiphonar’, Congresso di musica sacra [I]: Rome 1950, 248–54

B. Stäblein: ‘Zur Frühgeschichte des römischen Chorals’, ibid., 271–5

B. Stäblein: ‘Alt- und neurömischer Choral’, GfMKB: Lüneburg 1950, 53–6

J. Hourlier and M. Huglo: ‘Un important témoin du chant “vieux-romain”: le graduel de Sainte-Cécile du Trastévère (Manuscrit Philipps 16069, daté de 1071)’, Revue grégorienne, xxxi (1952), 26–37

H. Hucke: ‘Die Einführung des Gregorianische Gesanges im Frankenreich’, Römische Quartalschrift, xlix (1954), 172–87

M. Huglo: ‘Le chant “vieux-romain”: liste des manuscrits et témoins indirects’, Sacris erudiri, vi (1954), 96–124

J. Smits van Waesberghe: ‘Neues über die Schola cantorum zu Rom’, Katholische Kirchenmusik II: Vienna, 1954, 111–19

H. Hucke: ‘Gregorianischer Gesang in altrömischer und fränkischer Überlieferung’, AMw, xii (1955), 74–87

W. Apel: ‘The Central Problem of Gregorian Chant’, JAMS, ix (1956), 118–27

H. Schmidt: ‘Die Tractus des zweiten Tons in Gregorianischer und stadtrömischer Überlieferung’,Festschrift Joseph Schmidt-Görg zum 60. Geburtstag, ed. D. Weise (Bonn, 1957), 283–302

H. Hucke: ‘Zu einigen Problemen der Choralforschung’, Mf, xi (1958), 385–414

R.J. Snow: ‘The Old Roman Chant’, in W. Apel: Gregorian Chant (Bloomington, IN, 1958, 2/1990), 484–505

G. Frénaud: ‘Les témoins indirects du chant liturgique en usage à Rome aux IXe et Xe siècles’, EG, iii (1959), 41–74

J. Gajard: ‘“Vieux-romain” et “Grégorien”’, EG, iii (1959), 7–26

S.J.P. Van Dijk: ‘The Urban and Papal Rites in Seventh- and Eighth-Century Rome’, Sacris erudiri, xii (1961), 411–87

E. Jammers: Musik in Byzanz, im päpstlichen Rom und im Frankenreich: der Choral als Textaussprache (Heidelberg, 1962)

S.J.P. Van Dijk: ‘The Old Roman Rite’, Studia patristica, v (1962), 185–205

S.J.P. Van Dijk: ‘Recent Developments in the Study of the Old-Roman Rite’, Studia patristica, viii (1966), 299–319

P. Peacock: ‘The Problem of the Old Roman Chant’, Essays Presented to Egon Wellesz, ed. J. Westrup (Oxford, 1966), 43–7

J. Smits van Waesberghe: ‘“De glorioso officio … dignitate apostolica …” (Amalarius): zum Aufbau des Gross-Alleluja in den päpstlichen Ostervespern’, ibid., 48–73

P.F. Cutter: ‘The Old-Roman Chant Tradition: Oral or Written?’, JAMS, xx (1967), 167–89

P.F. Cutter: ‘The Question of the “Old-Roman” Chant: a Reappraisal’, AcM, xxxix (1967), 2–20

M. Huglo: ‘Les diverses mélodies du Te decet laus: à propos du vieux-romain’, JbLH, xii (1967), 111–16

B. Stäblein: ‘Kann der gregorianische Choral im Frankenreich entstanden sein?’, AMw, xxiv (1967), 153–69

P.F. Cutter: ‘Die altrömischen und gregorianischen Responsorien im zweiten Modus’, KJb, liv (1970), 33–40

M. Landwehr-Melnicki, ed.: Die Gesänge des altrömischen Graduale Vat. lat. 5319, MMMA, ii (1970) [with introduction by B. Stäblein; incl. edn of Old Roman gradual]

B. Stäblein: ‘Nochmals zur angeblichen Entstehung des gregorianischen Chorals im Frankenreich’, AMw, xxvii (1970), 110–21

T. Connolly: ‘Introits and Archetypes: some Archaisms of the Old Roman Chant’, JAMS, xxv (1972), 157–74

H. Hucke: ‘Karolingische Renaissance und Gregorianischer Gesang’, Mf, xxviii (1975), 4–18

P.F. Cutter: ‘Oral Transmission of the Old-Roman Responsories?’, MQ, lxii (1976), 182–94

P.F. Cutter: Musical Sources of the Old-Roman Mass: an Inventory of MS Rome, S. Cecilia Gradual (1071); MS Rome, Vaticanus Latinus 5319; MSS San Pietro F 22 and F 11, MSD, xxxvi (1979); see also review by T. Connolly, EMH, ii (1982), 364–5

H. Hucke: ‘Toward a New Historical View of Gregorian Chant’, JAMS, xxxiii (1980), 437–67

H. Hucke: ‘Zur Aufzeichnung der altrömische Offertorien’, Ut mens concordat voci: Festschrift Eugène Cardine, ed. J.B. Göschl (St Ottilien,1980), 296–313

J. Dyer: ‘Latin Psalters, Old Roman and Gregorian Chants’, KJb, lxvii (1984), 11–30

E. Nowacki: ‘The Gregorian Office Antiphons and the Comparative Method’, JM, iv (1985–6), 243–75

E. Nowacki: ‘Text Declamation as a Determinant of Melodic Form in Old Roman Eighth-Mode Tracts’,EMH, vi (1986), 193–225

J. Boe: ‘Italian and Roman Verses for Kyrie leyson in the MSS Cologny-Genève, Bibliotheca Bodmeriana 74 and Vaticanus latinus 5319’, La tradizione dei tropi liturgici: Paris 1985 and Perugia 1987, 337–84

M. Lütolf, ed.: Das Graduale von Santa Cecilia in Trastevere (Cod. Bodmer 74) (Cologny-Genève,1987)

E. Nowacki: ‘The Performance of Office Antiphons in Twelfth-Century Rome’, Cantus Planus III: Tihány 1988, 79–92

P. Bernard: ‘Sur un aspect controversé de la réforme carolingienne: “vieux-romain” et “grégorien”’, Ecclesia orans, vii (1990), 163–89

T. Karp: ‘Interrelationships between Old Roman and Gregorian Chant’, Cantus Planus IV: Pécs 1990, 187–203

P. Bernard: ‘Les alleluia mélismatiques dans le chant romain: recherches sur la genèse de l'alleluia de la messe romaine’, Rivista internazionale di musica sacra, xii (1991), 286–362

M. Bezuidenhout: ‘The Old and New Historical Views of Gregorian Chant: Papal and Franciscan Plainchant in Thirteenth-Century Rome’, IMSCR XV: Madrid 1992 [RdMc, xvi/2 (1993)], 883–900

J. Dyer: ‘The Schola Cantorum and its Roman Milieu in the Early Middle Ages’, De musica et cantu: Studien zur Geschichte der Kirchenmusik und der Oper: Helmut Hucke zum 60. Geburtstag, ed. P. Cahn and A.-K. Heimer (Hildesheim, 1993), 19–40

D. Hiley: Western Plainchant: a Handbook (Oxford, 1993), 530–40

A. Turco: Les antiennes d'introit du chant romain comparées à celles du grégorien et de l'ambrosien (Solesmes, 1993)

B.G. Baroffio and S.J. Kim, eds.: Biblioteca apostolica vaticana, Archivio S. Pietro B 79: antifonario della Basilica di S. Pietro (sec. XII) (Rome,1995) [incl. complete facs.]

P. Bernard: ‘Bilan historiographique de la question des rapports entre les chants “vieux-romain” et “grégorien”’, Ecclesia orans, xii (1995), 321–53

J. Boe: ‘Chant Notation in Eleventh-Century Roman Manuscripts’, Essays on Medieval Music in Honor of David G. Hughes, ed. G.M. Boone (Cambridge, MA,1995), 43–57

J. Dyer: ‘Prolegomena to a History of Music and Liturgy at Rome during the Middle Ages’, ibid., 87–115

P. Bernard: Du chant romain au chant grégorien (Paris, 1996)

J. Dyer: ‘Tropis semper variantibus: Compositional Strategies in the Offertories of Old Roman Chant’, EMH, xvii (1998), 1–60

Old Vic.

London theatre opened in 1818 as the Royal Coburg Theatre and occasionally used for musical performances. See London (i), §VI, 1(i).

Old Way of Singing.

Term used from the 18th century for a slow, heterophonic style of unaccompanied congregational hymn singing found in rural Protestant churches in Britain and the USA. It is also variously called the ‘Common Way’ or the ‘Usual Way’, to distinguish it from ‘Regular Singing’. The practice is orally transmitted. The tempo is extremely slow, lacking rhythmic drive and precision. Singers may diverge on their way from one tune note to the next, resulting in heterophony that is sometimes perceived as conscious embellishment. In some cases a harmonic element is present.

The origins of the ‘Old Way’ are uncertain. Similar practices have been noted among German-speaking groups tracing their descent from the 16th-century Anabaptists (see Amish and Mennonite music), and in several Scandinavian countries. This gives rise to the possibility that it preserves an ancient, pre-Reformation mode of popular singing that was once prevalent in northern Europe. In Britain and North America it has generally been associated with Lining out: the practice of reading (or later, chanting) each line of a hymn or metrical psalm by a parish clerk or precentor before it was sung by the congregation. Lining out was first discussed in the 1640s but may have existed before. Contemporary descriptions of the ‘Old Way of Singing’ tend to be pejorative. The earliest representation in music notation dates from 1686.

The ‘Old Way of Singing’ was quickly suppressed when organs, rehearsed choirs, or band instruments were introduced into worship, as they were in most denominations during the 18th century. It had probably disappeared from Anglican churches by about 1770. The practice survived longest in remote areas where such facilities were not available, and in theologically conservative sects that still maintained the Puritan ban on all aids to singing in worship. It can be heard today in Free Presbyterian churches in the Western Isles of Scotland and in Primitive and Regular Baptist churches in southern Appalachia.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

GroveA (N. Temperley)

J. Cotton: Singing of Psalmes, a Gospel-Ordinance (London, 1647)

A New and Easie Method to Learn to Sing by Book (London, 1686)

N. Chauncey: Regular Singing Defended (New London, CT, 1728)

J. Mainzer: The Gaelic Psalm Tunes of Ross-shire (Edinburgh, 1844)

W.H. Tallmadge: ‘Baptist Monophonic and Heterophonic Hymnody in Southern Appalachia’, YIAMR, xi (1975), 106–36

N. Temperley: ‘The Old Way of Singing: its Origin and Development’, JAMS, xxxiv (1981), 511–44

NICHOLAS TEMPERLEY

Olearczyk, Edward

(b Rawa Ruska [now Rava-Russkaya], 4 March 1915). Polish composer and conductor. He studied the piano with Zbigniew Drzewiecki at the Warsaw Conservatory (1934–8) and lived in the former Soviet Union from 1939 to 1945. After the war he returned to Poland and became musical director of the Polish Army Ensemble.

Olearczyk was one of several composers (together with Gradstein, Lutosławski and Witold Rudziński) who were the principal contributors to the genre of mass song during the period of socialist realism (1947–55). His style ranged from the portentous hymn (usually reserved for political topics) to the jaunty march. The most famous example of the latter is Miliony rąk (1950), a vision of the future in which millions of hands work to a single beating heart. Olearczyk's songs also demonstrate a lighter touch, as in the waltz Na strażnicy (‘On the Watch-Tower’, 1952), a love letter from a border guard to his girl back home. The greatest influence of popular light music is felt in M.D.M. (1952), an evocation of the massive Stalinist residential and commercial showpiece being built at the time in central Warsaw. Its perky rhythms and melody undoubtedly matched the capital's aspirations for a new life; but they are curiously out of kilter with the scale of the project, which is second only to the contemporaneous Palace of Culture and Science in its grandiosity.

WORKS

(selective list)

Stage: Melodie miłości [Love Melodies] (musical comedy, M. Łebkowski), 1953; incid music

Vocal: c50 mass songs, inc. Miliony rąk [Millions of Hands] (K. Gruszczyński), 1950; Piosenka Zetempowców Warszawy [Song of the Warsaw Branch of the Polish Youth Union] (W. Woroszylski), 1950; Pokój! Mir! Frieden! Paix (Łebkowski), 1951; M.D.M. [Marszałkowska Housing District] (H. Kołaczkowska), 1952; Na strażnicy [On the Watch-Tower] (Łebkowski), 1952; Pieśń o prezydencie [Song about the President] (J. Jurandot), 1952; Przysięgamy ci, Ojczyzno [We Vow to Thee, O Country] (S.R. Dobrowolski), 1952; Nasza Partia [Our Party] (H. Gaworski), 1954; Piosenka o samolocie Iliuszyn [Song about the Iliuszyn Aeroplane] (R. Stiller), 1954

Principal publishers: Czytelnik, PWM

BIBLIOGRAPHY

W. Rudziński: ‘Pieśń masowa’ [The mass song], Kultura muzyczna Polski Ludowej 1944–1955 (Kraków, 1957), 225–32

ADRIAN THOMAS

O'Leary [née Strong], Jane

(b Hartford, CT, 13 Oct 1946). Irish composer of American birth. She studied at Vassar College (BA 1968) and at Princeton University (MA 1971, PhD 1978), where her composition teachers included Babbitt and Randall. She taught at Swarthmore College (1971–2) and, after moving to Ireland with her Irish husband, at the DIT College of Music, Dublin (1974–7), and University College, Galway (1978–83). In 1976 she founded the contemporary music ensemble Concorde, with whom, as both pianist and artistic director, she has given many first performances of new Irish works. She has spoken and had her music performed at international congresses of women composers, and from 1986 to 1994 served on the executive committee of the International League of Women Composers.

In addition to her work as a composer and performer, O'Leary has been active in the administration and organisation of music in Ireland. She was a founder of Music for Galway in 1981 (chair 1984–92), and has served as a member of the board of directors of the Contemporary Music Centre, Dublin (1989–97), the Cultural Relations Committee at the Irish Department of Foreign Affairs and the Irish Arts Council. Her honours include membership in Aosdána (from 1981), a special commendation from Vienna Modern Masters (1992) for her orchestral work Islands of Discovery (1991) and the Marten Toonder Award for composition (1994).

Most of O’Leary’s compositions written before 1983 employ dodecaphonic or serial techniques. Many of these are short movements for chamber ensemble, such as the Quartet for clarinet, bass clarinet, violin and violoncello (1969); a few are solo piano or vocal works. With her membership in Aosdána came a change in musical style. Turning away from strict 12-note procedures of a fragmentary character, she embraced long, fluid melodic lines and rich harmonic textures. Modal harmonies and folksong-like melodies show the influence of her adopted homeland. Poetry, especially of the Irish poet Brendan Kennelly, and the landscape of the Irish west coast have served as extra-musical inspirations.

WORKS

Orch: from the flatirons, fl, ob, cl, str, 1985; the petals fall, 2 ob, 2 hn, str, 1987; sky of revelation, str, 1989; Summer Stillness, 1989; Islands of Discovery, 1991; Mirror Imaginings, 1991

Vocal: I Sing the Wind Around (T. Roethke), S, fl, cl, 1968; The Prisoner (H.M. Enzensberger), Bar, hn, pf, 1969; Begin (B. Kennelly), SATB, fl, 1974; Poem for a Three Year Old (Kennelly), S, fl, cl; Siollabadhe [Syllabling] (S. Ó Ríordáin), SATB, 1976; Three Voices: Lightning, Peace, Grass (Kennelly), S, ob, pf, 1977, rev. 1984; Filled Wine Cup (Kennelly), SATB, 1982; Is it Summer? (M. Cannon), Mez, fl, 1988; To Listen and to Trust (Cannon, Kennelly), SSAA, 1990; A Woman's Beauty (W.B. Yeats), spkr, fl, perc, dancer, 1991; Dream Songs (J. Townsend, B. O Brádaigh, Kennelly, Yeats, P. Ingoldsby), SSA, pf/orch, 1996

Chbr and solo inst: Qt, cl, b cl, vn, vc, 1969; Movt, 10 insts, 1970; Trio, fl, vc, pf, 1972; Pf Piece, 1974; Trio (Homage to Webern), fl, cl, pf, 1978; Concortet, fl, vn, vc, hpd, 1979; Pf Piece II, 1980; Sinfonia for 3, fl, vn, pf, 1980; Str Qt, 1983; Variations, fl, pf, 1984; Reflections, pf, 1986; Two for One, recs, 1986; Cartoline dalla Sicilia, pf, 1987; Forgotten Worlds, pf, 1987; A Silver Thread, vn, perc, 1988; Memories Grown Dim, tr rec, hpd, 1988; When the Bells have Stopped Ringing, pf, 1989; Pf Trio, 1992; From the Crest of a Green Wave, pf, 1993; 4 Pieces, gui, 1993; Silenzio della terra, fl, perc, 1993; Duo, vn, vc, 1994; Duo, a fl, gui, 1995; Mystic Play of Shadows, str qt, 1995; Settings of Stein, s + a rec, perc, 1995; Distant Voices, 8 vc, 1998; Into the Wordless, fl, cl, vn, vc, pf, 1998

MSS in IRL-Dc

Principal publisher: Mobart

BIBLIOGRAPHY

GroveW

J. Clarke: ‘I'm just going to start in and see what happens …’, New Music News [Contemporary Music Centre, Dublin] (1994), Sept, 9–11

A. Scahill: The Piano Music of Jane O'Leary (thesis, St Patrick's College, Maynooth, 1995)

A. Klein: Die Musik Irlands im 20. Jahrhundert (Hildesheim, 1996)

AXEL KLEIN

Olefsky, Paul

(b Chicago, 4 Jan 1926). American cellist. He studied at the Curtis Institute with Daniel Saidenberg and Piatigorsky; later he worked with Casals and studied conducting with Karajan and Monteux. He was a member of several American orchestras, including the Philadelphia Orchestra and the Detroit SO, and appeared as a recitalist in North America and Europe in repertory ranging from the Bach suites to Kodály’s unaccompanied Cello Sonata. He gave the premières of works by Kurt George Rogers, Virgil Thomson, Milhaud, Shapleigh and Alexander Tcherepnin, among others. In 1974 he was appointed professor of cello and chamber music at the University of Texas, Austin. Olefsky’s playing was noted for its energy and sensitivity. His recordings include the complete sonatas of Beethoven and Brahms.

MARGARET DOUTT

Olenina d’Alheim [d’Al'geym; née Olenina], Mariya Alekseyevna

(b Istomino, Ryazan province, 20 Sept/1 Oct 1869; d Moscow, 27 Aug 1970). Russian mezzo-soprano. Although she had lessons in 1887 with Yuliya Platonova and Aleksandra Molas, and later studied in Paris, she was never systematically trained. She made her début in Paris in 1896, singing music by Musorgsky, and in Russia (St Petersburg) in 1901. From then on she led a busy concert life in St Petersburg and Moscow. She and her husband, Pierre d’Alheim (1862–1922), a French writer, author of a book on Musorgsky and translator into French of his texts, were energetic advocates of Russian music in the West. In 1908 she founded in Moscow a so-called ‘Maison du Lied’ with the aim of spreading classical and contemporary vocal chamber music. The Maison, which existed until 1915, organized concerts, international competitions for song arrangements and for Russian translations of texts, and published a bulletin. In 1910 Olenina d’Alheim gave recitals in London, and in 1918 she moved to Paris. She last sang in Moscow and Leningrad in 1926 and returned to live in Moscow in 1959.

An outstanding recitalist, Olenina d’Alheim belonged, according to Stasov, to a group of artists with peculiarly Russian characteristics. Although her voice was neither particularly powerful nor particularly beautiful, she exerted a strong artistic influence. Her lofty inspiration and her grasp of the style and essence of a song made her performances totally compelling; her enunciation and declamation were beyond reproach, her phrasing noted for its expressiveness. In works such as Musorgsky’s ‘The Field-Marshal’ (Songs and Dances of Death) and Nursery cycle, or Schubert’s Der Erlkönig, she reached heights of tragic pathos. Her repertory included music by trouvères and Minnesinger, French and Italian Renaissance composers, Russian and west European classical and contemporary composers (often rare or new works), and folksongs. She published Le legs de Moussorgski (Paris, 1908) and the last interview with her, ‘Tsel' moyey zhizni bïla znakomit' lyudey s russkoy muzïkoy’ (‘My life’s aim was to acquaint people with Russian music’), was printed in Literaturnaya rossiya (12 September 1969).

I.M. YAMPOL'SKY

Oley, Johann Christoph

(b Bernburg, bap. 3 June 1738; d Aschersleben, 20 Jan 1789). German organist and composer. There is some evidence that he studied with Bach for a short time in 1749, but none connecting him with the Thomasschule. In 1755 he became organist of the church in Bernburg, but moved to the church of St Stephan in neighbouring Aschersleben in January 1762 because of its superior organ. To augment his salary he assumed the duties of assistant schoolmaster as well. Contemporaries praised Oley’s skill on the keyboard and organ, and his compositions attracted some interest. His organ writing reminded J.F. Agricola, another Bach pupil, of the glories of an earlier age. J. Beckmann, in a review of 1778, criticized carelessness in his harmony, giving credence perhaps to Gerber’s statement that in the main Oley was self-taught. Bach’s personal influence was probably insignificant: Emery has suggested that certain details in the copies of Bach’s music that Oley made on his return to Bernburg, and later, reveal an unfamiliarity with his practice. Sietz mentioned some manuscript works by Oley in a private collection in Dessau, but only a set of 14 keyboard variations (published in Nuremberg, n.d.) and the four-volume Variirte Choräle (Quedlinburg, 1773–92) seem to be extant. The latter work contains 77 settings for organ solo (10 ed. W. Emery, London, 1958 and 1964; others ed. W. Syré, Locarno, 1987), two for solo oboe and organ, and six for organ and instrumental ensemble of flute, oboe, bassoon, horn, two violins, viola and cello (2 ed. F. Haselböck, Stuttgart, 1976). The most interesting combine his fondness for strict canon with passages in the more expressive style. Oley owned one of the four extant copies of the Schübler chorales (in A-Wn, with Bach’s corrections), but in spite of speculation to the contrary he probably did not have access to Bach’s estate.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

FrotscherG

GerberL

R. Sietz: ‘Die Orgelkompositionen des Schülerkreises um Johann Sebastian Bach’, BJb 1935, 33–96

H. Löffler: ‘Die Schüler Johann Sebastian Bachs’, BJb 1953, 5–28, esp. 26

H.-J. Schulze, ed.: Dokumente zum Nachwirken Johann Sebestian Bachs 1750–1800, Bach-Dokumente, iii (Leipzig, 1972)

HUGH J. McLEAN

Oliac y Serra, Juan

(b ?Barcelona, c1708; d Avila, 20 Jan 1780). Spanish composer. From an early age he showed exceptional talent as a conductor and composer and studied music with his uncle, Luis Serra, maestro de capilla of Pilar Cathedral, Zaragoza. At the age of 18 he was the winner of the competitions for maestro de capilla of the Salvador church in Zaragoza. In 1734 he was appointed to a similar position at Avila Cathedral, where he served until his death and where most of his compositions are preserved. Other works are in Santiago Cathedral and other Spanish archives.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

G. Bourligueux: ‘Quelques aspects de la vie musicale à Avila: notes et documents (XVIIIe siècle)’, AnM, xxv (1970), 169–209, esp. 173

J. López-Calo: Catálogo del archivo de música de la Catedral de Avila (Santiago de Compostela, 1978)

JOSÉ LÓPEZ-CALO

Oliphant

(from Old Fr. olifant: ‘elephant’, properly cor d'olifant).

Medieval end-blown ivory horn, sometimes finely carved, perhaps more often used as a token of land tenure or rights, and by churches as a reliquary, than as a musical instrument. Oliphants were made from the 10th century and particularly in the 11th, largely by Muslim craftsmen in south Italy and Sicily. There is no proof that Charlemagne or his knights possessed an oliphant and sounded it in battle, despite a mention in the Chanson de Roland, though among the surviving examples at least three are said to be the one Roland blew at Roncevaux. Unlike earlier specimens the 11th-century oliphants were left smooth in two places to accommodate metal bands which took a slinging chain. Some 60 of this type are known, including the ‘horn of Ulf’ in York Minster (see illustration). Ivory horns, usually highly decorated, continued to be made, especially in Benin (such instruments are known as ‘Afro-Portuguese’), from the Renaissance to the 18th century; these horns were given as princely gifts from one potentate to another.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

J.C. Bridge: ‘Horns’, Journal of the Chester & North Wales Architectural, Archaeological and Historical Society, new ser., xi (1905), 85–166

F. Crane: Extant Medieval Musical Instruments: a Provisional Catalogue by Types (Iowa City, 1972)

D. Ebitz: ‘The Oliphant: its Function and Meaning in a Courtly Society’, Houston German Studies, vi (1986), 123–41

D. Ebitz: ‘Oliphant’, The Dictionary of Art, ed. J. Turner (London, 1996)

ANTHONY C. BAINES/JEREMY MONTAGU

Oliphant, Thomas

(b Condie, Perthshire, 25 Dec 1799; d London, 9 March 1873). Scottish musical author, editor and cataloguer. Educated privately and at Winchester, he entered the Stock Exchange, but abandoned commerce to follow a musical career. For over 40 years he was an active member of the Madrigal Society, of which he became honorary secretary in 1832. He seems to have held that office until 1871, when he was made a vice-president; he was elected president in 1872. His study of madrigals induced him to publish some 50 English and Italian works in popular editions and several cognate books. Many first and early editions of madrigals were in Oliphant’s private music library, which was auctioned by Puttick & Simpson in 1873.

From November 1841 to July 1850 Oliphant was employed as a temporary assistant in the British Museum. Vigorous protests had previously been made to the trustees for allowing the music in their collections to accumulate uncatalogued. Oliphant's appointment was strongly criticized (notably in the Musical World) but, whether or not due to his membership of the influential Madrigal Society, it was of incalculable benefit to the museum. Oliphant not only cleared off the arrears but also laid the foundation for future expansion. Within a year he completed a catalogue of the MS music; he then turned his attention to the far greater quantity of printed works. Most of them had been received by deposit under the Copyright Acts, but there was also important earlier music acquired by purchase, a policy which was then in its infancy, but which Oliphant did much to develop. Ultimately he wrote over 24,000 catalogue entries, and then, with the support of Antonio Panizzi, the redoubtable Keeper of Printed Books (who had drawn up the rules for cataloguing music early in 1840), arranged the slips in 45 folio volumes for the use of readers. Such was the foundation of the catalogue of printed music, which has now expanded into the 62-volume Catalogue of Printed Music in the British Library to 1980 (1981–7) and its successor, the Current Music Catalogue database.

Oliphant's instinctive grasp of the principles of sound cataloguing was all the more remarkable since he worked at a time when professional training for librarianship was quite unknown. Early in 1850 he put forward a well-thought-out memorandum for the development of music in the collections. Panizzi, whose attitude to music was ambiguous and who certainly found Oliphant difficult, laid the memorandum before the trustees, but did not recommend its adoption. Oliphant resigned.

WRITINGS

Comments of a Chorus Singer, at the Musical Festival, in Westminster Abbey, 1834 (London, 1834) [written under the pseud. Solomon Sackbut]

A Brief Account of the Madrigal Society (London, 1835)

A Short Account of Madrigals (London, 1836)

La Musa Madrigalesca, or A Collection of Madrigals, Ballets, Roundelays, &c. chiefly of the Elizabethan Age: with Remarks and Annotations (London, 1837)

Catalogue of Manuscript Music in the British Museum, ed. F. Madden (London, 1842)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

DNB (W.H. Cummings)

Panizzi papers, GB-Lbl

A.H. King: ‘The Music Room of the British Museum, 1753–1953: its History and Organization’, PRMA, lxxix (1952–3), 65–79

C.B. Oldman: ‘Panizzi and the Music Collections of the British Museum’, HMYB, xi (1961), 62–7

A.H. King: Printed Music in the British Museum (London, 1979)

ALEC HYATT KING/R

Oliva

(fl Ripoll, 1037–65). Catalan theorist, poet and mathematician. He wrote a Breviarium de musica (ed. in Anglès, 1976) at the request of a fellow Benedictine monk who asked for an explanation of the correct mathematical division of the monochord. It is dedicated to the abbot of Ripoll, also named Oliva, and is the earliest music treatise by a Catalan. The subject matter includes the three genera (diatonic, chromatic and enharmonic) and the eight tones or tropes. The autograph manuscript (in E-Bac) continues with parts of the De institutione musica of Boethius, the 9th-century Musica enchiriadis and its associated texts, and Hucbald’s De harmonica institutione.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

J. Villanueva, ed.: Viage literario a las iglesias de España, viii (Madrid and Valencia, 1821), 55–6, 222–3

R. Beer: Bibliotheca patrum latinorum hispaniensis, ii, ed. Z. Garcia (Vienna, 1915/R), 20–21

J. Millàs Vallicrosa: Assaig d’història de les idees físiques i matemàtiques a la Catalunya medieval (Barcelona, 1931), 224ff

H. Anglès: La música a Catalunya fins al segle XIII (Barcelona, 1935/R), 64ff

A. Olivar, ed.: Sacramentarium rivipullense (Madrid, 1964), 52–3

H. Anglès: ‘El “Breviarum de musica” del monjo Oliva (segle XI)’, Scripta musicologica, ed. J. López-Calo, iii (Rome, 1976), 1401–11

K.-W. Gümpel: ‘Musica cum rhetorica: die Handschrift Ripoll 42’, AMw, xxxiv (1977), 260–86, esp. 271–5

ROBERT STEVENSON

Olivares, Juan Manuel

(b 12 April 1760; d 1 March 1797). Venezuelan composer, violinist, organist, pianist, educator and church musician. On 11 May 1789 he married Sebastiana Velásquez, sister of the composer José Francisco Velásquez. He composed mainly for Caracas Cathedral, in 1791 receiving 184 pesos for a collection of his sacred music; he was also employed by church confraternities. In October 1793, 1794 and 1796 he was in charge of the choral music for Caracas’s feast of Naval; in 1797 his son Juan Bautista held this post.

WORKS

Sacred, all by 1791: 2 masses, 4vv, orch, 3vv, insts; Rogation Mass, 2vv, bn; Mass of the Dead – Response, 3vv, insts; Lessons of the Dead: 2 for 4vv, insts, 1 for S, 2 vn; Lamentations for Good Friday, T, orch; Miserere; Popule meus, motet; Quia educite, motet; Venite adoremus, 4vv, orch; Stabat mater, 4vv, orch; Invitatory, 3vv, insts; Villancico para la Virgen, 4vv, 8 insts; 3 villancicos to the Blessed Sacrament, 4vv, 8 insts; 8 Christmas villancicos, 3 solo vv, vn, hn

Sacred, all undated: 6 motets, 2vv: Gloria laus, In Monte Oliveti, Deus meus, Respice in me, Doleo super te, Alleluia; Salve, 3vv, orch; Vespers of Our Lady of Mercy; Vespers Psalms; Magnificat, ?spurious; Stabat mater, ?spurious

Sinfonia, orch

BIBLIOGRAPHY

J.A. Calcaño: La ciudad y su música (Caracas, 1958/R)

C.F. Duarte: ‘Los Olivares en la cultura de Venezuela’, Revista musical de Venezuela, no.19 (1986), 173–9

SHARON E. GIRARD

Oliveira, Fernando Correia de

(b Oporto, 2 Nov 1921). Portuguese composer and theorist. He studied at the Oporto Conservatory with Cláudio Carneiro (composition) and Maria Adelaide Freitas Gonçalves (piano). In 1948 he studied in Venice with Hermann Scherchen. In the same year he formulated the principles of a composition system called ‘sound symmetry’ which includes ‘symmetrical harmony’ and ‘symmetrical counterpoint’. This system, where chords are constructed from equal intervals above and below a central pitch, is the basis for his compositions. He also created a method of music teaching. He founded the Parnaso Academy for music, dance and theatre in Oporto.

WORKS

(selective list)

Stage: O cábula [The Truant] (children’s op, 1, F.C. Oliveira), 1956; O planeta (op, 1, Oliveira), 1986

Orch: Lugar do feitiço, va, orch, 1949; Discurso de Platão, vc, small orch, 1951; Trovadores, str, 1952; Metamorfoses, bn, str, 1962; Suite, str, 1994; Suite juvenil, 1996

5 syms.: no.1, 1980; no.2, 1987; no.3, 1990; no.4, 1992; no.5, 1993

Chbr: Presto, fl, pf 4 hands, vn, perc, 1955; 3 danças, pf, perc, 1956; Pf Trio, 1958; Sonata, fl, pf, 1959; 8 peças progressivas, vc, pf, 1964; 6 peças progressivas, vn, pf, 1967; Estampida, 2 rec, perc, 1969; Duetos cortesãos, 2 rec, 1970; Tríptico, pf 4 hands, perc, 1971; Pf Qt, 1974; 7 peças, gui, 1976; 5 duetos de corte, medieval insts, 1981; Madrigal, 2 fl, 1991; 3 canções, vc, pf, 1996; Fuga, ob, cl, bn, 1996

Pf: O príncipe do cavalo branco, 1951, orchd 1954; 50 peças para os 5 dedos, 1952; Variações, 1953; 20 peças em contraponto simétrico, 1957; 7 estudos, 1958; Nocturnos, pf 4 hands, 1976; 3 valsas de além túmulo, 1979; Sonata, 2 pf, 1990

Choral: 3 cantigas de amigo (D. Dinis), female chorus, 1950; Pater noster e Ave Maria, chorus, 1950; Pai nosso, male chorus, 1982; Saudação a S.S. o Papa João Paulo II (Oliveira), male chorus, 1991

Solo vocal: 3 sonetos metafíscos (A. de Quental), Bar, pf, 1950; O ratinho RA–TU–DI, 1v/children’s chorus, pf, perc, 1952; 3 sonetos líricos (de Quental), Bar, pf, 1957; Cantigas de Santa Maria (Alfonso X), S, rec, hpd, 1970; Cantares de triste amor, S, A, T, Bar, B, 1971; Cuidados e danos de amor, Bar, rec/t viol, hpd, 1972; Redondilhas (L. de Camões), Bar, pf, 1972; 3 poemas de Fernando Pessoa, Bar, pf, 1980; Canções sem palavras, 1v, pf, 1981; 12 poemas (L. de Camões, Pessoa, de Quental), S, chbr orch, 1993; Bailia, 1v, rec, 1995

Principal publisher: Parnaso (Oporto)

WRITINGS

Harmonia simétrica (V.N. Gaia, 1950)

‘A simetria sonora’, Arte musical, xxix/July (1964)

Simetria sonora/Sound Symmetry (Oporto, 1969, 2/1990)

Música minha (Oporto, 1993)

JOSÉ CARLOS PICOTO/ADRIANA LATINO

Oliveira, Jamary

(b Saúde, Bahia, 21 March 1944). Brazilian composer and teacher. He studied the flute, the viola and the tuba, and theory and composition with Ernst Widmer at the Federal University of Bahia, taking a composition diploma in 1969. In the USA he studied composition with Shapero, Shifrin and Arthur Berger at Brandeis University (MFA 1979), and with Korte, Grantham and Pinkston at the University of Texas at Austin (DMA 1986). He is a founder-member of the Grupo de Compositores da Bahia (1966). Returning to the university in Bahia, he became an assistant instructor (1966–77), then an adjunct professor from 1983 until his retirement in 1994, after which he continued as the coordinator of graduate studies in music and a graduate instructor in theory, composition and computer applications in music. Throughout the 1970s and 80s Oliveira was active in national music organizations, serving as president of ANPPOM (National Association of Research and Graduate Study in Music) and as a founding member of the Sociedade Brasileira de Música Contemporânea, among others. He became a life member of the Academia Brasileira de Música (1994), and has received several fellowships and prizes.

Oliveira has purposely avoided subscribing to any compositional dogma. He began by adhering to some aspects of musical nationalism in a highly dissonant style, then cultivated an unorthodox 12-note technique incorporating aleatory and other methods. His output, numbering 39 works over the period 1963–96, reveals a skilful, serious and highly concentrated creative individual. His research into computer applications in music theory and composition won him the post of senior researcher at the National Council for Scientific and Technological Development. As well as Informática em música: o parâmetro altura (Salvador, 1995), he has written many articles on subjects ranging from Stravinsky to computer music in publications and journals including the Latin American Music Review.

WORKS

(selective list)

Orch: Ponteio, str, 1963; O sertão, 1964; Grocerto, 1967; Preambulu, 1968; Tonal-a-tonal, 1969; Pseudópodes, 1971; Delta, 1971; Pseudopódes II, 1985

Vocal: Nu, nar, chorus, b drum, 1966; 4 poemas opus nada, 1v, pf, 1968; Conjunto IV, chorus, bottles, 1969; 3 canções tristes, 1v, str qt, 1970; Sanctus, 10vv, chorus, 10 metronomes, 1971; IRR-3, nar, 1v, handclaps, 1990

Chbr and elec: Ritual e transe, perc ens, 1964: 4 movimentos de jazz, wind ens, 1966; Pf Trio, 1967; Sonata, D, vn, pf, 1969; Noneto, wind qnt, str qt, 1969; Iterações, fl, cl, tpt, hn, pf, vc, db, pf, 1970; Congruências, hn, pf, amp, 1972; Str Qt, 1978; Chbr Music, fl, cl, hn, pf, 1979; Simetrias, cl, pf, 1982; Festa, Fairlight cptr, 1984; Reminiscências, vn, pf, 1985

Pf: 8 peças, 1966; Burocracia, 1968; Variações variadas, 1980; Pf Piece [1984], 1984; Mesmamúsica, 1988; Estudo polirrítmico mixolídio, 1996

Principal publishers: Ricordi Brasileira, FUNARTE

BIBLIOGRAPHY

L. Biriotti: Grupo de compositores de Bahia (Montevideo, 1971)

G. Béhague: Music in Latin America: an Introduction (Englewood Cliffs, NJ, 1979)

U. Dibelius: Moderne Musik II: 1965–1985 (Munich, 1988)

V. Mariz: História da música no Brasil (Rio de Janeiro, 1981, 4/1994)

C. Perrone and others: A música de Jamary Oliveira: estudos analíticos (Porto Alegre, 1994)

GERARD BÉHAGUE

Oliveira, João Pedro (Paiva)

(b Lisbon, 27 Dec 1959). Portuguese composer, organist and teacher. He studied at the Instituto Gregoriano in Lisbon (organ with Antoine Sibertin-Blanc and composition with Christopher Bochmann). He also frequented the seminars given by Emanuel Nunes at the Gulbenkian Foundation. He continued his studies in the USA at Brooklyn College with Charles Dodge and at Stony Brook University, where he studied electronic music with Arel and Semegen (PhD, 1990). He was appointed to teach at the music department of the University of Aveiro.

He has a richly mystical vision of the process of composition, in which the composer transcends his own ego in an attempt to capture and develop fleeting impressions that pass by him. Stylistically, his music owes much to his American training, with a clearly atonal language. There is a strongly logical rhetoric, sustained through constant transformation and variation, from which moments of religious ecstasy emerge. His works are often arranged in large cycles.

WORKS

(selective list)

Op: Patmos (Bible: Revelations), Fine Arts Center, Stony Brook, New York, Dec 1990, 1990 [partial perf]

Orch: Tessares, 1991; A cidade eterna, orch, tape, 1997

Vocal: Images de la memoire (St Augustine), S, str sextet, 1992; Visão (Book of the Prophet Joel), S, orch, tape, live elecs, 1992; Requiem for the Planet Earth, solo vv, chorus, orch, tape, 1993–4; A viagem dos sons, solo vv, ens, tape, 1998

Chbr and solo inst: 7 visões do Apocalipse, org, 1982; Integrais I–IV, various solo insts, 1986–9; Threads I, ob, eng hn, va, pf, cel, db, 1987; Threads II, 13 insts, 1987; Pirâmides de Cristal, pf, 1993; Peregrinação, str qt, 1995; Harmonias e ressonâncias, org, 1996; Le Voyage de Sons (Upanishads), str sextet, S, Mez, Ct, tape, 1998–9; ‘ … there are those who say that life is an illusion … ’, fl, ob, tpt, perc, vn, vc, tape, 1999

Elecs: Psalmus, 1986; A cidade eterna, 1988; Tríptico, 1991–2; Silence to Light, 1992; Atlas, 1998; Azul profundo, 1998; Rumo ao futuro, 1998

CHRISTOPHER BOCHMANN

Oliveira, Jocy de

(b Curitiba, Brazil, 11 April 1936). Brazilian composer, pianist and multimedia artist. The most prominent woman composer in Brazil, she began her piano studies in São Paulo under José Kliass (1946–53) and continued them in Paris under Marguerite Long (1953–60). In 1963 she moved to St Louis, Missouri, with her husband, the conductor Eleazar de Carvalho, and studied composition with Robert Wykes at Washington University, earning her MA in 1968. She taught at the University of South Florida and at the New School for Social Research in New York.

As both a pianist and a composer, Oliveira has promoted contemporary music in Brazil on various fronts. Numerous major composers such as Berio, Xenakis, Lejaren Hiller and Santoro have written pieces for her. She played Stravinsky’s Capriccio under the baton of the composer and was soloist with major orchestras such as the Boston SO, the Brooklyn PO, the Los Angeles PO, the Orchestre de la Radio-France, and many others in Europe and Latin America. She has recorded about 16 discs, released in the USA, Brazil, Mexico, Britain and Germany, performing all the major piano works of Messiaen, her own compositions and other contemporary works.

Her compositions include five major operas and music theatre works which have been acclaimed through several productions in different countries. In 1993 she began an opera trilogy with Inori, à Prostituta Sagrada, presented during an entire month at the Bank of Brazil Cultural Centre in Rio de Janeiro. The second opera, Illud tempus (1994), selected by the newspaper O Globo as one of the ten best musical events of the year, was produced with great success in Rio and São Paulo as well as at the Haus der Kulturen der Welt, Berlin (1995). Her magic opera Fata Morgana (1987) was first performed at the Museum of Modern Art in Rio. Of her multimedia works, Space Liturgy (1988) was presented before an open-air audience of 15,000 in Rio, and the planetarium piece Música no espaço was performed in the 1980s at the Hayden Planetarium in New York and other planetariums in Miami, Rio and São Paulo. The variety of media used since the 1960s emerged from her conviction that sound expression is universal in all life.

WORKS

(selective list)

Ens: Estória II, 1v, perc, tape, 1967; Happenings, 1970; Polinterações I and II, 1970; Dimensões, 4 teclados, amp pf, amp hpd, el org, el pf, 1976; Wave Song, pf, tape, 1977; Estória IV, vv, el vn, perc, gui, db, 1978, rev. 1980; Música no espaço, multimedia, 1982; Fata Morgana (magic op), 1987, Rio de Janeiro, Museum of Modern Art, 1987; Space Liturgy, multimedia, 1988; Inori, à Prostituta Sagrada (op), actors + dancers, 2 S, vv, fl, roopill reeds, mukha-vīnā, p’iri, ob, trbn, perc, ajaeng, synth, 1993, Rio de Janeiro, Bank of Brazil Cultural Centre, 1993; Illud tempus (multimedia op), 1994, Rio de Janeiro, 1995

WRITINGS

Apague meu Spotlight (São Paulo, 1961)

O 3º Mundo (São Paulo, ?)

Dias e caminhos, seus mapas e partituras/Days and Routes Through Maps and Scores (Rio de Janeiro, 1984)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

M. Marcondes, ed.: Enciclopédia da música brasileira: erudita, folclórica, popular (São Paulo, 1977, 2/1998)

V. Mariz: História da música no Brasil (Rio de Janeiro, 4/1994)

G. Béhague: Sonidos de las Américas Festival: Brasil, New York, 1996 [American Composers’ Orchestra; programme book]

GERARD BÉHAGUE

Oliveira, Manoel Dias de

(b São José del Rei [now Tiradentes], c1735; d São José del Rei, 19 Aug 1813). Brazilian composer, organist and conductor. He was active in the province of Minas Gerais during the late colonial period and worked as a scribe in several brotherhoods in São José del Rei and São João del Rei. In the register of death certificates and wills at the church of S Antônio in his native city he is described as ‘mestre compositor de muzica’. According to research by J.M. Neves, Oliveira was also a captain and a mulatto. His rather extensive output includes a Mass, Te Deum, Magnificat, novenas, litanies and motets. The works are preserved chiefly in the archives of the Lira Sanjoanense Orchestra and the Lira Ceciliana, though few of the manuscripts are autograph. Several of his pieces were recorded in the 1980s. (J.M. Neves: Música sacra mineira: catálogo de obras, Rio de Janeiro, 1997)

GERARD BÉHAGUE

Oliveira, Willy Corrêa de

(b Recife, 11 Feb 1938). Brazilian composer. After early studies in music with local private teachers he studied theory and composition with Olivier Toni in São Paulo until 1961. He taught at the Lavignac Conservatory in Santos (1962) and worked as music director and composer for Jotafilmes (until 1964) and two other publicity agencies. Under a scholarship from the Brazilian and German governments he spent several months in Europe in 1962, attending the Darmstadt summer courses and studying with Henze, Stockhausen and Boulez. Subsequent sojourns in Europe allowed him to study with Pousseur, Berio and others. He taught information theory and poetics at the Escola Superior de Propaganda in São Paulo (1969) and then composition at the University of São Paulo. From the mid-1960s he participated in the annual New Music Festival (at Santos, and later in São Paulo), where several of his works were first performed. In 1973 he undertook research in Buenos Aires on the work of Shreker, then gave lectures in Rio de Janeiro on modern compositional techniques. A year later he gave an introductory course on contemporary musical thought within the First International Music Biennial of the University of São Paulo. His first compositions (1955–9) are based on features of north-east Brazilian folk music. After about 1961 he began working with 12-note and ‘total serial’ techniques, later developing an interest in aleatory procedures but maintaining a tight control of all parameters. In the late 1970s he suffered an existential crisis, questioning the meaning and aims of art-music composition, especially the music of the ‘bourgeois avant garde’. He wrote very little and dedicated himself more to theory and teaching. Since the early 1980s he has been writing music for commercial films, documentaries and plays, and piano pieces of a deliberate simplicity.

WORKS

(selective list)

Orch: Preludio e fuga, 1959; Ouviver a música, str, pf, 1965; Sinfoniasignos, 1968; Adagio, 1973

Choral: Paixão de Cristo, solo vv, chorus, str, 1958; 3 canzonetti, 1958; Semi di Zucca, 1961; Um movimento, 1962; Life, madrigal, 1971

Solo vocal: 2 canções, B, fl, tpt, cel, bongos, va, vc, 1960; Homage to Joyce, 1v, hpd, str, 1964; Divertimento, spkr, female announcer, orch, str qt, 1967; 3 canções, A/B, pf, 1969; Und wozu Dichter in dürftiger Zeit, S, str qt, gui, db, 1971–2; Phantasiestück, A, hn, trbn, 1972; Cicatristeza, S, 1973; Cantio ad laudem Sancti Francisci, S, vn, 1991

Chbr: Invenção, str trio, 1957; Mùsica per Marta, pic, eng hn, tpt, trbn, perc, 1961; Duo, fl, gui, 1974; Phantasiestück no.2, wind qnt, 1974

Solo inst: Cinco kitsch, pf, 1967–8; Impromptu per Marta, pf, 1971; 2 intermezzi, pf, 1972; Claviharpsicravocembalochord, hpd, 1974; Materiales, perc, 1980; In memoriam Andrei Tarkóvski, pf, 1988; Pequena peça zen, pf, 1989; Recife, infânica: espelhos, pf, 1989; Estudio in memoriam Hans Eisler, pf, 1990; Lendo Thomas Wolfe, pf, 1992

Principal publisher: Ricordi (São Paulo)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

G. Béhague: Music in Latin America: an Introduction (Englewood Cliffs, 1979)

J.M. Neves: Músic contemporânea brasileira (São Paulo, 1981)

V. Mariz: História da música no Brasil (Rio de Janeiro, 4/1994)

G. Mendes: Uma odisséia musical: dos mares do sul à elegância pop/art déco (São Paulo, 1994)

M. Marcondes, ed.: Enciclopédia da música brasileira: popular, erudita, folclórica (São Paulo, 2/1998)

GERARD BÉHAGUE

Oliver [Olyver]

(fl c1410). English composer. His four surviving compositions are in the old layer of the Old Hall Manuscript, although internal evidence suggests that they arrived after much of the other music had been copied. Although they are all in score, they have more in common stylistically with the second-layer music than with the first-layer descant settings.

Old Hall Manuscript

WORKS

Edition: The Old Hall Manuscript, ed. A. Hughes and M. Bent, CMM, xlvi (1969–73) [OH]

Credo, 3vv, OH no.59

Sanctus, 3vv, OH no.119 (San melody Sarum 2, migrant)

Sanctus, 3vv, OH no.120 (San melody Sarum 5 in i)

Agnus Dei, 3vv, OH no.142 (Ag melody Sarum 6 in i)

For bibliography see Old hall manuscript.

MARGARET BENT

Oliver (Pina), Angel

(b Moyuela, Zaragoza, 2 Jan 1937). Spanish composer and organist. While training as a teacher in Madrid, he studied music at the Real Conservatorio Superior de Música (Jesús Guridi organ prize, 1964; first prize in composition, 1965), where his teachers included Victorino Echevarría, Calés, Cristóbal Halffter and Guridi; he later studied in Rome (Spanish Rome Prize, 1965) with Petrassi and Porena, and at Darmstadt (stipend 1973, 1975) with Stockhausen, Ligeti and Aloys Kontarsky. From 1956 to 1966 he was organist at the church of the Ciudad Universitaria of Madrid, and from 1964 he directed the choir of the Colegio Alemán. He was appointed to a post at the Madrid Conservatory in 1965. His many honours include the Arpa de Plata prize (1974), the Cristóbal Halffter prize for organ composition (1980) and the Queen Sofía prize (1987). His long-term commitment to music education is reflected in his numerous writings.

Oliver's extensive catalogue betrays his particular fondness for chamber and vocal music; church music also occupies an important position in his oeuvre. His compositional style, which is based on serial techniques and a thorough grasp of musical theory, has been described as ‘moderate Modernism’ (Cabañas Alamán, 1991). He has avoided sensationalism and experimental pursuits in favour of carefully crafted statements in a calculated musical language, as exemplified by his attention to timbre in Nunc (1979–86) for divided string orchestra. Isolated from the dominant aesthetics of the Spanish avant garde, his music is not well known outside of Spain.

WORKS

(selective list)

Vocal: Domine non sum dignus, TB, org, 1967; El siervo de Yavhé (Bible: Isaiah), Bar, SATB, orch, 1969; ¡Alegraos, cantad!, vv, org, 1973; ¡Alegrémonos!, vv, org, 1973; El Señor vive, vv, org, 1973; Madre del Redentor, vv, org, 1973; Miranos, señor, vv, org, 1973; Salus infirmorum (Misa inconclusa), 1–2vv, org, 1973; Salve Regina, SATB, org, 1982; Stabat mater (G. da Todi), A, T, SATB, orch, 1986–9; El pastorcico (San Juan de la Cruz), spkr, S, A, T, Bar, SATB, orch, org, 1989–90; Himno a San Juan de la Cruz, solo vv, SATB, org, 1990; 3 sonetos de amor (P. Neruda), SATB, kbd, chbr orch, 1991–2; Letanías de Madrid, spkr, SATB, orch, 1994–5; a cappella choral works; solo vocal works

Orch: Riflessi, 1968; Pequeña suite al estilo antiguo, fl, str orch, 1975; Proemio, 1978; Nunc, str orch, 1979–86; Oda, 1981; Va Conc., 1983; Esquejes sinfónicos, 1992; Música para tres iniciales, 1994

Chbr and solo inst: Str Trio, 1967–8; Interpolaciones, wind qnt, 1970; Epitafio para Gerardo Gombau, vn, pf, 1971, rev. 1979; Omicron 73, 10 insts, 1973; Dúos, fl, pf, 1974; Grupos de cámara, 9 insts, 1975; Pequeña suite al estilo antiguo, fl, pf, 1975; Psicograma III, pf qt, 1975; D'improvviso, va, pf, 1976; Versos a cuatro, vn, cl, pf, perc, 1976; Aoristo (Pretérito indefinido), 7 insts, 1977; Piel de toro, pf, perc, 1977; Laisses, pic, 4 cl, 1978; Planctus, hn, org, 1978; In memoriam Angel Arteaga, 8 insts, 1984; Canción y danza montañesas, vc, pf, 1986–7; Str Qt, 1986; 2 cantos portugueses, vc, pf, 1987; Invocación, ricercare y postludio, 2 tpt, org, 1989; Trío-fantasía, pf trio, 1990; Bagatelas, 2 vc, 1994; Omaggio, cl, vc, pf, 1994; Una página para Radio Clásica, pf trio, 1995; solo kbd works, works for other solo insts

Electronic music: Studium, tape, 1978

Principal publishers: Alpuerto, Editorial de Música Española Contemporánea, Mundimúsica, Real Musical, Revista Melodías

BIBLIOGRAPHY

T. Marco: Historia de la música española, ed. P. López de Osaba, vi: Siglo XX (Madrid, 1983; Eng. trans. as Spanish Music in the Twentieth Century, 1993), 268–9

F.J. Cabañas Alamán: Angel Oliver (Madrid, 1991)

CHRISTIANE HEINE

Oliver, King [Joe]

(b ?New Orleans, 11 May 1885; d Savannah, GA, 8/10 April 1938). American jazz cornettist and bandleader. He is said to have begun to study music as a trombonist, and from about 1907 he played in brass bands, dance bands and various small black American groups in New Orleans bars and cabarets. In 1918 he moved to Chicago (at which time he may have acquired his nickname), and in 1920 he began to lead his own band. After taking it to California in 1921, he returned to Chicago and started an engagement at Lincoln Gardens as King Oliver’s Creole Jazz Band (June 1922). This group was joined a month later by the 22-year-old Louis Armstrong as second cornettist. Oliver began recording in April 1923. Many young white jazz musicians had the opportunity to hear him then, either on recordings or live at Lincoln Gardens.

In February 1925 Oliver’s reorganized band began a two-year engagement at the Plantation Cafe in Chicago, as the Dixie Syncopators. The group disbanded soon after a brief but successful engagement (from May 1927) at the Savoy Ballroom in New York, where Oliver remained. From 1930 to 1936 he toured widely, chiefly in the Midwest and upper South, with various ten- to 12-piece bands; he himself seldom performed during this period and he made no further recordings after April 1931. He spent the final months of his life retired from music in Savannah.

Like other early New Orleans cornettists, Oliver played in a clipped melodic style with relatively four-square rhythm (contrasting with the deliberate irregularity of the younger Armstrong and his imitators) and had a repertory of expressive deviations of rhythm and pitch, some verging on theatrical novelty effects and others derived from blues vocal style. He frequently used timbre modifiers of various sorts, and was especially renowned for his wa-wa effects, as in his famous three-chorus solo on Dipper Mouth Blues (1923, Gen.), which was learnt by rote by many trumpeters of the 1920s and 30s and which, as Sugar Foot Stomp, became a jazz standard. As a soloist he may best be heard in a number of blues accompaniments, notably with Sippie Wallace.

In contrast to his near-contemporaries Freddie Keppard and Bunk Johnson, Oliver integrated his playing superbly with his ensemble, and was an excellent leader; the Creole Jazz Band may have been successful largely because of the discipline he imposed on his musicians. Indeed, of the earlier New Orleans cornettists, only Oliver was extensively recorded in the 1920s with an outstanding ensemble, and the revival of New Orleans style, which began shortly after his death, owed much to the rediscovery of his early three dozen Creole Band recordings, which were internationally known by the 1940s. Among the best of these are Chimes Blues (1923, Gen.) and Snake Rag (1923, OK). After 1924 the quality of his recordings declined, partly because of recurrent tooth and gum ailments and partly because his style was at odds with that of his younger sidemen; but with a good band he was capable of coherent and energetic playing even as late as 1930. Almost all of his recorded performances have been reissued.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

F. Ramsey: ‘King Oliver’, Jazzmen, ed. F. Ramsey and C.E. Smith (New York, 1939/R)

R. Blesh: Shining Trumpets: a History of Jazz (New York, 1946, enlarged 2/1958/R)

E. Souchon: ‘King Oliver: a Very Personal Memoir’, Jazz Review, iii/4 (1960), 6–11; repr. in Jazz Panorama, ed. M. Williams (New York, 1962/R), 21–30

M. Williams: King Oliver (London, 1960); repr. in Kings of Jazz, ed. S. Green (South Brunswick, NJ, 1978), 241–72

L. Gushee: ‘King Oliver’, Jazz Panorama, ed. M. Williams (New York and London, 1962/R)

G. Schuller: Early Jazz: its Roots and Musical Development (New York, 1968)

L.O. Koch: ‘Structural Aspects of King Oliver’s 1923 Okeh Recordings’, JJS, iii/2 (1976), 36–46

W. Balliett: ‘For the Comfort of the People’, Improvising: Sixteen Jazz Musicians and their Art (New York, 1977), 21–31

J.L. Collier: Louis Armstrong: an American Genius (New York, 1983; as Louis Armstrong: a Biography, London, 1984)

B. Bigard: With Louis and the Duke, ed. B. Martyn (London, 1985)

L. Wright and others: Walter C. Allen & Brian A.L. Rust’s ‘King’ Oliver (Chigwell, 1987) [completely rev. version of Allen and Rust: King Joe Oliver (Belleville, NJ, 1955)]

LAWRENCE GUSHEE

Oliver, Paul (Hereford)

(b Nottingham, 25 May 1927). English writer on jazz and blues. He wrote articles and reviews for Jazz Journal (1952–c1960), Music Mirror (1954–9) and Jazz Monthly (1956–70), columns for Jazz Beat (in the 1960s) and Hi-fi News and Record Review (from the 1960s to 1980), and many disc notes. He became particularly well known for his writings on early jazz and the blues; he also gave broadcasts for the BBC from 1954. Oliver successfully brought the techniques of ethnomusicology to the study of blues; he made field visits to Africa and the American South, and challenged many of the assumptions of such earlier writers on jazz as Rudi Blesh by finding a stronger kinship with the blues and early jazz in the music of the savannas than in that of West Africa. He has also conducted important research into the influence of the songster and sermon traditions on race records. In addition to his work as a writer he has given lectures on jazz at the University of Cambridge, and his drawings of jazz and blues musicians have appeared in Jazz Journal and Radio Times. He is also well known as an architectural historian and critic.

WRITINGS

Bessie Smith (London, 1959); repr. in Kings of Jazz, ed. S. Green (South Brunswick, NJ, 1978)

Blues Fell this Morning: the Meaning of the Blues (London, 1960, New York, 1961, repr. 1963 as The Meaning of the Blues; 2/1990)

Conversation with the Blues (London, 1965, 2/1997)

Screening the Blues (London, 1968/R; New York, 1970, as Aspects of the Blues Tradition)

The Story of the Blues (London, 1969/R, 2/1998)

Savannah Syncopators: African Retentions in the Blues (London and New York, 1970)

Blues off the Record: Thirty Years of Blues Commentary (New York and Tunbridge Wells, 1984/R) [collection of previously pubd items]

Songsters and Saints: Vocal Traditions on Race Records (Cambridge and elsewhere, 1984)

ed.: The Blackwell Guide to Blues Records (Oxford, 1989, 2/1991 as The Blackwell Guide to Recorded Blues, 3/1996)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

T. Mazzolini: ‘A Conversation with Paul Oliver’, Living Blues, no.54 (1982), 24–30

ROBERT GANNON

Oliver, Stephen

(b Chester, 10 March 1950; d London, 29 April 1992). English composer. He studied with Kenneth Leighton and Robert Sherlaw Johnson at Oxford, where student productions of his first operas, notably The Duchess of Malfi (1971, later completely rewritten), soon brought him to wide attention. By the age of 24 he was able to subsist as a freelance composer, working mainly in the field of opera. Partly on the basis of Malfi's success, Oliver was commissioned by Colin Graham to write Tom Jones (1975) for his English Music Theatre Company, while his last major work was a full-length opera for ENO, Timon of Athens (1991). But the bulk of his operatic output consists of smaller-scale and more individual dramatic structures, ranging from brief monologues and ‘mini-operas’ (his own term) to works with young or amateur performers in mind, such as Three Instant Operas (1973), The Dong with the Luminous Nose (1976) and the children's operetta Jacko's Play (1979). He also wrote a musical, Blondel (to lyrics by Tim Rice), and incidental music for a number of stage and television productions. Oliver was much associated with the Musica nel Chiostro festival at Batignano, Italy, where a number of his stage works received their first performances and for which his last work, an adaptation of Mozart's L'oca del Cairo, was written. By comparison with his operas, Oliver's instrumental music is less substantial, but includes a Symphony (1976, rev. 1983), a Recorder Concerto for Michala Petri (1988), five Ricercare for various chamber forces (1973–86) and secular and liturgical choral works; he also translated opera libretti into English performing versions, notably Sallinen's The King Goes Forth to France and The Red Line. Stylistically, Oliver's music is wide-ranging. He was as deft at pastiche in his music for the non-operatic stage and television as he was confident in the more personal musical language of his instrumental works and larger operas, where colour and gesture prevail; but his greatest legacy, perhaps, is the fluency with which he wrote for the human voice, where, as with his often straightforward harmonic language, communication is the key.

WORKS

(selective list)

dramatic

for fuller list see GroveO

Ops (librettos by Oliver unless otherwise stated): All the Tea in China (1, W. Harvey), 1969; Slippery Souls (4 pts), 1969, rev. 1976, rev. 1988; A Phoenix too Frequent (1, C. Fry), 1970; The Duchess of Malfi (3, after J. Webster), 1971, rev. 1978; The Dissolute Punished (4 one-act ops), 1972; The Three Wise Monkeys (1, D. Pountney), 1972; The Donkey (1, Pountney), 1973; Three Instant Ops (children's ops), 1973; Past Tense (2 one-act ops), 1974; Bad Times (1), 1975; Tom Jones (3, after H. Fielding), 1976; The Great McPorridge Disaster (1), 1976; The Waiter's Revenge (1), 1976; Il giardino, 1977; A Stable Home (1), 1977; The Girl and the Unicorn (children's op, 3 pts), 1978; Jacko's Play (children's operetta, 1, after R. Smith) (London, 1980) [record to accompany book by Smith]; A Man of Feeling (1, after A. Schnitzler: Der Empfindsame), 1980; Euridice (3), 1981 [after J. Peri]; Sasha (3, after A.N. Ostrovsky: Artists and Admirers), 1983; Britannia Preserv'd (1, A.N. Wilson), 1984; The Ring (1, after TV serial: Coronation Street), 1984; La bella e la bestia (2, after Mme Le Prince de Beaumont), 1984; Exposition of a Picture (1), 1986; Waiting (1), 1987; Mario ed il mago (1, after T. Mann), 1988; Table's Meet (1), 1990; Timon of Athens (2, after W. Shakespeare), 1991; L'oca del Cairo (2), 1991 [after Mozart]

Other dramatic: Cadenus Observ'd (dramatic sketch, after J. Swift), Bar, 1975; Blondel (musical, 2, T. Rice), 1983; film scores, TV scores, incid music incl. Nicholas Nickleby (C. Dickens, dir. J. Caird and T. Nunn), 1980

other works

Orch: Luv, 1975; Sym., 1976, rev. 1983; O No, brass band, 1976, rev. 1985; Conc., rec, str, 1988

Choral: The Elexir (Ps li, J. Skelton, G. Herbert), 4vv, SATB, 1976; Mag and Nunc, SATB, 1976; A Dialogue Between Mary and Her Child (15th-century), S, Bar, SATB, 1979; The Child from the Sea (Oliver), Tr, SATB, orch, 1980; A String of Beads (Oliver), SATB, 2 ob, bn, str, 1980; Namings (old Scottish riddles, Oliver), SATB, brass qnt, timp, 1981; Trinity Mass, SSAATTBB, 1981; O fons amoris (motet, T. à Kempis), SSAATTBB, 1981; This is the Voice (W. Hilton), 3-pt chorus, org, 1984; Seven Words (Bible, W.W. How), SATB, str, 1985; Forth in thy Name (C. Wesley, Ps xc), S, B, SSAATTBB, 1985; Festal Mag and Nunc, SSAATTBB, org, 1985; Prometheus (after Aeschylus), SATB, orch, 1988; The Vessel, S, T, B, SATB, orch, 1990

Chbr and solo inst: Ricercare no.1, cl, vn, vc, pf, 1974; Kyoto, 2 org, 1977; Sonata, gui, 1979; Study, pf, 1979; Brass Qnt, 1980 [based on incid music Nicholas Nickleby]; The Lord of the Rings, pf, 1981 [arr. of incid music]; Ricercare no.2, 2 ob, 2 cl, 3 bn, 2 hn, 1981; Peter Pan: 3 Souvenir Pieces, pf, 1982 [arr. of incid music]; Ricercare no.3, gui, va, vc, 1983; Ricercare no.5, tpt, hn, trbn, tuba, 1986; Character Pieces, 1991 [after Mozart: La clemenza di Tito]

Other vocal: Overheard on a Saltmarsh (H. Munro), 6 male vv, 1972; The Dong with the Luminous Nose (E. Lear), nar, 5 str qt, 1976; The Key to the Zoo (M. Kington), nar, 2 ob, hn, hpd, 1980; Ricercare no.4 (Hadrian), Ct, 2 T, Bar, 1986

BIBLIOGRAPHY

J. Glover: ‘Stephen Oliver’, MT, cxv (1974), 1042–4

P. Griffiths: ‘Stephen Oliver’, New Sounds, New Personalities (London, 1985), 140–47

M. Rye: ‘Oliver's Timon of Athens’, MT, cxxxii (1991), 228–30

Obituaries: J. Glover: The Independent (1 May 1992); A. Pollock: Opera, xliii (1992), 789–95; G. Vick, ibid., 787–8

MATTHEW RYE

Olivero, Betty

(b Tel-Aviv, 16 May 1954). Israeli composer, active in Italy. She studied at the Rubin Academy of Music, Tel-Aviv University (BMus 1978) with Sadai and Leon Schidlowsky, and at Yale University (MA 1981), where her teachers included Druckman, Amy and others. In 1982 a Leonard Bernstein Scholarship enabled her to work at Tanglewood with Berio, whom she continued to study with in Italy (1983–6). While most of her music relates to Jewish musical traditions, her compositional style shows the influence of early Penderecki, as well as Berio. Throughout her career she has drawn upon traditional Jewish folksongs, and Sephardi and Middle Eastern Jewish folklore; in the mid-1990s she turned to Ashkenazi klezmer music as another source of inspiration. Folk material appears in her music in rich, nuanced arrangements, or is transformed through avant-garde techniques into contexts featuring dense heterophony and tone clusters. The pitch content, orchestration and rhythmic complexity of her works contribute to a coherent, non-eclectic style that nonetheless combines such diverse elements as Judeo-Spanish music, Arab tunes, klezmer melodies and European avant-garde techniques. Her compositions have been performed by leading orchestras, including the Chicago SO, the New York PO, the BBC SO, the London Sinfonietta and the Israel PO, and at major European festivals.

WORKS

(selective list)

Inst: Pan, 5 fl, 1984, rev. 1988; Batnun, db, chbr orch, 1985; Presenze, 10 insts, 1986; Ketarim [Crowns], vn, orch, 1989; Adagio, chbr orch, 1990; Tenuot, orch, 1990; Sofim, pf, 1991; Per viola, va, 1993; Carosello, children's chbr orch, str orch, perc, 1994; Mareot [Mirrors], fl, vn, 1994; Kavei Avir (A volo d'Uccello), 10 insts, 1996; Der Golem (Suite no.2), cl, str orch/qt, 1997–8; Mizrah, cl, str orch, perc, 1997; Kavei-Or [Lightlines], orch, 1999

Vocal: Makamat, 5 folksongs, female v, 9 insts, 1988; Behind the Wall (puppet theatre piece), Mez, 8 insts, 1989; Juego de Siempre, 9 folksongs, A, chbr orch/7 insts, 1994; Bakashot [Supplications], chorus, cl, orch, 1996; Masken, S, Mez, Bar + nar, vn, va, vc, perc, 1999

Principal publishers: Ricordi, Israel Music Institute

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Y. Mar-Haim: ‘Hatzlakha be-khul, shtika ba-aretz’ [Success abroad, silence at home], Musica, xxv (1989), 16–19

R. Fleisher: Twenty Israeli Composers: Voices of a Culture (Detroit, 1997), 271–9

RONIT SETER

Olivero, Magda [Maria Maddalena]

(b Saluzzo, nr Turin, 25 March 1910). Italian soprano. She studied in Turin and made her début there in 1933 as Lauretta in Gianni Schicchi. Her early roles included Manon Lescaut, Mimì, Elsa, Liù, Violetta (Reggio nell’ Emilia and Parma) and Butterfly (Modena and Naples). During the 1939–40 season she sang Adriana Lecouvreur in Rome, Naples, Venice and Florence, becoming Cilea’s preferred interpreter of the role. She added the title roles in Francesca da Rimini and Suor Angelica and Zandonai’s Giulietta to her repertory. In 1941 she married and retired, but at Cilea’s urging she made her reappearance in 1951 as Adriana Lecouvreur at Brescia.

During the next 20 years Olivero became specially identified with Fedora, Tosca, Minnie and Mascagni’s Iris. She made her London début in 1952 at the Stoll Theatre as Mimì and in 1963 sang Adriana Lecouvreur at the Edinburgh Festival. She sang in the USA at Dallas in 1967 as Medea, in New York in 1970 in La voix humaine and at the Metropolitan in 1975, when she was over 60, as Tosca. Her singular dramatic gifts and her finely articulated, sincere singing are captured on a film of her Tosca. She also made highly individual and compelling recordings of her Adriana, Liù and Fedora.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

GV (R. Celletti; R. Vegeto)

M. Olivero: ‘Cilea and “Adriana Lecouvreur”’, Opera, xiv (1963), 523–8

R. Celletti: ‘Magda Olivero, ieri, oggi, domani’, Discoteca, no.87 (1969), 21–5 [incl. discography]

M. Morini: ‘Magda Olivero: l’artista, le scelte, il personaggio’, Discoteca, no.87 (1969), 16–20

V. Quattrocchi: Magda Olivero: una voce per tre generazioni (Turin, 1984)

HAROLD ROSENTHAL/ALAN BLYTH

Oliveros, Pauline

(b Houston, 30 May 1932). American composer. She studied at the University of Houston (1949–52) and San Francisco State College (BA 1957); she also took private lessons with Robert Erickson. A founding co-director of the San Francisco Tape Music Center (1961–5) with Subotnick and Ramon Sender, she taught, from 1967, at the University of California, San Diego. In 1981 she resigned her post to become a freelance composer and in 1985 she became director of the Pauline Oliveros Foundation in Kingston, New York. Among the rewards she has received are the Guggenheim Fellowship for Composition (1973) and the NEA Composer's Fellowship (1990). She has also served as composer-in-residence at Northwestern University (1996) and Mills College, Oakland, California (1999).

Oliveros’s earliest music was conventionally notated, in an abstract but idiosyncratic style. Following these notated compositions, she explored tape and electronic music techniques. The major and enduring shift in her work came in the mid-1970s when her studies of native American cultures and Eastern religions led to a kind of meditative improvisation as a way of teaching people to recognize their own musicality. Her compositions began to introduce meditation practices within larger ritualistic or ceremonial forms, as well as to explore concepts such as the self as a non-autonomous entity and to value as qualities such as intuition commonly thought to be feminine. These diverse elements can be seen in Crow Two (1974), a text score in which the performers are asked to communicate telepathically with the audience, members of which are invited to participate on stage. Subsequently Oliveros has occasionally returned to notation, the rigour of which is combined with the freedom of improvisation. Examples of this include Tree/Peace, though even in such works no system appears to underlie the composition process.

Many of Oliveros’s musical, social, and feminist concerns coalesce in Njinga the Queen King (1993), a music-theatre work to words by Ione. The piece centres on Njinga, the 17th-century regent of Ndongo (now Angola), who passed as a man and managed to keep marauders and slave-traffickers at bay through her skills as a warrior and diplomat. In this and other works, Oliveros has cultivated a music-making and perception which she calls ‘deep listening’, still rooted in the practices of improvisation and meditation, and with the aim of self-realization. Oliveros has also become interested in exploring the sonic properties of spaces employing acoustic instruments and digital delays.

WORKS

(selective list)

stage

Seven Passages, dancer, mobile, 2-track tape, 1963; Apple Box Conc., pfmrs, amp apple boxes, 1964; Seven Sets of Mnemonics (mixed media), 1965; Double Basses at 20 Paces, 2 db, tape, slides, cond. + referee, 2 pfmrs, 1968; The Dying Alchemist Preview, nar, vn, tpt, pic, perc, slides, 1969; Sonic Meditations, vv, insts, pfmrs, 1971–2; Postcard Theater (multi-media event), 1972; What to Do, pfmrs, sonic and mixed media, 1972; Crow Two (ceremonial op), 1974; Theatre of Substitution, 1975; Theatre of Substitutions: Blind/Dumb/Director, 1977

Theatre pieces: George Washington Slept Here Too, 4 pfmrs, 1965; Pieces of Eight, wind octet, tape, 1965; Theater Piece for Trbn Player, garden hoses, tape, 1966; Please don’t shoot the piano player, he’s doing the best he can, 1969; Bonn Feier, 1977; The Yellow River Map, 50 or more pfmrs, 1977; Travelling Companions, dancers, perc ens, 1980; Njinga the Queen King, 1993

instrumental

Orch: To Valerie Solanas and Marilyn Monroe in Recognition of their Desperation, orch/chbr ens, 1970; Tashi Gomang, orch, 1981; Lion’s Eye, gamelan orch/synclavier, 1985; Tasting the Blaze, perc, elecs, trbn, vc, cl, 4 accdn, gagaku orch, 1985

Chbr: Trio, cl, hn, bn, 1955; Variations for Sextet, fl, cl, tpt, hn, vc, pf, 1960; Trio, fl, pf, page turner, 1961; Outline, fl, perc, db, 1963; Duo, accdn, bandoneon, opt. mynah bird, 1964; Engineer’s Delight, pic, 7 cond., 1967; Circuitry, 5 perc, lights, 1968; 1000 Acres, str qt, 1972; Horse Sings from Cloud, hmn, accdn, bandoneon, concertina, 1975; Double X, meditation, pairs of like insts with overlapping compasses, 1979; Gone with the Wind, assorted ens, 1980; Monkey, chbr ens, 1981; Mother’s Day, 2 concertinas, 1981; The Wheel of Time, str qt, 1983; Spiral Mandala, 4 cl, 8 crystal glasses, b drum, finger cymbals, 1984; Tree/Peace, pf trio, 1984; Wings of a Dove, 2 pf, double wind qnt, 1984; Portrait of Qnt of the Americas, fl, ob + eng hn, cl + b cl, 1988; Portraits for Brass Qnt, 1989; All Fours of the Drum Bum, drum kit, 1990; Grand Improvisation, ob, db, synth, 1990; From Unknown Silences, ens, 1996

Accdn: Rattlesnake Mountain, accdn, 1982; The Wanderer, acddns, 1982; The Seventh Mansion: from the Interior Castle, amp accdn, effects, 1983; Waking the Heart, accdn solo/ens, 1984; What If, accdn, 1991; Cicada Song, accdn, 1996

vocal

Choral: Sound Patterns, chorus, 1961; O HA AH, chorus, cond., 2 perc, 1968; AOK, chorus, accdn, vns, conds., 8 country fiddles, tape, 1969; Meditations on the Points of the Compass, 12 solo vv, chorus, perc, 1970; Angels and Demons, chorus, ens, 1980; Drama of the Five Families, nar, 1v, chorus, 1984; Legend, amp accdn, chorus, perc, 1985; Midnight Operas, chorus, 1992

Other vocal: 3 Songs, S, pf, 1957; The C(s) for Once, vv, fls, tpts, tape delay, 1966; SY*YdY=1, 4 spkrs, 4 vc, 4 bn, amp heartbeat, shakuhachi, 1969; Music for Tai Chi, vv, accdn, str, wind, perc, 1970; Horse Sings from a Cloud (Rose Mountain), 1v, accdn, 1977; The Wheel of Life, vv, 1978; The Wandering, 1v, digital delay, 1984; Oh Sister whose Name is Goddess, 1v, digital delay, 1984; Open Circuits om mani padme hum for 1984 Summer Olympics; Song of the Ancestors, 1v, shell tpt, didjeridu, 1984; The Chicken who Learned how to Fly, vv, nar, synth, 1985; The New Sound Meditation, vv, 1989; Deep Listening Pieces, 1v, ens, 1990; In Memory of the Future, 1v, 1991; Reflections on the Persian Gulf, 1v, accdn, 1991; Beyond the Mysterious Silence, 1v, cl, trbn, pf, accdn, 1996

electronic

Time Perspectives, tape, 1961; Before the Music Ends, tape, dancer, 1965; Bye Bye Butterfly, oscillators, amps, tape, 1965; 5000 Miles, tape, elecs, 1965; Mnemonics III, IV and V, tape, elecs, 1965; Rock Sym., tape, 1965; Big Mother is Watching You, tape, 1966; The Day I Disconnected the Erase Head and Forgot to Reconnect it, tape, elecs, 1966; I, II, III, IV and V of IV, tape, 1966; Participle Dangling in Honour of Gertrude Stein, tape, mobile, work crew, 1966; Music for Lysistrata, tape, elecs, 1968; Live Electronic Piece for Merce Cunningham’s Dance, 1969; Bog Road with Bird Call Patch, tape, 1970; Tara’s Room, tape, 1988; Listening for Life, 1991

Recorded interviews in US-NHoh

Principal publishers: Deep Listening, Smith

WRITINGS

‘Karl Kohn: Concerto Mutabile’, PNM, ii/2 (1963–4), 87–99

Pauline’s Proverbs (New York, 1976)

Initiation Dream (Los Angeles, 1982)

Software for People: Collected Writings 1963–80 (Baltimore, 1984)

ed. C.P. Smith: ‘Cues’, MQ, lxxvii (1993), 373–83

The Roots of the Moment: Collected Writings 1980–1996 (New York, 1998)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

KdG(E. Rieger)

M. Subotnick: ‘Pauline Oliveros: Trio’, PNM, ii/1 (1963), 77–82

P.S. Odegard, : ‘Avant-Garde Music by Pauline Oliveros’, Notes, xxix (1972–3), 316–17

E. Kefalas: ‘Pauline Oliveros’, High Fidelity/Musical America, xxv/6 (1975), MA24–5

W. Zimmermann: ‘Pauline Oliveros’, Desert Plants: Conversations with 23 American Musicians (Vancouver, BC, 1976)

H. Von Gunden: ‘The Theory of Sonic Awareness in The Greeting by Pauline Oliveros’, PNM, xix (1980–81), 406–16

H. Von Gunden: The Music of Pauline Oliveros (Metuchen, NJ, 1983)

G. Gronemeyer: ‘Hast du jemals den Klang eines schmelzenden Eisbergs gehört? Porträt von Pauline Oliveros’, Neuland, iv (1983–4), 277–86

J. Pasler: ‘An Interview with Pauline Oliveros’, AWC News/Forum, ix (1991), 8–14

M.E. Young: Tashi Gomang, Pauline Oliveros: a Biography and Descriptive Catalog of Compositions (diss., U. of Minnesota, 1991)

P. Pannke: ‘“Deep Listening”: Pauline Oliveros und ihre Strategien des Hörens’, NZM, Jg.153, no.3 (1992), 28–30

H. Von Gunden: ‘The Music of Pauline Oliveros: a Model for Feminist Criticism’, ILWC Journal (1992), June, 6–8

T.D. Taylor: ‘‘The Gendered Construction of the Musical Self: the Music of Pauline Oliveros’, MQ, lxxvii (1993), 385–96

E. LeGuin: ‘Uneasy Listening’, Repercussions, iii/1 (1994), 5–21

D.I. Ton: ‘Pauline Oliveros über meditative Klange, wilde Volksmusik und das Akkordeon als Atmungsorgan’, NZM, Jg.155, no.2 (1994), 32–3

F. Hauser: ‘Stille und Mehr’, NZM, Jg.157, no.6 (1996), 4–9

M. Swed: ‘American Composers: Pauline Oliveros’, Chamber Music, xiv/1 (1997), 14, 40–41

TIMOTHY D. TAYLOR

Oliver y Astorga, Juan

(b Yecla, Murcia, 1733 or 1734; d Madrid, 12 Feb 1830). Spanish violinist and composer. He is probably the Oliver, mentioned by Eitner, who gave a concert in Frankfurt am Main on 18 April 1765 and appeared in London in 1767 as a virtuoso violinist. Under the name of Jean Oliver Astorga he published in London Six sonates à violon et basse op.1 (?1767, ed. L. Siemens Hernández, Madrid, 1991), Twelve Italian Songs and Duets for Voice and Harpsichord with Accompagnement for a Guittar op.2 (1768) and Six Sonatas for Two German Flutes or Two Violins and a Bass op.3 (?1769). Both sets of sonatas were dedicated to his patron, Willoughby Bertie, 4th Earl of Abingdon. He later returned to Spain, where he continued to compose, and on 30 March 1776 was appointed violinist to the royal chapel of Madrid. In 1789 he was appointed conductor of the Teatro de los Caños del Peral in Madrid, the theatre of the Italian Opera company, but Charles IV prevented him from taking up this post, wishing him to remain exclusively in his own service in the royal chapel. After about 1790 he was also a member of the King of Spain’s chamber music, and he worked industriously for Charles IV, particularly on the occasion of the Prince of Parma’s visit in 1807.

Oliver y Astorga’s instrumental music is in the galant style typical of the period. The violin sonatas require considerable technical proficiency for performing double stops and other idiomatic devices but rarely go beyond 3rd position. Six sonatas for violin and cello and five for viola and cello are in Madrid (E-Mp). Eitner also attributed three cantatas to him (B-Bc).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

EitnerQ

C.F. Pohl: Mozart und Haydn in London (Vienna, 1867/R), ii, 370

B. Saldoni: Diccionario biográfico-bibliográfico de efemérides de músicos españoles, i (Madrid, 1868/R), 252

K. Israel: Frankfurter Concert-Chronik von 1713–1780 (Frankfurt, 1876, rev. 2/1986 by P. Cahn), 47–8

R.X. Sànchez: Spanish Chamber Music of the Eighteenth Century (diss., Louisiana State U., 1975)

GUY BOURLIGUEUX

Olivier.

Composer, possibly identifiable with Meigret.

Olivier, Jo(hannes)

(fl late 14th century). French composer. Olivier may be the Johannes Olivier mentioned as a clerk of the diocese of Cambrai in a list of petitions to Pope Clement VII in 1378. His only extant work is the three-voice ballade Si con cy gist mon cuer (in F-CH 564; ed. in PMFC, xviii, 1981; CMM, liii, 1970, and in Koehler), which has complex syncopations in both cantus and contratenor; and the proportional relationships between voices, referred to in the text, give rise to 4 beats against 3, and 9 against 6 vertically.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

L. Koehler: ‘Subtilitas in musica: a Re-Examination of Johannes Olivier's “Si con cy gist”’, MD, xxxvi (1982), 95–118

N.S. Josephson: ‘Intersectional Relationships in the French grande ballade’, MD, xl (1986), 79–97

GILBERT REANEY

Olivieri [de Massini], Angelo

(fl Rome, 1679–1702). Italian composer. He composed an oratorio, Innocentia in Joseph exaltata, for the Arciconfraternità del SS Crocefisso, sung at the church of S Marcello during Lent 1679, and a cantata, La terra tributaria con le quattre stagioni al presepe di Nostro Signore (libretto by Gaetano Monaci), performed at the Vatican on Christmas Eve 1680; the music of both these works is lost. Some of the nine secular cantatas by him in the Barberini collection (I-Rvat) are dated between 1680 and 1682. In January 1681 he set to music a comedy, Dalla padella alla bragia, by D.F. Contini for the wedding of Costanza Barberini and G.F. Caetani, Duke of San Marco (score in I-Rvat); it was performed in Palestrina and repeated shortly afterwards at the Collegio Clementino, Rome, for Queen Christina of Sweden. In 1684 Olivieri was commissioned by the Congregazione dei Musici di S Cecilia to compose a Te Deum to celebrate new papal constitutions, and in 1702 he was asked to write a requiem to commemorate King James II of England in S Lorenzo in Lucina. A four-voice motet, Confitebor tibi, is also extant (in I-Rvat, C.G.). Works such as the cantata Pensieri d’amore, for two sopranos, bass and continuo, show Olivieri’s music to be charming and lively, and similar in style to that of the young Alessandro Scarlatti.

Olivieri was possibly related to two other musicians active in Rome in the late 18th century: Onofrio Olivieri, a bass singer, and the composer and organist Paolo Olivieri.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

EitnerQ; GroveO (M. Murata)

Registro della Congregazione generale incommincaito li 14 giugno 1684 (MS, I-Rsc)

Ragguaglio del tumulo onorario in S Lorenzo in Lucina … Roma, 1702 (MS, I-Rvat)

E. Celani: ‘Canzoni musicate del secolo XVII’, RMI, xii (1905), 109–50, esp. 117, 122, 126, 140

JEAN LIONNET

Olivieri, Giuseppe

(d ?Rome, ?1623). Italian composer and poet. He described the contents of his 1617 volume as ‘youthful’ products, and according to his 1620 volume he had been in the service of the Duke of Altaemps. He was maestro di cappella of S Giovanni in Laterano, Rome, in 1622, but his name had disappeared from the records by 1623. He seems to have composed some sacred music, but his only surviving pieces are the secular La turca armoniosa, for two and three voices and continuo (Rome 1617), and La pastorella Armilla variamente cantata, for one to three voices and continuo (Rome, 1620). The 16 duets and five trios in the earlier volume show a fusion of the traditional polyphonic madrigal with the melodic features of the new monodic style; they include dialogue-like writing. (E. Schmitz: ‘Zur Geschichte des italienischen Continuo-Madrigals im 17. Jahrhundert’, SIMG, xi, 1909–10, pp.509–43, esp. 515)

NIGEL FORTUNE

Olivieri, Paolo

(b ?Rome; d Rome, ?20/21 Sept 1683). Italian composer and organist. Nothing is known of his youth, but by 7 July 1660, when he accepted the boy castrato Francesco Picchino as a pupil, he was already maestro di cappella of the basilica of S Marco, Rome. Between 1667 and 1673 he regularly played the organ for the festivities on 25 August at S Luigi dei Francesi there. His wife was Orsola Foggia, daughter of Francesco Foggia. As a member of the Accademia di S Cecilia, Oliveri was given responsibility for important musical events, for example vespers on the feast day of the patron saint in 1669, and music for the monthly litanies in July 1678. From 1676 to 1683 he was an extra organist at S Giacomo degli Spagnoli. In July 1683 he received assistance from the Accademia di S Cecilia on account of an illness. A requiem mass was said for him on 22 September of that year in the church of the Maddalena, so he must have died some days previously. He was probably also maestro di cappella of S Maria in Trastevere at the end of his life.

It is not known whether Olivieri was related to the Giuseppe Olivieri who replaced Cifra at S Giovanni in Laterano in 1624, the bass Onofrio Olivieri, who was at S Maria Maggiore from January 1641 to October 1674, or the teacher Angelo Olivieri.

WORKS

Motet, 3vv, in R. Floridus de Silvestris … istas alias cantiones (Rome, 1668)

Motet, 2vv, in R. Floridus de Silvestris … sacras cantiones (Rome, 1672)

JEAN LIONNET

Olivo [Olivi], Simpliciano [Sempliciano]

(b Mantua, 1594; d Parma, 20 Sept 1680). Italian composer. He probably received his musical education at Mantua. On 3 July 1631 he was appointed maestro di cappella of the Madonna della Steccata, Parma; he took up the post on 17 December in that year. He retired on 6 October 1679. The vocal writing in his op.2 psalms is typical of the polychoral style of the time, but he made the instruments unusually prominent by giving them independent interludes. His only surviving music is sacred; two operas, an equestrian entertainment and an oratorio are lost, as is a collection of madrigals attributed to him and dated 1681 by Fétis. Walther gave the date of the collection as 1618.

WORKS

sacred vocal

Salmi di compieta, con litanie in ultimo, concertati, 8vv, 2 vn, violetta, vc (ad lib), op.2 (Bologna, 1674)

Salmi per li Vesperi di tutto l'anno con il cantico della Beata Vergine, 8vv, op.3 (Bologna, 1674)

Motet, 2vv, bc, 1620²

other vocal

Le risse pacificate da Cupido (equestrian entertainment, B. Morando), Piacenza, Cittadella, carn. 1644, music lost

Il ratto d'Elena (op, Morando), Piacenza, Teatro Nuovo, 1646, music lost

Op, 23 Feb 1664, lost

Giona (orat), Parma, Oratorio della SS Trinità, 16 March 1672, lost

Carcerata ninfa, madrigali a più voci (Venice, 1681); lost (attrib. Olivo, FétisB; dated 1618 by WaltherML)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

FétisB

WaltherML

N. Pelicelli: ‘Musicisti in Parma nel secolo XVII’, NA, ix (1932), 217–46

L. Bianconi and T. Walker: ‘Dalla Finta pazza alla Veremonda: storie di Febiarmonici’, RIM, x (1975), 379–454, esp. 420–21

Ollone, Max(imilien Paul Marie Félix) d'

(b Besançon, 13 June 1875; d Paris, 15 May 1959). French composer, conductor and critic. Born into an aristocratic family with a lengthy, distinguished military lineage, d'Ollone struggled to reconcile these inherited responsibilities with his Utopian, socialist perspective of music. Thoroughly committed to the deeper appreciation of music through public education, he strove to impress its pivotal role in the evolution of the human character. He developed this philosophy through the study of theology and symbolist literature, and projected it through opera, his preferred medium of expression.

A pupil of Gédalge, Lavignac, Lenepveu and Massenet at the Paris Conservatoire, d'Ollone reaped numerous honours there and throughout his lengthy career, notably the Prix de Rome (1897) for his cantata, Frédégonde. Twice honoured by the Légion d'Honneur (Chevalier in 1926, Officier in 1938), he was appointed director of the Concerts populaires d'Angers (1907–15), at the Ministry of Fine Arts (1916), professor at the Ecole Normale de Musique (1919), Paris Conservatoire (1922), director of the Fontainebleau Conservatory (1923), inspector of music education (1931–42) and director of the Opéra-Comique (1941–4).

D'Ollone espoused an essentially Romantic tonal language based on Wagnerian principles of continuous motivic development, governed by classical and Franckian strictures. As he gained prominence within the administration of French musical education, he led an attack on what he felt to be the institutionalized, progressive dehumanization of music, generated chiefly by the Second Viennese School. His voluminous writings, culminating in the treatises Le langage musical (1952) and Le théâtre lyrique et le public (1955), disclose a prodigious intellect nurtured by a profoundly ecumenical spirituality.

WORKS

(selective list)

stage

Le passant (drame lyrique, 1), 1889

La terre promise (op, 1), c1889, unfinished

Bacchus et Silène (ballet-pantomime, 1, S. Sicard), 1901

Jean (drame lyrique, prol., 5 tableaux, M. d'Ollone), 1900–04, ? unperf.

Le retour (drame lyrique, 2, M. d'Ollone), 1907, Angers, 13 Feb 1913

L'étrangère (op, 1, M. d'Ollone), 1911, Paris, Concerts Colonne, 1913

Les amants de Rimini (drame lyrique, 4, M. d'Ollone), 1915, Paris, Opéra, 2 March 1916

Les uns et les autres (comédie lyrique, 1, P. Verlaine: Fêtes galantes), 1915, Paris, OC (Favart), 6 Nov 1922

L'arlequin (comédie lyrique, 5 [6 tableaux], J. Sarment), Paris, Opéra, 22 Dec 1924

George Dandin, ou Le mari confondu (oc, 3, M. Belvianes, after Molière), Paris, OC (Favart), 19 March 1930

La samaritaine (3, E. Rostand), 1930, Paris, Opéra, 23 June 1937

Le temple abandonné (ballet, 1, M. d'Ollone and B. Knaiseff), 1931

Sous le saule (comédie musicale, 4), 1949–50

other works

Orch: Fantaisie, pf, orch, 1897; Les villes maudites, 1899; Fantaisie sur des thèmes de Lenepveu, pf, str orch, 1901; Au cimetière, 1908; Lamento, 1908; Les funérailles du poète, 1908; Le ménétrier, vn, orch, 1910; Romanichels, vn, orch, 1925

Chbr: Scènes paiennes, vn, pf, 1895; Str Qt, 1898; Solo en fa, tpt, pf, 1902; Elégie, vc, pf, 1904; Fantaisie, hp, str qt, 1906; Fantaisie orientale, cl, pf, 1913; Nocturne, fl, pf, 1921; Pf Trio, 1921; Andante et allegro en style ancien, fl, pf, 1926; Romance et tarantelle, bn, pf, 1928; Andante et scherzo, 3 vc, 1933; Pf Qt, 1949

Pf: Minuetto, 1891; Petite suite, 1898; 6 études de concert, 1904

Vocal: Clarisse Harlowe (cant., Noël), 1895; Elévation, female chorus, 1896; Mélusine (cant., Beissier), 1896; Frédégonde (cant., Morel), 1897; Sous-bois, 1897; Nuit d'été, 1898; Saint François d'Assise (orat), 1898; La vision de Dante, poème lyrique, 1898; Les enfants pauvres, S, female chorus, 1906; Hymne à la musique, 1913; Le danseur éternel, 1922; Chant de Harem, 3vv, pf, 1928; Ad lucem aeternam (cant.), 1939; Hymne du matin, 1939; Messe pour Ste Thérèse, c1945–50; Requiem, unfinished; numerous songs for 1v, pf

WRITINGS

15 leçons d'harmonie du Conservatoire National de Musique (Paris, 1927)

‘Impressions romaines inédites’, in H. Rebois: Les grands Prix de Rome de musique à l'Académie de France (Paris, 1932)

‘Souvenirs d'un compositeur’, Revue des deux-mondes (15 Dec 1948)

Le langage musical (Paris, 1952)

Le théâtre lyrique et le public (Paris, 1955)

Principal publishers: Durand, Enoch, Heugel, Leduc, Senart

BIBLIOGRAPHY

HoneggerD

R. Dumesnil: La musique contemporaine en France (Paris, 1949)

G. Favre: Silhouettes du Conservatoire (Paris, 1986)

R.N. Lenain: Max d'Ollone ou les partances vaines (thesis, U. Paris-Sorbonne IV), 1989

PAUL-ANDRÉ BEMPÉCHAT

Olmeda, Federico

(b El Burgo de Osma, 1865; d Madrid, 11 Feb 1909). Spanish organist, composer and writer on music. He was a choirboy at Burgo de Osma Cathedral, where he studied with Damián Sanz and León Lobera, first the violin, then the organ and composition. In 1887 he was elected by competition organist of Tudela Cathedral, and in December that year became organist of Burgos Cathedral. In 1903 he was made deputy choirmaster at Burgos and in 1907 choirmaster of the Descalzas Reales in Madrid.

In his brief but stormy life Olmeda was notably active as a composer, organizer, conductor and publicist. After the Motu proprio of Pope Pius X, reforming church music, he dedicated himself untiringly to this cause, but his polemic spirit often rendered his efforts useless. His principal writings, apart from his numerous contributions to periodicals and magazines, are his Memoria de un viaje a Santiago de Galicia (1895), in which he wrote at length on the Calixtine manuscript, and his Discurso sobre la orquesta religiosa (Burgos, 1896). Also of significance is his Folklore de Castilla (Burgos, 1902), in which he collected a large number of popular songs. Apart from the masses, motets and psalms which he wrote for Burgos Cathedral, his most important works are chamber music, particularly his beautiful quartet in E, and some of his piano music, above all the Rimas and the sonatas. His extensive library, which included a large number of manuscripts, old editions of liturgical music and theoretical treatises, was acquired in 1911 by the Hispanic Society of New York.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

L. Villalba Muñoz: Ultimos músicos españoles del siglo XIX (Madrid, 1914), 147–60

H. Collet: L'essor de la musique espagnole au XXe siècle (Paris, 1929)

J. López-Calo: Catálogo musical del archivo de la Santa Iglesia Catedral de Santiago (Cuenca, 1972, rev. 2/1992–3 as La Catedral de Santiago) [with further bibliography]

J. López–Calo: La música en la Catedral de Burgos (Burgos, 1995–7)

E. Ros-Fábregas:: ‘La biblioteca musical de Federico Olmeda (1865–1909) en la “Hispanic Society of America” de Nueva York’, RdMc, xx (1997), 553–70

JOSÉ LÓPEZ-CALO

Olmstead [Olmsted], Timothy

(b Hartford, CT, 12 Nov 1759; d Phoenix, Oswego Co., NY, 15 Aug 1848). American composer, tune book compiler, singing master and fifer. During the Revolutionary War he served as a fifer (1775–6) and played in a regimental band (1777–80). After the war he apparently settled in Connecticut and worked as a singing master. He served in the War of 1812, and in his later years lived in Whitestown, New York.

Olmstead compiled The Musical Olio (Northampton, MA, 1805, 2/1811), which was devoted mostly to European pieces and favoured the Methodist style, but also contained 25 of his own compositions. Drawing on his experience as a bandsman he also compiled Martial Music (Albany, NY, 1807), a collection of instrumental marches and dances, including nearly a dozen of his own. Olmstead’s range as a musician was unusual for Americans of his generation. As a psalmodist, he composed in both the indigenous New England idiom and a more Europeanized style, and he also wrote with some skill for instruments.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

H.K. Olmsted and G.K. Ward: Genealogy of the Olmsted Family in America (New York, 1912), 40

F.J. Metcalf: American Writers and Compilers of Sacred Music (New York, 1925/R)

F.H. Johnson: Musical Memories of Hartford (Hartford, CT, 1931/R), 40–41

R.J. Wolfe: Secular Music in America, 1801–1825: a Bibliography (New York, 1964)

R. Crawford: Andrew Law, American Psalmodist (Evanston, IL, 1968/R)

R.F. Camus: Military Music of the American Revolution (Chapel Hill, NC, 1976)

P.R. Osterhout: Music in Northampton, Massachusetts to 1820 (diss., U. of Michigan, 1978), 275–9

R.M. Wilson: Connecticut’s Music in the Revolutionary Era (Hartford, CT, 1979)

A.P. Britton, I. Lowens and R. Crawford: American Sacred Music Imprints 1698–1810: a Bibliography (Worcester, MA, 1990), 480–82

R.F. Camus: Introduction to American Wind and Percussion Music, Three Centuries of American Music, xii (Boston, 1992), xviii–xix

RICHARD CRAWFORD/DAVID W. MUSIC

Olmütz

(Ger.).

See Olomouc.

Olof, Efraim

(b nr Warsaw, 1685; d Toruń, 15 April 1735). Polish theologian and musician of German origin. He was the son of a Protestant pastor, Marcin Olof (1658–1715), who was active mainly in Warsaw and Toruń, and was the compiler of a Polish religious folksong collection, Zbiór kantycznek (‘Collection of Psalm-Books’, Toruń, 1672). Efraim Olof was educated in Toruń and Leipzig and was active as a Protestant preacher in Elblag and Toruń. His work of historical value is Polnische Lieder Geschichte von polnischen Kirchen Gesängen (Danzig [now Gdańsk], 1744), which is in three parts: a list of the names of authors of songs, with information about their lives; a survey of the history of Polish ecclesiastical song; and a list of songs. Among his other works is Pieśni niektóre z niemieckiego na polski język przetłumaczone (‘Some Songs Translated from the German to Polish’, Toruń, 1727).

ALINA NOWAK-ROMANOWICZ

Olof, Theo

(b Bonn, 5 May 1924). Dutch violinist. His earliest lessons were from his mother; he gave his first performance when he was five years old. From 1933 he studied in Amsterdam with Oskar Back, and his Dutch début was in 1935. After 1945 he made extensive concert tours through Europe, the USA and the USSR. From 1951 to 1971 he was leader of the Residentie-Orkest, The Hague, a post that for a number of years he shared with Herman Krebbers, with whom he also formed a violin duo; Badings, Frid and Kox wrote double concertos for them. Olof gave first performances of violin concertos by Maderna, Ton de Leeuw, Henkemans and Van Vlijmen. From 1974 to 1985 he was leader of the Concertgebouw Orchestra, Amsterdam. He also formed a violin and piano duo with Janine Dacosta. He has written a number of books, including two volumes of autobiography, Daar sta je dan … (The Hague, 1958) and Daar sta je dan opnieuw (Nieuwkoop, 1980), and has published rhythmic exercises for string players. He taught at The Hague Conservatory and is an Officer of the Order of Oranje Nassau.

TRUUS DE LEUR

Olofsen, Arnoldus

(b Elburg, 1695/6; d Amsterdam, bur. 14 May 1768). Dutch music publisher and bookseller. On 8 May 1732 Olofsen gave notice of his intended marriage to Dirkje Jacobs in Amsterdam. He was received into the Amsterdam guild of booksellers on 9 August 1734, four days after he had settled up his burghership. In 1742 his annual income was fixed at 800 guilders, while he had his bookshop in Gravenstraat. In 1743 Olofsen was charged with the printing and selling of a ‘defamatory’ text. Later on he was imprisoned for the dissemination of libellous publications; he was released on 19 November 1749. In the late 1750s the imprint on Olofsen's editions changed to ‘Aan [At] de Nieuwe Kerk, over de Voorburgwal’. His widow was buried in Amsterdam on 28 January 1780.

A catalogue of 1755 contains about 80 titles; among them are Olofsen's own printings of chamber music, concertos and vocal pieces of Dutch composers such as J.P.A. Fischer, Leonard Frischmuth, Hurlebusch, Mahaut, F.G. Michelet and Radeker. Besides original Dutch treatises of Leonard Frischmuth, S.T. van Loonsma and Lustig, Olofsen published theoretical works, translated into Dutch by Lustig, of Quantz (1754), Werckmeister (Orgelproef, 1755) and the Bach pupil J.M. Schmidt (Musico-Theologia, 1756).

Olofsen sometimes used passe-partout title-pages (Scheurleer, 90). As a whole he produced a list of some importance, but owing to his vicious attacks on colleagues (among others the young J.J. Hummel, with whom he had collaborated in 1754–5), Olofsen was not a credit to the guild.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

JohanssonH, i

J.W. Enschedé: ‘Arnoldus Olofsen, muziekuitgever te Amsterdam in 1755’, TVNM, viii (1905–8), 45–56; ix (1909–14), 75–6

D.F. Scheurleer: Het muziekleven in Nederland in de tweede helft der 18e eeuw in verband met Mozart's verblijf aldaar, i (The Hague, 1909), 88–92

PAUL VAN REIJEN

Olomouc

(Ger. Olmütz).

Town in Moravia, Czech Republic. It was the capital of Moravia from 1182 until 1642; from 1777 it was the residence of the archbishop. After the Thirty Years War the musical activities of the town centred on the cathedral of St Václav (founded 1109), which had an organ by 1258, the parish church of St Moritz (Mořic), 1257, the Jesuit college, and the Augustinian and Premonstratensian orders in nearby Hradisko. Valuable medieval choral manuscripts are preserved in the cathedral chapter archive. Many of the cathedral Kapellmeister were active as composers: P.J. Rittler (1678–90), T.A. Albertini (1691–1735), V.M. Gurecký (1736–43), J.A. Gurecký (1743–69), Anton Neumann (1769–76), Josef Puschmann (1778–94), Pavel Křížkovský (1872–83), who carried through Cecilian reforms, and Josef Nešvera (1884–1914). Beethoven's Missa solemnis was intended for the consecration of Archduke Rudolph as archbishop in 1820, though the work was not finished until 1823.

The violin makers Johann Strobl (1700–53) and Martin Brunner (1724–1801) were active in Olomouc. In 1745 the organ builder Michael Engler of Breslau completed his greatest instrument for St Moritz: a three-manual organ with 41 registers. It was rebuilt with five manuals and 94 registers in 1961, since when it has been used for an annual international organ festival. Other valuable instruments are that of Johann Gottfried Helwig (1730, rebuilt 1977) in the Maria Schneekirche (Panna Maria Sněžná), and the cathedral organ by the Rieger brothers (1886). Important hymnbooks published in Olomouc were the Kancionál český of Jan Kunvaldský (1576), the Kancionál of Jan Rozenplut (1601) and the Písně katolické of Jiří Hlohovský (1622).

From the mid-16th century the Jesuits staged rhetorical declamations and school plays in their university hall, with music before and after. In 1770 a Königliches Städtisches Nationaltheater was erected; in 1830 opera was first accommodated in a new theatre building. Early in 1883 Mahler conducted there for three months. In 1918 the Městské Divadlo (City Theatre) was established (renamed Divadlo Oldřicha Stibora in 1958). Karel Nedbal directed the opera there from 1921 to 1928; later conductors were Emanuel Bastl (1928–32), Adolf Heller (1932–40), Nedbal again (1940–45), Iša Krejčí (1945–58), under whose regime nearly 50 operas by Czech composers were produced, Zdeněk Košler (1958–62), Pavel Pokorný (1963–71), Miloš Konvalinka (1972–6) Reginald Kefer (1977–90) and Martin Dubovic (1991–).

There were town musicians (Kunstpfeifer) in Olomouc from 1557 on. Among the most distinguished were Georg Finger (probably related to Gottfried Finger) and Bernard Němec (1683–1751), who possessed as many as 90 different instruments. From 1770 a collegium musicum arranged weekly public concerts. German musical societies established in the 19th century promoted symphonic and choral concerts; these included the Dilettantenverein (1817), the Männergesangverein (1847), the Musikverein (1850), which also supported a public music school, and the Kirchenmusikverein (1869). A Czech musical society, the Žerotín (founded 1880), put on choral concerts, opened its own music school (1888) and staged operas from 1891. It was to the Žerotín that Dvořák dedicated his oratotio Svatá Ludmila (1886). In 1945 Czech orchestral players from the former German theatre formed a new orchestra, the Moravská Filharmonie (Moravian PO). The first conductor, Dalibor Doubek, was succeeded by František Stupka (1946–56), Milivoj Uzelac (1956–60), Jaromír Nohejl (1960–87), Stanislav Macura (1987–92) and Jiří Mikula (from 1992). A chair of musicology was established at Palacký University in 1945; professors have been Robert Smetana (to 1973), Vladimír Hudec (1972–80) and Jan Vičar (from 1980).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

C. d'Elvert: Geschichte der Musik in Mähren und Österreich-Schlesien (Brno, 1873)

V.H. Jarka and others: Padesát let olomouckého Žerotína 1880–1930 [Fifty years of the Olomouc Žerotín] (Olomouc, 1931)

V. Gregor: Památník pěvecko-hudebního spolku Žerotín v Olomouci 1880–1950 [Album of the Olomouc choral and musical society Žerotín] (Prague, 1952)

A. Schindler: Varhany Michaela Englera u sv. Mořice v Olomouci [The Michael Engler organ at the church of St Moritz in Olomouc] (Olomouc, 1966)

J. Sehnal: ‘Dějiny varhan v kostele P. Marie Sněžné v Olomouci’ [A history of the organ in the Maria Schneekirche in Olomouc], ČMm, li (1966), 269–90

V. Hudec: ‘Olomoucká operní dramaturgie Isa Krejčího’ [The dramaturgical activity of Isa Krejčí at the opera in Olomouc], O divadle na Moravě, ed. E. Petrů and J. Stýskal (Prague, 1974), 137–50

J. Sehnal: ‘Nové příspěvky k dějinám hudby na Morave v 17. a 18. století’ [New contributions to the history of music in Moravia], ČMm, lx (1975), 159–80, esp. 165–73 [with Ger. summary]

J. Sehnal: ‘Die Orgeln der Olmützer Kathedrale’, Acta organologica, xv (1981), 37–75

J. Stýskal, ed.: Přehledné dějiny české literatury a divadla v Olomouci od počátku do roku 1918 [A brief history of Czech literature and theatre in Olomouc from the beginning to 1918] (Prague, 1981)

J. Sehnal: Hudba v olomoucké katedrále v 17. a 18. století [Music in Olomouc cathedral in the 17th and 18th centuries] (Brno, 1988)

J. Balatková: ‘Zur Geschichte der deutschen Oper in Olmütz’, Aktuelle lexicographische Fragen: Regensburg 1991, 71–3

J. Sehnal: ‘Die Musik an der Jesuiten-Akademie in Olmütz (Mähren) im frühen 18. Jahrhundert’, Zelenka-Studien I: Marburg 1991, 65–84

J. Sehnal: ‘Musik in dem Prämonstratenserkloster Hradisko (Hradisch) bei Olmütz in den Jahren 1693–1793’, KJb, lxxvii (1993), 51–95

JIŘÍ SEHNAL

Olsen, Ole

(b Hammerfest, 4 July 1850; d Oslo, 9 Nov 1927). Norwegian composer and military musician. He studied with Fredrik and Just Lindeman in Trondheim (1865–9) and with David, Paul and Reinecke in Leipzig (1870–74). From 1874 he worked as a music teacher in Christiania [now Oslo], where he also conducted the Christiania Artisan’s Choral Society (1876–80), the Music Society (1877–80) and the freemasons’ orchestra (1894–1908). In 1884 he was appointed music director of the Akershus 2nd Brigade, and in this position he built up a repertory of Norwegian marches, many of them based on folktunes that he had had a hand in collecting. His concert and stage works are also representative of the nationalist tradition; some of them enjoyed great popularity. The operas were influenced by Wagner’s ideas.

WORKS

(selective list)

Stage: Stig Hvide (op, Olsen), 1872–6; King Erik XIV, incid music, perf. Vienna, 1882; Svein Uraed, incid music, perf. Christiania, 1890; Lajla (op, Olsen), 1893, Christiania, 8 Oct 1908; Stallo (op, Olsen), 1902; Klippeøerne (op, Olsen), 1904–10

Choral: Ludvig Holberg, cant., 1884; Griffenfeldt, cant., 1897; Nidaros, orat, 1897; Broderbud, cant., n.d.; Fanevakt, male chorus, n.d.; I jotunheimen, male chorus, n.d.

Orch: Sym., G, 1878; Åsgårdsreien, 1878; Petite suite, pf, str, 1902; Hn Conc., 1905; Vaeringetog, n.d.; Ritornell, n.d.; Romance, vn, orch, n.d.; Tarantelle, vc, orch, n.d.

Piano pieces, many military marches

BIBLIOGRAPHY

A.C. Dahl: Ole Olsen (Oslo, 1910)

N. Grinde: Norsk musikkhistorie (Oslo, 1971, 3/1981, abridged 4/1993; Eng. trans., 1991)

D.Y. Torkildsen: Svein Uraed av Ole Olsen (diss., U. of Oslo, 1987)

H. Herresthal: Med spark i gulvet og quinter i bassen: musikalske og politiske bilder fra nasjonalromantikkens gjennombrudd i Norge [with kicks on the floor and fifths in the bass: musical and political images from the breakthrough of national romanticism in Norway] (Oslo, 1993)

KARI MICHELSEN

Olsen, Poul Rovsing [Rovsing Olsen, Poul]

(b Copenhagen, 4 Nov 1922; d Copenhagen, 2 July 1982). Danish composer and ethnomusicologist. He studied solfège and the piano as a child in Randers, and had organ lessons from Georg Fjelrad (1940–42) while studying law in Århus. Still continuing law studies, he attended the Copenhagen Conservatory (1943–6), where his teachers were Jeppesen (harmony and counterpoint) and Christiansen (piano). On completing his legal training in 1948 he went to France for studies with Boulanger (composition) and Messiaen (analysis). The next year he returned to Copenhagen, where in 1950 he took the conservatory examinations to qualify as a music teacher. He was music critic for the Morgenbladet (1945–6), Information (1949–53) and the Berlingske tidende (1954–74), also working for the Danish Ministry of Education (1949–60), and became archivist of the Dansk Folkemindesamling in 1960. As an ethnomusicologist he took part in expeditions to Greenland and the Persian Gulf, and he taught ethnomusicology at the universities of Lund (1967–9) and Copenhagen (from 1969). In 1967 he was appointed to the executive board of the International Folk Music Council and was its president from 1977. He was chairman of the Danish Composers’ Union from 1962 to 1967, serving on its executive board thereafter. In addition, he was chairman of the Danish section of NOMUS (the committee for musical cooperation among Nordic countries, 1963–72) and in 1974 became chairman of the music section of Statens Kunstfond.

In early works Olsen’s style reflected Bartók, Stravinsky and Nielsen. The Trio op.18 shows a growing interest in traditional musics, and his experimental concerns were stimulated by his participation in the 1952 American Seminar in Salzburg, led by Babbitt. He first used 12-note principles in the Symphonic Variations op.27; subsequently he employed serial techniques in various ways, notably in Prolana op.33 and the Inventions op.38. The Passacaglia op.45 submits to total serial organization, and at the same time it was his last consciously serial work. In the 1960s, in such works as A l’inconnu op.48 and Patet op.55, his ethnomusicological research began to influence some of his compositional attitudes: rhythm became a primary feature, its simple organization (often based on non-Western formal concepts) presenting contrasts between free movement and patterns that are metrically complex and often long. This stylistic approach was integrated with a 12-note technique in his two operas Belisa (1964) and Usher (1980) and in orchestral and chamber works such as Au fond de la nuit (1968) and the string trio A Dream in Violet (1982). Among the awards he received are the Lange-Müller Stipend (1955), the Anckerske Legat (1956), the KODA Prize (1960), the Carl Nielsen Prize (1965) and awards from Statens Kunstfond (1966, 1970, 1974).

WORKS

(selective list)

Opera: Belisa (F.G. Lorca, Danish trans.), op.50, 1963–4, Copenhagen, Royal Theatre, 3 Sept 1966; Usher (E.A. Poe, Danish trans.), op.83, Århus, Jutland, 3 Feb 1982

Orch: Sym. Variations, op.27, 1953; Pf Conc. op.31, 1954; Sinfonia I, op.40, 1958; Sinfonia II ‘Susudil’, op.53, 1966; Au fond de la nuit, op.61, 1968; Lux caelestis, op.82, 1978

Choral: Songs, op.43, male vv, 1959; A Song of Mira Bai, op.69, chorus, 3 tpt, perc, 1971; Fortid and Nocturne, op.71, 1971

Chbr: Sonata, op.4, vn, pf, 1946; Pf Trio, op.18, 1950; Prolana, op.33, cl, vn, pf, 1955; Patet, op.55, 9 insts, 1966; Str Qt no.2, op.62, 1969; Shangri-la, op.64, fl, va d’amore, pf, 1969; Rencontres, op.67, vc, perc, 1970; Concertino, op.73, cl, pf trio, 1973; Poème, op.74, accdn, gui, perc, 1973; Partita, op.75, vc, 1974; Trio II, op.77, pf trio, 1976; Nostalgie, op.78, gui, 1976; A Dream in Violet, str trio, 1982

Solo vocal: 4 Songs (W. Blake), op.7, 1947; 2 Prophetic Songs (Blake), op. 16, 1950; 4 Light Songs (M. Gards), op.19, 1951; Schicksalslieder (F. Hölderlin), op.28, S/T, 7 insts, 1953; Alapa-tarana, op.41, Mez, perc, 1959; A l’inconnu, op.48, T/S, 13 insts, 1962; Air, op.76, Mez, a sax, pf, 1976; Planeterne, op.80, Mez, fl, va, gui

Pf: 6 Little Pieces, op.5, 1946; Theme and Variations, op.6, 1947; Krydstogt, op.32, 1954; Medardus, op.35, 1956; 5 Inventions, op.38, 1957; Images, op.51, 1965; 3 études, op.63, 1969; Many Happy Returns, op.70, 1971

Principal publishers: Bote & Bock, Engstrøm & Sødring, Hansen, Moeck, Samfundet til Udgivelse af Dansk Musik, Viking

WRITINGS

‘An Aulos in the Danish National Museum’, DAM, v (1966–7), 3–9

‘Om at componere musik’, Berlingske tidendes ‘kronik’ (29 Jan 1967)

‘Notat om “Belisa”’, DMt, xliii (1968), 67–8

Musiketnologie (Copenhagen, 1974)

with J. Jenkins: Music and Musical Instruments in the World of Islam (London, 1976)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

E. Weber: ‘Un musicien danois: Poul Rovsing Olsen’, Vie musicale, ii/11 (1952), 4–5

F.S. Petersen: ‘Rovsing Olsen, Poul’, Aschehougs musikleksikon, ed. P. Hamburger (Copenhagen, 1957–8)

S.A. Johansen: ‘Poul Rovsing Olsen: “Au fond de la nuit”’, DMt, xlvi (1971), 274–6

B. Johnsson: ‘To danske klaverkomponister’, Norsk musikktidsskrift, ix (1972), 150–63

‘Rovsing Olsen, Poul’, Kraks blå bog 1974

E. Stockman: ‘Poul Rovsing Olsen (1922–1982)’, YIFMC, xiv (1982), 1–12 [obituary]

T. Kerbage: ‘Poul Rovsing Olsens arabiske inspirationer’, DMt, lviii (1983–4), 92–6

J. Brincker: ‘Brev til en ukendt adressat om en afdød komponist’, DMt, lxvii (1992–3), 84–90 [work list, 91]

WILLIAM H. REYNOLDS/JENS BRINCKER

Olsson, Otto (Emanuel)

(b Stockholm, 19 Dec 1879; d Stockholm, 1 Sept 1964). Swedish organist and composer. At the Swedish Royal Academy of Music he studied organ with Lagergren (examination 1896) and theory and composition with Dente (examination 1899). Subsequently he joined the conservatory staff, teaching harmony (1908–24) and organ (1924–45, from 1926 as professor). He also held the post of organist at the Gustav Vasa church in Stockholm. One of the great organ virtuosos of his time, he had a particular reputation for French music, in which he continued the tradition of Emil Sjögren. His teaching influenced several generations of Swedish church musicians, and he helped to develop church music in Sweden, after a long period of decline, as a member of official committees set up to supervise the liturgy and hymnology.

In his compositions Olsson was strongly influenced by French organ music, but he had a sure feeling for counterpoint and so was able to give a firm foundation to his late Romantic style. A growing interest in earlier music is displayed in the six Gregorianska melodier op.30 (1910), in which the plainchant themes are treated with a well-balanced interplay of spare counterpoint and melodic-harmonic fullness. The Sex latinska hymner op.40 for chorus (1919) also show a firm combination of polyphony with conventional harmonic progressions, though Olsson’s use of polytonality brings them to a stage of technical advance not found in other Swedish choral works of the period (nor in any other compositions of his). His largest and best-known work is the Te Deum op.25 for chorus, string orchestra, harp and organ (1906), a masterpiece of Swedish church music.

Apart from this, Olsson’s best pieces are for the organ, the earliest of them being the Suite in G op.20. The Fantasy and Fugue op.29, a composition in Phrygian E on the chorale Vi lofva dig, o store Gud, introduced a new style into Swedish organ music, notably in its polyphonic treatment of an old church hymn. The development initiated by this work culminated in the Credo symphoniacum op.50, a three-movement symphony on Gregorian themes written for the ecumenical meeting at Uppsala in 1925. Other pieces, such as the great Sonata in E op.38 and the three preludes and fugues, show Olsson retaining late Romantic traditions. His remaining works include a fine quartet (op.10) and other instrumental pieces; some of his folksong arrangements and original pieces for male chorus have remained in the repertory.

WORKS

(selective list)

Choral: TeD, op.25, chorus, str, hp, org, 1906; 6 körsånger, op.32, unacc., c1909; Advents- och julsånger, op.33, chorus, org; 6 latinska hymner, op.40, unacc., 1919; c25 pieces and arrs. for male vv

Songs: 3 psalmer av David, op.41; 3 bröllopssånger, op.57, 1942

Chbr: 3 str qts: G, op.10, G, op.27, a, op.58, 1950; pf pieces

Org: Miniatyrer, op.5, 1895–?1900; 5 kanon, op.18, 1903–10; Suite, G, op.20, 1904; 5 pedalstudier, op.26; Fantasy and Fugue, Phrygian E, op.29, 1909; Gregorianska melodier, bk 1, op.30, 1910; 12 orgelstycken över koralmotiv, op.36; Sonata, E, op.38, ?1910; Prelude and Fugue, c, op.39, 1910; Variationer över ‘Ave maris stella’, op.42; 5 trios, op.44, ?1911; Gregorianska melodier, bk 2, op.47, ?1912; Credo symphoniacum, op.50, 1925; Prelude and Fugue, f, op.52, 1918; Prelude and Fugue, d, op.56, 1935

Principal publisher: Nordiska Musikförlaget

BIBLIOGRAPHY

E.M. Stuart: ‘O. Olsson: en mångsidig musiker, musiklärare och tonsättare’, Vår sång, iii (1930)

N.O. Raasted: ‘Otto Olssons orgelkompositioner’, Tidskrift för kyrkomusik och svenskt gudstjänstliv, vii (1932), 33–7

K.-E. Svedlund: ‘Otto Olsson’, Vår sång, xxii (1949)

C. Carlsson: ‘Otto Olsson – ett tonsättarporträtt’, Musikrevy – Vår sång, xlv/2 (1973), 8–12

E. Lundkvist: ‘Interpretation av Otto Olssons orgelverk’, Svensk kyrkomusik, xliv (1979), 169–72, xlv (1980), 7–9, 37–40

E. Lundkvist: ‘Otto Olsson: renässans för senromantiken’, Musikrevy, xxxiv (1979), 354–8

HANS ÅSTRAND

Olsvai, Imre

(b Budapest, 2 April 1931). Hungarian ethnomusicologist and composer. He studied at the Liszt Academy of Music under Kodály, Szabolcsi, Lajos Bárdos and Endre Szervánszky, taking diplomas in musicology (1956) and composition (1958). In 1958 he became a research fellow of the Folk Music Research Group (later a department of the Institute of Musicology of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences) and worked with Pál Járdányi on the systematization of Hungarian strophic folksongs (1958–66), developing a strictly musical method based on tune types. On the basis of this system he edited the sixth and seventh volumes of the Corpus Musicae Popularis Hungaricae. In 1966 he spent nine months in Egypt, studying Egyptian folk and art music. His research has centred on the development of variants of basic melodic patterns in Hungarian folk music, particularly in that of the Trans-Danubian area. His intensive fieldwork (1947–65) resulted in the transcription of about 8000 tunes from 150 villages in Hungary and Hungarian-speaking areas of Slovakia and Yugoslavia. His compositions include a Rondo for violin and piano (1954), a Piano Sonata (1956), some choruses, and arrangements of folksongs, mostly with folkdance choreography.

WRITINGS

‘Typical Variations, Typical Correlations, Central Motifs in Hungarian Folk Music’, SMH, iv (1963), 37–70

‘Néhány előadásbeli sajátság népzenénkben’ [Some characteristics of performance in Hungarian folk music], MTA nyelv- és irodalomtudományok osztályának közleményei, xxvi (1969), 329–36

‘West-Hungarian (Trans-Danubian) Characteristic Features in Bartók’s Works’, SMH, xi (1969), 333–47

‘A Psalmus Hungaricustól a Brácsaversenyig: egv Kodály–Bartók-i tématípus és népi gyökerei’ [From Psalmus Hungaricus to the Viola Concerto: a theme type of Kodály and Bartók, and its roots in folk music], Zeneelmélet, stíluselemzés (Budapest, 1977), 68–83

‘Melodiensystematisierung der ungarischen Volksmusik bis 1975’, SMH, xx (1978), 319–38

‘Zene’ [Music], A magyar folklór, ed. G. Ortutay (Budapest, 1979), 443–76

‘A magyar népzene egyik fő rétegének rokon népi kapcsolatai’ [The relationship of one of the most important layers of Hungarian folk music with the music of related nations], Congressus quartus internationalis fenno-ugristarum: Budapest 1975, ed. G. Ortutay, iv (Budapest, 1981), 58–77

‘Mutual Theme Types in Kodály’s and Bartók’s Works’, Kodály Conference: Budapest 1982, 116–25

with J. Bereczky and others: Kodály népdalfeldolgozásainak dallam- és szövegforrásai [Sources of music and text for Kodály’s works based on folk music] (Budapest, 1984)

‘Vinko Žganec’s Fundamental Significance in Discovery of Connections between Croatian and Hungarian Folk Music’, Narodna umjetnost, iii (1991), 39–53

FOLKSONG EDITIONS

with P. Járdányi: Népdaltípusok [Types of folksongs], Corpus Musicae Popularis Hungaricae, vi–vii (Budapest, 1973–87) [in Eng., Hung.]

with Á. Lányi: Sokszínű hagyományunkból [From our multi-coloured traditions] (Budapest, 1974)

MARIA DOMOKOS

Olszewska [Olczewska], Maria [Berchtenbreitner, Marie]

(b Ludwigsschwaige, nr Donauwörth, 12 Aug 1892; d Klagenfurt, 17 May 1969). German mezzo-contralto. She studied in Munich and made her début as a Page in Tannhäuser at Krefeld in 1915. After an engagement at Leipzig she sang at the Hamburg Opera, where she took part in the joint première (with Cologne) of Korngold’s Die tote Stadt (1920). She sang regularly in Vienna (1921–30). She also appeared frequently at the Staatsoper in Munich, and at Covent Garden (1924–32), where her performances in such roles as Fricka, Ortrud, Brangäne, Octavian, Orlofsky (Die Fledermaus) and Herodias (Salome) drew the highest critical acclaim. Her Carmen and Amneris were less successful. She sang in Chicago (1928–32) and at the Metropolitan (1933–5). Olszewska possessed a rich, beautiful voice and great dramatic temperament; Ernest Newman wrote that ‘she makes us feel for the moment that the whole drama centres in her’. She made a number of recordings, including the role of Octavian in the renowned 1933 abridged version of Der Rosenkavalier.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

H.M. Barnes: ‘Maria Olczewska Discography’, British Institute of Recorded Sound Bulletin, no.6 (1957), 17–20

HAROLD ROSENTHAL/ALAN BLYTH

Olthof [Althof], Statius

(b Osnabrück, 1555; d Rostock, 28 Feb 1629). German composer and teacher. The son of a pastor, he studied theology in Brunswick. After a brief stay in Lübeck he moved in 1579 to Rostock where he remained until his death. There, he served first as Kantor, then as cantor primarius, and finally from 1593 as Konrektor. He retired in 1614. Olthof’s importance as a composer is for his contribution of 40 four-voice homophonic pieces to a new, annotated edition of the Psalmorum Davidis paraphrasis poetica at the request of the editor, Natan Chyträus. These Latin psalm paraphrases, written by the Scotsman George Buchanan, originally appeared in Antwerp, Paris and Strasbourg in 1566. The new edition by Chyträus, a Rostock professor (later Rektor of the Bremen Gymnasium), was published simultaneously in 1585 in Frankfurt and Herborn – then a centre of German Calvinism. It was reprinted at least 17 times in Herborn up to 1664 and once in Bremen in 1618. During the 17th century it was widely used in German schools for humanistic studies, often in place of the Horatian ode settings that Buchanan had taken as the model for his own paraphrases. Many churches and schools specified the regular use of the Chyträus-Althof (sic) psalm settings in their services and exercises. The pieces contributed by Olthof were not all his own: four, for instance, are by Martin Agricola and even some of his own are based on existing melodies.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

MGG1 (W. Blankenburg)

B. Widmann: ‘Die Kompositionen der Psalmen von Statius Olthof’, VMw, v (1889), 290–321 [includes Olthof’s works]

M. Seiffert: ‘Nachtrag zu den Psalmenkompositionen von Statius Olthof’, VMw, vi (1890), 466–8

R. Schwartz: ‘Magister Statius Olthof’, VMw, x (1894), 231–2

K.W. Niemöller: Untersuchungen zu Musikpflege und Musikunterricht an den deutschen Lateinschulen vom ausgehenden Mittelalter bis zum 16. Jahrhundert (Regensburg, 1969)

WALTER BLANKENBURG

Olympus the Mysian

(fl ?c700 bce). Ancient Phrygian aulete and composer. Possibly a legendary figure, he was credited with the introduction of instrumental music into Greece (Pseudo-Plutarch, On Music, 1132f), and specifically of auletic nomoi (see Nomos), which became established in public worship. It is unclear whether this Olympus is a descendant of the one supposed to have been taught by Marsyas or whether the two figures named Olympus are one and the same (On Music, 1133d–f; cf Suda, see under ‘Olympos’). In any event, according to Aristoxenus (as quoted in Pseudo-Plutarch's On Music) he ‘invented’ the enharmonic genus, the Lydian mode and rhythmic patterns such as the prosodiac, choreic and bacchic (1134f–1135a, 1136c, 1141b and 1143b).

The figure of Olympus is evidently shadowy; to him were attributed the historical innovations, uncertainly comprehended in later times, which were introduced into Greek music from Asia Minor and especially from Phrygia around the end of the 8th century bce. After that time 7th-century art shows that the aulos came into general use, and certain auletic nomoi gained lasting acceptance. Three centuries later poets still referred to compositions of this type as the work of Olympus (Aristophanes, Knights, 9; Telestes of Selinus: Edmonds, frags.2–3), and philosophers praised them for their acknowledged power to influence the Ethos of men with a sense of the divine (Plato, Symposium, 215c1–6; Aristotle, Politics, 1340a8–12). Pseudo-Plutarch attributed several famous nomoi to Olympus (1133d–f), described the general simplicity of his style (1137a–b) and analysed the ethos of the Athena nomos (1143b–c).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

J.M. Edmonds, ed. and trans.: Lyra graeca, iii (London and Cambridge, MA, 1927, 2/1928/R), 277

H. Husmann: ‘Olympos, die Anfänge der griechischen Enharmonik’, JbMP 1938, 29–44

M. Vogel: Die Enharmonik der Griechen (Düsseldorf, 1963)

G. Wille: ‘Musik, §A, 3’, Lexikon der alten Welt, ed. C. Andresen (Zürich and Stuttgart, 1965)

B. Einarson and P.H. De Lacy, ed. and trans.: Plutarch's Moralia, xiv (London and Cambridge, MA, 1967), 343–455

WARREN ANDERSON/THOMAS J. MATHIESEN

Olyver.

See Oliver.

Oman.

Country in south-eastern Arabia.

1. Introduction.

2. Cultural regions.

4. Musical instruments.

5. Documentation and research.

DIETER CHRISTENSEN

1. Introduction.

The current territory of the Sultanate of Oman constitutes the core of a former empire of possessions and coastal trade routes that flourished in the first half of the 19th century. This declined into progressive isolation until 1970 when, following the discovery of oil, the present state was consolidated and gradually opened to global relations. The richness and diversity of performing practices in Oman in the late 20th century reflects historical trade relations and population movements, particularly those that brought substantial numbers of Africans and Baluchis to eastern Arabia. Omani society is transforming from a weakly governed tribal system into an Arab nation-state. The ongoing processes of negotiation among heterogeneous ethnic groups have drawn expressive behaviour into the centre of personal, social and national concerns; performances that combine music, poetry and dance are particularly important. Recent innovations also include a symphony orchestra in the capital, Muscat, and the legalization of dish antennas that give access to global television broadcasts.

2. Cultural regions.

Within Oman there are several broad cultural regions with distinctive characteristics (see fig.1). The coastal areas are culturally and ethnically oriented towards the sea. Substantial populations of Baluch, Iranian and African origin on the north-eastern coastal plain (the Batina) have maintained specific practices, side-by-side with dominant sedentary Arabs and sedentarized Bedouins. The port city of Sur, on the central Omani coast, formerly a hub of the African slave trade, has its own heavily African traditions with strong Sudanese elements. The same applies to coastal Dhofar around the ports of Salala and Mirbat.

The interior, known as ‘Inner Oman’, is orientated towards the desert and adjoins the ‘Empty Quarter’ shared with Saudi Arabia. The population is almost exclusively Arab, with much emphasis on Bedouin values, tribal descent and an Islamic orthodoxy which discourages most musical performances and particularly proscribes the ownership and use of musical instruments. The mountains and southern coastal regions which border on Yemen have a proto-Arabic population practising distinct musical forms. The Musandam peninsula, the northernmost Omani exclave on the entrance to the Gulf of Oman, also has an autochthonous population with local musical traditions.

Regional characteristics have to be seen against pervasive commonalities that cross regions and genres. Dances with weapons in which two facing lines of dancers antiphonally recite poetry – much of it panegyric – or march in a procession, wielding guns, swords or sticks, are widespread. They are known as ‘āzī, ayyāla, wahhābīyya, razfa or razha in the north, and as hubbūt (for the processional form) in the south. These dances are associated with the Arab/Bedouin element that is culturally hegemonic in the evolving nation-state. Together with the recitation of Bedouin/Arab poetry in the assembly of men (majlis) and the performance on camel-back of Bedouin songs (wanna and taghrūd) (fig.2), they have become the symbolic expression of Omani identity. This is privileged in state television broadcasts and at national events, to the exclusion of most other ethnically marked forms. Noteworthy exceptions are the ‘sea arts’ (funūn al-bahr), which are folklorized revivals of sailors’ work songs that recall the erstwhile Omani domination of the Indian Ocean. These have predominantly African characteristics and are performed by Omanis of African descent.

(i) The Dhofar.

The towns of Salala and Mirbat are important centres for arts performed by professionals of African descent, many of them patronized by the sultan’s court. The rabūba or rabāba (probably from rabāb, spike fiddle) is a dance in which two facing lines of men and women pass through each other in a highly stylized pattern, accompanied by singing, drumming, hand-clapping and ululation. The drums include those of musundu type. The shubāniyya (fig.3), an art that celebrates the return of sailors, calls for the alternating dancing of elaborately dressed and made-up girls or young women and of men, to men’s singing and drumming. The shubāniyya, having lost its original function with the disappearance of sailing ships, is being folklorized, as are several other African-Omani arts in the Dhofar and in Sur.

The bar‘a in contrast, continues as an integral part of weddings and votive events. In this art a chorus of women responds to a male lead singer (mutrib) within the texture of various drums including the small cylindrical mirwās and a frame drum (daff). Male spectators dance one pair at a time, holding short daggers and moving in tightly prescribed jumps and turns. The melodic instrument accompanying the bar‘a was formerly the flute (qasāba), but this is now being replaced by the ‘ūd lute. Amplification has now become common.

(ii) Sur.

This port maintains the strongest African traditions in Oman, several of them being associated with healing. These include maydān, mikwāra, and tanbūra or nūbā, the latter named after the East African lyre. All these arts employ Kiswahili in their texts and drums of musundu type along with cylindrical drums.

(iii) The interior provinces.

West of the coastal belt, all of Oman is characterized by arts with predominantly Arab/Bedouin traits that correspond with those found elsewhere among Arabs in Southern Arabia. We find men’s dances with weapons, the use of short strophes, a narrow melodic range (rarely exceeding a 5th), and over-lapping cycles of metric patterns, melodic-textual phrases and dance movements. The most significant element of these arts is the versed poetry (shalla) in dialectic Arabic. This praises the sultan, shaykhs or a locality, or alternatively may narrate historical events or impart moral or practical advice. The Bedouin healing ritual (ra‘ba) is enacted to treat snake bites and malaria (fig.4). It consists of the responsorial shouting of short, narrow-ranged melodic phrases by men kneeling closely along the stretched-out patient (see Yemen, §I, 1(vi) rābūt).

(iv) The Batina.

This wide northern plain, and in particular its coastal palm belt, houses a very diverse population, the result of migrations from the inner Gulf, southern Iran, Baluchistan and East Africa, and the progressive sedentarization of Bedouin nomads. Performance groups and arts mirror the ethnic situation. The masked dance and hand puppet theatre (pakit) of the Ajam people with poetry in a Persian dialect is found only in Sohar and Sahham. In Sohar, Sahham and the adjoining Muscat and Zahirah regions men and women participate in the laro dance. We also find the Baluch sayrawan performance, and the mālid religious ritual performed in its Shi‘a and Sunni forms by long-settled Arabs. Certain repertories of women’s songs (ghinā’ nisā’) and men’s dances (kwāsa and liwā) and the zār healing ritual are deemed to be the privilege of descendants of African slaves.

The arts with weapons, generically known as the razīf and associated with the Arab majority, represent tribal and residential groups through local variants of general Arab/Bedouin practices. In the wahhābiyya or ‘ayyāla, two lines of men face each other at a distance of ten to 15 metres, reciting in turn rhymed poetry over short phrases of narrow melodic range. Individual dancers (zāfin) carrying swords or other weapons circle counter-clockwise; they dance between the lines and may conduct sword duels. The accompaniment consists of at least the two cylindrical drums, kāsir and rahmānī. The drummers, usually of African descent, ‘visit’ the lines in turn, whereupon the men lean on their long sticks, bow and hold their heads obliquely while nodding in synchrony with the drumbeats (fig.5). The cycles of melodic/poetic phrases, drumming patterns, drummers’ visits and dance movements are of unequal length; they overlap and interlock, thus creating entities that are far greater than any of their components. In ex.1 two lines of dancers alternate in reciting the same text (‘Greetings to our sultan, Qābūs bin Sa‘īd’) 12 times before they proceed to the next verse. The drum cycle is shorter than the melodic phrase/verse; the two come together only after eight repetitions. The movement cycle of the drummers and dancers (not notated here) is completed only after 24 verses. The underlying principle of multi-layered cycles is also found in other arts.

Women’s songs (ghinā nisā’) are performed at weddings and circumcisions by groups known as firaq al-dān. These consist of a female or male lead singer (mutriba or mutrib), a chorus (harim) and two drummers using kāsir and rahmānī. Any member of a firqat al-dān may be male or female, although no males (apart from usually at least one drummer) are socially considered as men. Halīma bint Amīr leads the pre-eminent firqat al-dān, which consists solely of women of slave descent.

The ghinī nisā’ texts consist largely of formulaic praise (madīh) of the celebrants, the locality or the sultan. They address ritual subjects during the application of henna and at other key phases of the wedding, and they may also draw on popular music of the Gulf region. Texts are presented in responsorial form, the chorus singing a refrain while hand-clapping or dancing. Since the mid-1970s amplification has become integral to the art.

Qurba is a new art which first appeared in Sahham in 1987. It evolved into a highly popular wedding entertainment particularly attracting young males. It is named after its lead instrument, the Scottish bagpipe, which ‘sings’ popular songs inspired by the Gulf repertory to the accompaniment of several drums and hand-clapping. Qurba also draws on other local arts, in particular ghinā’ nisā’, liwā, and the sūma which, like qurba, permits individual male spectators to enter the performance circle with dance movements that include shoulder-shaking and emphasize the pelvis.

Mālid is a highly complex art that calls for the ability of ‘readers’ (qurrā’) to recite correctly from prose and rhymed writings about the life of the Prophet Muhammad, and for hawwīm to accompany their choral responses with stylized movements. The overlapping antiphony of readers and hawwīm in the huwāma section of the four-part fasil al-mālid generates a form of polyphony highly unusual for West Asia.

The Zār (see Sudan, §1 and Yemen, §I, 7) ritual seeks to appease spirits (rīh al-hammār or zār) that have possessed individuals and afflicted them with maladies. It is enacted in various forms such as ‘arabī, habbash, swehlī, each having different melodies, texts and rhythms and addressing different classes of spirits. In all cases, an abū or umm al-zār (‘father or mother of zār’) sings to the response of a chorus of men and women and over the loud beating of special zār drums of cylindrical or conical type which are believed to be inhabited by spirits. All elements of the zār cult, which is practised from the Sudan and Egypt to the Arabian Gulf, have prevailingly African characteristics.

3. Performers and performance events.

The Omani concept of performance is designated by the Arabic term fann (plural funūn; literally ‘art’). This refers both to the enactment of expressive behavioural skills by an organized group on appropriate occasions and to the body of knowledge, rules and implements associated with such performances. Fann does not cover everything that outsiders might consider as ‘music’, such as the call to prayer (adhān), Qur’anic recitation, children’s songs and work songs. On the other hand, fann extends to movement (‘dance’), costumes and paraphernalia (e.g. weapons, incense-burners and amplification equipment), and also to norms of social behaviour.

The arts are enacted on appropriate occasions by formal invitation. The ‘arts with weapons’ (razha, etc.) are performed on National Day (18 November, as designated in 1970) and at the two major Muslim festivals, ‘Īd al-fitr and ‘Īd al-adhá. This occurs by government order, directly in support of the national policy and hierarchy.

In this evolving nation-state the arts are an arena and medium for the negotiation of identity. Weddings and circumcision ceremonies call for enactments that differ regionally. In the Batina (northern coast) all weddings will have women’s songs (ghinā’ al-nisā’) including ritual henna songs, but additional arts depend on the ethnic identity the celebrants wish to project. If Bedouin, razfa badawiyyah is performed; if Baluch, the celebrants invite laro or sayrawan artists. If they wish to appear religious, there is a votive ritual in praise of the Prophet Muhammad (mālid, the local rendition of mawlid; see Islamic religious music, §II, 4). The young and progressive patronize the qurba (see §(iv) below), while affluent urbanites seek to engage as many different groups as are available.

Performance of any art requires an organized group of people with the appropriate skills. The ‘arts with weapons’ are performed by teams (firāq, sing. firqa) that represent particular tribal or residential groups; they are not paid for their performances. Their leader (ra’īs, ‘aqīd or mas’ūl) and his helpers are usually determined by consent and confirmed by the respective shaykh; the general participants are volunteers from the male population. (In the Batina, circles of men who praise the Prophet Muhammad in performances of mālid are similarly constituted under a khalīfa and a shawwūsh.) Yūsuf al-Maqbali leads his village wahhābiyya team (‘arts with weapons’) and as a government functionary he organizes ‘official’ representation of Sohar province through the arts.

Other types of performance groups work for remuneration. They include men and women, almost always of African slave origin. These groups do not represent any larger social entity such as a tribe or village. They are also characterized by complex issues of ownership claimed through inheritance of the drums. Tālib bin Gharīb, who is of slave descent, is leader of a variety of slave-associated male arts.

Some slave-related professional groups include males known as wilād al-hawā (‘sons of love’) who are socially considered not to be men and may enter the spheres of non-related women. Women of slave descent have the freedom and privilege to perform before non-related men. This means that in gender-segregated events, performance groups containing ‘slave’ women and wilād al-hawā males may entertain and enact rituals in both the public/male and private/female domains.

4. Musical instruments.

The most prominent category of instruments, eponymic for enacting the arts, are the drums tubūl, (sing. tabl). ‘Carrying the drums’, ‘making a (drum) beat’, and ‘having the drums’ are all idiomatic expressions where al-tabl does not stand for a particular instrument but designates a social event (ramsa) at which music is performed. Several types of drums are common. Double-headed cylindrical drums in varying sizes have membranes which are tightened by lacing. They are usually played in pairs called zāna or al-kāsir wa al-rahmānī. These terms refer to distinct musical functions, not necessarily to any particular size. The drums belong to an organological type found all over the Middle East and Europe. Of African origin are the conical drums usually called musundu or msindu whose single membrane is always attached with wooden pegs. Single-headed frame drums known as tār or daff are used in various forms or sizes, with or without attached rattles, by men or women; varying contexts include votive rituals, wedding and circumcision ceremonies and television entertainment. During weddings and circumcisions, they often appear together with pairs of small cymbals (tūs, sing. tasa).

Of the wind instruments, the double clarinet (jifte) is specific to the Baluch of the Batina. The oboe (mizmār or surnāy) is the essential instrument of the liwā dance and is of the common West Asian type. The jifte and mizmār (which is difficult to play) are both being replaced by the Scottish bagpipe (qurba) introduced by military musicians, whose sound quality is perceived as similar. Side-blown trumpets (barghūm) made from antelope horns are on occasion used in the dances with weapons. The end-blown conch trumpet (jim), for which, locally, African origins are claimed, is used in liwā and the funūn al-bahr. The end-blown flute (qasāba) is reported only from the Dhofar and is now very rare, as is the spike fiddle rabāba. The six-string lyre (tanbūra or nūbān) of East African origin is played exclusively by musicians of African descent in Sur. The Egyptian and Lebanese type of short-necked lute (‘ūd) is slowly expanding in popularity. In the south it has already replaced the flute and rabāba, and it is at the centre of a new performance genre, ‘ūd, that is finding its place in wedding celebrations.

5. Documentation and research.

The Oman Centre for Traditional Music in Muscat was established 1985. It conducts and sponsors research and houses a large and growing archive of video and audio documents relating to Oman traditional arts and crafts.

(See also Arabian Gulf; Bedouin music; Islamic religious music (with an illustration of Mālid, fig. 4).

(4) Emanuel Ondříček [Ondricek]

BIBLIOGRAPHY

and other resources

J.R. Wellsted: Travels in Arabia, i: Oman and Nakabel Hajar (London, 1838/R)

G. Adler: ‘Sokotri-Musik’, Die Mehri- und Soqotri-Sprache, ed. D.H. Müller (Vienna, 1905), 377–82

S. Al-Khusaibi: The Use of Traditional Music in the Development of Mass Media in Oman (Beverley Hills, CA, 1985)

D. Christensen: ‘Traditional Music, Nationalism, and Musicological Research’, Music in the Dialogue of Cultures: Berlin 1988, 215–23

D. Christensen: ‘Worlds of Music, Music of the World: the Case of Oman’, World Music – Musics of the World: Cologne 1991, 107–22

S. Al-Ghilani: ‘The Traditions of Poetic mutarahah in al-lughz and ghazal in the Art of ar-razhah’, Publications of the Oman Centre for Traditional Music, ii (1994), 85–92

S. Al-Khalifah: ‘Al-razhah and al-‘ardah: a Comparative Study’, ibid. 81–90

D. Christensen, ed.: Dictionary of Omani Traditional Arts, being a Revised Translation of Youssef Shawki’s ‘Mu ‘ajam músíqa ‘Umán al-taqlîdîyah’ (Wilhelmshaven, 1994)

D. Christensen: ‘Music Making in Sohar: Arts and Society in al-Batinah of Oman’, Publications of the Oman Centre for Traditional Music, ii (1994), 67–80

Y. Shawki Moustafa and Gum’ah Al-Shidi: ‘Al-huwāmah and at-tawhid in the mālid: a Comparative Study Conducted in some wilāyat of the Batinah Region’, Publications of the Oman Centre for Traditional Music, i (1994), 109–18

Y. Shawki Moustafa: ‘Collecting and Documenting the Traditional Music of Oman’, Publications of the Oman Centre for Traditional Music, ii (1994), 9–35

L.I. Al-Faruqi: ‘Mawlid and mālid: Genres of Islamic Religious Art from the Sultanate of Oman’, Publications of the Oman Centre for Traditional Music, iii (1995), 17–34

R. Stone: ‘Oman and the African Diaspora in Song, Dance and Aesthetic Expression’, ibid. 54–66

recordings

Oman: Traditional Arts of the Sultanate of Oman, coll. D. Christensen, UNESCO/AUVIDIS D8211 (1993)

Anthologie musicale de la peninsule arabique, iv: Les chants des femmes, coll. S. Jargy, VDE-Gallo CD-783 (1994)

Omar, Yusuf

(b Baghdad, 1918; d Baghdad, 1986). Iraqi traditional singer. He was one of the greatest performers of the Iraqi maqām and the only professional singer in the 20th century to master the totality of its large repertory. He attended a Qur’anic school, then an elementary public school. He was brought up with a passion for the Iraqi maqām and took Mohammed al-Gubantchi as his model and master, following his performances and learning by observing him. Omar’s musical tendency was naturally more conservative than his master’s, and that led him to become a more traditional performer. In 1948 Omar joined the Baghdad radio station to present two concerts each month; this was the beginning of a lifelong and regular collaboration with the local media (both radio and television), and he remained the principal representative of traditional music until the end of his life. He presented almost all the maqāms on the television and illustrated them with explanations in a programme designed to introduce the maqām to the public. He participated in house concerts and was a regular performer in the religious rituals of al mawled al nabawi and the Sufi dhikr. He travelled extensively, invited either by Iraqi communities abroad or by Iraqi cultural centres, but remained unknown to the public who generally attended international festivals, as they were more used to ‘ūd performances. He preferred singing with the traditional chālghī baghdādī ensemble and the highly emotional quality of his interpretation often moved him and his audiences to tears. Three CDs published in France illustrate the quality of his art.

SCHEHERAZADE QASSIM HASSAN

Ombra

(It.: ‘shade’).

A term used for an operatic scene involving the appearance of an oracle or demons, witches or ghosts. Such scenes can be traced back to the early days of opera and were commonplace in the 17th century in Italy (e.g. Monteverdi's Orfeo, Cavalli's Giasone) and in the French tragédie en musique (e.g. Lully's Amadis, Collasse's Enée et Lavinie). Operas based on the legends of Orpheus, Iphigenia and Alcestis provide numerous examples, extending well into the 18th century, including works by Jommelli and Gluck. Abert applied the term to certain accompanied recitatives by Hasse and Jommelli.

Ombra scenes proved popular with audiences not only because of the special stage effects employed but also because of the increasing use of awe-inspiring musical effects. By the end of the 18th century they had come to be associated with an elaborate set of musical features including slow sustained writing (reminiscent of church music), the use of flat keys (especially in the minor), angular melodic lines, chromaticism and dissonance, dotted rhythms and syncopation, pauses, tremolando effects, sudden dynamic contrasts, unexpected harmonic progressions and unusual instrumentation, especially involving trombones. Parallels can be drawn between these features and Edmund Burke's ‘sublime of terror’, thus placing ombra music in an important position in the context of 18th-century aesthetic theory.

Music incorporating ombra elements gradually began to appear outside opera, such as in oratorios (e.g. Handel's Saul), in parts of mass (especially requiem) settings and in instrumental music, most frequently in slow introductions to symphonies. It therefore provides a source for topical references for many composers. Mozart used the ombra style in his operas (e.g. the Oracle in Idomeneo, the Statue in Don Giovanni) and his instrumental writing (the slow introduction to the Prague symphony k504). Haydn's ‘Representation of Chaos’ in The Creation incorporates several ombra characteristics, as do the introductions to symphonies by Krommer and J.M. Kraus, among others.

Operas with supernatural scenes maintained their popularity into the 19th century, including Weber's Der Freischütz, Marschner's Der Vampyr and Hans Heiling, Berlioz's Les Troyens and various versions of Shakespeare's Macbeth and Hamlet. Schubert's Der Doppelgänger is a notable example of a song with ombra undertones. In the 20th century, ombra features can still be found in opera, such as Britten's The Turn of the Screw, and the style has become a cliché in film music, most obviously in the horror genre.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

H. Abert: Niccolò Jommelli als Opernkomponist (Halle, 1908)

M. Bucciarelli: Scene di vaticinio nell'opera italiana del Seicento (diss., U. of Rome, 1991)

B. Moyer: “‘Ombra”and Fantasia in Late Eighteenth-Century Theory and Practice’, Convention in Eighteenth- and Nineteenth-Century Music: Essays in Honor of Leonard G. Ratner, ed. W.J. Allanbrook, J.M. Levy and W.P. Mahrt (New York, 1992), 283–306

CLIVE McCLELLAND

O’Mara, Joseph

(b Limerick, 16 July 1861; d Dublin, 5 Aug 1927). Irish tenor. He studied in Milan with Moretti and made his début at the Royal English Opera House, London on 4 February 1891 in the title role of Sullivan’s Ivanhoe. After further study with Perini and Edwin Holland, he was engaged by Augustus Harris for a tour of the British Isles, singing Lohengrin, Walther, Don José and other roles. In 1896 he created Mike in Stanford’s Shamus O’Brien at the Opera Comique, London. From 1902 to 1908 he was leading tenor of the Moody-Manners Company, and in 1910 joined Beecham’s company at Covent Garden. In 1912 he founded the O’Mara Grand Opera Company, appearing often with it until 1924. In addition to producing the popular repertory, he mounted Catalani’s La Wally and Kienzl’s Der Evangelimann, given for the first time in English under the title of The Apostle of St Omar (1924, Dublin). O’Mara had a repertory of 67 roles.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Obituary, MT, lxviii (1927), 846

R. Potterton and E. O’Mara Carton: ‘Joseph O’Mara’, Record Collector, xix (1970–71), 33–42 [with discography]

L. Foreman: Music in England 1885–1920 (London, 1994)

HAROLD ROSENTHAL/GEORGE BIDDLECOMBE

Omnitonic horn.

A crooked horn, whereby all the crooks are incorporated into the instrument, enabling the player to select any key instantaneously. See Horn, §3(i).

ONCE.

Group of American composers and avant-garde artists. The group evolved in the late 1950s in Ann Arbor, Michigan; its central figure was the composer Robert Ashley. Other composers who were members included Gordon Mumma, co-organizer with Ashley of the ONCE festivals, Roger Reynolds, who was active in the founding of the group and in the organization of the first festival, George Cacioppo, Donald Scavarda, Bruce Wise and, in later festivals, ‘Blue’ Gene Tyranny. Artists, filmmakers (notably George Manupelli), architects, poets and performance artists were all involved in ONCE mixed-media activities, and many guest composers and musicians took part. ONCE festivals were given annually during the period 1961–8, and the ONCE Group, a smaller performance art ensemble founded by Ashley, performed, recorded and toured, 1965–9. After Ashley moved to California in 1969, ONCE activities declined in importance.

The most significant focus for avant-garde mixed-media activity in the Midwest during the 1960s, ONCE sponsored performances of works from the entire range of Cageian and post-Cageian experimental American music; its programmes also included music by prominent European contemporaries and works of the classic modernist repertory. The emphasis that ONCE played on mixed media had an influence on subsequent collaborative ventures in California and New York.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

R.N. Sheff and M. Slobin: ‘Music Beyond the Boundaries’, Generation, xvii (1965-6), no.1, pp.27–65; no.2, pp.55–95; repr. in Lightworks, nos.14–15 (1981–2), 34–44

G. Mumma: ‘The ONCE Festival and How it Happened’, Arts in Society, iv (1967), 381

R. James: ‘ONCE: Microcosm of the 1960s Musical and Multimedia Avant-Garde’, American Music, v/4 (1987), 359–90

JOHN ROCKWELL

Ondeggiando

(It.).

See Ondulé.

Ondes martenot

(Fr. ‘martenot waves’).

A monophonic electronic instrument invented by Maurice Martenot (b Paris, 14 Oct 1898; d Clichy, nr Paris, 8 Oct 1980), whose original name for it was ‘ondes musicales’. Martenot, who had studied piano, cello and composition at the Paris Conservatoire, first presented his instrument on 20 April 1928 as the soloist in Levidis’s Poème symphonique. He was very active in promoting and developing the instrument (making a world tour in 1930–31), on which his sister Ginette became a leading performer (succeeded by Jeanne Loriod), and it soon found favour with a number of composers including Milhaud, Jolivet, Koechlin, Schmitt, Ibert and Honegger. Varèse first used it as a substitute for the sirens in a performance of Amériques (30 May 1929, Paris) and later replaced two theremins by ondes martenot in the revised version of Ecuatorial. Messiaen wrote for six ondes martenot in Fêtes des belles eaux (1937) and, more importantly, gave a prominent part to the instrument in the Trois petites liturgies de la présence divine (1943–4) and the Turangalîla-symphonie (1946–8), where the unmistakable association of the instrument with the human voice creates the impression of a goddess-like figure, without the human limitations of range or power. In 1947 Martenot established classes in the ondes martenot at the Paris Conservatoire, and in the same year Jolivet was the first of a dozen composers to write a concerto for it. Apart from concert works (over 700 by 1990) and much film music, it has also been employed in many French theatres, including the Comédie-Française, the Théâtre National Populaire and the Folies-Bergère. More than 70 performers in at least seven countries have at some time specialized in the instrument (with ensembles in France and Montreal), including the composers Pierre Boulez, Maurice Jarre and Gilles Tremblay (early in their careers), Paul Beaver, Tristan Murail and Thomas Bloch.

Some of the enthusiasm which composers felt for the instrument is conveyed by Honegger. In Je suis compositeur (Paris, 1951) he compared it with the double bassoon, writing ‘The device known as ondes martenot could replace it with advantage. This instrument has power, a speed of utterance, which is not to be compared with those gloomy stove-pipes looming up in orchestras’. The ondes martenot is not specifically a bass instrument, however, for its range extends upwards beyond that of the piano.

The first two versions of the ondes martenot (1928) consisted of two units, in front of which the performer stood: the principal one had a ‘pull-wire’ operated by a ring for the right index finger, while the left hand manipulated controls on the other unit; a movable pointer above a dummy keyboard indicated the pitch. In the single console of the third version (1929) for a seated player the pull-wire was replaced by a horizontal wire ribbon controller (ruban) incorporating the finger ring, in front of a dummy keyboard. The fourth version (1930) featured only a functioning keyboard and the fifth (1933) combined this with the ribbon controller. The right hand plays both the ribbon and the keyboard, of which each key is capable of slight lateral movement, microtonally shifting the pitch and enabling the performer to create a vibrato. Wide glissando sweeps and expressive portamentos are achieved by sliding the ribbon laterally by means of a ring for the index finger. The sound is produced by a beat-frequency oscillator, based on the heterodyne principle of a radio receiver; a further similarity may be seen in the movement of the pull-wire and ribbon, which, like that of the tuning dial in analogue radio sets, serve to open and close the interleaved plates of a variable capacitor inside the console. The left-hand controls, accessed from a pull-out drawer (see illustration), feature switches and potentiometers that govern articulation, dynamics, envelope and timbre.

The instrument has been manufactured since 1929, briefly by Gaveau in Paris and from about 1931 by Martenot’s own company, Laboratoire des Ondes Musicales Martenot (since the early 1950s called La Lutherie Electronique) at Neuilly-sur-Seine, near Paris. Following the more compact sixth version (1953) a transistorized version was introduced in 1974 and a digital one (designed by Christian Deforeit) in 1993. Non-professional models include one combined with a radio and turntable (c1950) and three simplified school models: with ribbon alone (c1950), with keyboard alone (1953) and with fewer controls (1980). Of striking design, the loudspeakers include three types based on resonated objects: the palme (sympathetic strings), the diffuseur métallique (tam-tam) and the diffuseur à ressorts (stretched coiled springs). The ondes martenot may be said to be one of the most successful electronic instruments developed before the synthesizer. Following Martenot’s death the Association pour la Diffusion et le Développement des Ondes Martenot (ADDOM) was formed in 1981 in Neuilly-sur-Seine.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

M. Martenot: Méthode pour l’enseignement des ondes musicales (Paris, 1931)

B. Disertori: ‘Le onde Martenot: lo strumento nuovo d'una nuova èra’, RMI, xliii (1939), 383–92

M. Martenot: ‘Lutherie électronique’, La musique et ses problèmes contemporains, Cahiers de la Compagnie Madeleine Renaud – Jean-Louis Barrault, no.3 (Paris, 1954), 69–75; repr. in ibid., no.41 (Paris, 1963), 77–85

M. Martenot: ‘Künstlerische und technische Merkmale des elektronischen Musikinstruments: Zukunftsperspektiven’, Musik–Raumgestaltung–Elektroakustik, ed. W. Meyer-Eppler (Mainz, 1955), 72–7

F.K. Prieberg: Musica ex machina: über das Verhältnis von Musik und Technik (Berlin, 1960), 214–22

T.L. Rhea: The Evolution of Electronic Musical Instruments in the United States (diss., George Peabody College, 1972), 62–7; rev. as ‘Martenot’s Musical Waves’, Contemporary Keyboard, iv/10 (1978), 62 only; repr. in The Art of Electronic Music, ed. T. Darter and G. Armbruster (New York, 1984), 30–32

S. Vicic: The Ondes Martenot: a Survey of its Use in Selected French Compositions 1928–1950 (diss., U. of Western Ontario, 1984)

J. Loriod: Technique de l’onde électronique type martenot/Technique of the “Martenot” Electronic Instrument (Paris, 1987)

J. Laurendeau: Maurice Martenot: luthier de l’électronique (Montreal and Croissy-Beaubourg, 1990)

T. Bloch: ‘The Ondes Martenot’, Experimental Musical Instruments, viii/1 (1992), 8–12

RICHARD ORTON/HUGH DAVIES

Ondříček.

Czech family of violinists.

(1) Ignác Ondříček

(2) Jan Ondříček

(3) František Ondříček

(5) Stanislav Ondříček

JIŘÍ VYSLOUŽIL

(1) Ignác Ondříček

(b Krušovice, 7 May 1807; d Prague, 8 Feb 1871). Violinist and conductor. He studied the violin with the village schoolmaster, Šimon Josef Antonín Pergler, who took him into his band. In 1839 he moved to Prague and later formed his own band (1855–70).

(2) Jan Ondříček

(b Bělěc, 6 May 1832; d Prague, 13 March 1900). Violinist and conductor, son of (1) Ignác Ondříček. One of the most musically gifted of Ignác’s children, he completed his violin studies with Mořic Mildner in Prague and studied theory under Dvořák (with whom he played in the famous Komzák ensemble). Like his father, he was a bandmaster; his ensemble reached a professional standard and formed the core of the orchestra with which the Czech theatre manager Pavel Švanda toured Bohemia. He also taught the violin and the piano. He had 15 children, six of whom outlived him as professional violinists.

(3) František Ondříček

(b Prague, 29 April 1857; d Milan, 12 April 1922). Violinist and composer, son of (2) Jan Ondříček. From early childhood he played with his brothers in his father’s ensemble. He studied the violin first with Mildner’s pupil Jan Weber, and then at the Prague Conservatory with Antonín Bennewitz (1873–6). His accomplishments drew the attention of Wieniawski, who supported him during two years spent at the Paris Conservatoire under L.J. Massart; he left the Conservatoire with a premier prix. For two years he played at Pasdeloup's Concerts Populaires and performed elsewhere in France as well as in Brussels, Prague, London and Vienna. A significant event in his career was his giving the first performances of Dvořák’s Violin Concerto, in Prague on 14 October 1883 and in Vienna on 2 December 1883; by this time he was receiving invitations to play throughout Europe, the USA and eastern Russia. His repertory included all the major concertos; he also played solo and chamber works, thereby distinguishing himself from his contemporary violin virtuosos who almost unanimously preferred concertante arrangements and transcriptions.

Stimulated by the lack of original Czech works for the violin, he wrote pieces and composed paraphrases, fantasias and arrangements on themes from Slavonic composers including Smetana, Dvořák, Suk and Glinka. His contemporaries praised his brilliant and flawless technique, the richness of his tone, and the sensitivity and spontaneity of his expression. Appointed Kammervirtuoso in 1888, Ondříček settled in Vienna. He taught at the Vienna Conservatory (1909–12) and together with his pupil S. Mittelmann, a physician, he developed a playing methodology described in his Neue Methode zur Erlangung der Meistertechnik des Violinspiels auf anatomisch-physiologischer Grundlage (Vienna, 1909). For a time he devoted himself to quartet playing; his quartet took part in the Haydn celebrations in Vienna, playing 20 of Haydn’s quartets in five concerts. After World War I he returned to Prague and directed the violin masterclass at the conservatory (1919–22).

WORKS

(selective list)

Vn, pf: Ballade, op.1, 1877; Bohemian Dances, op.3 (Berlin, 1891); Fantasia, on themes from Smetana’s Prodaná nevěsta [The Bartered Bride], op.9 (Berlin, n.d.); Barcarole, op.10 (Berlin, c1910); Romance, op.12 (Berlin, 1892); Bohemian Dance, from The Bartered Bride, arr., op.15 (Berlin, 1895); Fantasia, on themes from Glinka’s Zhizn' za tsarya [A Life for the Tsar], op.16, 1889 (Berlin, 1900); Nocturne, op.17, 1900 (Prague, 1900); Scherzo capriccioso, op.18, 1901 (Prague, 1901); Bohemian Rhapsody, op.21 (Leipzig, 1907)

Other works: Str Qt, op.22, 1907 (Prague, 1941); cadenzas to vn concs. by Viotti, Paganini, Grädener, Spohr, Brahms, Mozart (k219, Prague, 1942); rev. of Smetana: Z domoviny [From the Homeland] (Vienna, 1915)

(4) Emanuel Ondříček [Ondricek]

(b Plzeň, 6 Dec 1880; d Boston, 30 Dec 1958). Violinist, son of (2) Jan Ondříček. He studied music with his father and at the Prague Conservatory with Ševčík (1894–9). As a violin virtuoso he gave concerts in Russia, the Balkans, Pest, Vienna, Berlin and London (where he first appeared under the pseudonym of Ploris), and made a successful tour of the USA. However, after 1912 he devoted himself exclusively to teaching. In Boston and New York he founded the Ondricek Studios of Violin Art, where his sisters Mary and Augusta also taught. He was a popular teacher, and shortly before his death he was appointed professor of violin at Boston University. His compositions include a string quartet (1924) and violin pieces (some of them arrangements). His teaching experience is contained in his book The Mastery of Tone-Production and Expression on the Violin (1931).

III. Early opera, 1600–90

(5) Stanislav Ondříček

(b Prague, 23 Aug 1885; d Prague, 16 July 1953). Violinist, son of (2) Jan Ondříček. He studied with Ševčík at the Prague Conservatory. He was a violin teacher in Russia, Zagreb and New York; from 1923 until his death he taught in music schools in Czechoslovakia.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

ČSHS

B. Šich: František Ondříček (Prague, 1947)

Ondříček Quartet.

Czech string quartet. It was formed in 1921 under another name by graduates from the Prague Conservatory: Jaroslav Pekelský (b Sobotka, 22 Jan 1898; d Prague, 12 Jan 1978), violin; Kamil Vyskočil (b Prague, 25 Feb 1894; d Prague, 20 Dec 1932), violin; Vincenc Zahradník (b Tábor, 10 May 1899; d Prague, 13 April 1967), viola; Bedřich Jaroš (b Radonice nad Ohří, 2 Feb 1896; d Prague, 7 Dec 1977), cello. In 1922, after performing Ondříček’s Quartet in A, and with the composer’s consent, the name was changed and the players left the relative security of the Czech Philharmonic organization to devote themselves, under difficult conditions, wholly to chamber music. They began touring abroad in 1924, and from 1927 to 1954 they had a permanent engagement with Czech Radio. After the death of Vyskočil in 1932, Pekelský became second violin, and the first violin was Richard Zika (b Vsetín, 9 Jan 1897; d Prague, 10 Nov 1947), and after him Josef Holub (b Holice v Čechách, 23 Feb 1902; d Brno, 11 May 1973). In 1932 the quartet worked with Suk, modelling their style on that of the Czech Quartet. Their regular radio concerts required them to perform a wide repertory. After the war they resumed touring abroad, visiting Britain and the Netherlands in 1946, but when Holub left the quartet in 1956, their activities virtually ceased. The players taught at the Prague Conservatory and Academy.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

ČSHS

‘Ondříčkovo kvarteto’ [The Ondříček Quartet], Listy Hudební matice, v (1925–6), 366 only

J. Květ: ‘Deset let Ondříčkova kvarteta’ [10 years of the Ondříček Quartet], Tempo [Prague], xii (1932–3), 87–91 [incl. list of works performed]

P. Eckstein: ‘Ondříčkovo kvarteto’ [The Ondříček Quartet], HRo, v/9 (1952), 27 only

ALENA NĚMCOVÁ

Ondulé

(Fr.; It. ondeggiando).

A term, or variants of it, used in the 19th century for various ways of creating an undulation in the sound – hence it was occasionally used to describe vibrato. More commonly, however, it referred to a ‘wavy’ motion executed by moving the bow back and forth across two or more adjacent strings, a device found in violin literature as early as the 17th century. It is, thus, similar to Bariolage. Habeneck (c1835) emphasizes that the technique requires a free arm and flexible wrist. See Bow, §II, 2(viii).

PETER WALLS

Onegin [Onégin; née Hoffmann], (Elisabeth Elfriede Emilie) Sigrid [Lilly]

(b Stockholm, 1 June 1889; d Magliaso, Switzerland, 16 June 1943). Franco-German contralto and mezzo-soprano. Though often described as Swedish, she was in fact the daughter of a French father and a German mother. She sang first as Lilly Hoffmann; after her marriage to Baron Eugene Borisovitch Lvov Onégin (1883–1919) – a Russian émigré, pianist and composer who had adopted the surname of Pushkin’s celebrated hero – she used the name Lilly Hoffmann-Onégin, but soon adopted the professional name by which she was to become famous. She studied in Munich and Milan, and later had lessons or advice from Lilli Lehmann and Margarete Siems. She was first engaged by the Stuttgart Opera in 1912; but from 1919 to 1922, after her husband’s early death, she was a member of the Hofoper in Munich, and in 1920 married Dr Fritz Penzoldt. She had two Metropolitan Opera seasons (1922–4) and one at Covent Garden (1927), in both houses singing only Amneris and Wagner roles; she also sang at Salzburg (Gluck’s Orpheus, 1931–2) and at Bayreuth (1933–4). Onegin’s greatest successes were in concerts, in which she would often sing Rossini arias; she was also a notable interpreter of Brahms's Alto Rhapsody. She had the finest and most highly trained voice of its kind since Schumann-Heink, whose repertory and manner of singing she emulated without approaching the older singer’s fire and communicative power. Notwithstanding her rich tone and astonishing technique, her recordings suggest also something marmoreal in their smoothness and coldness of style.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

F. Penzoldt: Alt-Rhapsodie: Sigrid Onégin, Leben und Werk (Magdeburg, 1939, 3/1953)

J. Dennis: ‘Sigrid Onegin’, Record Collector, v (1950), 223–31 (incl. discography], 280–81; xii (1959), 200

DESMOND SHAWE-TAYLOR

O’Neill, Dennis

(b Pontardulais, 25 Feb 1948). Welsh tenor. He studied at Sheffield University and with Frederick Cox, and after solo appearances with Scottish Opera’s ‘Opera for All’ (1971) he joined the Glyndebourne chorus (1974) and sang at the Wexford Festival. During two seasons as principal tenor with South Australian Opera, he created a role in Sitsky’s Fiery Tales (1976). Thereafter he sang lyric roles with Scottish Opera and the WNO, then studied further in Italy with Ettore Campogalliani and Luigi Ricci. His débuts at Covent Garden in 1979 as Flavio (Norma) and at Glyndebourne in 1980 as the Italian Tenor (Der Rosenkavalier) were followed by leading roles in both theatres and with the ENO. In 1983 he made débuts in the USA at Dallas as Edgardo (Lucia) and at the Vienna Staatsoper as Alfredo, a role he also sang with the Metropolitan Opera on tour in 1986 before singing Rodolfo with them in New York the next year. In 1990 he sang Gabriele Adorno in Cologne and Foresto (Attila) at Covent Garden, and has subsequently expanded his Verdi repertory to include such roles as Radames, Don Alvaro (La forza del destino), Macduff and Otello. O’Neill combines a fine-spun Italianate tone with an intelligent perception of style and character. His recordings include Cavaradossi, Dick Johnson (La fanciulla del West) and Verdi’s Requiem. A governor of the Welsh College of Music and Drama, he has set up a bursary in his own name to help young WNO singers to study abroad.

NOËL GOODWIN

O'Neill, Francis

(b Tralibane, Co. Cork, 28 Aug 1848; d Chicago, 28 Jan 1936). Irish musician, collector and publisher. Born of farming stock in an Irish-speaking area, O'Neill showed early intellectual promise and played the traditional flute from youth. He went to sea as a teenager and sailed around the world before being shipwrecked and landed in America, where he joined the Chicago police force in 1873 and rose through the ranks to become Chief of Police 1901–5. With a fellow policeman James O'Neill (1863–1947, no relation) as scribe, he began from the 1880s preserving in manuscript melodies remembered from his childhood. He then expanded this activity to collecting Irish music from the many traditional Irish musicians resident in Chicago and from printed and manuscript sources. In 1903 he produced O'Neill's Music of Ireland: Eighteen Hundred and Fifty Melodies, the largest collection of Irish music ever published. This was followed by other Chicago-compiled tune collections, chiefly: The Dance Music of Ireland (1907), O'Neill's Irish Music (2/1915), Waifs and Strays of Gaelic Melody (2/1924). The two latter were arranged for piano by Selena O'Neill (no relation). O'Neill also wrote two studies of Irish traditional music which contain a wealth of musical and biographical information: Irish Folk Music: a Fascinating Hobby (1910) and Irish Minstrels and Musicians (1913). O'Neill's publications, which are mostly still kept in print, were ground-breaking in preserving Irish dance music and have had a great impact on the course of the music in the twentieth century.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

N. Carolan: A Harvest Saved: Francis O'Neill and Irish Music in Chicago (Cork, 1997)

NICHOLAS CAROLAN

O’Neill, Norman (Houstoun)

(b London, 14 March 1875; d London, 3 March 1934). English composer and conductor. After studying with Somervell in London (1890–93) he worked under Iwan Knorr in Frankfurt at the Hoch Conservatory (1893–7), where at various times his colleagues were Balfour Gardiner, Cyril Scott, Grainger and Quilter (often known as the ‘Frankfurt group’ or ‘gang’). Although he enjoyed modest success with some of his chamber and orchestral works, particularly before the war, he found his niche in the theatre, where he showed unrivalled skill in the composition of incidental music, a genre in which he produced over 50 scores. Between 1901 and 1908 he wrote incidental music for various theatres in collaboration with John Martin-Harvey. He was permanent conductor of the Theatre Royal, Haymarket, from 1909 to 1919 and from 1920 to 1932, with a temporary move to the St James's Theatre (1919–20). At the Haymarket he won acclaim for his music to Maurice Maeterlinck's The Blue Bird (1909), Lord Dunsany's The Golden Doom (1912) and especially J.M. Barrie's Mary Rose (1920). From 1916 to 1934 O’Neill was treasurer of the Royal Philharmonic Society. A close friend of Delius, he did much to support performances of the composer's work in London. In 1924 he joined the teaching staff of the RAM and also examined for the Associated Board. His wife, Adine O’Neill (née Ruckert), a concert pianist, was for a time London critic of the Monde musical and in 1903 became head music mistress at St Paul's Girls' School, Hammersmith.

WORKS

(selective list)

incidental music

After All (E.G.E. Lytton), London, 1901–2; The Exile (Osbourne, Strong), London, 1902; Hamlet (W. Shakespeare), op.13, Dublin, l904; A Lonely Queen, op.22 (J. Comyns Carr), New York, 1906; The Bride of Lammermoor (The Last Heir), op.28 (S. Phillips, after W. Scott), London, 1908; King Lear (Shakespeare), op.36, London, 1909; The Blue Bird, op.37 (M. Maeterlinck), London, 1909; The Gods of the Mountain, op.41 (Dunsany), London, 1911; The Golden Doom, op.44 (Dunsany), London, 1912; The Pretenders, op.45 (H. Ibsen), London, 1913; Through the Green Door (M.V. Vernon), Manchester, 1919; Julius Caesar (Shakespeare), London, 1920; Macbeth (Shakespeare), London, 1920

Mary Rose (J.M. Barrie), London, 1920; Quality Street (Barrie), London, 1921; The Merchant of Venice (Shakespeare), New York, 1922; Success (A.A. Milne), 1923; A Kiss for Garlands (Barrie), London, 1924; Kismet (E. Knoblock), London, 1925; The Man with the Load of Mischief (A. Dukes), London, 1925; Mr Pickwick (C. Hamilton, F.C. Reilly, after C. Dickens), London, 1928; The Ivory Door (Milne), London, 1929; Measure for Measure (Shakespeare), London, 1929; Henry V (Shakespeare), London, 1933

other works

Ballets: A Forest Idyll, c1913; Before Dawn, London, 1917; Punch and Judy, London, 1924; Alice in Lumberland, London, 1926

Choral: Waldemar, op.19, solo vv, chorus, orch; 8 National Songs, op.34, unison vv, orch; partsongs, unison songs

Orch: Suite, op.3, str, 1893–7; In Autumn, op.8, ov., 1901; Miniatures, op.14, small orch, 1904; In Springtime, op.21, ov., 1905–6; Miniatures, op.25, 1908; Theme and Variations on an Irish Air, op.29, 1910; A Scotch Rhapsody, op.30, 1911; Humoresque, op.47, ov., 1913; Hornpipe, op.48, 1916; Irish Jig, chbr orch, 1923; Festal Prelude, 1927; 2 Shakespearean Sketches, 1928

Vocal orch: Death on the Hills, op.12 (R. Newmarch), A, orch; La belle dame sans merci, op.31 (J. Keats), Bar, orch; The Farmer and the Fairies (H. Asquith), spkr, orch

Chbr: Variations on ‘Pretty Polly Oliver’, op.1, pf trio, 1895; Sonata, op.2, vc, pf, 1896; Scherzo and Romance, op.6, vn, pf, 1897; Pf Trio, a, op.7, 1900; Pf Qnt, op.10, 1902–3; Pf Trio, F, op.32, 1909; Berceuse, op.33, vn, pf, 1909; Scherzo, op.52, str qt; 2 Pieces, vn, pf, 1921

Songs: The Indian Serenade (P.B. Shelley), 1900; 2 Songs, op.16 (R. Newmarch), 1904; 5 Rondels, op.18 (W.E. Henley, G. Moore, A. Symons, anon.), 1907; 2 French Songs, op.26 (P. Verlaine, P. Fort), 1907; 2 Songs, op.35 (G. van Ruith, Keats), 1909; A Song Cycle (E. Temple Thurston), 1924; Echoes of Erin (H. Boulton), 1926; others incl. songs from plays

Pf: 4 Compositions, op.4, 1898; Variations and Fugue, op.5, 1898; 3 Pieces, op.15, 1904; Variations and Fugue on an Irish Theme, op.17, 1905; 3 Pieces, op.20, 1906; 2 Studies, op.24, 1911; 3 Old English Pieces, 1919; Suite, 1927; 3 Sketches, 1928

Principal publishers: Bosworth, Cramer, Prowse, Schott

BIBLIOGRAPHY

N. O’Neill: ‘Music to Stage Plays’, PMA, xxxvii (1910–11), 85–102

E. Fenby: Delius as I Knew him (London, 1936, 2/1948/R, 3/1966)

D. Hudson: Norman O’Neill: a Life of Music (London, 1945)

T. Armstrong: ‘The Frankfurt Group’, PRMA, lxxxv (1958–9), 1–16

E. Irving: Cue for Music (London, 1959)

S. Lloyd: H. Balfour Gardiner (Cambridge, 1984)

C. Ehrlich: First Philharmonic: a History of the Royal Philharmonic Society (Oxford, 1995)

JEREMY DIBBLE

One-step.

A fast ballroom dance. It was made popular in New York and England about 1910 by the dancers Vernon and Irene Castle (one variant was called the ‘Castle walk’). Danced to a fast march in 2/4 or 6/8 time, at about 60 bars per minute, it consisted of a simple walking step for eight counts with a pivot on the first. By World War I it had spread throughout North America and western Europe. It adopted elements of ragtime (particularly danced to Irving Berlin's Alexander's Ragtime Band, 1911), and from about 1912 was gradually absorbed into the various ‘trot’ dances.

See also Dance, §7.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

V. and I. Castle: Modern Dancing (New York, 1914/R)

P.J.S. Richardson: A History of English Ballroom Dancing (1910–45) (London, 1946)

Ongala, Remmy [Ramadhani Ongala Mtoro, Dr Remmy]

(b Kindu, Belgian Congo [now Democratic Republic of Congo], 1947). Tanzanian composer, guitarist and singer. In 1969 Ongala moved to Uganda; he later moved to Kenya to join the band Orchestra Makassy, before settling in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. After the dissolution of Orchestra Makassy in the early 1980s, he joined and later became the leader of the Orchestra Super Matimila. The socially oriented lyrics of Ongala’s songs and the guitar-driven sound of Orchestra Super Matimila appealed to promoters of WOMAD (World of Music, Arts and Dance) in the late 1980s, and Ongala’s exposure to international audiences and his recording sessions in Europe confirmed for him a major role in the international development and promotion of African urban musics. His music typically includes three guitars, saxophones, bass, drums, and lead and backup vocals, and his style reflects influences of earlier Congolese musical genres blended with indigenous rhythms and guitar playing styles of East Africa; he credits Franco as an early influence. Ongala, often referred to as ‘the Voice of Tanzania’, communicates to and for the poor and disaffected, as is reflected in the political and social commentary of many of his songs’ lyrics, most of which are in KiSwahili. Ongala refers to his music as ubongo, intelligent or ‘brain’ music; his songs force people to reflect on the issue of inequality and the need for increased AIDS awareness.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

and other resources

B.R. Mtobwa: Remmy Ongala: Bob Marley wa Tanzania (Dar es Salaam, 1984)

W. Graebner: ‘Whose Music? The Songs of Remmy Ongala and Orchestra Super Matimila’, Popular Music, viii (1989), 243–58

R. Graham: The World of African Music: Stern’s Guide to Contemporary African Music, ii (London, 1992)

G. Stewart: ‘Ubungo Man: Remmy Ongala’, Breakout: Profiles in African Rhythm (Chicago, 1992), 34–40

W. Graebner: ‘Marashi ya Dar es Salaam: Dance with Style – the Flavour of Dar es Salaam’, World Music: The Rough Guide (London, 1994), 355–62

recordings

Nalilia Mwana, perf. R. Ongala and Orchestra Super Matimila, WOMAD 010 (1988)

Songs for the Poor Man, perf. R. Ongala and Orchestra Super Matimila, Real World 91315-2 (1989); reissued as Real World 2305-2 (1993)

Mambo, perf. R. Ongala and Orchestra Super Matimila, Real World 2320-2 (1992)

Sema, perf. R. Ongala and Orchestra Super Matimila, WOMAD WSCD0002 (1996)

GREGORY F. BARZ

Ongarelli, Rosa.

See Ungarelli, Rosa.

Ono, Yoko

(b Tokyo, 18 Feb 1933). American composer and performance artist of Japanese descent. She attended Sarah Lawrence College, where she studied music and philosophy. She married Ichiyanagi in 1956. In the early 1960s the couple's Manhattan apartment became the site of many performance events; several of the artists who performed there were later associated with Fluxus. Dubbed ‘the high priestess of the happening’, Ono was a pioneer in the conceptual art movement. She once claimed that ‘the only sound that exists … is the sound of the mind’. Her conceptual scores, described by Maciunas as ‘Neo-Haiku Theater’, often consist of only brief instructions. Earth Piece (1963), for example, instructs the performer to ‘listen to the sound of the earth turning’. In Cut Piece (1964), Ono invited the audience to cut up her dress. A specialist in extended vocal techniques, her first performance in sound (1961) featured screams, sighs, moans, gasps and multi-phonics. After her marriage to John Lennon in 1969, the couple performed with the Plastic Ono Band, fusing rock and avant-garde styles.

WRITINGS

Grapefruit (New York, 1964)

The Bronze Age (Detroit, 1989)

To See the Skies (Milan, 1990)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

CBY 1972

J. Cott and C. Doudna, eds.: The Ballad of John and Yoko (New York, 1982)

M. Sumner, K. Burch and M. Sumner, eds.: The Guests go to Supper (Oakland, CA, 1986)

J. Hendriks, ed.: Fluxus Codex (Detroit, 1988)

T. Johnson: The Voice of New Music: New York City 1972–1982 (New York, 1989)

B. Haskell and J. Hanhardte: Yoko Ono: Arias and Objects (Salt Lake City, 1991)

G.G. Gaar: She's a Rebel: the History of Women in Rock & Roll (Seattle, 1992)

O.F. Smith: ‘Proto-Fluxus in the United States, 1959–1961: the Establishment of a Like-Minded Community of Artists’, Fluxus: a Conceptual Country, ed. E. Milman (Providence, RI, 1992), 45–57

M. Masaoka: ‘Unfinished Music: a Conversation with Yoko Ono’, San Francisco Bay Guardian (27 Aug 1997)

DAVID W. BERNSTEIN

Onori [Onorii], Romualdo.

See Honorio, Romualdo.

Onslow, (André) George (Louis)

(b Clermont-Ferrand, 27 July 1784; d Clermont-Ferrand, 3 Oct 1853). French composer of English descent. His father Edward Onslow came to France in 1781, and two years later married Marie-Rosalie de Bourdeilles de Brantôme. The eldest of four sons, George probably studied the piano in England with J.N. Hüllmandel while still very young. From January 1799 to July 1800 he studied the piano with J.L. Dussek in Hamburg, and then seems to have completed his musical education in England with J.B. Cramer. He recognized his musical vocation in 1801 when he heard the overture to Méhul's Stratonice. A gifted amateur, he wrote his first works (opp.1–4) before 1807; they were published by Pleyel. He married Delphine de Fontanges in July 1808. In the same year he asked Reicha, who had just arrived in Paris, to teach him composition. After these lessons he wrote string trios, quartets and quintets, and took up the cello so that he could play chamber music with his friends. He divided his time between the provinces and the capital, spending the winter months in Paris, where he could have his latest works played, particularly at the quartet performances held by Baillot, the Dancla brothers and Tilmant. During the summer of 1829 he had a near-fatal accident when out hunting. While convalescing, he composed the last three movements of a quintet he had begun before the accident. This quintet, op.38, known as ‘De la balle’, remained the composer's mascot. In 1830 Onslow became the second honorary member of the London Philharmonic Society. In general, he maintained close and friendly relations with the English musical world, particularly with John Ella, George F. Anderson and Dussek's nephew Pio Cianchettini. In 1834 he was elected president of the Athénée Musical. He succeeded Cherubini at the Académie des Beaux-Arts in 1842, and his career became established in these years. He was a founder member of the Association des Artistes Musiciens (1843) and was invited to the Aachen music festival in 1846. Inspired by this visit, he offered the committee of the Niederrheinisches Musikfest his Symphony no.4. It was accepted, and the composer was invited to conduct it at Cologne the next year. This journey must have been his last outside France. In 1852 he was affected by rheumatic pains and failing sight in the left eye, and gave up composing for ever.

Onslow's wealth made him musically independent, freeing him from material constraints and allowing him to devote himself to chamber music without concerning himself with the tastes of the French public. However, he felt a true passion for operatic composition; the existence of an opera (Les deux oncles) in autograph manuscript dating from 1806 shows that he had tried his hand at this genre at the same time as composing his very first quintets. This interest in opera is also evident in the composer's correspondence. Although his three operatic works L'alcade de la vega, Le colporteur and Guise were given as comic operas at the time, it is clear that they approached the grand opera genre, which explains the notably cool reception they received from the critics, who thought it inappropriate to stage such dramatic works at the Opéra-Comique. Onslow's operatic language shows a certain monotony in its style. The vocal line is seldom independent of the orchestral accompaniment, and the composer resorts to over-repetitive devices (vocal duets developing in 3rds, scales, chromatic lines, homorhythmic choruses etc.). The large intervals, difficult sequences and excessive chromatism are fairly demanding on the voice. Onslow's instrumental music developed in relatively clear-cut periods. From 1807 to 1832 there is a clear predilection for piano works and string quintets.

Although the majority of his works for solo piano are youthful productions of no real interest, the duos and trios contain pre-Romantic features similar to those found in Hummel, and are of incontestable quality, if formally rather rigid. They are unusual in France at this time for the equal importance assigned to each instrument. Onslow's string quartets and quintets come at the peak of his compositional career. His youthful quartets (opp.8, 9 and 10) are notable for great flexibility of writing, exceptional rhythmic and melodic charm, and great vitality. They are clear successors to the quatuor brillant and the Classical tradition. Between 1817 and 1831 Onslow composed very little for quartet, but in 1832 he returned to form with new and sudden verve. This was probably linked with his discovery of Beethoven's late quartets, which shocked and fascinated him. He composed the most significant of all his quartets (opp.46-56) within three years. With all four instruments now essential to the discourse, these works show great emotional intensity, opening up the way to new harmonic and rhythmic daring, and they contain movements of striking beauty. Finally, from 1835 to 1846, the year when he stopped composing quartets, Onslow moved away from melodic writing to concentrate on more complex thematic structures. This cost him some lack of understanding on the part of the critics, who missed the style and melodic charm of the early works.

The string quintets were composed for an interesting diversity of ensembles. The first, dating from 1806 to 1825 (opp.1 to 25) were written for two violins, viola and two cellos (a viola part being provided to replace the first cello if necessary). After hearing the double-bass player Dragonetti in London, Onslow replaced the second cello with a double bass (opp.32 to 35). With op.37 and its successors he favoured two cellos again, but all the quintets were published with two extra parts, allowing them to be played in any of these combinations. Like the quartets, these quintets bear witness to the richness of Onslow's musical development, which departs from Classicism and embraces a style of composition in which a surprising anticipation of the language of Brahms is apparent. Some of these quintets must undeniably be placed among the great masterpieces of 19th-century chamber music. The end of the composer's life saw him returning to the piano within larger chamber ensembles (the quintets op.76, the sextet op.77b and the septet op.79), probably because of a fashion for large ensembles at the time. These last works, evidence of a delayed pre-Romanticism, do not compare with their predecessors.

Onslow's work was particularly successful in Germany and Austria throughout the first half of the 19th century, as the many editions of his works show. Kistner and Breitkopf & Härtel, in particular, competed for the privilege of publishing Onslow in the German-speaking countries. This passion for a composer compared in turn to Mozart, Beethoven, Schubert and Mendelssohn progressively died down towards the middle of the century. He was less famous in France. His chamber works, although regularly played in musicians' salons, were described as erudite and serious and did not become popular with the general public.

WORKS

all printed works published in Paris

stage

Les deux oncles, 1806, unperf.

L’alcade de la vega (drame lyrique, Bujac), Paris, OC, 10 Aug 1824, vs (Paris, 1824)

Le colporteur, ou L’enfant du bûcheron (oc, E. Planard), Paris, OC, 22 Nov 1827, vs (Paris, 1827)

Guise, ou Les états de Blois (drame lyrique, Planard and J.H. Vernoy de Saint-Georges), Paris, OC, 8 Sept 1837, vs (Paris, 1837)

Caïn maudit, ou La mort d’Abel (grande scène dramatique, Saint-Hilaire), B, orch, pf, vs (Paris, 1846)

orchestral, chamber music without piano

Syms: no.1, A, op.41 (c1830); no.2, D, op.42 (c1831); no.3, f [arr. of str qnt op.32]; no.4, G, op.71 (1846)

Nonet, A, fl, ob, cl, hn, bn, vn, va, vc, db, op.77 (1849); Wind Qnt, F, fl, ob, cl, hn, bn, op.81 (1852)

34 str qnts [2vn, 2va, vc, or 2vn, va, 2vc, or 2vn, va, vc, db], opp.1 (e, E, d), 17 (g), 18 (D), 19 (e), 23 (E), 24 (d), 25 (C), 32 (f), 33 (B), 34 (a), 35 (G), 37 (F), 38 (c) (La balle), 39 (e), 40 (b), 43 (E), 44 (c), 45 (d), 51 (g), 57 (E), 58 (a), 59 (D), 61 (f), 67 (c), 68 (D), 72 (g), 73 (E), 74 (e), 75 (A), 78 (d), 80 (c), 82 (E)

37 str qts, opp.4 (B, D, a), 8 (c, F, A), 9 (g, C, f), 10 (G, d, E), 21 (B, e, E), 36 (e, E, D) [arr. of pf trios op.14], 46 (f, F, g), 47 (C), 48 (A), 49 (e), 50 (B), 52 (C), 53 (d), 54 (E), 55 (d), 56 (c), 60 [arr. of themes from Guise], 62 (B), 63 (b), 64 (c), 65 (g), 66 (D), 69 (A)

piano, chamber music with piano

Septet (B), fl, ob, cl, hn, bn, db, pf, op.79 (1852)

2 sextets, fl, cl, hn, bn, db, pf, opp.30 (E) (1825) 77bis (a) (1849) [arr. of nonet, op.77]

3 qnts, vn, va, vc, db, pf, opp.70 (b) (c1846), 76 (G) (c1848) [arr. of sym op.71], 79bis (B) (1852) [arr. of septet, op.79]

10 trios, vn, vc, pf, opp.3 (A, C, g) (1808), 14 (e, E, D) (1818), 20 (d) (1823), 26 (c) (1824), 27 (G) (1824), 83 (f) (1853)

6 duos, vn, pf, opp.11 (D, E, f) (1818), 15 (F) (1819), 29 (E) (1825), 31 (g) (1826)

3 Duos (F, c, A), vc/va, pf, op.16 (1820)

2 duos, pf 4 hands, opp.7 (e) (c1811), 22 (f) (c1824)

Sonata (c), op.2 (1807); Air écossais varié, E, op.5 (1811); Thème anglais varié, A, op.28 (c1811); Toccata, C, op.6 (1811); Charmante Gabrièle, E, op.12 (1817); Introduction, variations et finale sur ‘Aussitôt que la lumière’, g, op.13 (c1817); 6 pièces, E, A, A, b, E, E (c1848); Fantasie sur ‘'ange gardien’ (c1849)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

FétisB

MGG1 (B. Schwarz)

Newman SSB

J. d'Ortigue: ‘Biographie musicale: G. Onslow’, Revue de Paris, lvi (1833), 148–63

F. Stoepel: ‘Georges Onslow: esquisse biographique’, Gazette musicale de Paris, no.19 (1834), 149 only

G. Murat: Notice sur Georges Onslow (Clermont-Ferrand, 1853)

W.H. Riehl: ‘Georg Onslow’, Musikalische Characterköpfe (Stuttgart, 1853)

C. Estienne: Lettres sur la musique (Paris, 1854), 172

J.F. Halévy: Notice historique sur la vie et les travaux de George Onslow (Paris, 1855, repr. in J.F. Halévy: Souvenirs et portraits, Paris, 1861)

P. Larousse: Grand dictionnaire universel du XIXe siècle (Paris, 1864–90/R)

A. Marmontel: Symphonistes et virtuoses (Paris, 1881)

H. Luguet: ‘Etude sur Georges Onslow’, Revue d'Auvergne (July 1889 – July 1890) [series of seven articles]

M.B. Foster: History of the Philharmonic Society of London 1813–1912 (London, 1912)

C.E. Vulliamy: The Onslow Family, 1528–1874 (London, 1953)

R.N. Franks: George Onslow (1784–1853): a Study of his Life, Family and Works (diss., U. of Texas, 1981)

B. Schwarz: ‘The Symphonies of Georges Onslow’, IMSCR XIII: Strasbourg 1982, iii, 623–36

R. Hayes: ‘Onslow and Beethoven's Late Quartets’, JMR, v (1985), 273–96

C. Nobach: Untersuchungen zu George Onslows Kammermusik (Kassel, 1985)

V. Niaux and S. L'Ecuyer: ‘Biographie musicale: George Onslow par Joseph d'Ortigue’, Bulletin de l'Association Geroge Onslow, i (1994), 9–24

J.J. Saanajust: ‘Le château de Bellerive: demeure de G. Onslow’, Bulletin de l'Association George Onslow, i (1994), 33–42

V. Niaux: ‘Les quatuors à cordes de George Onslow’, Le quatuor à cordes en France de 1750 à nos jours, ed. B. Crozier (Paris, 1995), 63–74

V. Niaux: ‘La réception des opéras de G. Onslow en France à travers la presse quotidienne de l'époque’, Bulletin de l'Association George Onslow, ii (1996), 21–61

P. Taïeb: ‘Une révélation pour G. Onslow: Stratonice’, Bulletin de l'Association George Onslow, ii (1996), 5–19

V. Niaux: ‘G. Onslow et ses éditeurs: 36 lettres’, Bulletin de l'Association George Onslow, iii (1998), 25–64

V. Niaux: ‘Cataloge de l'oeuvre de G. Onslow’, Bulletin de l'Association George Onslow, iii (1998), 65–74

VIVIANE NIAUX

Ontology.

See Philosophy of music, §IV, 1.

Ontong Java.

See Melanesia, §IV, 3(i).

Onzième

(Fr.).

See Eleventh.

Oord [Oort], van.

See Van Noordt family.

Oosterzee, Cornélie van

(b Batavia [now Jakarta], 16 Aug 1863; d Berlin, 12 Aug 1943). Dutch composer. She studied the piano with C.L.W. Wirtz and music theory with Willem Nicolaï in The Hague. She then went to Berlin to study composition with Rudolf Radecke. After a brief return to the Netherlands, where she received counterpoint tuition from Samuel de Lange, she returned to Berlin to study instrumentation with Heinrich Urban. Her first orchestral work, Jolanthe, was performed by the Concertgebouw Orchestra for the opening of the new city theatre in Amsterdam in 1894. Both this and her next work, Nordische fantasie, were frequently performed. In 1896 she conducted the first Dutch performance of a four-movement suite, Königs-Idyllen, inspired by Tennyson's Idylls of the King. In 1898 she wrote and conducted a festive cantata for the opening of the Nationale Tentoonstelling Vrouwenarbeid (National Exhibition of Women's Work) held in The Hague. In 1900 her symphony won second prize from the Allgemeine Deutsche Musikverein and was performed that same year by the Concertgebouw Orchestra conducted by Mengelberg. In 1910 her opera Das Gelöbnis was first performed in the Weimar Hoftheater. She regularly contributed articles to the Dutch music magazines Weekblad voor muziek and Caecilia and ran a column, ‘Letters from Berlin’, in the Algemeen Handelsblad. Through these articles we learn that she greatly admired the music of Wagner and Richard Strauss. Van Oosterzee was knighted by the Order of Oranje-Nassau in 1897 and invited to become a corresponding member of the Maatschappij tot Bevordering der Toonkunst (Association for the Promotion of Music) in 1901. Little is known about the last 25 years of her life. After she died the Algemeen Handelsblad ran an article on her, noting that her music had gradually disappeared from programmes because of the increasing attention to younger composers. All Van Oosterzee's large-scale works are lost, perhaps destroyed in Berlin during World War II. Her opera Das Gelöbnis is an example of Italian verismo in which blood feud, murder and vendetta predominate. Her chamber music is diverse, from simple piano works influenced by her stay in Indonesia (such as the Javanischen Tanz and Malaüshchen Wiegenliedchen from the Sechs leichte Stüke for piano duet), to salon music typical of the 1920s (Zwei Phantasiestücke for piano trio). Her German lieder reflect the influence of Schumann and Brahms, her French songs that of Berlioz.

WORKS

(selective list)

Stage: Das Gelöbnis (G. Klett and L. von Wittich, after R. Voss), 1910, Weimar, Hoftheatre, 1910, lost

Orch: Jolanthe, ov. 1984, ?lost; Nordische fantasie, 1895; Königs-Idyllen (after A. Tennyson), 1896, lost; Sym., f, 1900, lost

Chbr and solo inst: Str Qt, c1888, lost; Pf Qt, c, c1890, lost; Str Qnt, B, c1892, lost; Fête costumée, op.15, pf, 1899; 2 Phantasiestücke, op.18, vn, vc, pf, 1900; 4 petites valses capricieuses, op.23, pf; 3 fantaisiestukjes, pf; 6 leichte Stücke, op.55, pf, 1903; Sonata ‘Italia’, pf, 1903; 3 fantasias, op.58, pf, 1905; Chansons sentimentales, op.54, pf, 1905; Carnaval, 3 fantaisies, op.58, pf, 1905; 6 leichte Stücke, op.55, pf 4 hands, 1905

Vocal: 3 Lieder (H. Heine, P. Heyse), op.3, 1v, pf; Tannhäuserleid (J. Wolff), op.7, 1v, pf; 4 Gesänge, op.12, medium v, pf, 1897; Te Bethlehem (P. de Mont), op.14, SATB, 1899; 2 Gesänge, op.19, 1v, pf, 1900; 2 Stimmungsgedichte (E.A. Hermann, C. Morgenstern), op.21, 1v, pf, 1901; 3 Liebeslieder (G. Klett, Morgenstern, D. von Liliencron), op.22, 1v, pf, 1901; Vieux airs de la Marquise, op.25, 1v, pf; Droomevrouw, kom!, SSA; Madonna, SATB; Berusting, SATB; Avond, SATB; 2 Lieder (L. Rafael, E. Otten), op.59, 1v, pf, 1905; Mignonne (d'Armand Silvestre), 1v, pf; Tanzlied (O.J. Bierbaum), 1v, pf

Principal publishers: G.H. van Eck, A.A. Noske, Ries & Erler, Breitkopf & Härtel, Vuylsteke, Schott

BIBLIOGRAPHY

W. Hutschenruyter: ‘Cornélie van Oosterzee’, Eigen haard (20 Oct 1896)

H. Nolthenius: ‘Cornélie van Oosterzee’, Weekblad voor muziek, iii (1896), 319–20, 329

C. van Oosterzee: [untitled], Nederlandsche muziekkalender, iii (1898), 35–7

S. van Milligen: ‘Des Gelöbnis, muziekdrama van Cornélie van Oosterzee’, Caecilia[Utrecht], lxvii (1898), 177–81

E. van Zoeren: De muziekuitgeverij A.A. Noske (1896–1926), (Haarlemmerliede, 1987)

H. Metzelaar: ‘Cornélie van Oosterzee’, Het hondredcomponister boek, ed. P.-U. Hiu and J. van der Klis (Haarlem and Hilversum, 1997), 255–7

HELEN METZELAAR

Opava

(Ger. Troppau).

Town in Silesia, Czech Republic. It is the former Silesian regional capital, with a bilingual Czech-German cultural history. From 1656 to 1660 Pavel Josef Vejvanovský studied at the Jesuit college in Opava. Carl Ditters von Dittersdorf worked in nearby Johannisberg and composed operas for the theatre of the local castle. Beethoven gave concerts in a nearby castle in Hradec nad Moravicí (Ger. Grätz) in 1806 and 1811, as did Liszt in 1841 (Liszt also performed in Opava in 1846 and 1848). Pavel Křížkovský, Janáček's teacher, won a scholarship in Opava in 1832; he studied at the local grammar school from 1834 to 1839. The composer, pianist and organist Eduard Mestenhauser (1832–1912) founded the German Singakademie in 1874; J.F. Hummel (1841–1919) was conductor there and for the German men's choir, 1863–73. Other musicians active in Opava were Bruckner's disciple Ludwig Grande (1865–1940), the violinist Herma Studeny (1886–1973), a disciple of Dvořák and Ševčík, and the composer and conductor Miloš Čeleda (1884–1958).

Opera was given from 1790 in the Theater unter dem Stadtturm (built 1750; rebuilt 1774 after a fire in 1763); in 1794 Mozart’s Die Zauberflöte was staged there. The Městské Divadlo (Municipal Theatre) was built in 1805; major reconstructions were carried out in 1883, in 1909, shortly after World War II and in 1992. Arthur Löwenstein was a conductor there (1929–32); among visiting artists were Marie Gutheil-Schoder and Leo Slezak. Between 1919 and 1938 Czech operas were performed by visiting companies from Ostrava and Olomouc. A professional Czech theatre company (drama, opera, operetta, ballet) was founded in the badly damaged town in 1945. At first, under municipal administration, it was known as the Slezské Národní Divadlo (Silesian National Theatre); after 1949 it became a regional company, making numerous tours. In 1957 it became the Slezské Divadlo Zdeňka Nejedlého; in 1990 it again came under municipal administration and was renamed Slezské Divadlo Opava. The company has performed both Czech and foreign operas from traditional and modern repertories.

Musical associations include the Pěvecko-Hudební Spolek Křížkovský (Křížkovský Singing and Instrumental Club, founded in 1887), Pěvecké Sdružení Slezských Učitelů (Silesian Teachers' Choir, 1906) and Pěvecké Sdružení Slezských Učitelek (Silesian Women Teachers' Choir, 1958). The Silesian Regional Museum houses a musicological centre (founded 1967) which works together with the musicological department of the Institute of Silesian Studies under the aegis of the Czechoslovak Academy of Sciences. The Silesian Musical Archives (founded 1951) contain collections from the Minorite monastery and from the castle in Hradec nad Moravicí. The Věstník matice opavské (Opavian Foundation Gazette) was published from 1891; in 1935 it became the Slezský sborník (Silesian Review). Since 1960 Opava has been the seat of the International Beethoven Society, publishing the journal Československá Beethoveniána. Since 1961 the annual Nationwide Performers' Competition has been held in Hradec.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

E. Starowski: ‘Zur Geschichte der Entwicklung des Musiklebens in Troppau’, Zeitschrift für Geschichte und Kulturgeschichte Österreich Schlesiens, no.6 (1913), 1; no.7 (1913), 275; no.8 (1913), 13

O. Wenzelides: Das Troppauer Theater (Nordmährerlad, 1943)

K. Boženek and M. Weimann: 50 let českých profesionálních divadelních představení v Opavě [50 years of Czech professional theatre performances in Opava] (Opava, 1969)

M. Malura: ‘Minoritský hudební archív v Opavě’ [Minorites' musical archives in Opava], Časopis Slezského Muzea, ser.B, xxi (1972), 96–7, 173–4

K. Boženek: ‘Operní společnosti na scéně opavského divadla’ [Opera companies on the stage of the theatre in Opava], Časopis Slezského Muzea, ser.B, xxxi (1982), 134–46

EVA HERRMANNOVÁ

Open notes.

On valved brass instruments, the notes of the harmonic series produced without lowering any valve. In brass parts, however, ‘open’ (Fr. ouvert, etc.) countermands ‘muted’ or ‘stopped’.

On the natural horn, the notes of the harmonic series, the other pitches being produced by hand-stopping. These open notes are also called Natural notes.

Open pedal.

See Sustaining pedal.

Open position [open harmony].

See under Spacing.

Open score.

A score in which each individual voice of a polyphonic composition is assigned a separate staff (see Score and Organ score).

Open string.

In string instruments, a string played at its full sounding-length without ‘stopping’ (that is, without touching the string or pressing it down with the finger). In unfretted string instruments in particular there is a difference between the sound of an open string and the sound of a stopped string sounding the same pitch. Open E string on the violin, for instance, has a different timbre from a note of the same pitch produced by stopping the A string a 5th above. Because of this difference, open strings are generally avoided, and since the turn of the 18th century players have generally preferred stopped notes except where, for special effect, an open string is specified – generally by a small ‘o’ placed over the note (see Fingering, §II, 2(i)). In fretted instruments, such as viols and lutes, there is also a difference between stopped and open strings, but this difference is considerably less than in unfretted instruments because a string stopped by pressing down on a fret has a more ‘open’ quality than a string stopped on the unfretted fingerboard. In French lute and viol tablature open strings are indicated by ‘a’, in Italian by a figure ‘0’, and in German tablatures by a different letter for each string.

DAVID D. BOYDEN

Open tuning.

A kind of tuning of a guitar, viol, violin or other string instrument in which the open strings are tuned to form a single chord (see Guitar, §8; Scordatura; and Sympathetic strings).

Opera

(It., from Lat. opera, plural of opus: ‘work’; Fr. opéra; Ger. Oper).

The present article surveys the origins and the history of opera and its presentation. For fuller discussion of the history of individual sub-genres and related genres, the reader is referred to the entries listed below. Discussion of opera houses and operatic activity in particular cities will be found in entries on the cities concerned, and of the works of individual composers within their entries.

I. ‘Opera’

II. Origins

HOWARD MAYER BROWN (I, II), ELLEN ROSAND (III), REINHARD STROHM (with MICHEL NOIRAY) (IV), ROGER PARKER (V), ARNOLD WHITTALL (VI), ROGER SAVAGE (VII, 1–5), BARRY MILLINGTON (VII, 6, 7)

I. ‘Opera’

Most narrowly conceived, the word ‘opera’ signifies a drama in which the actors sing throughout. There are, however, so many exceptions among the operatic works of the West – so many works popularly called operas in which some parts are spoken or mimed – that the word should be more generically defined as a drama in which the actors sing some or all of their parts. Numerous sub-genres, such as opera seria, opera buffa, tragédie en musique and the like, have grown up in the history of opera (information about these sub-genres will be found in separate entries). Some of the sub-genres mix spoken and sung drama in conventional ways. Thus, in operetta, Singspiel, opéra comique and musical comedy the dialogue is normally spoken and musical numbers interrupt the action from time to time. The history of opera is inextricably intertwined with the history of spoken drama. Moreover, since all operatic works combine music, drama and spectacle, though in varying degrees, all three principal elements should be taken into account in any comprehensive study of the genre, even though music has traditionally played the dominant role in the conception and realization of individual works.

The central importance of Italian musicians and poets in the development and early history of opera is suggested by the fact that the word ‘opera’ means simply ‘work’ in Italian and as such was applied to various categories of written or improvised plays in the 16th and early 17th centuries. To cite but one example arbitrarily, Francesco Andreini’s play L’ingannata Proserpina (1611) – according to its dedication intended to be either recited or sung depending on the wishes of its producers – was called an opera rappresentativa, e scenica. The earliest operas either had no generic subtitle (like Ottavio Rinuccini’s Dafne of 1598 and his Euridice of 1600) or else adopted one or another ad hoc definition: favola, opera scenica, tragedia musicale, opera tragicomica musicale, dramma musicale or the like (see Rosand, C(i)1991). It has been suggested (by Grout, A1947, and Pirrotta, Li due Orfei) that either the term opera scenica or the term opera regia (the latter meaning a drama with royal protagonists and a happy ending, a term applied to various commedia dell’arte scenarios as well as to Monteverdi’s L’incoronazione di Poppea of 1643) might be the origin of the usage that defines ‘opera’ as a specifically musico-dramatic work. In the second third of the 17th century, however, dramma per musica became the normal term for opera, although in England the word ‘opera’ was used in this way as early as the 1650s to mean a dramatic work set to music (G. Strahle: An Early Music Dictionary: Musical Terms from British Sources, 1500–1740, Cambridge, 1995; John Evelyn used the term in 1644). Nevertheless, the use of the word ‘opera’ with this meaning seems to have developed only gradually; it became widespread much later than the invention and early development of the genre.

1. Background, precursors.

II. Origins

2. Immediate origins.

Opera, §III: Early opera 1600–90

1. Background, precursors.

Music was inserted into plays as early as ancient Greek times. Choral songs, performed on occasion to the accompaniment of mimetic dancing, served to divide the play into sections and commented on the action in ancient Greek tragedy and comedy. During the 16th century, when Greek drama came to serve as a model for certain aspects of musical theatre, scholars debated the possibility that the plays were sung from beginning to end, a speculation long since abandoned, although it seems probable that some portions of Greek plays other than the choral interludes may also have been sung or at least declaimed musically, by soloists or ensembles of singers. The tradition of including music as an integral part of theatrical activities continued and even expanded in Roman times. With the destruction of the Roman theatres in the 6th century, however, all trace of official theatrical activity, musical or otherwise, disappeared from the archival records. Professional entertainers – mimi, histriones, joculatores and the like – continued to perform plays and skits which combined music with acting during the early Middle Ages, though there is only fragmentary evidence of this.

A vast corpus of medieval drama with music survives. It can be roughly divided into two kinds: so-called liturgical drama (see Medieval drama), and vernacular plays with incidental music. Some parts of the sacred service came to be dramatized in order to make the events depicted – and especially the Resurrection of Christ, his Nativity, and the events leading up to it – more vivid and immediate. These liturgical and paraliturgical dramas, whether performed in church as part of a service or somewhere else, were sung in chant from beginning to end. For this reason they have been called the first music dramas, though it should be stressed that the various repertories of religious dialogues, ceremonies and plays from the Middle Ages are far from having common origins or a single continuous history.

Similarly diverse in origin, destination and nature are the various sorts of play in the vernacular that survive from as early as the 13th century, though most copiously from the 15th and 16th centuries. On the one hand, vast medieval mystery and morality plays that often lasted several days were organized by towns for the purposes of both religious celebration and commercial gain. On the other hand, during the 15th and 16th centuries, troupes of professional actors, members of various guilds, and even amateurs performed a more modest repertory of comedies and short plays for a variety of occasions in many countries of western Europe. Both the long religious plays and the shorter comedies made use of music as an incidental part of the action. Indeed, this use of music is one of the few things both kinds of play have in common. Only rarely did music play a larger role in vernacular drama. Adam de la Halle’s Jeu de Robin et Marion, for example, written during the 1280s, is an exception in incorporating so many melodies (most of them presumably pre-existing) into its action.

None of these early musical-dramatic activities seems to have been connected historically. No single grand narrative can be written to link medieval drama to the history of 16th-century Italian comedy and tragedy, let alone to the events that led to the invention of opera in the early 17th century. The history of Italian upper-class theatre in the Renaissance should probably begin with the series of classical plays performed at the Ferrarese court in the late 15th and early 16th centuries, and especially the performances of comedies by Plautus and Terence that became models for many of the erudite written comedies during the century. These courtly performances of classical plays were commissioned by the duke and acted by the courtiers themselves. Later in the century, erudite neo-classical comedies came to be performed by amateurs, by members of the learned academies that flourished during the century, or even by those professional troupes of actors who were better known for their ability to improvise comedies, the so-called commedie dell’arte (see Commedia dell’arte).

Learned comedy was, of course, not the only genre cultivated in Italy during the 15th and 16th centuries. Sacre rappresentazioni, church pageants enlivened with music (much of it related to laude), flourished; they may even have had an important influence on the establishment of the pastoral as a genre, or on the idea of vernacular drama with music, but those connections have yet to be solidly established. A repertory of rustic plays featuring peasants and other members of the lower classes also came to be written and performed. Eventually, too, the genre of tragedy was cultivated.

Some exceptional plays did not fit comfortably within any of the principal genres. Angelo Poliziano’s Orfeo, performed at the court in Mantua about 1480, was such an exception. Poliziano called it a favola. Music played a central part. None of it survives, probably because it was not ‘learned’ written music but belonged rather to the tradition of improvised or semi-improvised music cultivated by Italian poet-musicians in the 15th century. One such poet-musician, Baccio Ugolini, played the role of Orpheus and accompanied himself on the ‘lira’, almost certainly the lira da braccio. In addition to Ugolini’s solo sections, there were several choruses. It has been argued persuasively that there is some connection between Ugolini’s performance and the philosopher Marsilio Ficino’s Orphic singing to the lyre, if not between Ficino’s ideas and Poliziano’s play (Tomlinson, B1988). In any case, Poliziano’s Orfeo was an important landmark in the pre-history of opera, not so much for its form or its influence as for its symbolic significance as a highly musical play outside the Aristotelian genres (it was neither tragedy nor comedy) that dealt with the power of music in a classical setting.

Opera, §III: Early opera 1600–90

2. Immediate origins.

The traditional view of the origins of opera – that it developed directly from discussions in the 1570s led by Count Giovanni de’ Bardi of Florence and his group of friends who constituted an informal academy known as the Camerata, and from later discussions in the circle around Jacopo Corsi – remains the best narrative of the events leading directly to the first operas: Rinuccini’s Dafne of 1598 with music by Jacopo Peri and Jacopo Corsi, Rinuccini’s Euridice of 1600, set by Peri and by Giulio Caccini, and Gabriello Chiabrera’s Il rapimento di Cefalo of 1600, set by Caccini. (Emilio de’ Cavalieri’s Rappresentatione di Anima, et di Corpo of 1600 should also be included in this group of early dramatic works, even though it was performed in Rome and by virtue of its subject matter is regarded as the first example of oratorio.) Among the many topics discussed by Bardi and his friends, music occupied an important place, and specifically the nature of ancient Greek music and the source of its emotive power. Moreover, various experiments in writing an appropriately dramatic music were made in Florence at the end of the century, most notably Vincenzo Galilei’s lost settings of the Lamentations for Holy Week and a scene from Dante, and Laura Guidiccioni’s three pastorals set to music, also lost, by Emilio de’ Cavalieri.

Nevertheless, a full account of how opera came into existence and how it came to take precisely the form it did needs to consider a number of other 16th-century developments, among them: (1) the history of music in erudite comedy, and especially the nature and role of the intermedi, the musical compositions, sometimes sung to the accompaniment of stage action or dancing, that closed each act (see fig.1); (2) the nature of music in 16th-century tragedies, and especially of the choruses that divided the scenes; (3) the debate about genres that engrossed literary circles in 16th-century Italy, and especially the debate about the nature of the pastoral, since pastoral eclogues served as a principal model (perhaps the principal model) for the earliest operas; and (4) the nature of the other kinds of music written for staged or semi-staged presentation at courts, academies, civic celebrations and the like – shorter staged scenes and dialogues that have no agreed-upon generic designation, although they were widespread in 16th-century Italy. In addition, we should take into account not only the activities of court musicians and singers, and those employed as musicians to members of the highest reaches of society, but also commedia dell’arte players who fulfilled an important though not as yet completely understood function in the history of Italian musical theatre.

Aside from the few songs introduced naturalistically into the plots of various plays, music in 16th-century erudite comedy consisted mainly of madrigals (or in some cases instrumental music), which closed each act. At some performances the musicians were hidden behind the stage, but more often they appeared on stage to sing and sometimes to dance. In many cases, these intermedi did nothing more than mark the passing of time, as in Verdelot’s intermedi madrigals for Machiavelli’s La Mandragola and La Clizia, one of the very few sets of normal madrigalesque intermedi to survive (some of the same music served for both plays). In many cases, the madrigals used as intermedi may not have been written specifically for that purpose (or at least not for particular plays or performances); it sufficed that the texts dealt with approximately the right subject matter. There seems not to have been a particular theatrical style that distinguished these madrigals from others, but it is difficult to be precise about this, since so little music survives for the texts that appear in many play books.

For great occasions, and especially weddings within the Medici family in Florence, more elaborate intermedi were staged between the acts of a play. In these courtly intermedi, several musical compositions were performed between the acts, and they were accompanied by stage action, including elaborate machines and dancing. Detailed descriptions of some of these grand occasions were published, and at least two sets of partbooks include the music composed especially for the events: those commemorating the wedding in 1539 of Cosimo I de’ Medici with Eleonora of Toledo, and those commemorating the wedding in 1589 of Ferdinando I de’ Medici with Christine of Lorraine (see fig.1). Courtly intermedi did not have plots, but many of them were centred on a common theme, often pastoral or mythological in character. Grand courtly intermedi were the most impressive examples of musical theatre of the 16th century.

The most famous and probably the most elaborate intermedi of the entire century were those organized for the Medici wedding of 1589, performed between the acts of Girolamo Bargagli’s comedy La pellegrina. They were devised by Count de’ Bardi around the theme of the power of music in the ancient world (the subject of many discussions of the Camerata), directed by Cavalieri, and composed by Peri, Caccini, Marenzio and other composers of the Medici circle. The 1589 performance was a seminal event for the history of musical theatre, even though the music itself did not differ in character very much from regular madrigals or lighter Italian secular forms. The six intermedi were sung throughout, mostly by soloists – including Peri and Caccini – and the third of them, treating the story of Apollo and the python, is a direct precursor of the first opera, Dafne, a decade later. But the music of 1589 does not represent any advance towards an operatic style, that is, a kind of music appropriate for setting dramatic dialogue.

Whereas the intermedi have been well studied and performed, music for 16th-century tragedies is much less well known, at least partly because so little of it survives, and partly because the surviving music, notably Andrea Gabrieli’s music for Edipo tiranno (Orsatto Giustiniani’s adaptation of the Oedipus of Sophocles), which opened the Teatro Olimpico in Vicenza in 1585, seems so unimpressive. Virtually every 16th-century tragedy includes long choruses to divide the action, and 16th-century commentators seem to make a distinction between these sorts of chorus and intermedi. To judge from Gabrieli’s example, choruses for tragedies were set to a music simple enough to allow the words to be heard easily by the audience. However, producers and composers devised various solutions to the problem of an appropriate music for tragedy – an example is Norton and Sackville's Gorboduc produced in London in 1562 – and in many cases may have organized music indistinguishable from that appropriate for intermedi.

The role of music in tragedy, comedy and pastoral (the three principal dramatic genres of the late 16th century) was discussed by a number of writers on dramatic theory and practice in the 16th and 17th centuries, notably Leone de’ Sommi (B1556), Angelo Ingegneri (B1598), the anonymous author of Il corago (Bc1630) and G.B. Doni (B1630). Sommi and Ingegneri wrote mostly about intermedi and tragic choruses with some consideration of incidental music, Il corago and Doni about operatic works. Whereas the author of Il corago wished to offer advice about how best to compose and produce opera, Doni, as an antiquarian concerned about the nature of music in ancient Greek and Roman theatre, criticized the new genre on the grounds (among other things) of monotony and lack of verisimilitude and advocated instead a judicious mixture of speech and song, the song reserved chiefly for monologues and choruses.

Such discussions of dramatic practice took place against a longstanding literary debate about genres, and especially about the propriety of the new mixed genres of tragicomedy and pastoral, unknown to Aristotle and hence suspect in the eyes of 16th-century intellectuals, debates chronicled in Weinberg’s magisterial study of literary criticism in the Italian Renaissance (B1961). The new pastoral drama, including such famous literary landmarks as Agostino Beccari’s Il sacrificio: favola pastorale (1555), Tasso’s Aminta: favola boscareccia (1573) and Guarini’s Il pastor fido: tragicomedia pastorale (written c1580–85), made use of an unusually large amount of music. Il sacrificio, for example, included a scene in which priests chanted in a kind of recitative and were answered by a chorus (only the vocal part of a fragment of the music, by Alfonso dalla Viola, survives); and Il pastor fido included a famous blind-man’s-buff scene (the so-called ‘Giuoco della cieca’) with singing and dancing.

These plays are important precursors of opera, since discussions about them overlapped and intersected with the discussions that led to the first operas. Certainly the first operas came about partly as a result of debate about the kind of music most appropriate for the pastoral genre. The pastoral plays like those listed above did not, however, serve as models for the earliest operatic librettos. The first operas, instead, seem to have been modelled on the much shorter pastoral eclogues, of 500–700 verses, which put into dramatic (and usually amorous) conflict shepherds and shepherdesses, nymphs and satyrs and gods and goddesses. Most eclogues are quite static dramatically and evidently derive from the long tradition of courtly entertainment. In truth, though, the study of the literary climate in Italy in the late 16th century, and of genres and debates about genre, has hardly been exhausted, especially as these questions relate to music and musicians.

The staged entertainments that had enlivened court life (and also academic and civic life) for centuries provided yet another contributing element to the diverse mixture of traditions and genres that established the character of early opera. Mascherate and moresche already had a venerable history by the second half of the 16th century. Entertainments in which masked singers and dancers interrupted a banquet or a ball are described by various chroniclers from at least the 14th century. In the late 16th century, short tableaux were sometimes offered as entertainment in upper-class society. They are called by a variety of names (including morescha and mascherata but also favola pastorale, favola, ballo or simply fiesta, among others); there is no generic descriptive term for such entertainments. Madrigal comedies, for example, surely belong in this category, especially since it has been shown (by M. Farahat, EMH, x, 1991, pp.123–43) that some of these cycles of polyphonic madrigals, canzonettas and villanellas were actually staged in private rooms. (Many madrigal comedies include characters and dramatic situations derived from commedia dell’arte; most of them were written for performance in academies.) More squarely in the tradition of courtly entertainments, though, were the three scenes by Laura Guidiccioni, including the blind-man’s-buff scene from Il pastor fido, set to music, now lost, by Cavalieri, performed in Florence in the 1590s; or the shorter dramatic works of Monteverdi like Il ballo delle ingrate, Tirsi e Clori and the Combattimento di Tancredi e Clorinda.

Opera can thus be seen as a genre that grew out of literary discussion in high society. But another tradition that went into making opera, that of the commedia dell’arte, should not be excluded from consideration (as Pirrotta, Li due Orfei, has pointed out). During the second half of the 16th century, several professional acting troupes toured Italy, performing not only their own special repertory of improvised or semi-improvised plays with stock characters but also written comedies and other kinds of play. Although scholars have been inclined to characterize commedia dell’arte players as only semi-literate artisans, the truth is that many of the actors were highly educated, highly literate and highly musical. Isabella Andreini, for example, the leading lady of the troupe called I Gelosi, was a poet, author of a pastoral eclogue, member of an academy and an accomplished linguist and musician; and Monteverdi’s first Ariadne in his mostly lost opera Arianna (1608) was an actor. Moreover, commedia dell’arte plays influenced the form and style of some opera librettos towards the middle of the 17th century (Bianconi and Walker, C(i)1975), and troupes of professional actors sometimes performed opera. Closer investigation is needed of the musical orientation of the commedia dell’arte players in general and their connection with opera in particular.

There was a vast amount of dramatic music heard in Italy in the 16th century, and a large literature of debate and discussion about it. All this activity contributed to musicians’ ideas of what an appropriate music for the theatre should be. The crucial change from courtly entertainment to opera came about when a kind of music appropriate for dramatic dialogue was invented, by Caccini, Cavalieri, Vincenzo Galilei or Peri (all of them claimed credit). The overall shape of the earliest operas, Dafne and the two Euridice settings (as well as Monteverdi’s Orfeo), was deeply influenced by earlier traditions, at least in that scene divisions were closed off by large intermedi choruses; and their subject matter was determined after extensive literary debate about genre, ancient history and the nature of music’s power.

Opera, §IV: The 18th century

III. Early opera, 1600–90

Opera in the 17th century developed in three phases. The first, humanist court opera (1600–35), closely linked to Italian Renaissance traditions of court entertainment, was played out in the aristocratic palaces of Florence, Mantua and Rome. The second, dramma per musica (1637–c1680), defined by the generic subtitle that became current in librettos at mid-century, was staged in the public theatres of Venice. In the third, European spectacle (1650–90), which overlapped the second and involved the dissemination of the new genre throughout Italy and across the Alps, dramma per musica adapted to local political and social conditions, in theatres both public and private.

Contemporary critical commentary effectively articulated the aesthetic principles of the art and helps to distinguish the various phases of its development. Writing at the end of the first phase, G.B. Doni (Trattato della musica scenica, B1630) and especially the anonymous author of Il corago (Bc1630) explored the basic issue of verisimilitude raised by the requirement of speaking in song (‘recitar cantando’) and offered guidelines for the choice of appropriate subject matter (pastoral), characters (gods, musicians) and poetic style (variety of metres, versi sciolti). The Jesuit priest G.D. Ottonelli (Cristiana moderazione del teatro, 1652) distinguished the different phases by their patronage and implied function: the aristocratic phase ‘performed in the palaces of great princes and other secular or ecclesiastical lords … or produced sometimes by certain gentlemen or talented citizens or learned academicians’ and the ‘commercial productions of a musical and dramatic nature put on by professional musicians’, who performed in public theatres. Finally, the Dalmatian canon Cristoforo Ivanovich, in Memorie teatrali di Venezia (1681), a treatise devoted exclusively to the development of public opera in Venice, epitomized its relation to court opera in socio-economic terms: ‘Venetian theatres are in no way inferior to those supported by princes, except that in those enjoyment depends on the prince's generosity, whereas in these it is a matter of business’.

1. Humanist court opera.

2. ‘Dramma per musica’.

3. European spectacle.

1. Humanist court opera.

(i) Florence.

Humanist opera emerged around 1600 in Florence as the culmination of a series of spectacular entertainments designed to celebrate the dynastic image of the Medici, most famously the wedding intermedi of 1589 (fig.1), in which almost all the figures associated with the first operas were involved: Giovanni de' Bardi as stage director, who organized the entertainment and composed one chorus, Emilio de' Cavalieri as musical director and choreographer, who wrote some of the music, Ottavio Rinuccini, author of most of the text, and the composers Jacopo Peri and Giulio Caccini, who sang in the production and contributed one number apiece. These were among the participants in the academic discussions establishing the aesthetic premises of the new art. Beginning in the 1560s in the Accademia degli Alterati and continuing for several decades, first in Bardi's so-called Camerata and then at the palace of Jacopo Corsi, their discussions investigated the nature of ancient tragedy and the contribution of music to its legendary effect. Their aim was to re-create a modern, wholly sung drama that was comparable in power and intensity.

The Euridice of Peri and Rinuccini, performed in the Pitti Palace in 1600 as part of the festivities celebrating the marriage of Maria de' Medici and Henri IV, stands as the first monument of operatic history (though Caccini's setting of the same libretto, part of which was incorporated in the performance, was in fact published first). Peri and Rinuccini had actually collaborated with Corsi some years earlier on a similar work, Dafne, which was designed, in Rinuccini's words, ‘to show what our new music could do’. Evidently begun as early as 1594, but not performed until 1598, this Dafne was never published, and as a result only a few excerpts have survived; but one of them exemplifies the recitative style that was Peri's major contribution to the developing genre. The publication of Caccini's and Peri's scores of Euridice within a couple of months in 1600, along with that of a musical drama by Cavalieri, Rappresentatione di Anima, et di Corpo, the prefaces of all three claiming priority, indicates the intensity of the rivalry during these years.

Both Dafne and Euridice, called favole, are Ovidian pastorals, ideally suited to demonstrating the power of the new music. Beyond portraying a world and an age in which ‘music was natural and speech almost poetic’ (Doni), each features a mythic musician as hero: for both Apollo and his son, Orpheus, singing is a natural means of expression.

The most important stylistic innovation of Euridice was recitative: a ‘harmony surpassing that of ordinary speech but falling so far below the melody of song as to take an intermediate form’, in Peri's famous description. Flexible enough to follow the form of the text as well as its expression, the stile recitativo allowed the characters to seem as if they were speaking naturally. Rinuccini's poetry inspired the stile recitativo, with its almost prosaic versi sciolti, interrupted on occasion by more highly structured passages, sometimes strophic, in a variety of poetic metres. Such passages, mostly for chorus but also in the allegorical prologue for Tragedy, became the poetic basis of the opera aria.

Within the remarkable expressive range of Peri's recitative – from Daphne's chilling narrative account of Eurydice's death to Orpheus's poignant lament and solemn formal prayer – dramatic verisimilitude is enhanced by the close adherence of the music to the emotional contours of Rinuccini's text. All three instances became emblematic for the operas that followed.

(ii) Mantua.

Operas continued to be presented in Florence over the course of the next several decades, interspersed with intermedi, ballets and tournaments. But the real centre of operatic activity shifted, albeit briefly, to Mantua, long a musical rival of Medici Florence. Sponsored by the reigning Gonzaga duke, Vincenzo, another operatic rendition of the Orpheus myth was performed in his palace in 1607 before the Accademia degli Invaghiti. This Orfeo, by the court composer Claudio Monteverdi, on a libretto by the court secretary Alessandro Striggio, was clearly inspired by its Florentine predecessor. It emphasizes the same dramatic moments – including the narration of Eurydice's death and Orpheus's subsequent lament and prayer – but Monteverdi's music embraces a far wider affective vocabulary than Peri's. Recitative is interspersed much more liberally with song and dance. Orfeo also places much greater emphasis on formal elements: strophes, refrains and larger symmetrical structures, extending to entire acts and even the opera as a whole, create a sense of musical coherence and shape missing in the earlier score. And the famously elaborate orchestra, with its paired violins, harps and other instruments and rich continuo – more akin to that of the Florentine intermedi than Peri's opera – plays a crucial role in creating musical variety.

Two further operatic landmarks appeared in Mantua in 1608, in conjunction with the wedding of Francesco Gonzaga and Marguerite of Savoy: Marco da Gagliano's setting of a revision of Rinuccini's Dafne (published 1608) and Monteverdi's Arianna on a new Rinuccini libretto – the first musical ‘tragedia’, so called because its principal characters are of royal birth and their actions are politically motivated (PirrottaDO). The only surviving music is Ariadne's long recitative lament on the departure of Theseus, reported to have moved the audience to tears; Monteverdi's own publication of this music in various forms, the many contemporary manuscript copies and numerous imitations in subsequent operas attest its power and significance. In its ideal meshing of textual and musical rhetoric, it represents the acme of the recitative style.

(iii) Rome.

Although operas, along with other kinds of musical entertainment, continued to be performed in Mantua during the next decades, the centre of operatic activity shifted once again, this time to Rome. Drawing on more varied sources of patronage – aristocratic families and religious organizations as well as the papacy – opera developed very differently here. These differences are already evident in Cavalieri's Rappresentatione di Anima, et di Corpo (1600), credited with being the first wholly sung drama in Rome. A moralizing allegory performed during Lent at the oratory of S Maria in Vallicella, it is more relevant to the history of the oratorio than to that of opera.

Sung dramas of various kinds, sharing little with one another aside from a moralizing ethos and a solo style of minimal expressive power, continued to appear sporadically during the next two decades in a variety of venues, secular and religious. Of greatest historical significance was the ‘favola boschereccia’ La catena d'Adone (1626), Domenico Mazzocchi's setting of a libretto by Ottavio Tronsarelli based on Marino's sensational epic of 1923, Adone. Purporting to illustrate the sufferings of the human soul when it wanders from God, Mazzocchi's only opera was published with a preface in which, addressing the problems raised by the stylistic dichotomy inherent in early opera, the composer acknowledges the tediousness of recitative and introduces the concept of ‘mezz'arie’ as an antidote. Accordingly, the score is filled with brief lyrical passages, neither aria nor recitative, that were later called arioso.

The election of Maffeo Barberini to the papacy in 1623 as Urban VIII brought new regularity to operatic activities, promoted by the papal nephews, Francesco, Taddeo and later Antonio Barberini, and their colleague Giulio Rospigliosi, the future Pope Clement IX. They fostered a series of operatic productions for Carnival at their palaces, eventually in the huge (4000-seats, it is claimed) theatre within the Palazzo alle Quattro Fontane. All the librettos were by Rospigliosi, drawing either from lives of the saints, such as Sant'Alessio by Stefano Landi (1631 or 1632, published 1634), or from Renaissance literary sources: Erminia sul Giordano, by Michelangelo Rossi, from Tasso, (1633, published 1637); Virgilio Mazzocchi and Marco Marazzoli's Chi soffre speri, from Boccaccio (1637); and Luigi Rossi's Il palazzo incantato, from Ariosto (1642). The Barberini-Rospigliosi operas were lavish spectacles with political and dynastic intent, glorifying Rome and their patrons.

Opera, §IV: The 18th century

2. ‘Dramma per musica’.

The death of Urban VIII in 1644 brought the spectacular Barberini era to a close, and with it the effective end of humanist court opera. Nearly a decade earlier, a new kind of opera had begun to emerge in Venice.

Venetian opera reflected the distinctive traditions and oligarchical structure of the Most Serene Republic. Performed during Carnival in theatres owned by patrician families competing for prestige – the Tron, Grimani, Vendramin and Giustinian – before a ticket-buying public, opera in Venice was a business, as Ivanovich noted: a big business. Theatre owners contracted with impresarios or production companies that supplied operas or commissioned them; they also provided or hired musicians and other workers. Initially librettists and/or composers themselves acted as impresarios (Ferrari, Cavalli, Giovanni Faustini), but eventually the role was filled by entrepreneurs who devoted their full time to the increasingly complex negotiations involved in opera production (Marco Faustini, Francesco Santurini). The continuity and frequency of performance promoted by regular demand and dependable financial backing ensured the institutionalization that characterizes opera today.

What started as an experiment in 1637 with a performance of Andromeda at the Teatro S Cassiano by a Rome-based itinerant troupe, directed by Benedetto Ferrari, blossomed within a few short years into a full-blown industry. Both foreign and local talent were exploited to satisfy increasing demand for librettists, composers, stage designers and performers. Monteverdi, lured out of operatic retirement, produced his three last masterpieces, Il ritorno d'Ulisse (1640), Le nozze d'Enea e Lavinia (1641, lost) and L'incoronazione di Poppea (1643, with the collaboration of several other composers), for Venetian theatres. His S Marco colleague Francesco Cavalli became the most prolific composer of the period, producing 28 operas over a 30-year career. By 1641, audiences could see multiple performances of as many as eight different operas during a season that lasted approximately six weeks in four different theatres. (There were nine by the end of the century, although the number of open theatres varied from two or three during the 1650s and 60s to five or six later.)

One important theatre not under patrician family control, the Novissimo, was specially built for a group of noble academicians, the Incogniti (who included the important early librettists G.F. Busenello and Giulio Strozzi), whose public-relations efforts in pamphlets and libretto prefaces were fundamental to the establishment of the new genre. Their inaugural effort, La finta pazza (Strozzi and Francesco Sacrati), designed by the architect-turned-scenographer Giacomo Torelli, and featuring the Roman diva Anna Renzi, became the most famous opera of the period (fig.2). As the most frequent Venetian export, it epitomized dramma per musica throughout Italy.

Opera achieved commercial viability through a combination of popular appeal and efficiency of production. Subject matter drawn from topics relevant to Venetian audiences ranged from the legends of Troy (regarded as part of the mythic history of the republic) to the exploits of imperial Roman heroes that could serve as exemplars for modern Venetians at war with the Turk. Librettos included pointed references to Venetian social customs – courtesans, gondoliers, even public opera itself – and, asides addressed directly to the audience that bridged the gap between fictional and real worlds. And the city itself was explicitly praised in prologues and depicted in scenic backdrops.

Orchestras were small (normally just strings and continuo), roles were doubled, the chorus was eschewed and a broad range of variable conventions facilitated the mass production of operas. Operatic structure was standardized at a prologue and three acts. Plots, whether drawn from myth, epic or history or newly invented, focussed on two pairs of noble lovers, attended by various comic servants, who are separated and then reunited. Recitative in versi sciolti was interspersed with closed-form arias in a single metre and/or with a regular rhyme scheme. Musico-dramatic scene types included the sleep scene with lullaby, the mad scene, the incantation (in versi sdruccioli) and the lament (on a descending tetrachord bass); vocal types included castrato heroes, bass fathers and travesti nurses.

Essentially established through the collaboration of Cavalli and his first regular librettist, Giovanni Faustini, which produced ten operas in as many years (1642–52), these conventions were easily adapted by other composers and librettists and remained in place to the end of the century. Certain individuals stand out for their accomplished treatment or extension of the conventions: the librettists G.A. Cicognini, Nicolò Minato, Aurelio Aureli and Matteo Noris; the composers Antonio Cesti, Giovanni Boretti, Antonio Sartorio and Giovanni Legrenzi. Nevertheless, the conventions ensured a continuity of style that minimized differences between particular composers and librettists.

Changes, as the century progressed, reflected developing audience expectations. Singers assumed increasing prominence (reflected by the rise in their salaries in comparison with those of composers). Distinctions between recitative and aria, blurred for expressive reasons in Monteverdi's and Cavalli's works, became clearer. Arias increased in length as well as number from around a dozen in the 1640s to more than 60 in the 1670s, with the musical form ABA (eventually developing into the da capo aria) gradually superseding ABB. Increasingly, plots became filled with improbable occurrences as sources were stretched to the point where nothing but the original title survived. More and more, serious and comic elements became intermingled. These developments were condemned by contemporary critics as pandering to the lower elements in the audience, a trend hastened in 1674 by a radical reduction in ticket prices introduced at one of the theatres (the S Moisè), which increased business but reduced the funds available for productions.

Besides forcing competing theatres to follow suit, this move inspired the opening of two new theatres, one of which, S Giovanni Grisostomo, surpassed all the others in magnificence. Since its owners, the Grimani family, were firmly opposed to the newly popular style, it alone maintained higher prices – and spectacular scenography – and it became a symbol of the restoration of decorum. Towards the end of the century it became a Venetian outpost of the Roman Accademia degli Arcadi, a forum for operatic reform.

Opera, §IV: The 18th century

3. European spectacle.

(i) Beyond Venice: the Italian peninsula.

Once established in Venice, opera began to be exported beyond the lagoon – first by Ferrari's itinerant troupe, then by others (Febiarmonici, Accademici Discordati). Dramma per musica became the dominant form of theatrical entertainment throughout Italy and even north of the Alps, though delayed or modified, in some cities, by particular local traditions. La finta pazza was heard in nearly a dozen cities, including Paris, during the period 1644–52 (see fig.2). After the middle of the century Giasone (Cicognini, Cavalli) saw 20 or more different productions, the latest in 1690.

The conventionalized but open structure of the model offered ample scope for modification to suit different audiences and performing conditions. In Medici Florence, the influential librettist G.A. Moniglia adapted the Venetian model to traditional courtly functions: Cavalli's Hipermestra celebrated a royal birth in 1658 (fig.3), Jacopo Melani's Ercole in Tebe a wedding in 1661. Both were performed at the Teatro della Pergola under the auspices of the Medici-sponsored Accademia degli Immobili, which concurrently presented a series of indigenous comic operas (also setting Moniglia librettos) that exploited local customs and dialect. Meanwhile another, more bourgeois academy, the Sorgenti, hosted a series of Venetian imports at its own commercial theatre, the Cocomero.

In Naples, beginning in 1651, Venetian imports were adapted to celebrate the Spanish viceroy, both at the palace theatre, S Carlo, and at S Bartolomeo, a public theatre opened in 1654. In Rome, dramma per musica never really took hold. Except for the brief period 1671–4, when a series of modified Venetian imports were staged at the Tordinona, a public opera house licensed under Pope Clement IX (Rospigliosi) and patronized by Queen Christina, operas continued to be produced privately, and intermittently, under the sponsorship of various noble families. They fall into two distinct categories. The first, derived from contemporary Spanish cloak-and-sword comedy, included two in the 1650s by A.M. Abbatini and Marco Marazzoli on Rospigliosi librettos, and several in the 1670s and 80s by Bernardo Pasquini and the young Alessandro Scarlatti. The second, in a simplified style, was based on pastoral subjects, representing the nascent Arcadian movement (including various works by Scarlatti, on librettos by Antonio Capece, G.D. de Totis, Silvio Stampiglia and Cardinal Ottoboni): this genre soon made itself felt in Venice as well.

The impact of dramma per musica north of the Alps, whether imported, imitated, adapted or rejected and replaced, depended on the social structures of the receiving country. Developments in France can be regarded as a reaction against it: a brief period of imports was followed by strenuous efforts to replace it with a national style which, however, borrowed elements from it. German-speaking countries hosted it longest, developing an indigenous tradition quite late. In contrast, England and Spain remained virtually untouched by dramma per musica, insulated from its influence by their own distinctive traditions of theatrical music.

(ii) France.

As part of the italianization of the French court promoted by Cardinal Mazarin, the first operas in Paris were Italian imports (six in the years 1645–62), either designed or modified to suit French taste. Thus Paris was depicted in the scenic backdrop of La finta pazza, and in Cavalli's Xerse (1660) the ‘unnatural’ castrato hero was recast as a baritone and the three acts were turned into five, interspersed with the elaborate ballets – by the young Lully – traditionally beloved by the French. Two Italian operas written expressly for the French court, Luigi Rossi's Orfeo (1647) and Cavalli's Ercole amante (1662), featured, in addition to the obligatory ballets, elaborate political prologues and epilogues in praise of the monarch. In the latter, commissioned for the wedding of Louis XIV and the Infanta of Spain, the king himself appeared in several of the ballets, as Pluto, Mars and, of course, the Sun: a vivid instance of patronage made visible.

Following the death of Mazarin, dramma per musica was rejected in favour of a national style that represented a synthesis of French traditions and tastes. Nonetheless, the Italian genre left some significant traces, not only the concept of wholly sung drama itself but in conventions such as the sommeil (based on the ubiquitous sleep scene; see fig.5) and the magnificent large-scale chaconne movements that united singers, players and dancers (based on the musical idea that underpinned the Italian lament).

The development and persistence of a national style of French opera are owed to the specific programme established by royal patronage and the vision and talents of the figure eventually charged with carrying it out. Through the establishment of the Académie Royale de Musique (or Opéra), in 1672 the king granted a monopoly for the production of opera in French to his Florentine-born surintendant de la musique, Jean-Baptiste Lully. Lully succeeded in creating a distinctive national opera, following a similar but abortive attempt by Pierre Perrin and Robert Cambert, and drawing on his experience as a composer in other theatrical genres, especially comédies- and tragédies-ballets.

Together with his librettist Philippe Quinault, Lully managed to incorporate the most characteristic elements of earlier genres – elaborate ballets, marvellous scenic transformations (‘le merveilleux’), luxuriant divertissements of songs and dances – within a context responsive to the strong traditions of spoken theatre and the French requirement for verisimilitude: the tragédie lyrique or, as it was initially called, tragédie en musique. Based either on mythology (Cadmus, Atys; fig.5, and see fig.34 below) or on chivalric legend (Roland, Armide; see fig.35 below), all 13 of Lully's tragédies feature an amorous aristocratic couple disturbed by one or more rivals (which often include a deity), with a parallel plot involving characters of lower rank. They reflect contemporary spoken tragedy in their five-act structure, adherence to the Aristotelian unities (pace Boileau and other critics), the preservation of liaisons de scènes, the delegation of tragic events to messengers' reports and the use of the chorus for commentary and as participant in the action as well as for decoration. Verisimilitude is maintained through reliance on récitatif ordinaire and brief, syllabic continuo airs for dialogue, permitting a natural, speech-like declamation of text. More substantial airs with orchestral accompaniment expressive of feelings are reserved for soliloquies. Musical contrast and opulence are provided by instrumental movements, various conventional scene types, ballets and, of course, the divertissements – all of this enhanced by Lully’s renowned orchestra and the visual marvels provided by the scenographer Carlo Vigaran.

The lengthy season (49 weeks), the frequent performances (at least three a week), the steady supply of new works and repeated revivals of old ones over a period of 15 years assured the continuity of the tragédie lyrique well beyond Lully's death in 1687. The publication of Lully's oeuvre, beginning in 1679, essentially established a national repertory and a permanent tradition. His successors, among them Pascal Collasse, Henry Desmarets, André Campra, André-Cardinal Destouches and Marin Marais, relied upon revivals of his works to attract audiences to the opera.

Comparisons between French and Italian opera agitated critics in both countries from the late 17th century onwards. After taking its lead from Italy in the 1640s, France reciprocated by influencing the Arcadian reform of Italian opera in the 1690s.

(iii) The German-speaking lands: Vienna and Hamburg.

The dramma per musica enjoyed greater longevity and influence in German-speaking lands than anywhere else; in essence, the taste for it inhibited the development of a native tradition. Vienna and Innsbruck were rather like Venetian outposts, where newly created works were literally interchangeable with those produced in Venice itself. In Vienna, under the guidance of Leopold I (1657–1705), the genre was adapted to courtly service, becoming more decorative, elaborate and visibly expensive, with plots designed to allude to the heroic exploits of the ruling dynasty. Under long-term contracts, a stable of Italian composers (including Antonio Cesti, M.A. Ziani, G.F. Sances and Antonio Bertali) and poets (Francesco Sbarra, Nicolò Minato) and the scenographer Ludovico Burnacini supplied between six and ten theatrical entertainments annually, including operas, to celebrate imperial birthdays and namedays and special occasions such as court visits. One of the most elaborate of them was Cesti's festa teatrale, Il pomo d'oro, on a Sbarra libretto; planned to cap the two-year-long celebration of the emperor's marriage to Margherita, Infanta of Spain, it was finally performed in 1668, over two days (fig.6; see also Vienna, fig.1). Antonio Draghi, librettist (from 1658), composer (from 1662) and superintendent (after 1674), was responsible for more than 170 of these works between 1662 and 1699.

The genre flourished for a briefer period (1654–65) at Innsbruck, under the auspices of the archduke, where an Italian company directed by his maestro di cappella, Cesti, produced operas in the specially constructed Venetian-style theatre. This was the first independent opera house in German-speaking lands. Several operas originating in Innsbruck and Vienna were subsequently revived in Venice and became widely known throughout Italy.

Vernacular operas by native composers were few, and most of the scores are lost, famous among them Heinrich Schütz's Dafne, setting a translation of the Rinuccini libretto by Martin Opitz (1627). S.T. Staden's Seelewig (1644; see Staden, Sigmund Theophil, fig.2), the first ‘German’ opera of which the music is extant, is actually more of a moral allegory. J.C. Kerll's Oronte (1657) inaugurated the Munich opera house, which, like most German opera houses, was built to perform Italian opera (Munich and Hanover under Agostino Steffani, Dresden under G.A. Bontempi and Carlo Pallavicino).

The significant exception was the Theater am Gänsemarkt in Hamburg, established in 1678 by a group of citizens who invested their capital for the purpose of producing opera in German. As profits depended on income from box rental and ticket sales, operas were staged not seasonally but throughout the year. The house opened with Johann Theile's Adam und Eva, based, like many subsequent works, on a biblical story. While most of the librettos were by local poets, some were translations of Venetian texts, set to new music. Like Venice, Hamburg was a prosperous, cosmopolitan and independent commercial centre. It was to become especially important for the development of German opera, with the works of Mattheson, Keiser and Handel.

(iv) England.

Both dramma per musica and tragédie lyrique were known in England. Cavalli's Erismena, which survives in a contemporary English translation, may have been performed in London in 1674, and Lully's Cadmus was performed in 1686. But wholly sung drama never established a foothold. Factors militating against it include a strong dramatic tradition in which music played no more than an incidental role, and a competing tradition of celebrating royal events with elaborate masques that combined music, dance and scenic spectacle. Both genres provided satisfying musical and dramatic entertainment without raising questions of the propriety of sung dialogue.

Nevertheless, the recitative style made an early appearance in Ben Jonson's masque Lovers Made Men, set to music (lost) by Nicholas Lanier (1617), and in William Davenant's The Siege of Rhodes (1656; see London, fig.12), said to be the first English opera, which was set completely to music by a team comprising Henry Lawes, Henry Cooke and Matthew Locke (vocal music), and Charles Coleman and George Hudson (instrumental music). French influence, encouraged by Charles II, eager to re-create the court opera he had experienced during his recent exile in Paris, is evident in the so-called semi-operas of Locke (Macbeth, 1664, The Tempest, 1674, and Psyche, 1675). As in Lully's comédies-ballets, music is reserved for magic, ceremonial and spectacle. There is even in one full-scale English tragédie lyrique, Albion and Albanius, a Dryden libretto set by the French-trained composer Louis Grabu in 1685.

The French style permeates the two most exceptional all-sung works of the period, John Blow's Venus and Adonis (c1683) and Henry Purcell's Dido and Aeneas (1689), his only opera. Though the knowledge of French and Italian opera did not increase the incidence of continuously sung drama, both styles influenced Purcell. Dryden called Purcell's late semi-operas ‘our English operas’; his own King Arthur (1691) was among them. They contain numerous recitatives, lament arias and ostinatos. Purcell achieved full characterization through music, however, only in Dido and Aeneas.

(v) Spain.

Despite strong cultural ties with Italy and the presence of a large contingent of Italian theatre men – including Rospigliosi as papal nuncio for 11 years, as well as several Florentine theatrical architects – Italian opera made little headway in Spain. Like England, Spain already had strong indigenous traditions of theatrical music and a vital heritage of spoken theatre which with Calderón and Lope de Vega reached its golden age in this period. Spectacle plays, zarzuelas, semi-operas and comédias featuring songs, dances and even some recitative dialogue in a distinctively native style served the same political and social functions as opera in other European courts: the glorification of the monarchy.

Three full-sung operas are known; they were motivated by particular political considerations and performed in the royal palace at Madrid under the patronage of Philip IV. The first, Lope de Vega's La selva sin amor (1627), composed by the Italians Filippo Piccinini and Bernardo Monanni, was promoted by a group of Florentine residents at court, as part of a plot to exert Italian influence on Philip IV. The other two, Calderón's La púrpura de la rosa and Celos aun del aire matan (both probably composed in 1660), reflected a desire to compete with Mazarin in celebrating the peace treaty with France and the coming marriage of the infanta and Louis XIV. But these were anomalies, and of the three works only the music of Celos aun del aire matan by Juan Hidalgo has survived. Hidalgo probably also composed La púrpura de la rosa.

1. Views of 18th-century opera.

IV. The 18th century

2. Social practice.

3. Stylistic evolution.

Opera, §V: The 19th Century

1. Views of 18th-century opera.

Any attempt at a chronological survey of an art form implies that there is a continuity in that art which outlasts periods. Such a continuity may well be questioned in the case of opera: at the beginning of the 18th century, it was still a form of Italian or French literary theatre recited musically; at the end of the century, it had been transformed into a musical species of art, common to all Europe. It is of course possible to trace an evolutionary connection between the beginning and the end of 18th-century opera, particularly if the account focusses on the history of opera as composition. That historiographical convention, however, imposes an artificial unity on the subject. If 18th-century opera is conceivable as a whole, then it is only as a multivalent concept where the interactions of music, drama, social function and other factors are subject to changing contexts, defying the boundaries of academic disciplines.

The field of reference for a study of 18th-century opera will vary according to how opera is defined. To see it primarily as a musical art involves marginalizing much 18th-century theatre where the musical ingredient consisted only of borrowed songs (French vaudeville comedies, English ballad operas, plays with songs and incidental music); if it is a theatrical art, much unstaged dramatic music must be excluded (cantatas, serenatas, concert arias). The understanding of opera as an exclusively secular genre would rule out the sacred operas of the period (dramma sacro); and opera histories that include independent melodramas (Wieland, Schweitzer) or staged ballets (Starzer/Hilverding, Gluck/Angiolini) do not even require opera to be sung. There is also the question of whether opera is to be regarded as a ‘work’ (opus) or a practice.

The 18th-century development has tended towards the concept of opera as both a work and a practice that presents ‘sung action on stage’. This definition is fragile: when modified to ‘singing and acting on stage’, it would cover practically any theatrical performance of the time. The term ‘opera’ itself, widely adopted by the end of the century, originally had alternative meanings (for example a commedia dell'arte performance). The names for sub-genres were either literary (tragédie en musique, dramma per musica, commedia per musica and others) or colloquial (opera buffa, opera seria, opéra comique and others). Thus the colloquial term ‘opera’ seems to have implied the musical ingredient anyway, whereas it had to be specially added to the literary terms (‘… per musica’). It was this colloquial Italian term that was adopted in most countries, occasionally competing with native terms (Singspiel, zarzuela).

The period under consideration, c1690–1790, privileges opera seria as a paradigmatic sub-genre, since it formed a relative unity in these 100 years and had an international dissemination typical for this time. From a purely national perspective, or in comic opera, the years 1690–1790 would hardly appear so unified. In French opera, for example, two events described by contemporaries as ‘revolutions’ were the establishment of full-blown opéra comique in the 1750s and the structural changes brought about by Gluck, Piccinni and others from 1774 onwards; works representative of both types remained in the repertory until 1830 and after.

A study of 18th-century opera must take account of other forms of theatre of the time, to help an understanding of operatic music itself (for example in its gestural functions) and to place opera in its literary and theatrical context. The history of literature overlaps most extensively with that of opera; the texts and dramatic contents of opera are important, not least because the genre addresses non-musicians as well as musicians. On the other hand, musical dramaturgy was widely seen as exempt from the rules and aesthetic precepts of the literary theatre, just as musical poetry is often more appreciated when sung than when recited.

In the narratives of cultural history, the 18th century seems to cross a major division or watershed, from whatever standpoint it is viewed: it bridged ancien régime and Revolution, Baroque and Classicism, absolutism and Enlightenment, and so forth. Such perceived divisions strongly influence the modern reception of 18th-century opera, for example in the perceived difference between opera before Mozart and after: the former is ‘early music’, the latter Classical repertory. Some of Gluck's operas belong to the former category in the Anglo-American world but to the latter in continental Europe. Related constructions oppose Baroque opera (the artistic mirror of an imagined courtly environment) to Classical-Romantic opera (a dramatic musical work aspiring to the standards of original authorship). The former type needs restoring, reviving or re-creating, the latter editing, performing and interpreting. These fixed views of cultural history are also implied when opera historians welcome the arrival of ‘flesh and blood’ in 18th-century opera (for example thanks to Handel, the middle classes, Goldoni or Mozart) or deplore a loss of performative spontaneity in favour of canonical repertories.

The Classical-Romantic aesthetic of music as a self-expressive art, which appears towards 1780 in the critical literature of the European Enlightenment and has dominated 19th- and 20th-century views, was imposed on earlier opera with little regard to the genre's theatrical loyalties. From this perspective, most 18th-century opera appears as a pre-enlightened practice, enslaved by its social functions but also curiously irrational or dreamlike: an authoritarian puppet theatre. Even its traditional task of imitating nature by portraying the affections is thought to have been essentially beyond its reach, not to speak of the challenge of expressing true humanity on stage. This perception, which puts the burden of dramatic expression too exclusively on musical composition, should be contrasted with ideas by which the century understood itself (particularly when it began), with ideas cultivated in areas more in need than in possession of enlightenment and with ideas belonging to the context of theatre rather than that of ‘Art’. If this were done, three things might become clear:

(a) 18th-century opera was less a snapshot of contemporary society than a controversial expression of particular desires and fantasies. It required active promotion to find its place in a society which neither needed nor could afford it. Around 1700, it still seemed exotic to most Europeans, while in Italy it survived thanks to its ability to entertain tourists. French and English observers of this time (Saint-Evremond, North, Addison) discuss Italian opera like a culinary object that was not a real alternative to proper food.

(b) Opera in Italy, hemmed in between academic complaints, ecclesiastical censorship, illiteracy, social restrictions on performers and the competition of improvised theatre, defended its cultural status by maintaining literary standards and humanist ideals while attracting the crowd with fine singing and spectacular staging. The concessions to popular taste, conventionality or star performers, which today are nostalgically seen as the essence of Italian opera altogether, conflicted with at least some of Italy's literary-dramatic traditions although they later helped to project a certain ‘italianità’ which inspired as well as limited its further development.

(c) Given, however, the strength of opera – Italian and other – in its appeal to fantasy, popularity or spontaneity, it is no wonder that so many artistic, intellectual and political trends in 18th-century Europe seized upon the genre to promote themselves. One of these trends was surely the emancipation of dramatic music, another the emancipation of the thinking individual (the Enlightenment). From the early claims of the courtly society on opera as a vehicle of absolutist propaganda, via bourgeois realism, sentimentalism and classicism to the impact of revolution and romanticism, the fate of opera in the 18th century was that it became ingrained in European culture.

Opera, §V: The 19th Century

2. Social practice.

(i) Institutions and circulation.

(ii) Genres.

(iii) Performance and performers.

(iv) Audiences.

(i) Institutions and circulation.

Before 1690, opera was practised in Italy, at the court of Louis XIV and (with variable frequency) at about 20 courts of central Europe. In the following 100 years, Italian opera was taken up at another 40 courts and cities of central Europe and in the kingdoms of Spain, Portugal, England, Denmark, Sweden and Russia. This expansion was largely motivated by the social status of opera as a classicist and monarchic art. The courts, especially if influenced by Enlightenment ideas (Berlin, Dresden, Mannheim, Stuttgart, Milan, Florence, Parma), also appreciated the artistic and educational values of the genre. Metropolitan centres (Paris, Vienna, Madrid, St Petersburg, London) and even some secondary cities outside Italy witnessed an increasing competition, resisted by some courts, between Italian, French and local operatic traditions and their languages. Organizationally, there were of course vast differences between the status of a major court opera such as the Parisian Académie Royale de Musique (whose control had ramifications throughout the country) and, say, the business of the Venetian impresario Angelo Mingotti, who staged opera seria and comic intermezzos in Moravian and Austrian district towns (1732–c1745). There was a contrast of climate between the small but ambitious court operas in central and northern Germany (Bayreuth, Brunswick, Wolfenbüttel, Kassel, Düsseldorf) and the huge international opera fairground of Venice which continuously circulated plots, performers and musical settings. Civic opera was usually controlled by societies of gentlemen with the financial support of a court and of wealthy visitors, as in Venice, Prague and Hamburg. Impresarios managed productions either in the employ of courts and cities, or on a profit basis for themselves. They might rely on a central opera house, engaging new performers and authors each season, or move personnel and productions from place to place in the pursuit of new audiences. The economic principles were nevertheless comparable everywhere: patronage had to make up for the losses incurred through high production costs and uncertain or non-existent box-office takings. Financial patronage took many different forms, from that of shareholding companies (Royal Academy of Music, London) via ticket and box subscriptions to entirely court-financed businesses. In contrast to the even more spendthrift practices of the previous age, many institutions tried to contain costs by circulating productions: for example, by offering them in both palace and public performances (as in Naples, Florence, Paris/Versailles and Fontainebleau, Modena and Reggio nell’Emilia, Vienna, Berlin and Potsdam, Brunswick and Wolfenbüttel); by exchanging courtly and impresarial productions (northern Italy, Prague/Dresden, Hamburg/Brunswick); or by repeating productions in summer residences or secondary cities (Vienna, Rome, Tuscany, the Veneto). Repertories were hardly established yet, except for the cultivation of a Lullian corpus at the Académie Royale de Musique and in Brussels. Travelling companies were most likely to develop standard works and repertories. Still, the annual amount of new opera productions was always greater than that of revivals; in the period c1700–40 it could reach ten or eleven in Venice and five to seven in Vienna, London or Hamburg.

(ii) Genres.

In the 18th century (unlike the 17th) genre distinctions, or occasionally their blurring, were a major issue. The precepts of the classicist, Aristotelian poetics influenced operatic practice and theory from about 1690, leading to a separation of tragic and comic genres. Much of this distinction had to do with the theatrical projection of social structures.

Comic intermezzi per musica (fig.7) were developed in Naples and Venice (c1700–06) and soon distributed to the north; full musical comedy began in Naples about 1707, and in the 1740s merged with Venetian parody operas to form opera buffa. Comic opera's social criticism, a task sanctioned by classical precedent, was never more radical than in these early years. Although many early opere buffe and intermezzos conform to the Aristotelian description of comedy (by portraying ordinary, contemporary and shrewd people), intermezzos were accepted in the court theatres as a divertissement, whereas opere buffe were at first considered low-class by aristocratic patrons. They depended, in any case, on the empathy of their spectators with the social connotations of the plots.

Serious opera conveyed its institutional and moral messages within a more autonomous aesthetic framework of vocal virtuosity, poetry and stagecraft. The artificiality of the theatre and the beauty of music functioned as ‘pink spectacles’ by which to observe truly human experiences, mediated by performers. The genre offered women on stage, beautiful costumes, changeable sets (mutazioni di scena), machine effects, dancing and fencing – effects that were criticized by some as sensual but were never given up. The social connotations of the genre are nevertheless specific. The association of the music with the moral implications of the plots (ethos and pathos) was perhaps greater than in other phases of opera history. An assiduous patron such as Emperor Charles VI in Vienna (1711–40) requested contrapuntal styles from his composers to match the lofty thoughts of his poets. In Pietro Metastasio's libretto La clemenza di Tito (1734; fig.8), it is taken for granted that Charles VI resembles Titus – and this prince finds his inner ethos by defying the claims of power, justice, convenience and the passions of love and fear. Such ‘humanization of the great ones’, showing them as subject to the same emotions that any spectator might feel, is an enlightened approach that was obscured in the 19th century (but exploited again in Hollywood cinema).

The narrative of Italian opera, whether concentrating on individual feelings in opera seria or on social practice in opera buffa, was guided by ‘reason’. With exceptions depending on cultural context, it largely avoided the supposed irrationality of the tragédie en musique, which cultivated ‘le merveilleux’. 18th-century French grand opéra (as it was already called) and opéra comique still adhered to wonder and spectacle, fuelling endless polemics right into the 1780s.

Early in the century, the parody plays of the Parisian fairground stages (fig.9) often satirized the latest tragédies. The path from these spoken comedies with intermittent songs (opéras comiques en vaudevilles) to comic operas with spoken dialogue (opéras comiques, opéras bouffons, comédies mêlées d'ariettes) crossed, as it were, the demarcation between non-opera and opera. An analogous development is seen in opera parodies and parody intermezzos (later one-act farse) appearing in Venice, Florence, Hamburg, Vienna and elsewhere, often bourgeois in dramatic content and philosophy; these were the forerunners of comic operas or Singspiel. The fashion of the English ballad opera began in London with the parodistic Beggar's Opera of 1728. Spanish operas were traditionally mythological or pastoral zarzuelas and musical comédias; heroic, satirical and popular plots took over as time went on.

Some structural characteristics, particularly of Italian opera, were later criticized as ‘rationalistic’ or ‘rigid’, for example the alternation between recitatives (dialogue) and sung numbers. In reality, this alternation offered greater formal variety than most literary spoken drama of the time, which might be recited solely in Alexandrines, versi sciolti or blank verse. The inherited poetic forms for arias and ensembles – lyrical verse of the Anacreontic variety – reflected the sisterhood of music and poetry as in other Italian vocal genres, but their dramatic function was now co-determined by the surrounding sung dialogue, the recitative.

In comic genres in non-Italian languages, sung closed numbers usually alternated with spoken dialogue; additionally, recitatives were occasionally heard. The courts in Vienna and later in Paris forbade the use of recitative to the civic theatres, as this monopoly implied social status. There was thus a two-layered European tradition: the ‘classical’ and courtly form was Italian and French serious opera with recitative, whereas the comic and bourgeois genres with spoken dialogue represented the ‘vernacular’. The exception was Italian comic opera, which always used recitative. This fact and the genre's through-composed musical forms (concertato finales, already found around 1720, were typical of opera buffa) contributed to its international status.

The use of spoken dialogue instead of recitative favoured various cross-currents and transfers, like opera buffa into opéra comique (from 1752) or opéra comique into Singspiel (from the 1760s in particular). From about mid-century, serious operas were created in English, Spanish and German, some originating as translations from French or Italian; and comic as well as heroic operas appeared in Russian and in Scandinavian languages. The distinction of genres relaxed as time went on: there were not only genre mixtures between comic and serious opera (dramma eroicomico, opera semiseria, drame lyrique) but also inflections of the aesthetic and social values formerly typical to the established genres, for example when exotic and serious subjects invaded opéra comique and opera buffa in the 1760s.

(iii) Performance and performers.

A performative principle of 18th-century opera was the control of nature through its lifelike imitation, which involved artistic uses of the voice (coloratura), the body (dance, costume, gesture; fig.10), language (rhetoric) and of course the imagination. The realistic idea of mimicking people on stage was variously filtered through the artificial literary and musical texts and gestural conventions, the fantastic or complex plots, expensive decorations – which also entered the realistic and comic sub-genres – and above all through codes of public behaviour. Musical performers were highly trained specialists but also ambitious members of a society tied to decorum and etiquette. Performing standards, styles, manners and skills varied more widely than today; the performance itself was perhaps more often responsible for the success or failure of a work. Although audience appeal provided artistic clout to performers, their influence was socially and institutionally mediated; they depended on protectors and managers and on the goodwill of the authorities. In Rome in 1715, the satirical intermezzos La Dirindina by Girolamo Gigli and Domenico Scarlatti had to be withdrawn, by papal command, when the leading castrato refused to appear in the role of a pregnant prima donna. In Bologna in 1733, the soprano Anna Maria Peruzzi appealed against the allegedly bad music that J.A. Hasse had composed for her, but she had to sing it. Rows on or behind the stage found ample reflection in parody operas showing the predicament of the impresario between warring artists.

Opera continuously addressed issues of gender and class (for example by enacting behavioural norms on stage) and targeted social customs of dressing, fencing, dancing, feasting, litigating and so on. Women were not allowed on the public stage in the Church State, but otherwise appeared in far more opera houses than in the 17th century. Despite discrimination and sexual exploitation, women often competed with castratos for the most lucrative roles. The interest in castrato voices, which increased until about 1770–80, has artistic, economic and probably social dimensions. They hardly ever appeared in France or in bourgeois opera genres.

Family and marital bonds were frequent among performers, composers and impresarios. In smaller companies, authors, managers and performers were sometimes one and the same, just as in the spoken theatre; examples of the personal union impresario-librettist-singer are found from Francesco Borosini (Vienna, 1724–c1731) and Antonio Denzio (Prague, 1724–35) to Emanuel Schikaneder (Vienna, 1783–1812).

The social and technical conventions of performance, such as role hierarchies or conducting and rehearsing routines, are familiar from contemporary criticism, which invariably deplores cliché and irrationality. Performers became more closely tied to the demands of individual works; the pasticcio practice, which had allowed them to insert their own favourite arias, scenes or ballet entrées into contexts for which they were not intended, declined after about 1760. Singers could become directly involved in stylistic and dramatic conceptions (for example the castrato Gaetano Guadagni in Gluck's opera reform); but on the whole, they lost influence on the literary or musical text while retaining their prominent status in the business.

Opera, §V: The 19th Century

(iv) Audiences.

Opera-going was an activity reflecting personal interests or taste, as is evident from the polemics about it, but within a framework of social status and convenience. Court opera was attended by court members without payment and in deference to the ruler. Next came the large group of aristocratic or patrician patrons with their friends and guests (rarely their wives), who may have had sponsoring interests or who valued opera for social contact; this group has also left most of the written documentation of the practice. These people went to the opera as many times as possible and, if they travelled, in as many places as possible. Middle-class spectators were rare in court opera, as they could not afford the tickets, although there was the occasional free performance for ‘all citizens’ at such courts as Vienna or Brunswick. Servants could usually attend, free, in the gallery. The social spectrum of audiences, however, gradually expanded downwards, especially in the comic genres; the aristocracy, on the other hand, attended both types of entertainment throughout the century.

The shifts in attendance and dissemination corresponded to an unpredictable but, on the whole, massive publicity for opera, which exceeded the critical discourses about opera in other centuries. The operatic debate was disseminated across Europe by the literary élite in treatises, memoirs, letters, novels and new opera librettos, and it helped transform the genre itself in its relationship to public life. The early 18th-century Roman and Venetian fights over opera boxes (guerre dei palchi) were part of feuds between aristocratic clans; the London pamphlet wars around Handel, the Royal Academy of Music and the Opera of the Nobility (1720–37) had political, literary and moral implications (the foreign genre itself was under scrutiny). The most famous debate, the pamphlet war of the Querelle des Bouffons (Paris, the early 1750s), exemplifies the way in which artistic, political and other convictions might crystallize around individual opera productions. The Gluckists and Piccinnists were moved both by literary ambition and by contrasting attitudes to Marie Antoinette's involvement in operatic reform at the hands of foreign composers.

Probably the most tangible and lasting effects of opera's public acclaim were found, in the course of the years, in opera itself, as its singing heroes, princesses, chambermaids, village philosophers and high priests learnt to pronounce the spectators' own beliefs and superstitions.

3. Stylistic evolution.

(i) Up to c1760.

For Pier Jacopo Martello (Della tragedia antica e moderna, D1715), opera as a genre was to be avoided by the selfconscious poet. It was impure drama, perhaps to be redeemed in the distant future by the dramatic power of music. But in the same year, Antonio Salvi promised in the preface to his libretto Amore e maestà that, after the tragic catastrophe with the hero's death, the spectators ‘would leave the theatre in tears, surrounded by sweet musical harmonies’. By directly engaging music in audience bonding – through sympathy, terror and compassion – this theatrical practice was heading for opera as we know it.

The 17th century had not posed the question of drama in opera with any rigour, and had rather indulged in the playgrounds of pastoral Arcadia and classical myth. Since about 1690, the Roman Accademia dell'Arcadia and other literary circles requested a return to utter simplicity or to spoken tragedy altogether. Hostility to opera on moral, national or social grounds also persisted, particularly outside Italy. Moderate supporters, some personally involved in the business as librettists (Apostolo Zeno, Pietro Pariati, Antonio Salvi, Barthold Feind) or composers (Mattheson, Telemann), attempted reform, adopting ethical and dramaturgical principles of French spoken drama (Corneille, Racine, Pradon, Molière). They insisted, however, on the legitimacy of a form of drama that is sung throughout, as it was at that time in serious and comic Italian and German opera and in the tragédie en musique. To transform canzonettas or couplets into scenic-dramatic monologues, or recitation into spontaneous utterances of a character, implied, first, a new aesthetic of word-setting. Symmetrical and dance-type arias yielded to long, pulsating allegro movements; melodic panache and rhythmic variety focussed listeners' attention on the lifelike musical process and the singer rather than the poetic form, without sacrificing declamatory impact.

The important questions of dramaturgy and verisimilitude (could Julius Caesar sing arias? how could a happy ending be made plausible?) concerned the imitation of human nature through music and thus the contribution of music to drama. Examples of such contributions which were deemed successful at the time are found in operas by Alessandro Scarlatti, Handel, Vinci, Hasse and Pergolesi (for example in his intermezzos La serva padrona, 1733). What had started as an ultimate refinement of the aesthetic of word-generated song here became a tendency of music to express affections, ethos and status of characters, even ideas and plots: the fabric of theatre itself. This move beyond words was made as the technical devices of coloratura, improvised cadenza, orchestral figuration and colour enhanced the imitative powers of music. The size and variety of timbre of opera orchestras were more rapidly increased than in any other period; the vocal coloraturas reflected the ambitions of a competitive profession. This first flourishing of Tonmalerei in opera is connected with composers such as Vivaldi, Telemann, Rameau or Jommelli in their very different ways.

The artistic representative of this phase of European opera was the poet Pietro Metastasio (1698–1782). In his earliest works, Metastasio benefited from the inspiration of a prima donna, Marianna Benti Bulgarelli, and he cultivated a lifelong friendship with the castrato Farinelli. The ethical and enlightened plots, the refined poetic language and Metastasio's superb dramaturgical skill must have helped singers to suspend their own disbelief in face of musical challenges.

Benedetto Marcello's Il teatro alla moda (D1720) satirized the provincial or old-fashioned habit of opera singers to stand occasionally beside their role and break the suspension of disbelief (they waved at their protectors, for example). This unwittingly ‘epic’ sort of theatre (in the Brechtian sense), which allowed for pregnant pauses or interruptions by audience reactions, often occurred in the unwritten sections of the performance such as cadenzas, or between aria and recitative. As time went on, the performative event became increasingly controlled by authorial agendas. Plot, stage action, even stage-sets, were increasingly ‘composed out’, for example in accompanied recitatives depicting nature and emotions. Their performance sounded more spontaneous than that of arias (as Francesco Algarotti emphasized, D1755) but had to be carefully rehearsed because of the tempo changes of the orchestral accompaniment. In opera buffa, parodistic effects and lazzi (set effects) were originally outside the jurisdiction of librettist or composer. The poet gained his control over them when censorship requested even intermezzo texts to be printed in advance. The composers learnt to express comic effects, as shown in operas by Pergolesi, Latilla and Galuppi, or in Hasse's intermezzos: opera buffa became synonymous also with a musical style.

The growing success of opera buffa with bourgeois as well as aristocratic audiences is reflected in the aesthetics and career of one of its main authors, Carlo Goldoni (1707–93). As a literary reformer, he intended his spoken plays as replacements of traditional, ‘irregular’ comedy; his almost 80 buffa librettos (drammi giocosi per musica) were of secondary importance to himself, but their very theatricality and enlightened moralism helped establish opera buffa as a musical genre throughout Europe. To a minor degree, the genre also indulged in musical parody, which relied on the reference to opera seria styles – as in Florian Gassmann's music for Calzabigi's L'opera seria (La critica teatrale) (1769, Vienna). In opéra comique and other vernacular forms, spoken dialogue was the home of verbal entertainment, at least with the better playwrights, but the rise of sentimental, fantastic and mixed plots in mid-century had the effect of channelling the advanced dramatic power of music towards non-heroic fields of expression.

(ii) c1760–90.

An upsurge in operatic creativity in the 1760s and 70s was fuelled by a vastly expanding range of sources for plots, which now included novels, national histories and contemporary news items. Audiences could thus be exposed to stories reflecting the prevailing humanitarian values of the time, such as the cult of the family, the heroism of the humble, the dignity of non-Christian civilizations or the horrors of arbitrary power and unjust detention. Comic opera, while maintaining social satire as a staple dramatic device, engaged in the cultivation of the pathetic, where feminine characters gained in stature and women singers rose to a type of stardom strongly imbued with sentimentalism. Readily understandable subjects and familiar situations were only one aspect of a move towards realism which involved the whole range of operatic creation, production and criticism. The programmatic writings of Francesco Algarotti and Denis Diderot were linked to an increased attention to stage directions and the authenticity of costumes and sets.

Playhouses became starker in their inner decoration and what theatre historians call ‘the fourth wall’ made itself felt between the stage and the audience. While authors strove to present even the most fantastical events as ‘believable’ (see Mozart's letter about the supernatural voice in Idomeneo, 29 November 1780), the spectators' identification with the characters could reach extremes of emotional involvement, facilitated by packed houses and strong collective feelings.

Serious opera resorted to subjects and episodes which would have been regarded as shocking in the previous generation and were still widely frowned upon. Thus the decorum of Enlightenment opera lost ground to a display of spectacular effects which commentators related (positively or negatively) to the aesthetically ‘impure’ dramaturgy of the 17th century. Although the comic genre was more pliable and open to stylistic innovation, as shown by the development of the drame lyrique and its Italian offshoots, the dramma serio per musica or the farsa sentimentale, serious opera also proved to be ready for major evolutions, such as the staging of comédies lyriques at the Académie Royale de Musique or the burgeoning of the generically ambiguous dramma eroicomico.

Murders, suicides, battles, gothic settings and supernatural events naturally called for a spicier musical language, especially with regard to harmony and orchestration. But even the more traditional subjects were treated with strongly diversified poetic and musical means, concerning the stage action, aria types, the number of characters involved and the use of choruses; large-scale tonal planning and the use of recurring motifs promoted an overall ‘musicalization’ of opera to which contemporaries were keenly responsive. Formal flexibility and dramaturgical innovation were made possible by collaborative ventures, such as those of Goldoni and Galuppi, Calzabigi and Gluck (and perhaps Da Ponte and Mozart) or of the librettists Sedaine and Marmontel with various composers in Paris. Practices like the pasticcio or singer-induced alterations to existing works were not entirely abolished, but the creative status and public image of opera composers rose significantly, to the extent that Philidor (in 1764) and Gluck (in 1767) could be explicitly recognized as the ‘authors’ of Le sorcier and Alceste respectively. When Gluck claimed that his presence at the performance of his works was as essential as the sun to the earth, he was setting an ideal for his successors of the 19th century.

6. Stylistic and formal changes.

V. The 19th century

7. National traditions.

8. Singers and other performers.

9. Staging.

10. Sources, dissemination.

11. Criticism, aesthetics.

1. Introduction.

However much some may lament the fact, and even though there are now signs of significant change, a large majority of the operas that form the present-day international repertory still hail from a slightly elongated ‘long’ 19th century, from around 1780 until around 1920. The most frequently performed operas all belong to this period. This curious centrality, not to mention the disturbing presentness of the most famous works, their constant ‘re-creation’ in public and private spaces around the globe, makes any broad historical overview a daunting prospect. What is more, internal chronological divisions within the period are neither obvious nor commonly agreed on, nor does separation of the genre into various national schools, though these retained much currency, seem as unproblematic as it might be in dealing with the 18th century. Accordingly, the ensuing discussion does not follow chronological or national boundaries, relying instead on more neutral divisions that could apply to opera in any century.

As §IV indicates, the very term ‘opera’ underwent an important transformation during the 18th century, changing from a sub-species of spoken theatre into what was essentially a musical genre. Even though elements of the earlier definition remained in force in some areas during the early decades of the 19th century, perhaps particularly in the case of Italian serious opera, the period saw a gradual consolidation of this change, with music as more and more the dominant element and with the status of the librettist as a literary figure experiencing a sharp decline. On the other hand, in its new guise as a musical genre, opera lost aesthetic prestige, in particular in comparison to ‘pure’ instrumental music. Late 19th-century attempts to give the genre new status thus often sought to appropriate aspects of the ‘symphonic’ tradition while simultaneously striving to dignify afresh the non-musical aspects: by notions of the Gesamtkunstwerk, by publishing librettos as independent literary works or by developing the idea of Literaturoper, a type of opera that strives to preserve a pre-existing literary source more or less intact.

Possibly connected to the decline in the genre's literary status, the relationship of opera to larger currents in cultural and political history remains a source of lively debate and not infrequent puzzlement. Key cultural terms such as ‘Romanticism’ and ‘realism’ often seem to manifest themselves in opera at periods removed from their appearance in the other arts, or in strangely unemphatic contexts. As just one example, the literary polemics over Romanticism in Italy around 1816–18, or in France in the 1820s and 30s, although they focussed on drama, seemed largely to ignore opera, quite possibly because the genre had already (and without great resistance) escaped those restrictions of time and place that classicists saw as crucial to spoken drama, and because its language, its mode of discourse, was too extraordinary to be co-opted into the debate on either side. Of course, opera partook freely of the new, Romantic dramas as literary sources; but, significantly, it was able do so without radical readjustments to its outer nature, Romantic and classical subjects frequently remaining side by side in an otherwise largely unchanged formal and stylistic language. This is not to say that such broad cultural shifts did not affect opera profoundly: the new subjectivities that emerged with Romanticism certainly played powerfully across opera's expressive world; but the conjunctions are typically not as immediate as the sharing of certain literary texts might at first suggest.

The same caution might be applied to opera's relationship to history in the broader sense. The political revolutions of the period interrupted the steady production and consumption of operatic pleasure in what are arguably no more than superficial ways, and the persistent association of certain composers (notably Auber, Verdi and a number of eastern Europeans) with insurrection and social unrest has far more to do with later 19th-century imaginings – nostalgia for a lost time of action – than with any contemporary evidence. Although it was inevitable that the opera house, as an important meeting-place for the urban bourgeois, occasionally became caught up in the century's great bourgeois revolutions, the theatre was far more often a place where the ruling class could rely on stability. This was more so as the century progressed and revolutionary movements embraced an ever wider socio-economic spectrum, many elements of which were excluded from all but the humblest of operatic representations. This is not, of course, to deny that opera in the 19th century was in many areas inescapably bound up with the idea of nation and national representation; merely that political events and operatic events are very different, their relationship often complex and subterranean.

2. Institutions.

Towards the end of the 18th century, regular operatic performances could be seen through much of Europe, even as far afield as Russia. 50 years later, however, the genre had become a well-nigh global phenomenon. Apart from certain pockets of partial resistance, this expansion was primarily of Italian opera, first in a huge wave of Rossini fever (there was a Rossini vogue in Chile in the 1830s), and then of his followers, in particular Verdi. By 1870 the most popular of Verdi's operas were being performed in many a far-flung outpost in North, Central and South America, and they had also travelled to Australia, China, India and South Africa.

In the more remote regions, opera was often brought in by means of intrepid touring companies, bravely making use of an expanding system of rail transport. Within Europe, however, the number of theatres dedicated to fixed seasons of operatic performance increased considerably, especially during the first half of the 19th century. After the revolutions of 1848 there came about a gradual change, and a gradual decline in opera's economic fortunes in the main centres of western Europe. Partly this was a matter of changed public habits among the privileged classes: there were now other possible meeting-places, and new, competing forms of cultural activity. But it was also to do with the changing nature of operatic institutions.

Although traces of what might loosely be described as ‘court opera’ in the 17th- and 18th-century sense occasionally survived into the early 19th century, notably in Germany and Austria, by far the most common financial basis for an opera house was within a mixed economy. The key figure was the impresario, already much in evidence in the 18th century, who arranged seasons and engaged singers and composers, usually receiving some kind of subsidy from the theatre's owners (who might or might not be the local government) but also speculating at his own financial risk. The highpoint of the impresarios' power came in the first half of the 19th century, a period that saw powerful figures such as Louis Véron and his successors at the Paris Opéra; Alessandro Lanari, who controlled large regions of central Italy and thus to an extent coordinated the repertory and performing resources; and Bartolomeo Merelli, who arranged similar exchanges between such important centres as La Scala, Milan, and the Kärntnertortheater in Vienna. Looser connections took place between Her Majesty's Theatre in London and the Théâtre-Italien in Paris, though here the primary link was the shared services of a group of élite singers and their own preferred repertory.

The decline of the impresarios in the latter part of the 19th century marked several important changes in operatic life. The increasing establishment of a core repertory, and the consequent decline in production of new works (see below, §3), reduced the impresarios’ role, as did the gradual strengthening of copyright controls (over both new and repertory works), which vastly increased the power of certain publishers, who now began to take a more active role in operatic production. Competition intensified, and profit margins decreased, with the gathering popularity of large, arena-type theatres later in the century (fig.13). For the major theatres, state funding, with impresarios likely to be little more than paid managers, became the norm; and this model continued its precarious existence through the 20th century.

3. Repertory.

One of the key changes during this period was the decisive formation of an operatic repertory, the gradual emergence of a body of works that were revived countless times in countless different venues, and the consequent decline in the production of new operas. Repertory works were of course not unknown in the 18th century and earlier: the operas of Lully and Rameau had achieved something like that position in France, as had the oratorios of Handel in England. It should also be recalled that an operatic repertory of a kind did indeed exist in the 18th century, but that the ‘work’ was typically a libretto, not its musical setting: several of Metastasio's librettos were endlessly restaged in the 18th century, in numerous musical settings. Some of Mozart's operas (in particular Don Giovanni) may have tentatively established repertory status in England and Germany in the first decade of the 19th century, but the crucial change in direction occurred in Italy (the centre previously most resistant to repertory formation) and began with the most popular comic operas of Rossini, which established for themselves a permanent position around the globe, to be followed by various works by Bellini, Donizetti and Verdi. By the 1840s the term ‘repertory opera’ was in common use in Italy and rapidly spread elsewhere; the disruptions of 1848–9 and the international successes of Verdi's middle-period operas solidified the process.

In the second half of the century, the idea of a repertory was thus firmly entrenched; but in its earliest phases the corpus changed quite radically. From the 1850s onwards, the first pan-European challenge to Italian hegemony came, from French grand opéra, in particular the works of Meyerbeer, which became a truly international phenomenon, even establishing a (highly contested) position in Italy itself (fig.14). Then, towards the end of the century, Wagner's operas gained ground, in several countries displacing all but the most hardy of Italian operas (it was not until the 1920s and 30s, with the so-called Verdi Renaissance, that Italian and German opera established a comfortable co-existence as the backbone of the repertory). Towards the end of the 19th century, with new operas becoming ever more scarce, we see glimmers of what, 100 years later, had become a major force: the idea of the operatic revival as an agent of repertory renewal. When Handel's Almira was performed in 1878 in Hamburg, it initiated a process that would grow steadily through the 20th century, though still not rapidly enough to challenge the central position still occupied by works from the ‘long 19th century’.

The effects of this repertory formation on operatic institutions are referred to in §2 above. But there were other, equally important repercussions. During the first few decades of the 19th century, star singers tended to limit themselves to works in one national tradition, and could rely on making a living out of roles either written specially for them or in some way adapted to their strengths and weaknesses: choice of a company of singers would typically precede choice of repertory for a given season. By the end of the century this situation was often reversed, singers tending more and more to adapt their voices to a variety of roles and musical styles and composers being less willing to tailor roles for a particular voice. An international singing style emerged.

But perhaps the most fundamental change brought about by repertory opera occurred in the nature of operatic communication. In an operatic world based primarily on new works, composers had to produce quickly and to communicate immediately with audiences: if a work failed at its first performances, that failure was often absolute. Hence the importance of generic conventions, whose presence could stimulate and ease creative endeavour while at the same time offering audiences ready points of contact and a reassuring familiarity. Small wonder, then, that these conventions lost ground as the repertory set in. New works now had to pass a sterner test, defining themselves as ever more radically different from their competitors. As originality became increasingly the watchword, original composition became ever harder. The sense of an operatic tradition was lost, or rather was searched for in the ever more distant past.

4. Genres.

The separation of comic and tragic genres that had been established in the 18th century was firmly in place, whatever the national school, at the start of the 19th century, and remained fairly constant for the first few decades. True, there was also a tradition of so-called ‘mixed’ works (the French comédie larmoyante or the Italian opera semiseria), but, rather than escape the traditional divisions, these types, the latter especially, tended to emphasize them further by using genre juxtaposition as a primary means of dramatic articulation. An additional continuity with the 18th century was in the tendency of comic works to occupy a less elevated position in the operatic pantheon, frequently appearing in minor theatres and addressing a less elevated audience. This tendency hardened in the decades around the middle of the century: Rossini-style comic operas, though retaining a robust currency, particularly in dialect traditions, became unpopular with the most successful composers.

However, this falling away or diluting of comic opera was accompanied by two highly significant developments. The first was an increased infiltration of comic scenes into serious opera. In Italy Verdi was active in this fusion of genres, integrating frankly comic scenes into several of his post-1850 operas. Perhaps even more striking, in France the later 19th-century drame lyrique owed at least as much to an earlier tradition of opéra comique as it did to grand opéra. Other national opera traditions of the later 19th century, the Russian and the Czech, seemed easily to embrace this mixture of the comic and the serious.

The second development was the emergence of a new genre, now known under the broad title of operetta. Though there were important precedents both in France and Germany, the decisive point is usually seen to be marked by the works of Offenbach in the 1850s, first known as opéras bouffes after the theatre in which they were initially presented (fig.15). The international popularity of this new style led to offshoots in other countries, each with a distinctive national character, and each drawing from indigenous traditions: the Operetten of Johann Strauss and others in central Europe (which owed something to the earlier Singspiel); the works of Gilbert and Sullivan in England (which drew energy from vaudeville and ballad opera traditions); the revival of the zarzuela in Spain and from there its dissemination to Central and South America.

5. Plots.

Among the huge diversity of operatic plots in the 19th century, it would seem very difficult to trace purposeful lines of development. On the most basic level, however, one might hazard that the domination of French dramaturgical models seen at the end of the 18th century was in large part maintained through the next 100 years. When sea changes occurred in the manners of French spoken theatre – for example the advent of mélodrame in the early years of the 19th century, or the subsequent turn towards ‘realism’ around mid-century – then opera followed, and did so regardless of the various inflections brought on by national differences.

But certain large shifts in cultural attitude nevertheless left their mark. For example, opera plots are surely implicated in the now familiar idea that the 19th century saw an important turn away from what the sociologist Richard Sennett has called the idea of ‘public man’: an increasing tendency for ever more stressed and crowded urban dwellers to seek coherence not within the public world of politics and public display, which had so often betrayed them and was ever more obviously beyond their control, but rather within the private world of the family and of personal relationships generally. It has been plausibly suggested that this change is played out in operatic subjects: that those grand historical canvasses of the early century gradually gave way to ‘claustrophobic’ dramas, in which the individual's plight became the chief focus of attention (related to this could be the decline in the prestige of comic works, which inevitably lie more in the public world). For example, the decline of French grand opéra of the Meyerbeerian type has been traced in precisely these terms (Gerhard, E1992), and the progress of a composer such as Verdi, whose operas span a large part of the century, is a further case in point: although grand choral effects nearly always played a part in his works, the increasing manner in which individuals come to dominate the drama is obvious. Wagner's ‘retreat’ into myth in the second half of his career might be taken into this story with only a little sense of strain; and a seemingly logical end-point occurs in the early 20th century, with purely psychological works such as Debussy's Pelléas et Mélisande and Schoenberg's Erwartung, or with the operas of Puccini, in which any political aspects are typically overwhelmed by the focus on individual passions.

However, objections to this neat sense of progress come readily to mind. In the case of Verdi, while the progress from (say) the grand public spaces and themes of Nabucco to (say) the claustrophobia of Otello might seem compelling, important mature works such as Don Carlos will give pause, not least because that opera is arguably one in which the force of history, and thus of the public world, plays with unprecedented influence on the lives of the characters. And with Wagner there is the case of Die Meistersinger, in which the composer's dramaturgical techniques adapt with seeming ease to grand public spaces and overt historical gestures. More anomalous still are the operas from emerging national traditions such as those in Russia and elsewhere in eastern Europe, in which the epic style and large historical canvas continue to occupy the centre, albeit sometimes chaotically juxtaposed with an intense focus on individuals.

Undoubtedly related to these matters, and equally problematic, is another large shift, towards what is loosely called ‘realism’ (or verismo). Certain key works are routinely mentioned in this light: Verdi's La traviata, which was originally set in almost-contemporary Paris, and which is suffused by the then modern rhythm of the waltz, or Bizet's Carmen, with its factory girls, common soldiers and criminals. However, in both cases, as in many others, the ‘realistic’ effects thus obtained are constantly compromised by their simultaneous status as elements of local colour, which causes them to be in some senses distanced from audience identification and thus made less realistic (there is also the obvious point that the reality of a Violetta or a Carmen was certainly not one to which the contemporary operatic audience would have aspired). Perhaps the literal geographical expansion of opera plots in the later 19th century, their tendency to explore ever more remote and mysterious areas, is in this sense a more significant development, not least because of the musical explorations that it inspired in so many composers. By the closing decades of the century, operatic ‘exoticism’ – particularly in the French and Italian traditions – had become so common as almost to function as an alternative routine, with its own stock collection of much circulated musical and visual representations.

6. Stylistic and formal changes.

The 19th century is conventionally seen as the great age of progress, and so it is perhaps not surprising that the history of its most important cultural products is also depicted primarily as an achievement of goals. In terms of opera, this sense of a gradual move towards some distant oasis (a goal often associated with some vaguely value-laden concept of drama) is typically inscribed on to the lives of individual composers or national schools. This is most striking in the case of Italian opera, whose 19th-century history is still sometimes thought of as a painful achievement of genuine dramatic values, effected by heroic individual effort in the face of formidable resistance.

In such a historiographical context, it is salutary to try to construct a more international picture, one that involves trends larger than those found in any individual composer or even national school. The rigid alternation of recitative (involving dialogue and stage action) and aria (involving monologue and reflection) had already been challenged by the later decades of the 18th century; but the first decades of the 19th century saw the decisive emergence of the multi-movement ‘number’ as the basic unit of operatic form. This unit was (perhaps as always) more predictable in Italy than elsewhere, but it nevertheless formed the backbone of much opera elsewhere (the partial exception was German opera, which favoured the strophic romance and tended to use multi-movement forms only to demonstrate a character's supposed italianate qualities). The number contained within it both static and kinetic movements, thus allowing for a variety of emotional representations (and a variety of vocal manners), as well as the injection of stage action – typically the entrance of a character with news from outside – to precipitate contrasting moods. During the early decades (longer in comic opera), recitative or spoken dialogue remained in currency; but this gradually became absorbed stylistically into the number. At the same time, the numbers tended to become less formally predictable and, above all, longer and more complex. Opera across all national styles became increasingly connected musically. By the end of the century it was common, at least in the most elevated styles, for act endings to become the only places of complete musical pause.

These formal changes brought with them other, equally important and equally pan-European, developments. One of the most striking was what has been called a ‘dialoguizing’ process, the sense in which opera in this period begins to present dialogue – which in classic 18th-century opera seria had taken place almost exclusively in recitative – as an increasingly central aspect of its communicative project. This in one sense brought opera closer to spoken drama, by the end of the century allowing such types as Literaturopern (works that use as their libretto an existing spoken drama with minimal alteration, although inevitably some cutting). It also meant that the duet in some ways replaced the aria as opera's normative mode of discourse. This should not be exaggerated. Partly because it was so central to opera's dissemination outside the theatre, in concerts and private venues both humble and elevated, the solo aria (or at worst the chunk of monologue) continued in firm currency in almost all types of opera through to the end of the 19th century, typically remaining an unproblematic aspect of the dramaturgy, not for example requiring special plot preparation to justify its presence. If anything, the hegemony of the aria in the public's operatic imagination was further strengthened by the appearance of recording, which was gathering pace as the century came to a close.

However, the combined effects of ‘dialoguizing’ and increased continuity, together with a falling away of predictable formal patterns, left room for, and perhaps necessitated, other levels of musical communication within opera. Probably the most important of these was by motivic means. Reminiscence motifs began to be extensively used during the last decade of the 18th century, mostly in France; during the first half of the 19th they appeared in most national styles, perhaps most commonly in German opera, least often in Italian, a point surely reflecting the so-called symphonic aspirations of German composers. In the second half of the century, this tendency to supply an opera with some degree of motivic coherence became even stronger, most famously in Wagner's systematic use of the leitmotif in his later operas, a technique taken up by a great many at the fin de siècle. It is often said that leitmotifs should be rigorously distinguished from reminiscence motifs, in that the latter merely punctuate the musical discourse (in fact tending to articulate their message by their difference from their surroundings) while the former constitute the very basis of the musical fabric. But the matter is far from clearcut, not least because there are many stretches of mature Wagner that are (arguably) without leitmotifs: to characterize the musical material of his later operas as deriving exclusively from leitmotivic activity requires a degree of special pleading.

Just as significant: opera got noisier. Although (contrary to general belief) the string sections of operatic orchestras did not get much larger during the 19th century, what might be called the centre of gravity of the orchestra gradually slipped, with lower tessituras used for certain woodwind instruments (flutes and bassoons), a strengthening of the lower brass and the gradual addition of wind instruments of various kinds. These changes were of course related to developments elsewhere: in the demands made of operatic orchestras in the increasingly continuous operatic fabric; in theatre architecture and in the sheer size of venues (dictated by economic considerations); in changes in singing style; and in more general organological developments.

7. National traditions.

In §1 it was suggested that the national differences so important to 18th-century opera gradually began to erode during the 19th century, to give way to an international style; but significant differences remain between the mainstream traditions even in the last decades, ones not only tied to the use of language. However, this process of internationalization may not always move in a direct line towards the century's end. It can be argued, for example, that the pull of French dramaturgical practice, together with the unprecedented prestige and magnificence of French grand opéra and the cosmopolitan leanings of Paris, made the 1830s and the beginning of the 40s an earlier moment of rapprochement between the major European traditions, at least within the most elevated genres (similar arguments might also be made for Paris in the first decade of the 19th century). With Italian composers such as Donizetti looking towards Paris and Parisian style, and with the young Wagner deeply influenced by grand opéra, one could suggest that Paris had fashioned around itself a European style. But it was not to last. The three most influential composers of the 1850s and 60s – Meyerbeer, Verdi and Wagner – all to some extent redefined a sense of national difference, even while the dissemination of their works was responsible for an internationalization of the repertory.

However, the 19th century also saw the decisive establishment of a number of other national traditions, in particular those in Russia, Poland and various parts of the Habsburg empire, notably the Czech lands and Hungary. All these areas saw vernacular opera during the 18th century, but – as in the case of Germany a little earlier – the formation of a ‘national opera’ was bound up with a gathering sense of national cultural identity. In all cases one can identify key works that managed, more by dint of multiple performance and/or association with political events than by using folk materials, to collect around them a potent miscellany of musical and dramatic or literary motifs that could come to symbolize the nation. The process here is important: rather than appropriating an already existing fund of national musical material, these operas typically constructed that material, becoming ‘national’ through their cumulative reception. In both Russia and the Czech lands, the founding fathers (Glinka with A Life for the Tsar, 1836: fig.18, and Smetana with The Bartered Bride, 1866, respectively) were merely the start of a flourishing tradition (albeit one that in Russia continued to find fierce competition from Italian opera), while the work of Erkel in Hungary and Moniuszko in Poland remained to some extent isolated. What is more, Russian opera in particular managed to penetrate the western European repertory, functioning within it as the standard representation of ‘other’ opera, not bound by any supposed dramaturgical or musical rules associated with the mainstream traditions.

For various political and cultural reasons, other countries found it more difficult to establish national traditions, although many tried. Spain is a typical example, first in the grip of Rossini, then Verdi, then (and always belatedly) dealing with the equally stifling influence of Wagner and Wagnerism. Other nascent traditions, in countries as far-flung and diverse as Argentina, Greece, Sweden and the USA (many more could be mentioned), had to wait until the 20th century for any decisive national opera to be formed.

8. Singers and other performers.

As has already been mentioned, singers – those central purveyors of opera's message – maintained a substantial influence over the operatic event during much of the 19th century. During the first half of the century, and far beyond that in certain areas, the choice of a roster of singers was the first decision to be made in the construction of an operatic season: only when the performers had been fixed would composers and librettists be contracted, and these ‘creators’ would then make their decisions about subjects and treatments with a particular cast in mind. This applied even to composers of the greatest imaginable eminence. Verdi or Meyerbeer, for example, were both well aware that their new operas, if successful, were destined for repertory status, and thus to be performed under many different conditions and with many different casts; but they nevertheless tailored individual parts to the première cast, a restriction that seemed if anything to stimulate their creativity. However, as mentioned earlier, the increasing hold of the repertory system in the second half of the century inevitably meant that singers were less and less often involved in creating new roles, and so lost much of their influence, even at a time when increased mobility assured the most famous of them unprecedentedly large earnings.

One of the most striking aspects of vocal change during the period is the extent to which singers altered in type. By the 1830s the castratos, already in steep decline during the later 18th century, had all but disappeared from the operatic stage, their heroic roles first taken by the contralto musico, then by the Romantic tenor. This drop in the tessitura of heroes continued through the 19th century. In the early decades, for example, tenors freely used a ‘mixed voice’ to produce graceful high notes, but by the 1840s this had for the most part disappeared, giving way to a concentration on the more baritonal, heavier tenor range. The rise of the so-called heroic tenor roughly coincided with the emergence of the dramatic baritone as his central antagonist, or even, particularly after 1850, as the principal character. All voice types gradually sacrificed flexibility for sheer power: the ornamental vocal writing that had been the province of all up to about 1820 had become by mid-century the exclusive domain of female singers, and then only a sub-group of them.

These changes, as already mentioned, are related to other developments in operatic practice: the need for greater power, for example, clearly went hand in hand with the expansion of the orchestra and of theatres generally. The shift away from soprano voices (which had dominated 18th-century opera) in heroic roles, and also perhaps the rise of the baritone, could be related to an increasing desire for a degree of operatic realism: opera came closer to the communicative codes of spoken drama if the singing voices of characters were differentiated in a manner similar to their vocal differentiation in a stage play. But there are also interesting ways in which these developments might cautiously be linked to wider cultural change.

The situation of women on stage, for example, seems to invite such speculation. Although women were an accepted part of 18th-century theatrical life, their social position was frequently precarious. In part for this reason, women singers tended to come from theatrical families (where they would enjoy a degree of protection) and to come a poor second to the castratos in terms of earning power. However, the 19th century saw a great rise in the hegemony of the prima donna, and through most of the century (despite competition from star tenors) they could often outstrip their male colleagues in fame and fortune. Women of many stations now chose the life of an opera singer, seeing in it a chance for individual professional advancement otherwise rather rare for their sex. But it is at least arguable that this rise in status and professional power was accompanied by a tendency in opera plots to treat female roles as increasingly ‘other’: ever more powerless to effect the violent events that surround and all too often overwhelm them.

During the second half of the 19th century, the power of singers of either sex to influence the operatic event was being challenged by another interpreter: the conductor. At the start of the century, the typical method of coordinating the musical aspects of an operatic performance was by means of two directors: the maestro al cembalo, who at premières was often the composer and who often had a special responsibility for the vocal aspects; and the principal violin, who would use his bow to beat time and generally marshal the orchestra. This system fell into disuse around mid-century (earlier in Germany and England, later in Italy), to be replaced by something more like the modern conductor. By the end of the century the star conductor was gaining in influence, the most prominent of them having considerable sway over many aspects of the operatic event.

9. Staging.

The idea that staging might be closely coordinated with other aspects of operatic performance of course existed well before the 19th century, but this period nevertheless brought about extensive revisions in both the practice and the philosophy of opera's visual system of communication. Much of the stimulus for this came first from German-speaking theatres, where already in the late 18th century considerable attention was being paid to the total effect of theatrical performance. By the 1820s Weber, in Dresden, was putting into operation a system in which all staging elements of an opera were selfconsciously to be united, taking particular trouble with soloists' (and even the chorus's) histrionic abilities.

Many of the developments were fuelled and encouraged by technological change: gas lighting appeared in theatres around 1820, electricity in the second half of the century (fig.20). Both of these were of course safer than previous, naked-flame alternatives; but they also allowed for greater sophistication of stage illusion, as did enlarged backstage spaces and more complex machinery. By the 1830s the acknowledged leader in these fields was the Paris Opéra, in which vast expense and untold energies went into creating elaborate visual display. This activity was marked by the emergence of the so-called livrets de mise en scène, production books in which many aspects of the visual would be painstakingly notated, and which were intended to ensure that works first given in Paris would be ‘correctly’ mounted in the provinces and elsewhere. The livrets' appearance thus coincided with, and was inseparably linked to, the establishment of repertory opera, and called into question a crucial aesthetic issue: when revivals of a classic work were mounted, how far should the original staging of that work be considered part of its basic ‘text’? The appearance of the livrets reflected a radically restrictive answer to these questions, each livret aiming to make certain aspects of the production a fixed text, and (often explicitly) to govern the visual manner in which the operas would be revived.

In houses devoted to Italian opera, whether in Italy or elsewhere, such issues were less pressing. During the first half of the 19th century, the librettist (or house poet) generally took charge of staging, and the sheer speed at which productions went on stage suggests that there was far more reliance on convention and routine solutions. However, the influence of French theatrical practice spread and by the 1860s elaborate disposizioni sceniche, directly modelled on the livrets, began to accompany the most prestigious premières (fig.21). By the 1870s and 80s, the grandest of grand operas, whether in France, Italy or Germany, were vast and fearsomely complex undertakings, great monuments to archaeology and Romantic illusion. The prototype of the modern director emerged, most obviously in the formidable presence of Richard Wagner, whose Bayreuth stagings of his operas in the late 1870s and early 80s pioneered a darkened auditorium, an orchestra hidden from view and a new, more ‘naturalistic’ acting style, all of which further intensified the sense of audience involvement in the visual spectacle (fig.22). Wagnerian attention to the spectacle was as much a revolution in audience behaviour as it was in directorial practice. Through much of the 19th century, the audience was by modern standards undisciplined and noisy: it was only when the advent of electric stage lighting allowed the auditorium to be in almost total darkness that anything like present-day silence became the norm.

10. Sources, dissemination.

The practice of printing a libretto for each revival of an opera, for sale in or near the opera house and with information about the cast, other executants and often with a preface by the librettist, continued to roughly 1850 and was then gradually replaced by generic librettos produced by publishers. These documents served as an important point of communication with the public, were consulted by many in their (dimly) lit auditoriums and doubtless influenced the manner in which an opera was received in ways now difficult to imagine – surely, for example, highlighting the manner in which operatic music is a setting of a poetic text.

The 19th century also saw a consolidation and then vast expansion of the vocal score as the prime physical means of disseminating the musical text of an opera. Early in the century, particularly in Italy, individual numbers (‘pezzi staccati’) would often be released first; the complete score could later be assembled by binding these pieces together. Printed full orchestral scores were rare in Italy until near the end of the century (and then were usually for hire only) and appeared in Germany only in certain exceptional cases (Mozart, Weber and especially Wagner). In France, however, the earlier tradition of publishing full scores of the most successful works continued through much of the century. Even where printed scores existed, however, manuscript copies were still the primary means by which the complete text of an opera was distributed to theatres.

While vocal scores clearly aided the dissemination of operas into both private and public spaces, a far more widespread and voluminous means, practically the invention of the 19th century, was the published operatic transcription. In Italy and France particularly, a successful opera of mid-century would be released in an enormous number of arrangements: for piano solo, piano duet, for various instruments and piano, for other (sometimes unlikely) combinations and also in numerous more ‘creative’ versions, entitled fantasias or reminiscences, sometimes as grand and ambitious as those of Liszt, sometimes much more modest. This corpus of material suggests that operatic music was a major part of the repertory of private salons, or indeed of anywhere that the piano and other instruments were played by amateurs. 19th-century concerts, too, were much more likely to involve either operatic excerpts, arrangements or reminiscences than their counterparts today. Operatic texts and subjects were diffused in less grand venues: in the marionette theatres of Italy, the burlesques of England, the magic lantern shows of Germany and of course the barrel organs of all these places. There is even evidence that operatic melodies sometimes drifted into the channels of oral transmission, to re-emerge as supposed folk material collected by ethnographers in the 20th century. It is probably true that opera, as publicly performed in urban theatres, can rarely be termed popular entertainment in anything like a modern sense (a partial exception might be made of the period between about 1860 and the advent of the cinema, but then only in places with a large Italian population). It is however also true that opera during this period became a phenomenon much broader than merely its theatrical diffusion, however extensive, might suggest.

11. Criticism, aesthetics.

The considerable expansion in so many domains of operatic activity during this period is nowhere more evident than in discourse about the topic. The 19th century saw a huge rise in periodical publication, and a large number of periodicals either included extensive reference to, or were entirely dedicated to, operatic activity. Distinguished titles such as the Allgemeine musikalische Zeitung (Leipzig), the Gazzetta musicale di Milano and the Revue et gazette musicale de Paris were accompanied by an enormous number of less ambitious publications. The centre of this activity, at least in terms of bulk, was Paris, in which an important première at the middle of the century would stimulate as many as 20 or 30 separate reviews, many of them lengthy. This outpouring only increased as the century went on, with periodicals tending to become yet more specialized, sometimes even being devoted to a single composer (usually Wagner).

Much of the criticism thus produced was of course directed towards performances and performers, and was written to routine formulae; what is more, many of the opinions expressed were evidently inspired by the owners of the publication, who frequently had biasses deriving from financial and/or political interests. Many of the century's most acute critics, however, plied their trade in periodicals: E.T.A. Hoffmann, Schumann, Hanslick, Berlioz, Castil-Blaze, Basevi, Boito, Serov, Stasov and numerous others. The fact that several of these writers were also composers marks an important change in the status of writing about music, one that was perhaps not to reach its climax until the 20th century. The most influential writer about opera in the later part of the century was of course also its most influential composer. In one sense, Wagner's programmes of operatic reform had echoes in countless other such proposals from the past, some of them (Mercadante's, for example) quite recent: a call for renewal in the relationship between music and words; a return to an ancient, ideal concept of drama. But one important difference was that Wagner wrote from an aesthetic standpoint in which absolute music was in a position of ascendancy in relation to opera, at least among an élite of philosophers. It was a standpoint he attempted, by complex reasoning, to challenge as far as his own operas were concerned, and his views were enormously influential, not least among the scholars who now began to analyse his operas within the newly formed discipline of musicology.

2. Continuity and change.

VI. The 20th century

1. Foundations.

3. 20th-century topics.

4. Towards mid-century.

5. Mid-century perspectives.

6. Modern drama.

7. Chamber opera and music theatre.

8. Operas about opera.

9. Opera and literature.

10. Conclusions.

The persistence of such attitudes into the 20th century was particularly apparent in the German-speaking countries. In the years before 1940, these countries sustained an operatic culture in which several second-rank composers were able to achieve regular performance with works whose style and subject matter reflected the achievements of Wagner, Strauss and Humperdinck without being so pale a shadow that their artistic value was utterly negligible. Such operas as Pfitzner's Palestrina (1917), Schreker's Der ferne Klang (1912), Korngold's Die tote Stadt (1920) and Zemlinsky's Eine florentinische Tragödie (1917) display an adaptability, and the ability to feed off such potent sources as Wagner's myth-making, Strauss's ‘decadent’ Expressionism and Puccini's lyric realism, while adding something distinctive. Of such composers in the century's first three decades, no example is more remarkable than that of Siegfried Wagner, who composed 17 stage works between 1899 and 1930, several of which were successful. Few have been regularly revived since his death.

1. Foundations.

At the very beginning of the century the particular dominance of Wagner and Verdi (who died in 1901, and whose final opera Falstaff had been first performed in 1893) had already been countered by the quieter Romanticism of Humperdinck and the down-to-earth lyricism of the early Puccini; while in France the alternative tradition associated with Gounod and Bizet lived on in Charpentier's Louise (1900). Composers from further east – the Russians Tchaikovsky, Musorgsky and Rimsky-Korsakov, the Bohemian Dvořák – represented examples of vital and increasingly influential national traditions. From this perspective the emergence of Richard Strauss's mature operatic voice in Salome (1905) can be viewed as a re-engagement with the more forceful and intense aspects of the Wagnerian heritage that might otherwise have been lost (fig.23). After all, while most early 20th-century composers, whatever their regional accent, used a musical language in which chromatic and diatonic tendencies engaged in a flexibly organized dialogue, and to a greater or lesser extent followed the Wagnerian (and late Verdian) practice of large-scale, through-composed forms rather than the strongly contrasted, separate numbers and formal types of earlier opera, the temper of the times immediately before Salome had not led composers to seek out such controversial subject matter, nor to provide such disturbing, extravagantly insistent music.

After Salome and its immediate successor, the epic tragedy Elektra (1909), which brought the post-Wagnerian tradition of a large-scale, single-act drama to its zenith, Strauss himself changed direction and, with Der Rosenkavalier (1911), Ariadne auf Naxos (1912) and Die Frau ohne Schatten (1919), sought out a different world, in which the violent and the shocking were less all-pervading and comedy and romance might each find a prominent place. The success that gave Strauss the opportunity to move in this direction was in itself a result of cultural attitudes which regarded the presence of an opera house as a necessary part of a civilized social structure, thus creating, during the 19th century, the need for repertory at a time when the new was more highly regarded than the old.

While some of the greatest operas of the century's early years, such as Elektra and Puccini's La fanciulla del West (1910), acknowledged, and even helped to legitimize, the more radical harmonic practices of the time, such truly innovatory stage works as Schoenberg's 30-minute monodrama Erwartung (written in 1909) and his no less concise ‘drama with music’ Die glückliche Hand (written in 1913) both had to wait until 1924 for their premières. For all its technical radicalism, Erwartung can still be seen as a product of the Wagnerian obsession with female psychopathology (Isolde, Kundry), and the difficulty of avoiding some degree of intersection with Wagner is equally evident in the no less individual case of Debussy's Pelléas et Mélisande (begun in 1893, completed and first performed in 1902; see fig.24). That Debussy's opera became one of the century's most widely admired and regularly performed is the more impressive for the fact that it exercised relatively little obvious influence on later operatic composition, and even works which are evidently beholden to it in some respects – Bartók's Bluebeard's Castle (1918), for example – are no less strikingly different from it in certain fundamental ways.

2. Continuity and change.

In Pelléas, Debussy showed how a musical genre deeply indebted to Wagner's stylistic and structural procedures could achieve a notably individual accent by adopting a very different rhetoric and a dramatic subject which, if hardly non-Wagnerian in the sense of contemporary or naturalistic, along the lines of Louise or Puccini's Madama Butterfly (1904), was quite different in its emphasis on a purely human vulnerability. As Erwartung and Bluebeard's Castle both illustrate, progressiveness in early 20th-century opera was not simply a matter of replacing emphatic assertion with understatement; but the progressive aspects of the music and the unambiguous focus on the dark side of human psychology, in extremely concentrated structures, give both works a distinctively modern quality that distances them decisively from Wagner and Strauss. Even more radically, though very peripheral at the time, Holst's Sāvitri (completed in 1908, first performed 1916) adumbrated a kind of chamber opera, avowedly anti-Wagnerian in style which, if not naturalistic in subject matter, was very unlike any 19th-century variety of music drama. While even Sāvitri cannot escape all links with the still potent Wagnerian past, it represents a decisive shift of emphasis, and it served as a pioneering example to Benjamin Britten in his exploration of the world of chamber opera after 1945.

The kind of sympathy for human weakness and helplessness in the face of fate found in operas such as Pelléas and Madama Butterfly was, in the broadest terms, to provide a more fundamental theme for 20th-century opera than the Wagnerian epic world of gods and heroes. To this extent, the typical 20th-century operatic topic, in which vulnerability itself can attain either a heroic or an anti-heroic dimension, might be derived more directly from the ‘real life’ protagonists of Verdi or Musorgsky. It is not that gods and heroes disappeared from 20th-century opera (or that the gods and heroes of earlier operas, even Wagner's, are actually invulnerable), rather that 20th-century opera, in common with other artistic genres, tended to prefer a direct relation to the real world, even when that tendency reinforced the genre's own artificiality and unreality. A crucial factor is that 20th-century treatments of non-naturalistic subject matter – myth, allegory and fantasy – often acquired an ambiguous quality through the nature of a musical language that found affirmation and positive resolution far more problematic than did the language of the essentially tonal, consonant past.

3. 20th-century topics.

20th-century composers also favoured those timeless yet familiar topics, such as the Orpheus myth, that had been explored in the genre from the beginning. Such infinitely adaptable topics are open to exploratory treatment while remaining within the perceived borders of the operatic genre. The adaptability of certain archetypal topics to treatment in an explicitly 20th-century style is one reason why new operas were heard with reasonable frequency despite the sustained preference for works from earlier periods. Far from relegating earlier works to the status of occasional revival, the production of operas composed in the 20th century was commercially and artistically possible mainly because the institutions seeking to promote them were primarily supported by a standard repertory that contained very few 20th-century works.

After 1914 an essentially late Romantic, heroic kind of opera maintained a powerful rearguard action, not only in Strauss, but in Szymanowski's King Roger (1926), Enescu's Oedipe (1936) and Busoni's Doktor Faust (unfinished, 1925), to cite only three of the most memorable. The evolution of atonal, expressionistic opera continued from Schoenberg's Erwartung to Die glückliche Hand, and on to the greatest example of the genre, Berg's Wozzeck (1925). The exploration of alternatives to large-scale theatrical presentation found in Stravinsky's ‘burlesque in song and dance’, Renard (1922) and Histoire du soldat (1918 – ‘to be read, played and danced’), led to forms of music theatre that achieved their greatest impact after 1950, while a no less potent naturalism reached its apex in Janáček's Káťa Kabanová (1921), a work that amply fulfilled the promise and personal style revealed in his much earlier stage work Jenůfa (1904, with later revisions). The possibility of coping with comedy, fantasy, or a mixture of the two while avoiding expansive Straussian or Puccinian lyricism was shown in Stravinsky's The Nightingale (1914), Busoni's Arlecchino (1917), Prokofiev's The Love for Three Oranges (1921) and Janáček's The Excursions of Mr Brouček (1920) and The Cunning Little Vixen (1924), as well as in Ravel's L'heure espagnole (1911) and L'enfant et les sortilèges (1925): and no account of the period should omit the crowning glory of Puccini's output, the not quite completed but highly characteristic Turandot (1926).

4. Towards mid-century.

By the 1920s the musical battle lines had been drawn between an apparent radicalism (Schoenbergian serialism) that sought to submerge rather than celebrate its debts to the past, and an approach – neo-classicism – that celebrated the vitality of the confrontation between past and present, tonal styles and post-tonal techniques. In opera this led to such obvious and profound contrasts as those between Stravinsky's opera-oratorio Oedipus rex (1928) and Schoenberg's Moses und Aron (composed 1930–32), two treatments of epic-mythic topics that could hardly be more different in musical character and dramatic conception, even if they are closely related in their exploration of how, respectively, Oedipus and Moses move from positions of supreme power to tragic isolation. Differences and similarities may also be compared in two other near-contemporary works, Berg's Lulu (1937) and Shostakovich's Lady Macbeth of the Mtsensk District (1934). Each portrays the progressive degradation of the principal character with supreme conviction, even though the musical processes could scarcely be more different – Berg's progressive, Shostakovich's relatively conservative. Notoriously, the history of Lady Macbeth is bound up with the repressive cultural principles operative in the Soviet era, when the most challenging works by Russian-born composers, such as Prokofiev's The Fiery Angel (begun 1919, revised version completed 1927), could be heard only outside Russia, and the most profound operatic treatment of a Russian story was achieved by a composer from a different European country, Janáček, with From the House of the Dead (1930).

More fundamental, during the 1920s and 30s, was the contrast between the assumption, common to all the works just mentioned, that opera and its derivatives are forms of high art at its highest, and the view that the genre needed to come down from its Olympian heights and engage with reality much more directly, even didactically. It was not such a great step from Expressionist opera's use of ‘low-life’ contexts, as in the pub band in Wozzeck, to the more central focus on popular, jazz idioms in Krenek's Jonny spielt auf (1927). Far more radical was the wholesale shift of attitude embodied in the two Brecht-Weill collaborations, Die Dreigroschenoper (1928) and Aufstieg und Fall der Stadt Mahagonny (1930; fig.26). In accordance with Brecht's theory of ‘epic theatre’, the relationship between music and drama is intentionally ambiguous, and music is freed from its time-honoured operatic responsibility of supporting and representing what the words state and imply, just as the form of the work as a whole seeks to reject the highly unified, organic structures promoted during and after the 19th century. Yet Mahagonny, in particular, is scarcely anti-operatic: indeed, its importance is not in what it rejects, but in the way it revives the more stylized principles of the number opera and shows their suitability for the range of emotions and situations proper to a modern dramatic subject. With Mahagonny, as with Gershwin's Porgy and Bess (1935) a few years later, the foundations were laid for the parallel development, later in the century, of relatively naturalistic subjects, stemming from Janáček, Weill and Gershwin, alongside the persistence of epic and fantasy.

By the early 1950s, with what can now be regarded as the masterwork of neo-classical opera, Stravinsky's The Rake's Progress (1951), the powerful political allegory of Dallapiccola's 12-note Il prigioniero (1950) and the lively traditionalism of Britten's early operas (Peter Grimes, 1945, fig.27; The Rape of Lucretia, 1946; Albert Herring, 1947; Billy Budd, 1951), as well as the first stage works of Hans Werner Henze (Boulevard Solitude, 1951; König Hirsch, 1956), the genre's health and survivability could not be denied – or denied only by young firebrands like Pierre Boulez who, on principle, associated opera with all that was most decadent and retrogressive in art. Boulez's recantation, which took the form of many remarkable performances in the theatre, including some of 20th-century operas (Debussy, Berg), as well as long-considered plans for a stage work of his own based on a play by Jean Genet, was at worst an acceptance of the inevitable, at best an acknowledgment that his earlier objections were mistaken.

5. Mid-century perspectives.

With both Henze and Britten, early success fuelled the kind of regular demand for their work that required immense reserves of energy and creativity. As music dramatists, they are not obviously innovative, even though, in Britten's case, his preference after Peter Grimes for chamber opera, including the three ‘parables for church performance’ composed in the 1960s, represents a significant shift of commitment from the large-scale theatrical enterprise. Even if not strictly speaking chamber operas, given the resources required to stage them, Britten's last two operas, Owen Wingrave (1971) – originally intended for television – and Death in Venice (1973), have an intimate quality very different from the grander projections of Peter Grimes, Billy Budd or Gloriana (1953).

Britten and Henze both developed distinctively personal styles in their early years, and both, at their best, brought a strong sense of expressive depth as well as theatrical conviction to their work. Britten, in music never quite losing touch with tonality, provided a blend of intensity and austerity, and penetrated remarkable psychological depths in his obsessive study of vulnerable outsiders. Henze moved between social comment, or satire, and psychological exploration with an assurance matched by the supple adaptability of his musical language, more radical than Britten's and echoing both Berg and Stravinsky, while slavishly imitating neither. If one essential musical source for both Britten and Henze is Mahler, it is all the more striking that their works are, in the end, so different.

During the second half of the 20th century many countries maintained a special commitment to operas by local composers: Australia, Finland and, not least, the USA had particularly good records in this respect, as well as Germany and Britain. Relatively few of these works crossed national borders, save occasionally in recorded form, and, apart from Britten and Henze, only a handful of composers achieved a sustained international reputation through their stage works – Tippett, Berio, Ligeti and Adams among them. These names indicate that success in opera since 1945 has not simply been the consequence of pursuing a relatively familiar, traditional musical style. Philip Glass’s Einstein on the Beach (1976) pioneered the use of minimalist techniques taken up by Adams and Louis Andriessen, among others, and the adaptability of the genre has extended to the breaching if not the decisive destruction of its domination by male composers. In Britain, for example, Judith Weir produced a particularly accomplished group of stage works, including A Night at the Chinese Opera (1987) and Blond Eckbert (1994).

While it might be argued that the easiest way for a composer to ensure performance for an opera is already to have achieved prominence in other genres, it is clear that many major 20th-century composers – Messiaen, with his single, relatively late work Saint François d'Assise (1983), is the great exception – attempted operas at a quite early stage of their careers. Michael Tippett is a striking case of a composer who believed so deeply in the special importance of the genre that he devoted six years (1946–52) to his first mature effort, The Midsummer Marriage (1955), even with little prospect of early performance. That work is particularly special in that, with its explicitly Jungian aura, it is difficult to imagine such a treatment before the age of modern psychology.

6. Modern drama.

After his second opera, King Priam (1962), Tippett, no less strikingly than Berio (Un re in ascolto, 1984) and Ligeti (Le Grand Macabre, 1978; fig.28), preferred to create dramas which are penetrating if often oblique reflections on contemporary life, contemporary ways of thought, contemporary problems, even when presented in stylized rather than naturalistic fashion. Indeed, it seems difficult to deny that the most memorable operas of the years since 1970 have been either meditations on the perennial topic of the artist in the world (Peter Maxwell Davies's Taverner, 1972; Birtwistle's The Mask of Orpheus, 1986; or Stockhausen's seven-opera cycle Licht, launched in 1981 with Donnerstag), or morality plays about those aspects of life that psychology and modern history have brought most directly into question: and, in particular, the subject of social and political authority.

In a long and fruitful line whose specifically 20th-century strain can be traced from Wozzeck, the potential of representatives of the state for cruelty – despite occasional glimpses of more human sympathies – has been a theme ideally suited to the tensions and uneasy syntheses of modern musical language, and operas as different in style as Dallapiccola's Il prigioniero, Nono's Intolleranza 1960 (1961), Bernd Alois Zimmermann's Die Soldaten (1965), John Adams's The Death of Klinghoffer (1991) and Maxwell Davies's The Doctor of Myddfai (1996) bear witness to that. This is not to suggest that all fantasy or comedy has been drained out of contemporary musical theatre, or that there is less generic flexibility in evidence than formerly. If anything, this flexibility is greater than ever since the example set by Weill in the Broadway musicals of his later years, and given that Leonard Bernstein was happy to write opera (A Quiet Place, 1983), musical (West Side Story, 1957) and ‘comic operetta’ (Candide, 1956). There may be little danger of confusing musicals with opera, whether they preserve spoken dialogue between numbers, like Stephen Sondheim's, or are through-composed, like Lloyd Webber's Evita (1978). Yet the application of the term ‘rock opera’ to the compositions of Lloyd Webber, or to a work like Stephen Schwartz's Godspell (1971), can be seen either as demonstrating strength through adaptability or as decadence through a change from sophistication to crudity. While an even better option might be to suggest that ‘rock opera’ has nothing to do with opera proper, it is dangerous to deny that opera can ever have a viably popular quality, especially in the light of the 20th-century operas in which young people and amateurs can be involved, from Menotti's Amahl and the Night Visitors (1951) and Britten's Let's Make an Opera (1949) and Noye's Fludde (1958) to Maxwell Davies's The Two Fiddlers (1978) and Cinderella (1980).

For many 20th-century composers, rejection of the large scale and elaborate resources of traditional opera was perceived as the best route to a more intense and focussed kind of dramatic expression. If Holst's Sāvitri was an early attempt at chamber opera, Schoenberg's Pierrot lunaire (1912) – first performed with its reciter in Pierrot costume and the instrumental quintet behind a curtain – was an early example of combining a chamber composition with an element of staging. This more explicitly hybrid enterprise, followed up as it was by Stravinsky's wartime theatre pieces and Walton's Façade (begun in 1921), explored possibilities of stylized and allusive dramatic presentation which were taken up with greater consistency and inventiveness after 1950.

7. Chamber opera and music theatre.

Britten's commitment to chamber opera was manifest in the three church parables, Curlew River (1964), The Burning Fiery Furnace (1966) and The Prodigal Son (1968), each of which lasts about an hour and requires a performing group of at least a dozen (male) singers and eight instrumentalists. Another pair of works from the 1960s, Ligeti's Aventures and Nouvelles aventures (1966), is more typical of the time in its combination of expressionistically fragmented music and a surrealistic style of presentation. Music-theatre works by several of the most prominent younger composers are comparable to the Ligeti works in their challenging yet sharply controlled and economically structured designs: these include Birtwistle's Down by the Greenwood Side (1969), Maxwell Davies's Eight Songs for a Mad King (1969), Henze's Der langwierige Weg in die Wohnung der Natascha Ungeheuer (1971) and Berio's Recital I (for Cathy) (1972). Although all these composers had also written full-size operas, and would write more, it was possible to imagine in the early 1970s that music theatre might supplant opera itself as the favoured medium of dramatic expression, at least for composers of a progressive turn of mind. That this soon proved not to be the case may have something to do with the extent to which music theatre could easily seem closer to the ‘happenings’ and multimedia events promoted by experimental composers, especially John Cage, than to more mainstream music drama: the co-existence of contrasts provided a more practical way forward than the kind of progress in which the new completely obliterates the old.

The capacity of operas to contain elements of self-reference – by using actors or opera singers as characters, or the writing or performance of opera as a subject – has been evident since Mozart's Der Schauspieldirektor (1786). Richard Strauss made significant 20th-century contributions in Ariadne auf Naxos and Capriccio (1942), while Britten, in Let's Make an Opera, contrived a simple yet lively way of involving audiences with a mixture of adult and child singers in rehearsing and performing an ‘entertainment for young people’, The Little Sweep.

8. Operas about opera.

At the other extreme, operas about opera moved into the surreal regions of John Cage's series of five works each called Europera (1985–91), a ‘homage to the genre’ which, at the same time, is a deconstruction of it. In these works Cage applied his characteristic chance operations to existing operatic materials, so that the singers perform 18th- and 19th-century arias for specified periods while the instrumentalists play operatic music that is likely to be quite different, and costumes, sets and all other aspects of production – even the programme synopses – are randomly selected.

Cage's enterprise in the Europeras, like other comparable experiments, such as Kagel's Staatstheater (1971), can be regarded as an extension of the kind of surrealistic attitude to the genre's traditional subject matter and formal principles found in Virgil Thomson's Four Saints in Three Acts (1934) and Poulenc's Les mamelles de Tirésias (1947). No less modernist in its aesthetic concept than Cage's work, though very different in musical character, is Berio's Opera (1970, rev. 1977). Here the title's literal meaning, ‘works’, is used to promote alternation of and interaction between three quite different stories, represented in turn by Striggio's libretto for Monteverdi's Orfeo, a Brecht-like treatment of the sinking of the Titanic, and materials from the Open Theatre of New York's Terminal, a strong attack on the way in which terminally ill hospital patients are treated. If the topic of death ensures a common theme, the very different nature of the three types of material ensures that the structure as a whole is fluid and multivalent.

9. Opera and literature.

Opera is neither Berio's most successful nor his most conventional work for the theatre: Un re in ascolto has a particularly rich and consistent musical character, serving to project a story which, like Tippett's The Knot Garden (1970), refers to Shakespeare's Tempest as one particularly effective way of declaring solidarity with the longstanding tradition of theatre as a magical, transcendent enterprise. Operas embodying such allusions seem to have achieved greater artistic success in the later 20th century than those more directly based on great works of literature, though even here the level of achievement varies: Samuel Barber's Antony and Cleopatra (1966, rev. 1974) was more widely admired on revision than in its original version, while Aribert Reimann's Lear (1978) has a powerful impact, even if of necessity (it is set in German) it is far removed from the full, elaborate rhetoric of the Shakespearean original. By contrast, Dallapiccola's Ulisse (1968) seems too deeply in awe of its Homeric source, while Iain Hamilton's Anna Karenina (1981) appears merely parasitic in the sense that, like many television adaptations of major literary texts, only the bare bones of plot and character are preserved; perhaps because the music has little of the strong sense of contemporaneity found in the original novel, the result is more a trivialization than an enhancement of the original. Such failures at least invite a more positive appreciation of more successful adaptations, from Prokofiev's War and Peace (begun 1941, completed 1953) to Henze's Der Prinz von Homburg and The Bassarids (fig.29) and Britten's Death in Venice, where the intensity and personal identity of the music enable a good deal of the stature, if not the actual style, of the literary sources to be preserved. Among younger composers contributing to the operatic canon, none has shown a stronger or more inventive commitment to adaptations of major dramatic sources than Wolfgang Rihm: his works include Die Hamletmaschine (1987), a fantasy using Shakespeare as its starting-point, and Oedipus (also 1987), which similarly places its Sophoclean topic within a context of more modern commentary. Alfred Schnittke contributed to the long list of operas based on the Faust story, in his Historia von D. Johann Fausten (composed 1983–94).

Musical life in the 20th century involved an intricate interaction between old and new, progressive and conservative. Opera houses that were built, and rebuilt, reflect 20th-century principles of design and use specifically 20th-century materials, but at the same time represent concepts of the role of musical composition and performance within society that are not fundamentally different from what they were before 1900. The rebuilding of the Vienna Staatsoper after 1945 was one particular prominent example signifying a deep-rooted belief in the continuing vitality of opera as an institution not requiring radical rethinking in the light of changing social and cultural conditions. New or newly restored opera houses were not primarily intended for the performance of 20th-century operas. For most operatic administrations, experiment was focussed less on challenging new works than on encouraging radical productions of operas from the standard repertory; and touring organizations, which do not depend on a large, fixed establishment, performing instead in a variety of non-standard venues, preferred slimmed-down versions of Le nozze di Figaro, Carmen, La traviata, even The Ring, to new or neglected 20th-century works. The engagement of opera with the 20th-century mass-media of radio and television was no less tangential, and even operas dealing very directly with contemporary subject matter, such as John Adams's Nixon in China (1987), tended to be conceived with the traditional resources of the old-style opera house in mind. (See Television, §IV.)

10. Conclusions.

Because several of the most popular operas – Madama Butterfly and Der Rosenkavalier, in particular – have been written since 1900, it is not strictly possible to categorize 20th-century opera as an entirely peripheral phenomenon. Yet with a few exceptions, of which Wozzeck is probably the most striking, operas using the 20th century's more progressive compositional techniques have not attracted regular performance in the theatre. Many have nevertheless achieved a certain permanence through issue on CD and video, and the reciprocal relationship between live and recorded performance, if it continues, is likely to play an important role in assisting the dissemination of the more experimental kinds of opera. In this respect such an enterprise as the issue in 1995 of a 1993 Salzburg Festival performance of Luigi Nono's ‘tragedy for listening’, Prometeo (1985), is especially significant.

Many of the finest opera composers of the 20th century successfully explored a notable variety of dramatic subjects. Since Strauss followed Elektra with Der Rosenkavalier, and Stravinsky moved (over a much longer period) from Oedipus rex to The Rake's Progress, Henze explored the very different worlds of The English Cat (1983) and Das verratene Meer, while Birtwistle relished the contrasts between Gawain (1991; fig.30) and The Second Mrs Kong (1994). Such contrasts show the adaptability of a consistent musical style, rather than an ability to transform style itself from one kind of opera to another, and that ability may be no less apparent in major composers (for example Puccini and Britten) in whom such wide contrasts of dramatic topic are less evident. This adaptability is one reason why opera, along with associated forms of music theatre, may have a healthy future. If, as seems conceivable, music in the 21st century pursues a kind of classicism that attempts to integrate elements that 20th-century modernism sought to keep separate, then opera is no less likely to benefit from the development than other traditional genres which, despite all the odds, have survived the great 20th-century experiment.

2. France from Lully to Rameau.

VII. Production

1. 17th-century Italy.

3. ‘Opera seria’.

4. Enlightenment tendencies.

5. From Weber to Verdi.

6. Wagner and after.

7. Since World War II.

Although Italian opera was a brand new form in the decade 1598–1608, it was able, where matters of production and staging were concerned, to draw on many established 16th-century procedures. Indeed, only one expertise had to be newly created for it: the ability of a leading singer-actor to sustain a single role through several operatic acts. With that exception – a significant one, as the future of opera was to prove – the skills required for the staging of opera were available for borrowing and adaptation from earlier musical and/or theatrical forms. ‘Dramatic’ presentation of solo song involving face-play, gesture and bodily movement; deployment on stage of singing choruses and comparse (silent supernumeraries); the mounting of elaborate sung-and-danced ‘production numbers’; the use of oil- and candle-lit changeable scenery (pastoral and urban); the revelation of hells and heavens and the flyings about the stage of supernatural beings (their songs accompanied by instrumentalists cunningly hidden behind the scenes): all these were to be found in Cinquecento courtly music-making, in humanist essays in the staging of classical or neo-classical tragedy, comedy and satyr play-cum-pastoral, or in the spectacular musical intermedi sometimes set between the acts of spoken dramas (see Intermedio).

1. 17th-century Italy.

The exclusive court-connectedness of opera in its first 40 years provided a further reason for operatic staging's being able to slip fairly unobtrusively into existence. It inherited the general convention in Renaissance court theatricals that there was a more or less amiable co-existence between the experts responsible for different aspects of a show, under the exigent or indulgent eye of the local autocrat or ‘academy’, or of an executive nominee: such a figure as Leone de' Sommi or Angelo Ingegneri (both of whom wrote illuminating accounts of staging in the late 16th century that are relevant to the mounting of early opera), or like Emilio de' Cavalieri, who, having been involved practically with intermedio and pastoral comedy in the 1580s and 90s, ghosted a preface on the singing and staging of his own operatic Rappresentatione di Anima, et di Corpo in 1600. It is in the tradition of such hands-on activity and treatise writing that the composer Marco da Gagliano printed an introduction to his Dafne (1608) which makes detailed but undogmatic suggestions about that opera's staging, and an anonymous Florentine around 1630 wrote Il corago – an extended job description and handbook for the corago, who is a courtly master of theatrical revels (including opera) and unites the roles, later to be separated, of impresario, intendant, drama teacher, director and stage manager.

It is clear from such treatises as these that true acting (as the Renaissance understood it) was required from opera singers, not mere standing and warbling: that a performer's facial play and seemingly natural movement about the stage should embody the meaning of the libretto, and that specifically operatic techniques – slowing down of gestures so that they last the full length of the sung phrase, movement during ritornellos rather than while singing – were thought to be additions to, not substitutes for, serious attention to the eloquent, expressive and lucid presentation of character out towards the audience that was required of spoken acting. The comparse and the chorus (when there was one) needed to be equally attentive: the comparse learning the elaborate battles devised for them by a master of fencing and gracefully filling stage space granted them by the principals in ceremonial scenes; the chorus respectful and responsive to the principals, its movements carefully synchronized but avoiding any sense of a regimented corps de ballet. Behind these, the symmetrical scenery, made more easily changeable in the early 17th century by the introduction of sliding wing flats (but best kept at a distance by performers, wherever possible, for fear of showing up the flat-painter's radical foreshortening of perspective); and above them, the supernatural machines which, it was stressed, had to be moved at a tempo that harmonized with the music and did not discommode any performer who had to sing while riding on them.

The expansion of operatic activity from the later 1630s onwards to include the public and commercial had its shop window in Venice, where paying citizens could see features of production that had been hidden behind princely doors in Florence, Mantua or Rome. Accounts of the Venetian Andromeda (1637) and Bellerofonte (1642), for instance, celebrate their stylish acting and glittering costumes, their crowds of well-dressed, well-drilled comparse, their frighteningly realistic monsters and sophisticated dance interludes, their spectacular machine apotheoses and their smooth changes of scene before the audience's eyes: the décor of Bellerofonte was by the inventive and influential scenographer Giacomo Torelli. For the next 40 years, from Naples to Vienna and beyond, commercial, courtly and academic Italian opera was to develop a wide spectrum of scale and finesse in performance, from the productions of small companies touring the Italian cities much in the manner of the popular itinerant commedia dell'arte troupes to grandiose and prestigious events like Cesti's Il pomo d'oro at Vienna in 1668 (see fig.6 above), where the 24 souvenir engravings of Ludovico Burnacini's sets during performance vividly illustrate the culmination of the 17th century's tendency to impose a strong axial symmetry on performers as well as on scenery. Yet an integrated approach to acting in opera – and one the author of Il corago would have approved – probably continued in favour well beyond the middle of the century. Even the progressive increase in the length, complexity and potential for vocal display of the operatic aria did not remove the concept of sheer acting skill as a desideratum in the new species of opera star. For instance, in his Dell'arte rappresentativa (1699), Andrea Perrucci is as insistent as his forebears on the expressive use in sung as well as in spoken drama of head, eyes, arms and body (deriving much of what he says from the teachings of classical rhetoric) and on a clear frontal presentation of character. In discussing a particular phobia of his – collisions between actors making entrances and those leaving the stage – he suggests that a good way of avoiding these, with entrances from behind an upstage flat and exits as close as possible to the proscenium arch, would be of special value to the opera singer, who can thus leave from the front of the stage (where the light is strongest and contact with the pit band easiest) just after an aria. With opera seria and its proliferation of exit arias just coming on stream, this is advice that would have decades of relevance.

Though the librettist of a new Italian piece may have had a considerable say as to its staging, in person or through the stage directions he was able to broadcast over his text, mid- and late 17th-century Italian opera seems not in the main to have been wedded to production practices that required firm, centralized directorial control; but in the 1670s and 80s they ordered things differently in France. There, Lully's reign over the French opera he had virtually created shows directorial presence at its most absolutist, working (probably not coincidentally) in the service of the arch-absolutist Louis XIV. In establishing tragédie en musique, Lully was clearly concerned that its staging should not suffer in comparison with that of the spoken comedy and tragedy that was then having such a golden age in France; so this hands-on composer-dancer-violinist-corago thought it best to have a direct say in everything (though in matters of design there were major delegations to significant figures, for example Carlo Vigarani and Jean Berain). Lully instructed his casts in person as to entrances and exits, moves and deportment, sometimes showing a performer every gesture of his or her role or demonstrating the pantomimic parts of the inset ballets. His mastery of the local details as well as the complex wholes of his operas in conception and in staging, his having their scores printed and (in effect) copyrighted, his arranging for uncut revivals and his personal training of a generation of actor-singers to perform them: all this led to Lullian opera becoming an influential national institution, and to Lully himself posthumously becoming a potent directorial phantom at the Opéra.

2. France from Lully to Rameau.

In the 18th century, French opera was more galant in mood and also more demanding vocally – provoking the remark ascribed to Rameau that, while Lully's operas needed actors, his own needed singers – but Lullian constructions and stage procedures were still pervasive. Operatic tradition went on setting great store by le merveilleux, which meant a greater emphasis on the vertical aspect of the stage – celestial descents, infernal trapdoors and the like – than was called for most of the time in the more ‘historical’ (and hence horizontal) Italian operas of the age. Then, true to that part of its origins that lay in ballet de cour, the tradition also insisted on the frequent incorporation into the action of dance sequences: hence the presence of a corps de ballet, which not only danced the symmetrical fêtes for the opera's principal characters but was also the resource for any troops of warriors, priests, genii or the like that might be required, in marked contrast to the non-dancing comparse who filled equivalent roles in Italian opera.

Another vital distinguishing feature of opera in Paris was its continuing commitment to a major role for a sizable chorus. The entry of the chorus at the Opéra in a tragédie en musique or an opéra-ballet was a spectacular moment: its richly dressed members advancing in two ranks, one from each side of the stage, to take up their places in an elegant U-formation. By framing the activities of principals, dance troupe and any active theatrical machines in this way, the chorus helped maintain a strong axial symmetry, which may partly explain the rarity on the French operatic stage (outside the work of Servandoni) of the skewed scena per angolo that was becoming a popular part of operatic décor elsewhere in Europe.

It is not clear whether in the early 18th century there was much active collaboration, beyond the necessary polite co-existence, between these operatic elements and departments. An at best benign convergence of the arts rather than an organic compounding of them seems to have been the rule. In the performance itself, principals sat graciously out of harm's way during the inset fêtes; the dancers tended to wear masks, which set them apart from other performers; and, once settled into its U-formation, the chorus seems rarely to have bestirred itself very much. Still, royal edicts which rationalized the company structure at the Opéra in 1713–14 provided for the appointment of two active administrative ‘syndics’ (later known as ‘directeurs’); and making sure that there was at least a bare sufficiency of liaison must have been the responsibility of ‘le syndic chargé de la régie du théâtre’. This officer dealt with artistic planning and casting (in consultation with the composer, if still living) and nominally oversaw all rehearsals and performances. It is a moot point how far his role in the staging of an opera was a creative and how far a purely diplomatic-administrative one; but it is clear that his drawing together of strands made for memorable performances at the Palais Royal. Reviewers would occasionally congratulate ‘MM. les Directeurs’ on brilliant and satisfying shows that excelled in words, music, casting, décor, costumes, choreography and execution. And individual performances could impress the most demanding critics. Even Rousseau, no lover of the opera as an institution, was impressed enough by the performances there of C.L.D. Chassé – he created several important bass-baritone roles for Rameau – to cite him in the Encyclopédie as everything a good operatic performer ought to be: never dropping his character to become merely a singer; forever interesting, even in silence; and conspiring by steps, looks and gestures to make his audience feel that the music rising from the orchestra pit was rising from his soul.

In the Italian tradition as in the French, increasing emphasis was placed on sheer vocal expertise as opera seria established itself; and from this sprang the new tribe of Italian vocal virtuosos who had considerable success in the opera house for all that their acting abilities were fairly rudimentary. Yet the truly desirable opera singer was still generally deemed to be one who had (as an intendant of the royal opera in Lisbon in the 1760s put it) ‘buona voce a grande estensione di corde, buona figure e buona azione’.

3. ‘Opera seria’.

Once such performers were under contract, and provided they were not too fractious, the staging of opera seria was a relatively simple matter. The strong segmentation of the form allowed for discrete cells of activity. If there were ballets, battles or ceremonials to attend to, there was likely to be a maître de danse on hand (and perhaps an associated fencing master) to arrange them; a machinist could advise performers about any theatrical coups they might be involved in (descents of airy chariots, magical transformations, collapsing of city walls and the like); and a creative scenographer, or simply a resourceful scene-store keeper, would be ringing the changes on elaborate perspectives (‘straight’ or per angolo) which rendered a fairly limited range of motifs: palace, temple, street, harbour, cave, camp, garden, wilderness and so on. As for the principals working up the recitative-and-aria scenes of psychological interplay that are the staple of the seria form, their rehearsals of a new piece may quite possibly have been brief and not strongly directed, but need not be thought of as careless or primitive. For one thing, there were the stage directions of the libretto to be observed, not only for entrances and exits but often also for characters' moods and stage business. For another, performers could easily and independently apply to their recitatives the age's basic courtly stage deportment (a singer could find several primers in print for tragic acting in the spoken theatre, many of the techniques of which would apply equally well to opera). Again, since at the centre of opera seria was a spectrum of general emotions expressed one after another in a series of arias, an experienced performer coming to a new opera would almost certainly have given formal histrionic expression to all his or her character's feelings before – sometimes in exactly the same words (as multiple settings of successful librettos were common), sometimes even in the same music if the ‘new’ piece was a pasticcio. Stage performance of a seria aria seems to have been not unlike the 18th-century speaking actor's delivery of a tragic tirade or soliloquy.

Hence a group of competent principals might achieve a fluent, decorous, pointed and telling staging of an opera seria (in all but any spectacular or balletic parts) with no more external help than was needful for recording which wings were used for which entrances, the assigning of courtly retinues of comparse and the resolution of any points of princely etiquette or clashes of artistic temperament. Sometimes the impresario or manager might provide such help, or the prompter or the maestro di cappella (who might anyway be the opera's composer). But most often it was the theatre's resident poet, in which case he might perhaps take on a more consequential, directorial role at rehearsals.

The comic ironies of Benedetto Marcello's Il teatro alla moda (D1720) carry the strong implication that a theatre poet worth his salt would explain the dramatic conception and intentions of his text to the performers in rehearsal, advise them on costume, gestures and the proper sides of the stage for their entrances and exits, and insist on a clear enunciation of his words. Later, Goldoni, who himself had had responsibility ‘for directing and coaching the performers’ during a stint as poet to a Venetian opera house in the 1730s, put such a figure into his comedy L'impresario delle Smirne (1761). There his Maccario, armed with the works of Zeno and Metastasio, some old plays and a rhyming dictionary, practises his specialities of writing new librettos, adapting old ones, fitting new words to old music, instructing the singers in acting, directing the scenes, attending the ladies to their boxes, looking after the comparse and blowing the traditional whistle for scene changes. Metastasio himself would have recognized at least some of this activity. Though it would not have been possible for him to rehearse all the settings of his librettos in person, his letters from Vienna to various sorts of theatre people from the 1730s to 50s show him to have been a careful director – concerned with the effective ‘blocking’ of scenes, making diagrams of the disposition of characters on stage, supplying detailed analyses of principal characters for composer and singer, offering suggestions for optional stage business over and above that in the printed text to busy intendants three or four countries away. Metastasio's letters also reveal that, however formalized the stage action may have been in opera seria, the genre's leading librettist was convinced that telling theatricality in the communication of feeling was the essence of its staging, not the blind following of formula or protocol.

Though librettos of Metastasio went on being set and staged into the 1820s and occasionally beyond, by the 1760s more progressive spirits in writing and staging were entering a new age of sensibility, enlightenment, ‘sublime simplicity’ and growing concern for theatrical realism, the last partly expressed in a canonization of Shakespeare and a fresh respect for the arts of comedy. One aspect of this was the appeal that buffo acting came to have for serious opera lovers. The tiny, often two-person troupes performing farcical intermezzos between the acts of opera seria and the rather larger companies giving more extended opere buffe had developed a style of acting that was brisker, saltier and more immediately alluring, if not a great deal less governed by convention, than that seen in loftier opera. The unpretentiousness of this style and the leeway it gave for sharp observation of contemporary life endeared it to such observers as Arteaga and de Brosses, who saw its vivacity and ‘air of truth’ as rebukes to the traditional high operatic stage's tendency to what had come to seem stiffness and frigidity. At a time when David Garrick (the living demonstration that ‘Shakespeare and Nature were the same’) was shifting the norm of serious acting in spoken theatre away from weighty, slow-moving declamation towards a more energetic, pantomimic mode, it is likely that some of the more seemly aspects of buffo style, along with some Garrickian traits, were sharpening the immediacy of serious operatic acting and increasing its air of truth.

4. Enlightenment tendencies.

Garrick was the model for several of the new men of operatic Europe in the mid-18th century, not least Noverre, for whom he was ‘the Proteus of our time’ and an inspiration behind Noverre's campaign to unmask the dancers in opera and so increase their histrionic potential. But if Garrick was a Proteus, it was the Gluck of the ‘reform’ operas who was seen by his admirers as the modern Prometheus where, inter alia, staging was concerned. One of them in the 1770s describes him as having to deal at first with principal singers whose acting was either lifeless or grotesquely mannered and with ‘a collection of mannequins called a chorus’; but ‘Prometheus shook his torch and the statues came to life’, the principals realizing that the idiom of Gluck's music needed only to be felt to bring strong and true stage impersonation with it, while the chorus members in his operas were ‘amazed to discover that they were actors’.

Garrick and Gluck, of course, were not alone responsible for all theatrical change at the time; but praise of this kind provides a frame for such things as the poet Verazi's stagings of his own librettos in the 1760s and 70s, noted for their treating the chorus ‘as actors, not statues’; his printing his librettos with stage directions for elaborate business during the normally direction-free da capo arias; the increasing trouble taken by such composers as Jommelli to construct buffo ensembles which would permit ‘natural’ acting throughout; the growing tendency of the operatic stage space to be characterized by chiaroscuro in lighting, local colour in décor and asymmetry in the deployment of supernumeraries, dancers and scenery; the praises heaped on a singer like Sophie Arnould for her tenderness, energy, soul, sentiment and sensibility; and the determination of Gaetano Guadagni, who had learnt directly from Garrick and created the leading role in Orfeo ed Euridice (1762), to identify with his roles so fully that he refused to acknowledge applause after an aria or give encores.

Few singers may have gone as far as Guadagni in this; but his ideal chimes with a concept of opera involving a carefully monitored synthesis of theatrical arts, all blending together to present a heightened virtual actuality which will enthral, elevate and edify. The concept attracted support in the later 18th century, although there were differing views as to who should finally be responsible for the careful monitoring. Noverre and Algarotti, influentially urging this conscious integration of the arts as opposed to the traditional laissez-faire, both insisted that it was the poet-librettist who, as the begetter of the opera, should be the guardian of its wholeness, and that it was for the other theatre artists to embody the poet's unifying conception. Noverre further emphasized the need for the executive quintet of composer, designer, machinist, ballet-master and costumier to work closely together and for the poet to be on call throughout, which is what happened in the case of the team working on Orfeo. It was certainly an authority structure assured of some success in court theatres where the local prince himself was the librettist (or at least the influential drafter of scenarios). Elsewhere it might be the court composer, as with Jommelli at Stuttgart in the 1750s and 60s under the watchful eye of Duke Carl Eugen. According to Christian Schubart, Jommelli used his knowledge of singers, instrumentalists, audiences and theatre acoustics, plus the close cooperation of designers, machinists and choreographers, ‘to move and uplift the coldest listener's heart and soul with one great totality’. Or it might be the court intendant for music and drama, as seems to have been the case with Count von Seeau at Munich in 1780–81 when Mozart and Varesco's Idomeneo was being prepared and rehearsed. Mozart's letters home suggest a careful collaboration under Seeau's control between composer, conductor, scenographer and choreographer. The lack of the librettist on the spot to advise singers about stage action suggests that the principals were expected to be largely self-reliant and to use appropriate modifications of well-tried seria and Gluckian techniques, taking advice where they found it. They would almost certainly have found it from Mozart in his role as composer-répétiteur, with his earnest concern that recitative should be fast-moving, spirited and fiery in performance, that singers should act, and that the best criterion for librettists, composers and performers alike was theatrical effectiveness.

The idea of a ‘great totality’ of staging, integrated by one man, had a future. German-speaking theatre was allowing room in the 1790s for the notion of a ‘Regisseur des Schauspiels’ whose responsibilities included ‘balancing all the individual details to create the overall effect’; and such ideas influenced influential operatic music directors, including Weber. As overseer of all aspects of vocal and visible activity on stage at the Prague Opera (1813–16), Weber conceived an ideal of a score and staging where ‘every contribution of the related arts is moulded together in a certain way, dissolving to form a new world’; and at Dresden (1817–26) he was an advocate of the ‘Leseprobe’ (the early reading aloud by a company of the libretto to ensure that everyone involved had an idea of his or her place in the whole), was concerned to develop versatility in his soloists and acting ability in his chorus, and was minded to employ a ‘literator’ to discuss problematical aspects of librettos with performers and a dancing-master who would double as a movement coach and also devise effective stage groupings.

5. From Weber to Verdi.

Individualized, picturesque-romantic stagings came to appeal to other national operas around Europe too. For instance, William Charles Macready, the English actor-manager in spoken theatre, was concerned to take great and detailed care in embodying the dramatist's ‘picture’ on the stage, ‘complete in its parts and harmoniously arranged as to figure, scene and action’, and saw no reason why he should not apply the same techniques to staging opera in English. But the detailed itemization of stage action that appears in his prompt-books is hugely outdone across the English Channel by the quantity of movement, stage business and character revelation (to say nothing of matters of scenery, costumes and props) recorded behind the scenes at the Parisian grands spectacles of the age of Meyerbeer, Auber and Eugène Scribe, for use by stage managers, prompters, répétiteurs and the rehearsers of revivals. Staging almost for staging's sake – flamboyant Romantic-historical décor, crowd effects, exploitation of the new-fangled gas illumination – found itself in the foreground in French grand opéra. Of course, the sheer vocal and histrionic skills of such principals as Adolphe Nourrit and later Pauline Viardot were vital to an overall theatrical success; but there was so much else as well to claim the attention. So it is not surprising, given the need to keep some control over it all, that positions with the fairly interchangeable designations régisseur de la mise en scène, directeur de la scène and metteur en scène begin to appear in Parisian personnel lists.

The newly prominent French régisseurs were entrusted with the task of conniving with the operatic team – librettist, composer, company director, scenic artist, costume designer, choreographer and leading singers – so as to devise a durable staging of the latest score, and of making sure that the staging was adhered to during the run. Indeed, it was likely to be set in stone, to become virtually part of the work itself for Parisian revivals and productions in other places, through the régisseur's compilation of a sophisticated livret de mise en scène, which included a movement-by-movement, prop-by-prop account of the whole complex spectacle. These livrets, which evolved from less ambitious attempts in the 1800s to fix the stagings of Parisian melodramas and opéras comiques for the benefit of provincial managers, were often put into print; by 1850 over 80 of them had been published in Paris – distant, indirect descendants of the practical preface Gagliano had written for Dafne in 1608.

In Italian-speaking opera houses at the time there would have seemed to be little need for such livrets. Staging methods which would have been familiar to Goldoni were still being carried out more or less efficiently, and there are records of librettists such as Romani, Cammarano and Piave listing props, coaxing some acting out of singers, ‘blocking’ chorus scenes (where such existed), organizing comparse and troubleshooting backstage at premières. But as Italian opera, largely through the maturing of Verdi's genius, became theatrically more complex and hence more at risk after the première (which was artistically in the hands of the composer and his close colleagues) – especially when taken up by another company at a distance – a more rigorous means of quality control in staging was called for. If Verdi created the problem, however, he also had, indeed insisted on, a particular solution. Louis Palianti's series of Parisian livrets de mise en scène had included accounts of two productions of Verdi pieces with which the composer had been closely involved while in France in the 1850s. Passionately concerned to get and keep stage business right, Verdi was much taken with the livret idea. That for Les vêpres siciliennes was translated into Italian, and from then on each of Verdi's new operas had its own disposizione scenica prepared and printed by his publisher Ricordi with the composer's collaboration. By the end they were immensely elaborate; that for Otello (1887) – one for Falstaff has yet to be found – includes 270 diagrams of stage positions and moves (see fig.21). ‘Because of recent developments in the music-drama, every movement has its raison d'être and the old stage conventions are no longer acceptable’, says Ricordi in his epilogue to the disposizione for Aida (1872). He had no cause to ponder what the status of the prescribed décors and movements might be when operatic staging itself had developed still further.

The story of modern opera production may well be seen as beginning with the first Bayreuth Festival of 1876. Not only was Wagner the prototype of the 20th-century director, but also the festival he inaugurated remained for over a century one of the chief power-houses of developments in dramaturgy. By contrast with the previous theatrical practice, where staging might depend on a combination of interested parties, Wagner, in collaboration with his choreographer Richard Fricke, imposed himself as the central intelligence. Strong emphasis was placed on the role of improvisation and inspiration in stage blocking. Traditional stock histrionics were replaced by ‘natural’ expression, and singers were encouraged to ignore the audience and respond only to fellow performers on the stage. This was the apogee of illusionism, the prevailing mode in the spoken theatre, at least, from the mid-18th century.

6. Wagner and after.

Wagner naturally took a keen interest in the work of Georg II, the Duke of Saxe-Meiningen, whose coincident innovations with his travelling troupe were a huge influence on the evolution of stagecraft. In Meiningen productions, scenery (three-dimensional, using the box set) was designed to accommodate the movements of actors; costumes, props and lighting were exploited to create mood and atmosphere. The duke also did much to establish the supremacy of the director.

When Cosima Wagner assumed control of the Bayreuth Festival after the composer's death, she brought a natural dramatic talent to bear and continued the progressive tendency of naturalistic acting she had observed at the first festivals. At the same time, her pursuit of an ‘ideal’ performance such as Wagner would have approved led to over-prescriptiveness and the stifling of inspiration.

Naturalism in acting and staging was also sought by Konstantin Stanislavsky, who in 1898 founded the Moscow Art Theatre with Vladimir Nemirovich-Danchenko. Recognizing that the representation of inner truth on the stage might involve an abandonment of realism, he sought to project life not as it is perceived in reality but as it is experienced ‘in our dreams, our visions, our moments of spiritual uplift’. These principles, grounded in the system known as the ‘Method’ (based on the actor's personal experience and identification with the role), were embodied in Stanislavsky's work in the Bol'shoy Theatre Opera Studio, which he founded in 1918. Fusion of words, music and movement was the object, but it was the score rather than the libretto that was to provide the cues.

More revolutionary was the Moscow Art Theatre Musical Studio, founded in 1919 by Nemirovich-Danchenko, who rejected naturalism and realism in favour of the kind of techniques pioneered by Emile Jaques-Dalcroze, strictly synchronizing movement and gesture in abstract settings. Nemirovich-Danchenko, like many others, was influenced by the ideas of the Swiss designer Adolphe Appia, who has been described as ‘the father of non-illusionist musical theatre’. Appia aimed to create a theatrical space independent of reality: a ‘living background’ that projected mood and atmosphere predominantly by imaginative lighting. His set designs were geometrical structures inspired by contemporary constructivist principles but offset by evocative deployment of light and shadow (fig.44). His theories of opera production, expounded in a series of essays, also proposed simple, stylized costumes and quasi-symbolic, non-realistic stage movements.

There were, however, other progressive spirits in the early decades of the century who followed Appia in rejecting pictorialism. Gustav Wunderwald's anti-naturalistic representation of the rocky heights in his Rheingold for the Deutsche Oper, Berlin, in 1914 showed an awareness of Appia's ideas, as did the work of Alfred Roller in Vienna, Hans Wildermann in Cologne, Dortmund and Düsseldorf, and Ludwig Sievert, whose Ring was first seen in Freiburg in 1912–13, then again, with some variations, in Baden-Baden (1917), Hanover (1925) and Frankfurt (1926–7). Sievert was able to introduce both a cyclorama (such as Appia had wanted but had been prevented from executing) and a revolving stage. The influence of Appia is also evident in the dark, suggestive, geometric shapes of Sievert's Ring designs (the rocky cleft in Die Walküre, Act 2, for example), though the slanting walls and converging perspective here produce a composition that was quite original and in turn widely imitated.

Roller's designs for Mahler's Wagner and Mozart productions in Vienna from 1903 onwards applied elements of neo-romanticism to architectonic structures derived from Appia and Craig. A more thorough-going avant-garde director was Vsevelod Meyerhold, whose determination to draw attention to the artifice and mechanics of the act of stage production foreshadowed Brechtian alienation techniques. Meyerhold's first opera production was an imaginatively reductive Tristan und Isolde at the Mariinsky Theatre in St Petersburg in 1909.

Another prominent director who gave practical expression to the theories of Appia and Craig was the Austrian Max Reinhardt, who played a key role in establishing the director/impresario in the opera house, and is best known for his collaborations with Richard Strauss and Hofmannsthal. Reinhardt's approach was an eclectic one, incorporating elements of realism, symbolism and Expressionism in an attempt to recapture in modern terms the visionary experience afforded by the traditional theatre. The accusation that his ‘obtrusive’ production method obscured the author's or composer's intention is an early example of the critical reaction against ‘producer's opera’.

A new wave of realism, rooted in the anti-romantic, functional principles of the Bauhaus, informed the most stimulating experiment in opera production in the 1920s: the Berlin Kroll Opera under Klemperer (1927–31). The artist and stage designer Ewald Dülberg, who was responsible for productions there of Fidelio (fig.45), Oedipus rex, Der fliegende Holländer and Rigoletto, aimed primarily at creating clearly defined stage spaces, with starkly lit compositions drawing on principles of Cubist abstraction. Dülberg's costumes for Das fliegende Holländer (directed by Jürgen Fehling) were both modern and timeless – Senta sporting a blue pullover, grey skirt and a bright red wig – while the ships were represented as geometric shapes looming in the dark. From 1928 Dülberg's monopoly gave way to the participation of such artists as Caspar Neher, Traugott Müller, Oskar Strnad, Oskar Schlemmer and László Moholy-Nagy. In Moholy-Nagy's controversial Les contes d'Hoffmann, Romantic scenery was replaced by constructivist designs consisting of geometric and spiral motifs in the style of the Bauhaus; there were sharp contrasts of lighting, and the playing space was occupied by surreal puppet figures and the first steel furniture to appear on the operatic stage.

Meanwhile, at Bayreuth, Siegfried Wagner celebrated the reopening of the festival after the war (1924) with a sustained attempt, in his final six years, to introduce solid three-dimensional sets and other cautious innovations more in tune with the times. The hand of hallowed tradition weighed heavily, but in his last new production, Tannhäuser (1930), there was at last some evidence that the progressive ideas of contemporary music theatre were making headway.

The ascendancy of the Nazis, however, put a stop to virtually all avant-garde experimentation in dramaturgy in Germany. Only at Bayreuth – ironically in view of the close links forged between the festival and the regime – was there any sign that creative thinking had been allowed to continue. Winifred Wagner's appointment of Heinz Tietjen as artistic director of the festival brought the scenic designer Emil Preetorius to the centre of attention (fig.46). In his essay ‘Wagner: Bild und Vision’, Preetorius drew attention both to the abundance of natural effects in Wagner's works and to their conception as allegories. On the one hand, he felt that these effects ‘must be rendered clearly and with complete illusion’; on the other, he recognized that symbolism must play as important a role in the thinking of the designer as in that of the composer. Like Appia, he laid great emphasis on the use of lighting, allowing its deployment supremacy by reducing stage props to essentials.

At the Metropolitan, New York, at least one cycle of the Ring was conducted every year from 1929 to 1939 by Artur Bodanzky, using the faithfully naturalistic sets and bearskins of the Kautsky brothers first seen before World War I. The sets designed for the tetralogy after World War II by Lee Simonson also frequently sprouted foliage, but since Simonson was a Broadway designer, they had more than a touch of modernism as well, with echoes of Sievert and Preetorius.

The most radical shift in the staging of Wagner, and a key moment in the history of 20th-century opera production, occurred with the reopening of the Bayreuth Festspielhaus after World War II in 1951. Bayreuth had become indelibly associated with the Nazi regime, and it was in a conscious attempt to break with the ideology of the past that Wieland and Wolfgang Wagner, the composer's grandsons, discarded all the pictorial sets and their trappings that had become such an outdated fixture. Arguing that there was no incontrovertible reason why Wagner's works had to be given in the naturalistic mode in which they were first performed, Wieland reduced his sets to the bare essentials, essaying fidelity to the composer not on the surface but in terms of psychological truthfulness. The entire action was set on a circular platform or disc, and a cyclorama effectively suggested an endless horizon (fig.47). The stated aim was to reveal ‘the purely human element stripped of all convention’. His abandonment of Wagner's specific instructions was justified by the drawing of a distinction between the stage directions, which remained bound to 19th-century theatrical modes, and the timeless ideas of the works themselves, which demand constantly new representations. The stage directions, in other words, he regarded as inner visions rather than practical demands.

7. Since World War II.

A diametrically opposed set of dramaturgical principles was evident in the work of another hugely influential director of the same era, Walter Felsenstein. Having founded the Komische Oper in East Berlin in 1947, he remained its director until his death in 1975, establishing ‘realistic music theatre’ on the basis of long, intensive rehearsal periods and committed ensemble playing, but insisting that ‘the central figure is, and remains, the singer-actor’. Felsenstein emphasized the creative contribution to be made by performers, inspiring them to replicate the psychological state of the characters they were playing, drawing on their own emotional reserves and experiences. The dramatic portrayals of characters and their interaction had to be persuasive, but Felsenstein also demanded that the act of singing in the theatre had itself to be experienced as a ‘convincing, true and utterly indispensable mode of expression’.

Felsenstein's chief legacy was the psychological and social realism he brought to bear, and the emphasis he placed on role identification. His best-known pupils, Götz Friedrich (fig.48) and Joachim Herz, as well as such directors as Harry Kupfer, fused those principles with the quite contrary ones of Brechtian theory to establish the fundamentals of an approach that dominated the stages of Europe, in a variety of contrasting forms, throughout the 1960s, 70s and 80s. Brecht's determination to shatter the illusions constructed by traditional, ‘culinary’ theatre, as he disparagingly named it, led him to formulate the Verfremdungseffekt, usually rendered as ‘alienation effect’, though the intention was to alienate the audience from the action in order to engage it more immediately and intellectually.

Alienation techniques were used conspicuously by Friedrich in his two Ring cycles, where, for example, he caused Loge, Alberich and Wotan to step outside the framework of the drama to address the audience directly. Such techniques were used to heighten the contemporary relevance that became the hallmark of the work of Friedrich, Herz, Kupfer and other East German directors. Social and political commitment had been an intrinsic element of Felsenstein's productions too, but the incorporation of Brechtian techniques gave the work of the younger generation a sharper ideological edge. It was no doubt the potency of that ideological element that provoked bourgeois capitalist audiences and critics repeatedly to object to what was dismissed as socialist didacticism on the operatic stage – a stage, moreover, not traditionally associated with ideological engagement of any kind.

The Italian Giorgio Strehler and the Frenchman Patrice Chéreau (notably in his centenary production of the Ring at Bayreuth, 1976; fig.49) also attracted criticism in some quarters for the prominence they accorded to the ideological aspects of works. It is no coincidence that the trend they encouraged of directors turning from the spoken theatre to opera was concurrent with the rise of what came to be called, often pejoratively, ‘producer's opera’. The age of the producer, or director (as he/she has come, following American usage, more commonly to be known), may be seen as a response to a set of sociocultural factors affecting the reception of opera in the modern era. Chief among these are the decline in the cult of the diva and, arguably, in the individuality of expression (though not technique) of singers; the passing of the era of the autocratic, charismatic conductor who fashioned the production in his own image; and the failure of opera in the 20th century to regenerate its forms or repertory in accordance with the needs of the age. The survival of an antiquated, obsolete genre has necessitated renewal in terms of presentation.

Not all ‘interventionist’ approaches have a political intention, however: some directors (notably Jonathan Miller) have probed the works from a psychological vantage-point, while others (notably David Freeman) have prioritized emotional directness. Present-day costumes and settings have sometimes, but by no means always, been the chosen means for such explorations. In the 1970s and 80s, some directors attempted to emphasize the universality and timeless relevance of works by incorporating props and costumes from various eras.

‘Interventionist’ opera productions have also gone hand in hand with the espousal of influential critical theories such as structuralism, post-structuralism (in particular deconstruction), reader-orientated approaches and feminism. The questioning of previous certainties such as the status of the author as the origin of the text, the source of its meaning and the principal authority for its interpretation effected a revolution in the way works, both classic and modern, might be presented. Brechtian theory had already suggested that the bourgeois theatre's illusion of reality could fruitfully be dispelled by disrupting the supposed organic unity of a work, emphasizing instead its discontinuities and contradictions. Now the wider possibilities of exploiting disjunctions between text and music, even of contriving them, and of generating creative tension between surface indicators in the score or stage directions and the action as played out on stage began to be realized.

Principles of this sort were initially most evident in the work of continental, primarily German, directors, though by the 1980s the torch had passed to the younger generation of directors active in Britain. Harry Kupfer had already created over 70 productions, mostly in East Germany, before he came to international attention in 1978; Patrice Chéreau's Bayreuth Ring (1976) was more immediately influential. The Gielen-Zehelein regime at Frankfurt (1977–87) produced a series of radical stagings by a team of guest directors including Ruth Berghaus, Alfred Kirchner, Christof Nel and Hans Neuenfels that pressed such ideas into the service of vibrant music theatre. Berghaus's stagings in particular, drawing also on surrealism and the Theatre of the Absurd, influenced the work of younger directors such as David Alden and Richard Jones. Others, such as David Pountney in Britain and Peter Sellars in the USA, ploughed their own furrows, in each case producing a corpus of work that by sheer force of conviction and flair in execution has often been well received even by those of a more traditionalist persuasion.

Alongside such radical developments, a conservative tradition has been maintained in various guises. Visconti's neo-romantic, picturesque opulence was continued by his protégé, Zeffirelli, notably at La Scala and the Metropolitan (fig.50), while ‘fidelity to the text’ has been the watchword both of those directors cleaving to the humanist, Leavisite tradition (Peter Hall is a prominent example) and, on the Continent, of those adhering to werktreu principles. It would be misleading, however, to suggest that either the mainstream traditional or the radical interventionist productions had a monopoly on invention and imagination. Peter Stein's Otello and Falstaff, for example, demonstrated that even a conventional concern for harmony of stage action and score can, in resourceful hands, have electrifying theatrical results.

The 1990s witnessed a backlash against iconoclastic productions, abetted on the one hand by critics and audiences who were never entirely comfortable with the interventionism of the 1970s and 80s, and on the other by a prevailing sense of ideological apathy and cultural malaise. The need, perceived by economically besieged managements, for surefire commercial successes is also a major contributory factor, and the eclecticism afforded by the aesthetics of postmodernism has allowed a wide variety of styles to be essayed with an exuberance and virtuosity that conceal an underlying conceptual vacuum. In general terms, with a few exceptions, the directors most in demand with the major opera houses have offered surface, design-led innovation rather than ideological engagement. Alfred Kirchner's Bayreuth Ring (1994–8) exemplifies the trend.

Shifts in public taste will no doubt continue to foster experimentation. In a postmodern age uncertain of its cultural identity, or of the role of opera in society, iconoclasm and traditionalism seem destined to co-exist, giving rise to a multiplicity of stylistic approaches for some time to come.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

A General. B Origins. C Early opera: (i) Italy (ii) France (iii) Germany, Austria (iv) England (v) Spain. D 18th century. E 19th century. F 20th century. G Production: (i) General (ii) Baroque (iii) Classical, Romantic (iv) Wagner and after.

a: general

GroveO (H.M. Brown, B. Williams)

PEM

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b: origins

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C.V. Palisca: ‘The “Camerata Fiorentina”: a Reappraisal’, Studi musicali, i (1972), 203–36

H.M. Brown: Sixteenth-Century Instrumentation: the Music for the Florentine Intermedii, MSD, xxx (1973)

C.V. Palisca: ‘The Musical Humanism of Giovanni Bardi’, Poesia e musica nell'estetica del XVI e XVII secolo, ed. H. Meyvalian (Florence, 1979), 45–72

C.V. Palisca: ‘Peri and the Theory of Recitative’, SMA, xv (1981), 51–61

N. Pirrotta: Music and Culture in Italy from the Middle Ages to the Baroque (Cambridge, MA, 1984)

R. Katz: Divining the Powers of Music: Aesthetic Theory and the Origins of Opera (New York, 1986)

G. Tomlinson: Monteverdi and the End of the Renaissance (Berkeley, 1987)

G. Tomlinson: ‘The Historian, the Performer, and Authentic Meaning in Music’, Authenticity and Early Music, ed. N. Kenyon (Oxford, 1988), 115–36

T. Carter: Jacopo Peri 1561–1633: his Life and Works (New York and London, 1989)

L.G. Clubb: Italian Drama in Shakespeare's Time (New Haven, CT, and London, 1989)

C.V. Palisca: The Florentine Camerata: Documentary Studies and Translations (New Haven, CT, 1989)

S. Parisi: Ducal Patronage of Music in Mantua, 1587–1627: an Archival Study (diss., U. of Illinois, 1989)

K. and L. Richards: The Commedia dell'Arte: a Documentary History (Oxford, 1990)

T. Carter: Music in Late Renaissance and Early Baroque Italy (London, 1992)

V. Coelho: Music and Science in the Age of Galileo (Dordrecht, 1992)

R. Andrews: Scripts and Scenarios (Cambridge, 1993)

W. Kirkendale: The Court Musicians in Florence during the Principate of the Medici with a Reconstruction of the Artistic Establishment (Florence, 1993)

F. Sternfeld: The Birth of Opera (Oxford, 1993)

G. Tomlinson: Music in Renaissance Magic (Chicago, 1993)

A. MacNeil: Music and the Life and Work of Isabella Andreini: Humanistic Attitudes toward Music, Poetry, and Theater during the Late Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth Centuries (diss., U. of Chicago, 1994)

A. MacNeil: ‘The Divine Madness of Isabella Andreini’, JRMA, cxx (1995), 195–215

J. Saslaw: The Medici Wedding of 1589 (New Haven, CT, 1996)

J.W. Hill: Roman Monody, Cantata, and Opera from the Circles around Cardinal Montalto (Oxford, 1997)

c: early opera

(i) Italy

PirrottaDO

SartoriL

L. Bianconi: ‘Funktionen des Operntheaters in Neapel vor 1700 und die Rolle Alessandro Scarlattis’, Alessandro Scarlatti: Würzburg 1975, 13–116

L. Bianconi and T. Walker: ‘Dalla Finta pazza alla Veremonda: storie di Febiarmonici’, RIM, x (1975), 379–454

R.L. and N.W. Weaver: A Chronology of Music in the Florentine Theater 1590–1750 (Detroit, 1978)

B. Hanning: Of Poetry and Music's Power: the Influence of Humanist Thought and Italian Renaissance Poetry on the Formation of Opera (Ann Arbor, 1980)

H. Becker, ed.: Quellentexte zur Konzeption der europäischen Oper im 17. Jahrhundert (Kassel, 1981)

R. Donington: The Rise of Opera (London, 1981)

M. Murata: Operas for the Papal Court, 1631–1668 (Ann Arbor, 1981)

L. Bianconi: Il Seicento (Turin, 1982, 2/1991); (Eng. trans., 1987, as Music in the Seventeenth Century)

T. Carter: ‘Jacopo Peri's Euridice (1600): a Contextual Study’, MR, xliii (1982), 88–103

P. Fabbri and A. Pompilio, eds.: Il corago, o vero Alcune osservazioni per metter bene in scena le composizioni drammatiche (Florence, 1983)

L. Bianconi and T. Walker: ‘Production, Consumption and Political Function of Seventeenth-Century Opera’, EMH, iv (1984), 209–96

N. Pirrotta: Music and Culture in Italy from the Middle Ages to the Baroque (Cambridge, MA, 1984)

D.A. d'Alessandro and A. Ziino, eds.: La musica a Napoli durante il Seicento (Rome, 1987)

L. Bianconi and G. Pestelli, eds.: SOI, ii, iv–vi (1987–93; Eng. trans. of ii, 1998)

C.V. Palisca: The Florentine Camerata: Documentary Studies and Translations (New Haven, CT, 1989)

P. Fabbri: Il secolo cantante: per una storia del libretto d'opera nel Seicento (Bologna, 1990)

P. Fabbri: ‘Riflessioni teoriche sul teatro per musica nel Seicento: “La poetica toscana all'uso” di Giuseppe Gaetano Salvadori’, Opera and Libretto, i, ed. G. Folena, M.T. Muraro and G. Morelli (Florence, 1990), 1–31

E. Rosand: Opera in Seventeenth-Century Venice: the Creation of a Genre (Berkeley, 1991)

B.L. and J.E. Glixon: ‘Marco Faustini and Venetian Opera Production in the 1650s: Recent Archival Discoveries’, JM, x (1992), 48–73

Il melodramma italiano in Italia e in Germania nell'età barocca: Como 1993

I. Alm: Catalog of Venetian Librettos at the University of California, Los Angeles (Berkeley, 1993)

W. Kirkendale: Court Musicians in Florence during the Principate of the Medici with a Reconstruction of the Artistic Establishment (Florence, 1993)

F. Sternfeld: The Birth of Opera (Oxford, 1993)

I. Cavallini: I due volti di Nettuno: studi su teatro e musica a Venezia e in Dalmazia dal Cinquecento al Settecento (Lucca, 1994)

F. Hammond: Music and Spectacle in Baroque Rome (New Haven, CT, 1994)

J. Brown: ‘On the Road with the Suitcase Aria: the Transmission of Borrowed Arias in Late Seventeenth-Century Italian Opera Revivals’, JMR, xv (1995), 3–23

P. Fabbri: ‘On the Origins of an Operatic Topos: the Mad Scene’, Con che soavità, ed. T. Carter and I. Fenlon (Oxford, 1995), 157–95

B.L. Glixon: ‘Private Lives of Public Women: Prima Donnas in Mid-Seventeenth-Century Venice’, ML, lxxvi (1995), 509–31

W.B. Heller: Chastity, Heroism, and Allure: Women in the Opera of Seventeenth-Century Venice (diss., Brandeis U., 1995)

M. Laini: La raccolta zeniana di drammi per musica veneziani della Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, 1637–1700 (Lucca, 1995)

D.E. Freeman: ‘La guerriera amante: Representations of Amazons and Warrior Queens in Venetian Baroque Opera’, MQ, lxxx (1996), 431–60

A. Ziino, ed.: ‘I rapporti musicali tra Italia e Francia nel Seicento’, Studi musicali, xxv (1996)

J.W. Hill: Roman Monody, Cantata, and Opera from the Circles around Cardinal Montalto (Oxford, 1997)

D. Daolmi: Le origini dell'opera a Milano (1598–1649) (Turnhout, 1998)

J. Leve: Humor and Intrigue: a Comparative Study of Comic Opera in Florence and Rome during the Late Seventeenth Century (diss., Yale U., 1998)

G. Tomlinson: Metaphysical Song: an Essay on Opera (Princeton, NJ, 1999)

(ii) France

AnthonyFB

H. Prunières: L'opéra italien en France avant Lulli (Paris, 1913)

L. de La Laurencie: Les créateurs de l'opéra français (Paris, 1921/R)

C. Kintzler: Poétique de l'opéra français de Corneille à Rousseau (Paris, 1991)

J. de La Gorce: L'Opéra à Paris au temps de Louis XIV: histoire d'un théâtre (Paris, 1992)

D. Schröder: ‘Die Politisierung der Barockoper: ein französisches Phänomen?’, Französische Einflüsse auf deutsche Musiker im 18. Jahrhundert: Arolsen 1995, 63–74

(iii) Germany, Austria

SennMT

F. Hadamowsky: ‘Barocktheater am Wiener Kaiserhof, mit einem Spielplan (1625–1740)’, Jb der Gesellschaft für Wiener Theaterforschung 1951–2, 7–117; pubd separately (Vienna, 1955)

R. Brockpähler: Handbuch zur Geschichte der Barockoper in Deutschland (Emsdetten, 1964)

L'opera italiana a Vienna prima di Metastasio: Venice 1984

H. Seifert: Die Oper am Wiener Kaiserhof im 17. Jahrhundert (Tutzing, 1985)

W. Braun: Vom Remter zum Gänsemarkt: aus der Frühgeschichte der alten Hamburger Oper 1677–97 (Saarbrücken, 1987)

Italienische Musiker und Musikpflege an deutschen Höfen der Barockzeit: Arolsen 1994

H.J. Marx and D. Schröder: Die Hamburger Gänsemarkt-Oper: Katalog der Textbücher (1678–1748) (Laaber, 1994)

M. Engelhardt, ed.: In Teutschland noch gantz ohnbekandt: Monteverdi-Rezeption und frühes Musiktheater im deutschsprachigen Raum (Frankfurt, 1996)

(iv) England

E.J. Dent: Foundations of English Opera: a Study of Musical Drama in England during the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge, 1928/R)

E.W. White: The Rise of English Opera (London, 1951/R)

C.A. Price: Henry Purcell and the London Stage (Cambridge, 1984)

C.A. Price: ‘Political Allegory in Late-Seventeenth-Century English Opera’, Music and Theatre: Essays in Honour of Winton Dean, ed. N. Fortune (Cambridge, 1987), 1–30

(v) Spain

L.K. Stein: ‘Opera and the Spanish Political Agenda’, AcM, lxiii (1991), 125–67

L.K. Stein: Songs of Mortals, Dialogues of the Gods: Music and Theatre in Seventeenth-Century Spain (Oxford, 1993)

d: 18th century

BurneyH

FiskeETM

GroveO (‘Opera seria’; M.P. McClymonds, D. Heartz)

MGG2 (‘Dramma per musica, §B: 18. Jahrhundert (Opera seria)’; R. Strohm)

SartoriL

P.J. Martello: Della tragedia antica e moderna (Rome, 1715); ed. H.S. Noce, Scritti critici e satirici (Bari, 1963)

B. Marcello: Il teatro alla moda (Venice, 1720); Eng. trans. in MQ, xxxiv (1948), 222–3, 371–403; xxxv (1949), 85–105

J. Mattheson: Die neueste Untersuchung der Singspiele (Hamburg, 1744/R)

R. Calzabigi: Scritti teatrali e letterari [1754–93], ed. A.L. Bellina (Rome, 1994)

F. Algarotti: Saggio sopra l'opera in musica (Venice, 1755, 3/1763/R)

D. Diderot: Troisième entretien sur le fils naturel (Paris, 1757)

J. Le Rond d'Alembert: ‘De la liberté de la musique’, Mélanges de littérature, d'histoire et de philosophie, iv (Amsterdam, 1759)

A. Planelli: Dell'opera in musica (Naples, 1772); ed. F. Degrada (Fiesole, 1981)

J.F. Reichardt: Über die deutsche comische Oper (Hamburg, 1774/R)

B.F. de Rozoy: Dissertation sur le drame lyrique (The Hague and Paris, 1775)

S. Arteaga: Le rivoluzioni del teatro musicale italiano (Bologna, 1783–8/R)

J. Brown: Letters upon the Poetry and Music of the Italian Opera (Edinburgh, 1789)

A.-E.-M. Grétry: Mémoires, ou Essais sur la musique (Paris, 1789, 2/1797/R)

A. Font: Favart, l'opéra comique et la comédie-vaudeville aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles (Paris, 1894/R)

T. Wiel: I teatri musicali veneziani del Settecento (Venice, 1897/R1979, with addns by R. Strohm)

E.H. Müller von Asow: Die Mingottischen Opernunternehmungen 1732 bis 1756 (Dresden, 1915, 2/1917 as Angelo und Pietro Mingotti: ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Oper im XVIII. Jahrhundert)

L. de La Laurencie: ‘La musique française de Lulli à Gluck (1687–1789)’, EMDC, I/iii (1921), 1362–489

C. de Brosses: Lettres familières sur l'Italie (1739–40), ed. Y. Bézard (Paris, 1931)

R. Giazotto: Poesia melodrammatica e pensiero critico nel Settecento (Milan, 1952)

D. Lehmann: Russlands Oper und Singspiel in der zweiten Hälfte des 18. Jahrhunderts (Leipzig, 1958)

R. Brockpähler: Handbuch zur Geschichte der Barockoper in Deutschland (Emsdetten, 1964)

M.F. Robinson: Opera before Mozart (London, 1966, 3/1978)

D. Heartz: ‘Opera and the Periodization of Eighteenth-Century Music’, IMSCR X: Ljubljana 1967, 160–68

D. Heartz: ‘From Garrick to Gluck: the Reform of Theatre and Opera in the Mid-Eighteenth Century’, PRMA, xciv (1967–8), 111–27

J. Rushton: Music and Drama at the Académie Royale de Musique (Paris) 1774–1789 (diss., U. of Oxford, 1969)

G. Gruber, ed.: ‘Opera and Enlightenment: Round Table’, IMSCR XII: Berkeley 1977, 212–55

Die frühdeutsche Oper und ihre Beziehungen zu Italien, England und Frankreich; Mozart und die Oper seiner Zeit: Hamburg 1978 [HJbMw, v (1981)], 115–266

G. Flaherty: Opera in the Development of German Critical Thought (Princeton, NJ, 1978)

D. Heartz: ‘Diderot et le théâtre lyrique: “le nouveau stile” proposé par Le neveu de Rameau’, RdM, lxiv (1978), 229–52

R. Strohm: Die italienische Oper im 18. Jahrhundert (Wilhelmshaven, 1979)

C.E. Troy: The Comic Intermezzo (Ann Arbor, 1979)

Crosscurrents and the Mainstream of Italian Serious Opera: London, ON, 1982

W.M. Bussey: French and Italian Influence on the Zarzuela 1700–1770 (Ann Arbor, 1982)

E. Sala di Felice: Metastasio: ideologia, drammaturgia, spettacolo (Milan, 1983)

P. Gallarati: Musica e maschera: il libretto italiano del Settecento (Turin, 1984)

E. Weimer: Opera seria and the Evolution of Classical Style 1755–1772 (Ann Arbor, 1984)

P. Weiss: ‘Neo-Classical Criticism and Opera’, Studies in the History of Music, ii (New York, 1984), 1–30

T. Bauman: North German Opera in the Age of Goethe (Cambridge, 1985)

P. Weiss: ‘La diffusione del repertorio operistico nell'Italia del Settecento: il caso dell'opera buffa’, Civiltà teatrale e Settecento emiliano: Reggio nell’Emilia 1985, 241–56

D. Charlton: Grétry and the Growth of Opéra Comique (Cambridge, 1986)

D. Charlton: ‘“L'art dramatico-musical”: an Essay’, Music and Theatre: Essays in Honour of Winton Dean, ed. N. Fortune (Cambridge, 1987), 229–62

H. Geyer-Kiefel: Die heroisch-komische Oper ca.1770–1820 (Tutzing, 1987)

L. Bianconi and G. Pestelli, eds.: SOI, iv–vi (1987–8)

M. Noiray: ‘L'opéra de la Révolution (1790–1794): “un tapage de chien”?’, La Carmagnole des Muses: l'homme de lettres et l'artiste dans la Révolution, ed. J.-C. Bonnet (Paris, 1988), 359–79

M. de Rougemont: La vie théâtrale en France au XVIIIe siècle (Paris and Geneva, 1988)

Opernheld und Opernheldin im 18. Jahrhundert: Münster 1989

C. Kintzler: Poétique de l'opéra français de Corneille à Rousseau (Paris, 1991)

P. Vendrix, ed.: L'opéra-comique en France au XVIIIe siècle (Liège, 1992)

T. Betzwieser: Exotismus und ‘Türkenoper’ in der französischen Musik des Ancien Régime: Studien zu einem ästhetischen Phänomen (Laaber, 1993)

O. Termini: ‘The Role of Diction and Gesture in Italian Baroque Opera’, Performance Practice Review, vi (1993), 146–57

W. Weber: ‘L'institution et son public: l'Opéra à Paris et à Londres au XVIIIe siècle’, Annales: économies, sociétés, civilisations, vi (1993), 1519–39

T. Bauman and M. McClymonds, eds.: Opera and the Enlightenment (Cambridge, 1995)

M. Feldman: ‘Magic Mirrors and the Seria Stage: Thoughts toward a Ritual View’, JAMS, xlviii (1995), 423–84

D. Heartz: Haydn, Mozart and the Viennese School (New York, 1995)

S. Castelvecchi: Sentimental Opera: the Emergence of a Genre (diss., U. of Chicago, 1996)

R. Kleinertz, ed.: Teatro y música en España (siglo XVIII) (Kassel and Berlin, 1996)

M. Hunter and J. Webster, eds.: Opera Buffa in Mozart's Vienna (Cambridge, 1997)

P. Russo: La parola e il gesto: studi sull'opera francese nel Settecento (Lucca, 1997)

R. Strohm: Dramma per musica: Italian Opera seria of the Eighteenth Century (New Haven, CT, 1997)

e: 19th century

G. Mazzini: Filosofia della musica (Paris, 1836)

R. Wagner: Gesammelte Schriften und Dichtungen (Leipzig, 1871–83); ed. W. Golther (Berlin, 1913)

E. Hanslick: Die moderne Oper (Berlin, 1875/R)

P. Bekker: Wandlungen der Oper (Zürich, 1934)

W.L. Crosten: French Grand Opera: an Art and a Business (New York, 1948)

J. Kerman: Opera as Drama (New York, 1956, 2/1989)

S. Döhring: Formgeschichte der Opernarie vom Ausgang der 18. bis zur Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts (Itzehoe, 1975)

H. Becker, ed.: Die ‘Couleur locale’ in der Oper des 19. Jahrhunderts (Regensburg, 1976)

P. Brooks: The Melodramatic Imagination (New Haven, CT, 1976)

E.J. Dent: The Rise of Romantic Opera, ed. W. Dean (Cambridge, 1976)

P. Conrad: Romantic Opera and Literary Form (Berkeley, 1977)

R. Sennett: The Fall of Public Man (New York, 1977)

K. Pendle: Eugène Scribe and French Opera of the Nineteenth Century (Ann Arbor, 1979)

C. Dahlhaus: Die Musik des 19. Jahrhunderts (Wiesbaden, 1980, 2/1988; Eng. trans., 1989)

R. Taruskin: Opera and Drama in Russia as Preached and Practiced in the 1860s (Ann Arbor, 1981)

Music in Paris in the Eighteen-Thirties: Northampton, MA, 1982

H. Lindenberger: Opera: the Extravagant Art (Ithaca, NY, 1984)

J. Rosselli: The Opera Industry in Italy from Cimarosa to Verdi: the Role of the Impresario (Cambridge, 1984; It. trans., 1985, enlarged, as L'impresario d'opera: arte e affari nel teatro musicale italiano dell'Ottocento)

P. Robinson: Opera and Ideas: from Mozart to Strauss (New York, 1985)

L. Bianconi, ed.: La drammaturgia musicale (Bologna, 1986)

J. Mongrédien: La musique en France des Lumières au Romantisme (Paris, 1986)

Analyzing Opera: Verdi and Wagner: Ithaca, NY, 1984

C. Dahlhaus: ‘Operndramaturgie im 19. Jahrhundert’, AcM, lix (1987), 32–5

J. Fulcher: The Nation's Image: French Grand Opera as Politics and Politicized Art (Cambridge, 1987)

M.-H. Coudroy: La critique parisienne des ‘grands opéras’ de Meyerbeer (Saarbrücken, 1988)

C. Dahlhaus: ‘Drammaturgia dell'opera italiana’, SOI, vi (1988), 79–162

A. Groos and R. Parker, eds.: Reading Opera (Princeton, NJ, 1989)

C. Abbate: Unsung Voices: Opera and Musical Narrative in the Nineteenth Century (Princeton, NJ, 1991)

A. Gerhard: Die Verstädterung der Oper (Stuttgart, 1992; Eng. trans., 1998, as The Urbanization of Opera)

U. Kramer: ‘…richtiges Licht und gehörige Perspektive’ …: Studien zur Funktion des Orchesters in der Oper des 19. Jahrhunderts (Tutzing, 1992)

J. Rosselli: Singers of Italian Opera: the History of a Profession (Cambridge, 1992)

R.P. Locke: ‘Reflections on Orientalism in Opera and Musical Theater’, OQ, x/1 (1993–4), 48–64

L. Zoppelli: L'opera come racconto: modi narrativi nel teatro musicale dell'Ottocento (Venice, 1994)

R.P. Locke: ‘What Are These Women Doing in Opera?’, En travesti: Women, Gender Subversion, Opera, ed. C. Blackmer and P.J. Smith (New York, 1995), 59–98

E. Sala: L'opera senza canto: il mélo romantico e l'invenzione della colonna sonora (Venice, 1995)

S. Döhring and S. Henze-Döhring: Oper und Musikdrama im 19. Jahrhundert (Laaber, 1997)

S. Huebner: French Opera at the fin de siècle: Wagnerism, Nationalism and Style (Oxford, 1999)

G. Tomlinson: Metaphysical Song: an Essay on Opera (Princeton, NJ, 1999)

f: 20th century

VintonD

H.H. Stuckenschmidt: Oper in dieser Zeit (Hanover, 1964)

M. Tannenbaum: Conversations with Stockhausen (Oxford, 1987)

F. Donaldson: The Royal Opera House in the Twentieth Century (London, 1988)

P. Driver and R. Christiansen, eds.: ‘Music and Text’, CMR, v (1989) [whole issue]

R.A. Solie, ed.: Musicology and Difference (Berkeley, 1993)

B. Gilliam, ed.: Music and Performance during the Weimar Republic (Cambridge, 1994)

E. Levi: Music in the Third Reich (London, 1994)

M. Bowen, ed.: Tippett on Music (Oxford, 1995)

P. Griffiths: Modern Music and After (Oxford, 1995)

N. Rossi: Opera in Italy Today (Portland, OR, 1995)

M. Rye: ‘Music and Drama’, Music in Britain: the Twentieth Century, ed. S. Banfield (Oxford, 1995), 343–93

J. Tambling: Opera and the Culture of Fascism (Oxford, 1996)

N. Cook: Analysing Musical Multimedia (Oxford, 1998)

J. Cross: The Stravinsky Legacy (Cambridge, 1998)

T.W. Adorno: ‘Bürgerliche Oper’, Musikalische Schriften, i: Klangfiguren (Berlin, 1959), 32–54; Eng. trans. in Sound Figures (Stanford, CA, 1999), 15–28

A. Whittall: Musical Composition in the Twentieth Century (Oxford, 1999)

1. Comic opera before the 18th century.

g: production

(i) General

GroveO (R. Savage, B. Millington, J. Cox)

G.E. Shea: Acting in Opera (New York, 1915)

A. Winds: Geschichte der Regie (Stuttgart, 1925)

H.C. Wolff: Oper: Szene und Darstellung von 1600 bis 1900 (Leipzig, 1968)

G. Guccini: ‘Direzione scenica e regia’, SOI, v (1988), 123–74

M. Radice, ed.: Opera in Context: Essays on Historical Staging from the Late Renaissance to the Time of Puccini (Portland, OR, 1998)

(ii) Baroque

PirrottaDO

Il corago, o vero Alcune osservazioni per metter bene in scena le composizioni drammatiche (MS, c1630, I-MOe); ed. P. Fabbri and A. Pompilio (Florence, 1983)

B. Marcello: Il teatro alla moda (Venice, 1720); Eng. trans. in MQ, xxxiv (1948), 222–3, 371–403; xxxv (1949), 85–105

H. Prunières: ‘Lully and the Académie de Musique et de Danse’, MQ, xi (1925), 528–46

J. Eisenschmidt: Die szenische Darstellung der Opern Händels auf der Londoner Bühne seiner Zeit (Wolfenbüttel, 1940–41)

L. Schrade: La représentation d'Edipo tiranno au Teatro Olimpico (Vicence, 1585) (Paris, 1960)

I. Lavin: ‘Lettres de Parme (1618, 1627–28) et débuts du théâtre baroque’, Le lieu théâtral à la Renaissance: Royaumont 1963, 105–58

A.M. Nagler: Theatre Festivals of the Medici 1539–1637 (New Haven, CT, 1964)

C.V. Palisca: ‘The First Performance of “Euridice”’, Queens College Department of Music Twenty-Fifth Anniversary Festschrift (1937–1962) (New York, 1964), 1–23

A. Boll: ‘L'oeuvre théâtrale de Rameau: sa mise en scène’, ReM, no.260 (1965), 13–20

M. Baur-Heinhold: Theater des Barock (Munich, 1966; Eng. trans., 1967)

C. Molinari: Le nozze degli dei: un saggio sul grande spettacolo italiano nel Seicento (Rome, 1968)

W. Dean: Handel and the Opera seria (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1970)

S. Hansell: ‘Stage Deportment and Scenographic Design in the Italian opera seria of the Settecento’, IMSCR XI: Copenhagen 1972, i, 415–24

F. Lesure: L'opéra classique français: XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles (Geneva, 1972)

F. Marotti: ‘Lo spazio scenico del melodramma, esaminato sulla base della trattatistica teatrale italiana’, Venezia e il melodramma nel Seicento: Venice 1972, 349–57

C.J. Day: ‘The Theater of SS. Giovanni e Paolo and Monteverdi's L'incoronazione di Poppea’, CMc, no.25 (1978), 22–38

I. Lavin: Bernini and the Unity of the Visual Arts (New York, 1980) [incl. ‘Bernini and the Theater’, 146–57]

M. Murata: Operas for the Papal Court 1631–1668 (Ann Arbor, 1981)

L. Rosow: Lully's ‘Armide’ at the Paris Opéra: a Performance History 1686–1766 (diss., Brandeis U., 1981)

J. Milhous: ‘The Multimedia Spectacular on the Restoration Stage’, British Theatre and the Other Arts, 1660–1800, ed. S.S. Kenny (Washington DC, 1984), 41–66

N. Pirrotta: Music and Culture in Italy from the Middle Ages to the Baroque (Cambridge, MA, 1984) [incl. ‘Monteverdi and the Problems of Opera’, 235–53; ‘Theater, Sets, and Music in Monteverdi's Operas’, 254–70; and ‘Commedia dell'arte and Opera’, 343–60]

J. Milhous and R.D. Hume: ‘A Prompt Copy of Handel's “Radamisto”’, MT, cxxvii (1986), 316–21

D. Barnett: The Art of Gesture: the Practices and Principles of Eighteenth-Century Acting (Heidelberg, 1987)

L. Lindgren: ‘The Staging of Handel's Operas in London’, Handel Tercentenary Collection, ed. S. Sadie and A. Hicks (London, 1987), 93–119

R. Savage and M. Sansone: ‘Il Corago and the Staging of Early Opera: Four Chapters from an Anonymous Treatise circa 1630’, EMc, xvii (1989), 495–511

E. Rosand: Opera in Seventeenth-Century Venice: the Creation of a Genre (Berkeley, 1991)

A. Banducci: ‘Staging a tragédie en musique: a 1748 Promptbook of Campra's Tancrède’, EMc, xxi (1993), 180–90

T. Carter and Z. Szweykowski, eds.: Composing Opera: from ‘Dafne’ to ‘Ulisse Errante’ (Kraków, 1994)

M. Burden, ed.: ‘Staging the Operas’, Performing the Music of Henry Purcell (Oxford, 1996), 145–264

(iii) Classical, Romantic

F. Algarotti: Saggio sopra l'opera in musica (Bologna, 1755, 2/1763; Eng. trans., 1767)

J. Noverre: Lettres sur la danse et sur les ballets (Lyons and Stuttgart, 1760, 2/1783; Eng. trans., 1783, enlarged 1803 and 1930)

C.F.D. Schubart: Ideen zu einer Ästhetik der Tonkunst (Vienna, 1806)

E. Campardon: L'Académie royale de musique au XVIIIe siècle (Paris, 1884)

A. Beijer: Slottsteatrarna på Drottningholm och Gripsholm (Stockholm, 1937)

M.A. Allévy: La mise en scène en France dans la première moitié du dix-neuvième siècle (Paris, 1938)

C. Varese: Saggio sul Metastasio (Florence, 1950) [esp. appx, ‘La regia del dramma Metastasiano’, 103–12]

G.M. Bergman: ‘Les agences théâtrales et l'impression des mises en scène aux environs de 1800’, Revue de la Société d'histoire du théâtre, viii (1956), 228–40

M. Horányi: Eszterházi vigasságok (Budapest, 1959; Eng. trans., 1962, as The Magnificence of Eszterháza)

E. Povoledo: ‘Les premières représentations des opéras de Rossini et la tradition scénographique italienne de l'époque’, Anatomy of an Illusion: Studies in Nineteenth-Century Scene Design: Amsterdam 1965, 31–4

G. Schöne: ‘Trois mises en scène de la “Flûte enchantée” de Mozart: Berlin 1816, Weimar 1817 et Munich 1818’, ibid., 45–9

A. Downer: The Eminent Tragedian: William Charles Macready (Cambridge, MA, 1966)

D. Heartz: ‘From Garrick to Gluck: the Reform of Theatre and Opera in the Mid-Eighteenth Century’, PRMA, xciv (1967–8), 111–27

H.R. Cohen: ‘On the Reconstruction of the Visual Elements of French Grand Opera: Unexplored Sources in Parisian Collections’, IMSCR XII: Berkeley 1977, 463–81

D. Rosen: ‘The Staging of Verdi's Operas: an Introduction to the Ricordi Disposizioni sceniche’, ibid., 444–53

H. Busch: Verdi's ‘Aida’: the History of an Opera in Letters and Documents (Minneapolis, 1978)

D. Coe: ‘The Original Production Book for Otello: an Introduction’, 19CM, ii (1978–9), 148–58

J. Black: ‘Cammarano's Notes for the Staging of Lucia di Lammermoor’, Donizetti Society Journal, iv (1980), 29–44

M. McClymonds: Niccolò Jommelli: the Last Years 1769–1774 (Ann Arbor, 1980)

J. Black: The Italian Romantic Libretto: a Study of Salvadore Cammarano (Edinburgh, 1984)

H.R. Cohen: ‘A Survey of French Sources for the Staging of Verdi's Operas: “Livrets de mise en scène”, Annotated Scores and Annotated Libretti in Two Parisian Collections’, Studi verdiani, iii (1985), 11–44

H.R. Cohen and M.O. Gigou: Cent ans de mise en scène lyrique en France (env. 1830–1930) (Paris, 1986)

R. Angermüller: Mozart: die Opern von der Uraufführung bis heute (Fribourg, 1988; Eng. trans., 1988, as Mozart's Operas)

H. Busch, ed.: Verdi's ‘Otello’ and ‘Simon Boccanegra’ … in Letters and Documents (Oxford, 1988)

H.R. Cohen, ed.: The Original Staging Manuals for Twelve Parisian Operatic Premières (Stuyvesant, NY, 1991)

R. Savage: ‘Staging an Opera: Letters from the Cesarian Poet’, EMc, xxvi (1998), 583–95

(iv) Wagner and after

H. Porges: Bühnenproben zu den Bayreuther Festspielen des Jahres 1876 (Chemnitz and Leipzig, 1881–96, repr. 1896; Eng. trans., 1983, as Wagner Rehearsing the Ring)

A. Appia: La mise en scène du drame wagnérien (Paris, 1895; Eng. trans., 1982)

R. Fricke: Bayreuth vor dreissig Jahren: Erinnerungen an Wahnfried und aus dem Festspielhause (Dresden, 1906; Eng. trans., 1998, as Wagner in Rehearsal 1875–1876 [diary kept by production assistant at first Bayreuth Festival]

K. MacGowan and R.E. Jones: Continental Stagecraft (New York, 1922)

V.I. Nemirovich-Danchenko: Iz proshlovo (Moscow, 1936; Eng. trans., 1936, as My Life in the Russian Theatre)

E. Preetorius: Wagner: Bild und Vision (Berlin, 1942)

D. Magarschack, ed.: Stanislavsky on the Art of the Stage (London, 1950)

W. Felsenstein and S. Melchinger: Musiktheater (Bremen, 1961)

M. Koerth: Felsenstein auf der Probe (Berlin, 1961)

W. Wagner, ed.: Richard Wagner und das neue Bayreuth (Munich, 1962)

W. Panofsky: Wieland Wagner (Bremen, 1964)

G. Skelton: Wagner at Bayreuth: Experiment and Tradition (London, 1965, 2/1976)

W. Felsenstein: ‘Towards Music Theatre’, Opera 66, ed. C. Osborne (London, 1966), 47–55 [Eng. trans. of address in Leipzig, 1965]

G. Friedrich: Walter Felsenstein: Weg und Werk (Berlin, 1967)

A. Goléa: Gespräche mit Wieland Wagner (Salzburg, 1968)

W.R. Volbach: Adolphe Appia, Prophet of the Modern Theatre (Middletown, CT, 1968)

H. Schubert: Moderner Theaterbau: internationale Situation, Dokumentation, Projekte, Bühnentechnik (Stuttgart, 1971; Eng. trans., 1971)

G. Skelton: Wieland Wagner: the Positive Sceptic (London, 1971)

G. Zeh: Das Bayreuther Bühnenkostüm (Munich, 1973)

G. Strehler: Per un teatro umano (Milan, 1974)

P.P. Fuchs, ed.: The Music Theatre of Walter Felsenstein (New York, 1975)

G. Giertz: Kultus ohne Götter: Emile Jaques-Dalcroze und Adolphe Appia: Versuch einer Theaterreform auf der Grundlage der rhythmischen Gymnastik (Munich, 1975)

E.R. Hapgood, ed.: Stanislavsky on Opera (New York, 1975)

W. Felsenstein: Schriften zum Musiktheater (Berlin, 1976)

D. Mack: Der Bayreuther Inszenierungsstil 1876–1976 (Munich, 1976)

R. Hartmann: Opera (New York, 1977) [on production techniques]

H.-J. Irmer and W. Stein: Joachim Herz, Regisseur im Musiktheater (Berlin, 1977)

P. Barz: Götz Friedrich (Bonn, 1978)

H. Barth, ed.: Bayreuther Dramaturgie: ‘Der Ring des Nibelungen’ (Stuttgart, 1980)

C. Baumann: Bühnentechnik im Festspielhaus Bayreuth (Munich, 1980)

A.M. Nagler: Malaise in der Oper: Opernregie in unserem Jahrhundert (Rheinfelden, 1980; Eng. trans., 1981, as Misdirection: Opera Production in the Twentieth Century)

A. Tuboeuf: Bayreuth et Wagner: cent ans d'images, 1876–1976 (Paris, 1981)

O. Bauer: Richard Wagner: die Bühnenwerke von der Uraufführung bis heute (Fribourg, 1982; Eng. trans., 1982)

E. Braun: The Director and the Stage (London, 1982)

C. Innes: Edward Gordon Craig (Cambridge, 1983)

N. Ely and S. Jaeger, eds.: Regie heute: Musiktheater in unserer Zeit (Berlin, 1984)

R. Beacham: Adolphe Appia (Cambridge, 1987)

M. Eggert and H.K. Jungheinrich, eds.: Durchbrüche: die Oper Frankfurts (Weinheim, 1987)

D. Kranz: Der Regisseur Harry Kupfer: ‘Ich muss Oper machen’ (Berlin, 1988)

M. Srocke: Richard Wagner als Regisseur (Berlin, 1988)

J. Herz: Theater: Kunst des erfüllten Augenblicks, ed. I. Kobán (Berlin, 1989)

S. Neef: Das Theater der Ruth Berghaus (Berlin, 1989)

A. Peattie: ‘Following Felsenstein’, Opera Now, no.5 (1989), 52–7

H. Pleasants: Opera in Crisis: Tradition, Present, Future (London, 1989)

M. Ashman: ‘Producing Wagner’, Wagner in Performance, ed. B. Millington and S. Spencer (New Haven, CT, 1992), 29–47

P. Carnegy: ‘Designing Wagner: Deeds of Music Made Visible?’, ibid., 48–74

F. Spotts: Bayreuth: a History of the Wagner Festival (New Haven, CT, 1994)

T. Sutcliffe: Believing in Opera (London, 1996)

D.J. Levin: ‘Reading a Staging/Staging a Reading’, COJ, ix (1997), 47–71; see also response from J. Treadwell, x (1998), 205–20, and rebuttal, x (1998), 307–11

Opera America.

American organization. Founded in Washington DC in 1970 as a non-profit-making organization, it offers a wide range of services, products and information to professional companies in North America and affiliated organizations outside the country, as well as to performers and administrators, the media, funding bodies and the public. Its publications include regular reports and surveys on the practical and financial aspects of performance, production and management, a directory of sets and costumes, a guide to competitions and young-artist programmes, and various educational materials. Opera America also organizes an annual conference and other meetings. Its website includes information on many of its activities, links to its member companies' websites and databases of performing artists, opera performances around the world and production materials available for hire.

MARTHA PERRY/LAURA YOUNG

Opéra-ballet

(Fr).

A genre of French lyric theatre, cultivated in the period following Lully’s death in 1687. An opéra-ballet normally consists of a prologue and three or four acts (called entrées), each with its own set of characters and its own plot; the plot usually relates in a general way to a collective idea expressed in the overall title of the work, and each entrée includes at least one divertissement of songs and dances.

The first opéra-ballet is generally considered to be L’Europe galante by André Campra, to a libretto by A.H. de Lamotte, first performed at the Paris Opéra in 1697 (see illustration). Immediate structural models are Collasse’s Ballet des Saisons (1695) and quite possibly the ballet Les jeux à l’honneur de la victoire (1691, music lost) by Elisabeth Jacquet de La Guerre (see Cessac, 1995).

The innovatory nature of L’Europe galante, however, lay less in its structure than in its subject matter. This was recognized by Cahusac, who wrote: ‘In creating a completely new genre, Lamotte gained the advantage of being copied in turn … L’Europe galante is the first of our lyric works that bears no resemblance to the operas of Quinault’ (1754, iii, 108–10). The key words ‘completely new’ and ‘no resemblance to the operas of Quinault’ refer to more than just formal structure. The opéras-ballets represent a musical parallel to the ‘pretty Watteaus’ of Cahusac’s own happy image. The main contribution to the opéra-ballet, then, by Campra and his followers, Mouret and Montéclair, was the introduction of flesh-and-blood characters in recognizable, contemporary settings. Country seigneurs, petits-maîtres, elegant ladies and their amorous confidantes replaced the mythological and allegorical figures of the earlier ballets and tragédies en musique. ‘L’opéra’ from Campra’s Les fêtes vénitiennes takes place in the Grimani Palace in Venice; ‘Les âges rivaux’, from his Les âges, is set in Hamburg; while Marseilles is the location of Mouret’s ‘La fille’ from Les fêtes ou Le triomphe de Thalie. The libretto to this last tells us that this is the first opera in which female performers were ‘habillées à la françoise’; and in the entrée ‘La Provençale’, added in 1722, Mouret introduced local costumes, local musical instruments and popular meridional tunes sung in Provençal dialect.

Beginning with Les fêtes vénitiennes (1710), comic intrigue was skilfully exploited in the opéra-ballet. Les fêtes ou Le triomphe de Thalie (1714) had a succès de scandale because of the humiliating defeat of Melpomene (muse of tragedy) by Thalia (muse of comedy) in its prologue, set on the stage of the Paris Opéra.

There was also an increasing effort to mirror the social and cultural mores of court life during the declining years of Louis XIV and, after 1715, the Regency. Rémond de Saint-Mard clearly understood the appeal of opéra-ballet for a public grown weary of the heroic gestures of the grand siècle: ‘We have reached the point, Monsieur, where one desires only [opéras-]ballets. … Each act must be composed of a fast-moving, light and, if you wish, a rather galant plot. … You will find there the portrait of our mores. They are, to be sure, rather vile [vilaines], but they are nonetheless ours’ (1741, pp.94–6).

For the librettist P.-C. Roy, the opéra-ballet ‘pleases by its variety and sympathizes with French impatience’ (1749, ii, 18). Flexibility of format made it possible to add or subtract entrées on a trial and error basis. From June to December of 1710, for example, eight entrées had been composed for Les fêtes vénitiennes, making this opéra-ballet a most kaleidoscopic translation of ‘French impatience’.

The 23 years between 1697 and 1719 may be said to constitute the ‘first period’ of the genre on the basis of subject matter and structure. The end of the Regency of Philippe de Bourbon and the end of the first-period opéra-ballet followed closely upon one another. On 13 July 1723 the first performance of Collin de Blamont’s ballet-héroïque, Les festes grecques et romaines, took place at the Paris Opéra. For the librettist, Fuzelier, this was a ‘completely new type of ballet … that brought together all the best known Festivals of Antiquity, which appeared to be the most adaptable to the stage’ (Avertissement). Various causes have been put forward for the sudden demise of the first-period opéra-ballet: the continuing opposition of many aestheticians to comedy on the French lyric stage; the return of a king (albeit a boy king) to the French throne; and the reversion by librettist and composer alike to the elusive tragic muse (Cahusac wrote that Lamotte believed that only tragédie en musique was ‘worthy of his attention’).

In any case, the ballet-héroïque, with all the trappings of monarchical opera, replaced the more frivolous earlier type. The fanciful characters, amorous ladies and lively petits-maîtres of the first-period opéra-ballet disappeared, to find a place in parodies, vaudevilles and the budding opéra comique. The structure of the ballet-héroïque is identical with that of the opéra-ballet – that is, three or four acts, each with its own plot; it may be thought of as a specific type of opéra-ballet that made up the second and final period of the genre.

By the time of Mouret’s Les amours des dieux (1727), any pretence of avoiding a return to mythology was cast aside, although the Avertissement states that the work is ‘absolutely in the heroic genre’ in spite of its mythological characters. The rare use of comedy in the ballet-héroïque demands explanation: ‘The public has decided that if Comedy is allowed on the stage, it may be only a noble Comedy that bears the character of Antiquity’ (Avertissement to Destouches’ Les stratagèmes de l’amour, 1726). The musical highpoint of the ballet-héroïque was reached in the examples by Rameau of which several are specifically called ballets-héroïques, among them Les Indes galantes (1735), Les fêtes de Polymnie (1745) and Les fêtes de l’Hymen et de l’Amour (1747). Zaïs (1748), which has a unified plot, is also described as a Pastorale-héroïque, a type of ballet-héroïque whose plot is generally concerned with the loves in an Arcadian setting between nobles or gods (or goddesses) and shepherdesses (or shepherds). The last ballet-héroïque performed at the Paris Opéra was E.J. Floquet’s L’union de l’Amour et des arts (1773).

Single entrées from the more popular opéras-ballets and ballets-héroïques survived into the second half of the 18th century as parts of fragments (known also as ‘spectacles coupés’), a curious genre in which a new production was formed from three or four acts picked arbitrarily from different opéras-ballets, one-act operas or actes de ballet (one-act ballets). Thus in 1759, ‘Les devins de la Place St Marc’ from Les fêtes vénitiennes formed part of a set of fragments that also included Rousseau’s Le devin du village (1752) and Ismène (1747), an acte de ballet by Rebel and Francoeur.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

AnthonyFB

GroveO (M.E.C. Bartlett)

MGG2 (H. Schneider)

R. de Saint-Mard: Réflexions sur l’opéra (Paris, 1741/R)

P.-C. Roy: ‘Lettres sur l’opéra’, Lettres sur quelques écrits de ce tems, ed. E.C. Fréron (Geneva, 1749)

L. de Cahusac: ‘Ballet’, Encyclopédie, ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers, ed. D. Diderot and others (Paris, 1751–80)

L. de Cahusac: La danse ancienne et moderne, ou Traité historique de la danse (The Hague, 1754/R)

J.-J. Rousseau: Dictionnaire de musique (Amsterdam, 1768/R)

P.-J.-B. Nougaret: De l’art du théâtre (Paris, 1769/R)

N. Framery: ‘Ballet-opéra’, Encyclopédie méthodique: Musique, i, ed. N. Framery and P.-L. Ginguené (Paris, 1791)

P.-L. Ginguené: ‘Ballet’, ibid.

P.-M. Masson: ‘Le ballet héroîque’, ReM, ix/7–11 (1927–8), 132–54

P.-M. Masson: L’opéra de Rameau (Paris, 1930/R)

P.-M. Masson: ‘Les fêtes vénitiennes d’André Campra’, RdM, xiii (1932), 127–46, 214–26

R. Viollier: Jean-Joseph Mouret, le musicien des grâces (Paris, 1950/R)

M. Barthélemy: André Campra (Paris, 1957, 2/1995)

J.R. Anthony: The Opera Ballets of André Campra: a Study of the first Period French Opera Ballet (diss., U. of Southern California, 1964)

J.R. Anthony: ‘The French Opera-Ballet in the Early 18th Century: Problems of Definition and Classification’, JAMS, xviii (1965), 197–206

J.R. Anthony: ‘Thematic Repetition in the Opera Ballets of André Campra’, MQ, lii (1966), 209–20

J.R. Anthony: ‘Some Uses of the Dance in the French Opera Ballet’, RMFC, ix (1969), 75–90

J.R. Anthony: ‘Printed Editions of André Campra's L’Europe galante’, MQ, lvi (1970), 54–73

W. Hilton: Dance of Court & Theater: the French Noble Style, 1690–1725 (Princeton, NJ, 1981)

F. Dartois-Lapeyre: La danse au temps de l'opéra-ballet (diss., U. of Paris, 1983)

E. Lemaître: ‘Le premier opéra-ballet et la première tempête, deux originalités de l'oeuvre de Pascal Colasse’, XVIIe siècle, cxxxix (1983), 243–55

R. Fajon: L'opéra à Paris de Roi-Soleil à Louis le Bien-aimé (Geneva and Paris, 1984)

J. de La Gorce: Berain: dessinateur du roi soleil (Paris, 1986)

D.M. Powers: The ‘Pastorale Héroïque’: Origins and Development of a Genre of French Opera in the 17th and 18th Centuries (diss., U. of Chicago, 1988)

M. Barthélemy: Métamorphoses de l’opéra français au siècle des Lumières (Arles, 1990)

E. Hearinger: L'esthetique de l'opéra en France au temps de Jean-Philippe Rameau (Oxford, 1990)

C. Kintzler: Poétique de l'opéra français de Corneille à Rousseau (Paris, 1991)

F. Dartois-Lapeyre: ‘Du ballet de cour à l'opéra-ballet’, Les premiers opéras en Europe et les formes dramatiques apparentées, ed. I. Mamczarz (Paris, 1992), 171–83

J. de La Gorce: L'Opéra à Paris au temps de Louis XIV: histoire d'un théâtre (Paris, 1992)

J. de La Gorce: ‘L'Europe galante, premier modèle achevé d'opéra-ballet’, André Campra à Versailles: Versailles 1993, 117–23

C. Cessac: ‘Les jeux à l'honneur de la Victoire d'Elisabeth Jacquet de La Guerre’, RdM, lxxxi (1995), 235–47

G. Durosoir: ‘Les Muses de Danchet et Campra (1703), ou la diversité tons au théâtre lyrique’, XVIIe siècle, no.198 (1998), 51–61

J. de La Gorce: ‘De l'opéra-ballet aux fragments’, XVIIe siècle, no.198 (1998), 37–50

JAMES R. ANTHONY

Opéra bouffe

(Fr.).

A mid- to late 19th-century French comic opera in which a witty spoken dialogue and sparkling, light music combine in a genre designed to entertain. Its period of greatest popularity coincided with the reign of Napoleon III. It takes its name from the theatre directed by Offenbach where many were first performed, the Théâtre des Bouffes-Parisiens (opened in 1855; see Operetta, fig.1). It differs from opéra comique of the same period in its more frankly humorous tone, often bordering on farce, and its use of parody and satire (literary, musical, social and sometimes political). The earliest example is Offenbach’s own Orphée aux enfers (1858). For over two decades Offenbach continued to write opéras bouffes, some of which, like La belle Hélène (1864) and La vie parisienne (1866), have long outlasted the society whose foibles were their targets. Among the most successful and prolific of his contemporaries and successors were Hervé (also a singer and theatre director) and Charles Lecocq, whose La fille de Madame Angot (1872) and several other works remain in the French light opera repertory.

See also Operetta.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

J. Bruhr: L’opérette (Paris, 1962, 2/1974)

F. Bruyas: Histoire de l’opérette en France (Lyons, 1974)

C. Dufresne: Histoire de l’opérette (Paris, 1981)

M. ELIZABETH C. BARTLET

Opéra bouffon

(Fr.).

In 18th-century France the customary designation for Italian opera buffa performed in the original language or in French translation (for example, Paisiello’s Le roi Théodore à Venise, a 1786 parody of Il re Teodoro in Venezia). It was also occasionally applied to opéras comiques whose plots were indebted to Italian or Spanish prototypes for characterizations or dramatic construction and, more broadly, to those in which the comedy approached farce (as in Philidor’s Blaise le savetier of 1759 and Grétry’s Les deux avares of 1770). A few contemporary writers, notably Contant d’Orville, used opéra bouffon as a synonym for opéra comique.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

A.G. Contant d’Orville: Histoire de l’opéra bouffon (Amsterdam and Paris, 1768)

A.C. Quatremère de Quincy: ‘Dissertation sur les opéras bouffons italiens’, Mercure de France (March 1789), 124–48 [also pubd separately]

N. Framery: De l’organisation des spectacles de Paris (Paris, 1790)

L. Péricaud: Théâtre de ‘Monsieur’ (Paris, 1908)

M. Robinson: ‘Opera buffa into opéra comique, 1771–90’, Music and the French Revolution: Cardiff 1989, 37–56

M. Noiray: ‘Le répertoire d’opéra italien au Théâtre de Monsieur et au Théâtre Feydeau (janvier 1789–août 1792)’, RdM, lxxxi (1995), 259–75

A. Fabiano: I ‘buffoni’ alla conquista di Parigi tra ‘Ancien Régime’ e Restaurazione (1752–1815) (Turin, 1998)

A. Di Profio: L'opera buffa à Paris: le cas du Théâtre de Monsieur/Feydeau (1789–1815) (diss., U. of Tours, 1999)

M. Noiray: ‘L'opera italiana in Francia nel XVIII secolo’, SOI, ii (forthcoming)

M. ELIZABETH C. BARTLET

Opera buffa

(It.: ‘comic opera’).

The term ‘opera buffa’ was first applied to the genre of comic opera as it rose to popularity in Italy and abroad over the course of the 18th century. At first, ‘opera buffa’ did not appear as a designation in the librettos. Like ‘opera seria’, it was used in informal writings (letters, memoirs etc.) and in ordinary conversation, with reference to the spectacle as a whole. Librettists, even in the lowlier comic genre, had literary pretensions and accordingly entitled their work in ways that emphasized its status as literature. ‘Dramma giocoso’ occurs as early as 1695 (in G.C. Villifranchi’s preface to his L’ipocondriaco, composer unknown, performed at the Villa Medici at Pratolino) and recurs sporadically thereafter, alternating from about 1740 with terms such as ‘dramma bernesco’, ‘dramma comico’, ‘divertimento giocoso’ and ‘commedia per musica’. The last-named survived on an equal footing with ‘dramma giocoso’ from about 1760. The early Neapolitan-dialect librettos favoured ‘commedeia pe’ museca’. No special significance can be attached to any of these designations.

2. Neapolitan ‘opera buffa’ to c1730.

3. The north to c1750.

4. The later 18th century.

5. The 19th century.

PIERO WEISS (1–4), JULIAN BUDDEN (5)

1. Comic opera before the 18th century.

A small number of comic operas were produced in the 17th century, although no great need for them can have been felt at a time when ‘serious’ operas were liberally interlaced with comic episodes. Comic opera had no conventions of its own at this time but on the whole tended to be modelled on the (spoken) commedia erudita. Both Villifranchi and his rather more famous predecessor at the Medici court, G.A. Moniglia, pointed to Terence as their model. Florence, indeed, could be said to have been the ‘centre’ of this ‘erudite’ type of comic opera: the inaugural work at the Teatro della Pergola in 1657 had been Moniglia’s dramma civile rusticale, Il potestà di Colognole, set to music by Jacopo Melani. It was followed, at irregular intervals and at different public or Medici theatres, by a dozen more such works up to 1699, when there occurred a hiatus of nearly 20 years before the next comic production.

Rome had pioneered in this field with Giulio Rospigliosi’s Chi soffre speri (1637 as Il falcone) and Dal male il bene (1653), the former based on a Boccaccio novella, the latter on a Spanish comedia, and so both, quite clearly, in the ‘erudite’ tradition. Bologna, too, witnessed some comic operas in the 17th century, several of them imported from Florence. Here the Inquisition inhibited the free growth of what might otherwise have been a truly popular genre: eight different indigenous scherzi giocosi are listed by Ricci for the period 1669–98, after which, as at Florence, no more comic operas were seen for some 20 years. It is perhaps no coincidence that Rome, Florence and Bologna were to become important stations in the spread of the 18th-century opera buffa, a more ‘modern’ genre whose true birthplace was Naples.

2. Neapolitan ‘opera buffa’ to c1730.

It was at Naples that a new type of comic opera had its beginnings, patronized at first by eminent and, it would seem, enlightened members of the legal profession and aristocracy. The earliest known example is La Cilla (music by Michelangelo Faggioli, a lawyer, text by F.A. Tullio, later a prolific librettist), first performed in 1706 presumably at the home of the Neapolitan minister of justice to whom it was dedicated, then revived at the palace of the Prince of Chiusiano in 1707 and 1708. Only the libretto survives (no score from earlier than 1717 has been preserved, and no complete score earlier than 1722), but it, at least, is the very prototype of the kind of spectacle that was soon to thrive in the ‘little theatres’ of Naples: the setting is a district of the city itself, and the characters all speak in the local dialect. This lends an air of unadorned reality to what would otherwise have simply been the conventional characters and plot of an ‘erudite’ comedy. The innamorati, true to convention, are serious roles; but as they express themselves in the everyday dialect, their sentiments sound natural rather than stylized. Later Neapolitan comic operas often feature two pairs of lovers (the male lovers often portrayed by female sopranos) and the plot hinges on their fate. Surrounding them one finds such stock comedy figures as the old man, the old woman (a tenor role), the swaggering captain (bass) and the saucy shop boy (soprano). The local dialect and setting transmute all these traditional types from the caricatures they had been in earlier, Baroque comedy (both written and improvised) into more believable characters. Thus from the very beginning Neapolitan opera buffa reflects a new perception of everyday life; and from the very beginning it deals with both serious and comic characters and situations. These traits remained characteristic of the genre even after it was divested of the local setting and dialect, and became cosmopolitan.

The Teatro dei Fiorentini, a century-old playhouse, became the earliest public theatre to house Neapolitan opera buffa. Its first offering, in October 1709, was Patrò Calienno de la Costa, with music by Antonio Orefice, words by ‘Mercotellis’ (a pen-name); this was soon followed by another dialect opera, Lo spellecchia, with music by Tommaso de Mauro, words by C. de Petris. According to one witness, a northern nobleman, Neapolitans now began to abandon the S Bartolomeo theatre, home of opera seria, preferring to fill ‘the Teatro de’ Fiorentini, which is presenting real trash [una vera porcheria], unworthy of being seen, in the Neapolitan language’ (see Croce, 4/1947, p.140). Other theatres, the Nuovo and the Pace, opened their doors to opera buffa in 1724, by which time the new genre was a Neapolitan fixture attracting some of the best opera seria composers (Alessandro Scarlatti had tried his hand at it in 1718 with Il trionfo dell’onore at the Fiorentini, an unusual work in that the text was in Italian rather than Neapolitan, and the lovers were aristocrats). The new generation of composers – among them Vinci, Hasse and Pergolesi – were equally at home in both the serious and the comic genres.

The earliest singers were for the most part local and not professionally trained. Their music is accordingly relatively free of bravura passages but in other respects not unlike that of the contemporary opera seria (the arias are nearly all in da capo form). Like opera seria, these works are in three acts; Acts 1 and 2 often end with a short brawl for three or four of the cast, the germ of what later, in the north, was to become the extended opera buffa finale. The overtures, three-movement sinfonias, are indistinguishable from those of opera seria.

3. The north to c1750.

From Naples, opera buffa spread to Rome. Bernardo Saddumene, one of the leading Naples librettists, arrived there with some buffo singers and a composer (Giovanni Fischietti) in January 1729. Having recruited local castrato singers to play the female roles (women were not allowed on stage in Rome), he produced his Li zite ’ngalera (performed at Naples in 1722 to Vinci’s music) under a new name, La Costanza, and with new music (by Fischietti). The serious roles were sung in Italian, the comic ones in the original dialect (a scheme that Saddumene later introduced to Naples, where it remained standard for the rest of the century). This and his La somiglianza (produced in February) appear to have been the earliest Neapolitan comic operas performed in Rome. The time was evidently ripe for the new genre to spread north. During the 1730s Rome became a centre of opera buffa; italianized Neapolitan operas as well as original Italian ones were produced there, principally at the Teatro Valle. Among the former, Gaetano Latilla’s La finta cameriera (1738, known in Naples as Il Gismondo, 1737), among the latter Latilla’s Madama Ciana (1738) and Rinaldo di Capua’s La commedia in commedia (1738) and La libertà nociva (1740) formed the nucleus of Roman operas that soon began travelling north (one G. Barlocci is credited with having written or adapted their librettos). The composers, it should be noted, were at first all Neapolitans, while the singers tended to be native, often with previous experience as intermezzo specialists.

La finta cameriera travelled by the following route: Naples, 1737; Rome, 1738; Faenza and Modena, 1741; Siena, Florence, Genoa, 1742; Bologna, Venice, Vicenza, 1743; Milan, 1745; Turin, Mantua, Verona, Parma, 1747; and meanwhile, Graz, Leipzig, Hamburg, 1745 (carried there from Venice by the Mingotti troupe). The work’s progress reflects fairly exactly the northward progress of the new opera buffa. There were early excursions outside Italy, and by the 1750s opera buffa was spreading to most of Europe.

4. The later 18th century.

Venice quickly capitulated to the new genre. After the Teatro S Angelo produced La finta cameriera in May 1743, the S Moisè and S Cassiano theatres threw their doors open to opera buffa, remaining its chief purveyors until 1748, when other theatres joined in. The earliest composers were Latilla, Pietro Auletta, Rinaldo di Capua, Antonio Palella and Giuseppe Avossa, all Neapolitan. But in January 1745 they were joined by the Venetian Baldassare Galuppi, whose first opera buffa, La forza d’amore, was produced at the S Cassiano. Other northerners, Giuseppe Scolari and Ferdinando Bertoni, followed the next year; and yet another, Vincenzo Ciampi, made his Venetian opera buffa début in autumn 1748, having enlisted the aid of the then relatively unknown Carlo Goldoni. The Ciampi-Goldoni collaboration extended to two more works, but meanwhile Galuppi and Goldoni produced their first joint effort, L’Arcadia in Brenta (S Angelo, 14 May 1749), thereby initiating a new epoch in the history of the genre.

In a series of highly successful works, Galuppi and Goldoni established a model for the opera buffa just as it was beginning to rival the opera seria in popularity. It was a propitious moment, and several of the brilliant actor-singers at their disposal (e.g. Francesco Baglioni, Francesco Carattoli, Filippo Laschi, Serafina Penni) were to carry the new repertory far and wide, repeating their Venetian successes in other cities and countries. Notable among the new operas were Il mondo della luna (S Moisè, 1750), La calamità de’ cuori (S Samuele, 1752), Il filosofo di campagna (S Samuele, 1754) and La diavolessa (S Samuele, 1755), all of which, but especially Il filosofo di campagna (see illustration), were to enjoy European fame (see LoewenbergA). Goldoni’s spoken comedies were then in the ascendant, and his librettos were merely lucrative by-products; yet they are cleverly wrought, treat a wide variety of subjects from the realistic to the fanciful and (unlike his plays) are always rich in scenic effects. How much their musical component reflects Galuppi’s wishes it is impossible to say, but the composer is given splendid opportunities with such standard features as opening ensembles, metrically varied arias (often departing from the da capo convention), a comic vocabulary designed for musical reiteration and, above all, ‘chain’ finales, of which, according to Gozzi, Goldoni was ‘the first inventor’. A forerunner of this highly important innovation is already present in their L’Arcadia in Brenta; Act 2 ends with a play within the play, most of it set to music. In succeeding librettos, the finales to the first two acts, growing out of the plots themselves, become increasingly long and eventful, and Galuppi set them as a series of separate sections contrasted in key and tempo, assigning to the orchestra the task of continuing the music amid the hectic comings and goings of the actors onstage. The importance of this new feature, which was hugely enjoyed by the public, lies in the fact that here, for the first time in opera, action, not just sentiment, was being set to music. This trend was to gain in importance in later years, affecting even opera seria. Act 3 normally closes with a simpler ensemble or chorus, but in the penultimate scene Goldoni introduces yet another convention: the duet of reconciliation between the two principals, patently a legacy from the now obsolescent intermezzo.

As early as 1749 (in Il conte Caramella, another Galuppi opera) Goldoni listed his characters under the headings ‘seri’, ‘buffi’ and ‘mezzi caratteri’, the last denoting something between ‘serious’ and ‘comical’. He was not blazing new trails but merely codifying what doubtless was already theatrical jargon: the same categories would have been applicable to the earliest Neapolitan comic operas. And when he wrote La buona figliuola for the court of Parma in 1756 (the composer was Duni), he dispensed with those headings altogether. Yet this libretto, as reset in 1760 by Piccinni in Rome, is widely quoted by historians as marking a turning-point in the history of opera buffa because of its mixture of comedy with a sentimental, ‘larmoyant’ element. However, the opera’s resounding success in Rome and throughout Europe cannot be ascribed to a formula that was in itself not at all new. Here again, a conjunction of work, place and time must be considered responsible: Piccinni undoubtedly struck just the right note in portraying the sufferings of Cecchina, the innocent heroine (played in Rome of course by a castrato) and Europe must have been ready just then to take such a heroine to its heart, having already embraced the heroines in novels (notably Richardson’s Pamela, Cecchina’s model) and in the French comédie larmoyante.

Despite the great success of La buona figliuola, Italian opera buffa did not develop farther along the lines of sentimentality. The sly observation of human foibles within the context of contemporary society was and remained its main business; and, precisely because of its success in this, opera buffa now became the dominant form, greatly reducing the role of opera seria everywhere. It successfully reflected the Zeitgeist and thus exerted a widespread influence, infusing with its spirit the new instrumental genres of the Classical period as well as the comedies of contemporary authors such as Goldsmith, Sheridan and Beaumarchais. Not the least of its effects was the stimulus it provided for the development of new, national forms of opera in countries other than Italy (e.g. opéra comique, Singspiel, zarzuela etc.).

With the rise in prestige of opera buffa, its history in the later 18th century becomes virtually that of opera in general and its composers. In Italy, the new composers were Anfossi, Francesco Bianchi, Cimarosa, Giuseppe Gazzaniga, P.A. Guglielmi, Paisiello and Sarti among countless others; the new librettists Giovanni Bertati, G.B. Lorenzi, Pasquale Mililotti, Giuseppe Palomba, Giuseppe Petrosellini and others, among whom Bertati stands out as a talented innovatory man of the theatre. Some of the most important operas of this period were first performed in foreign capitals; for example Paisiello’s Il barbiere di Siviglia (librettist unknown; 1782, St Petersburg) and Il re Teodoro in Venezia (G.B. Casti; 1784, Vienna); and Cimarosa’s Il matrimonio segreto (Bertati; 1792, Vienna). Non-Italian composers, from Gassmann to Martín y Soler, became adept practitioners. It was left to one of them to crown the development of opera buffa in the 18th century with three enduring masterpieces. Mozart’s Le nozze di Figaro (1786, Vienna), Don Giovanni (1787, Prague) and Così fan tutte (1790, Vienna), to librettos by Da Ponte (who, like Casti and some others, never wrote for Italy), may in some respects be regarded as characteristic of their time: their one-movement overture form and two- or four-act division, the proliferation in them of action set to music in numbers other than the finales proper, and the variety of aria forms (including the nascent cantabile-cabaletta type) were not his inventions. In their psychological depth, dramatic timing and technical mastery, however, Mozart’s Italian comic operas stand alone, dwarfing their predecessors and reducing the prior history of the genre, in the perspective of later generations, to a period of preparation for his coming.

5. The 19th century.

In the Romantic age the importance of opera buffa became vastly diminished. Here the forms are generally freer and less extended than in the serious genre and the set numbers are linked by recitativo secco, except in the solitary case of Donizetti’s Don Pasquale (1843). With Rossini a standard distribution of four characters is reached: a prima donna soubrette (soprano or mezzo); a light, amorous tenor; a basso cantante or baritone capable of lyrical, mostly ironical expression; and a basso buffo whose vocal skills, largely confined to clear articulation and the ability to ‘patter’, must also extend to the baritone for the purposes of comic duets. The classic opera buffa of the early 19th century is Rossini’s Il barbiere di Siviglia (1816, Rome), that of the Romantic age Donizetti’s L’elisir d’amore (1832), in which the hero’s silliness is tinged with pathos. Sometimes there is a second basso buffo and even a sub-heroine, as in Verdi’s Un giorno di regno (1840). The last example of the genre to survive is Luigi and Federico Ricci’s Crispino e la comare (1850), a morality which breaks with the Italian tradition by admitting an element of the supernatural (hence its description as ‘opera comico-fantastica’). Backstage comedy persisted well into the 19th century, notable examples being Grecco’s La prova d’un opera seria (1803), Donizetti’s Le convenienze teatrali (1827) and Pedrotti’s Tutti in maschera (1856). After 1860 recitativo secco was dropped from comic opera and with it the title of opera buffa, to be replaced by dramma comico.

2. 18th-century antecedents and models.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

LoewenbergA

RicciTB

M. Scherillo: L’opera buffa napoletana durante il Settecento: storia letteraria (Naples, 1883, 2/1916)

B. Croce: I teatri di Napoli, secolo XV–XVIII (Naples, 1891/R, 4/1947)

T. Wiel: I teatri musicali veneziani del Settecento: catalogo delle opere in musica rappresentate nel secolo XVIII in Venezia (Venice, 1897)

G. Ortolani and N. Mangini, eds.: Opere complete di Carlo Goldoni edite dal Municipio di Venezia nel II centenario della nascita (Venice, 1907–71), i, xxvii–xxxi, xxxvi–xxxvii

A. Zardo, ed.: Gasparo Gozzi: la ‘Gazzetta veneta’ per la prima volta riprodotta nella sua letteraria integrità (Florence, 1915)

A. Della Corte: L’opera comica italiana nel ’700: studi ed appunti (Bari, 1923)

G. Ortolani, ed.: Tutte le opere di Carlo Goldoni (Milan, 1935–56), i, x–xii

M.F. Robinson: Naples and Neapolitan Opera (Oxford, 1972)

R.L. and N.W. Weaver: A Chronology of Music in the Florentine Theater, 1590–1750 (Detroit, 1978)

R. Strohm: Die italienische Oper im 18. Jahrhundert (Wilhelmshaven, 1979)

M. Murata: Operas for the Papal Court (Ann Arbor, 1981)

P. Weiss: ‘Ancora sulle origini dell’opera comica: il linguaggio’, Studi pergolesiani I: Iesi 1983, 124–48

P. Weiss: ‘La diffusione del repertorio operistico nell’Italia del Settecento: il caso dell’opera buffa’, Civiltà teatrale e Settecento emiliano: Reggio nell’Emilia 1985, 241–56

M. Hunter: ‘Some Representations of opera seria in opera buffa’, COJ, iii (1991), 89–108

B.D. Mackenzie: The Creation of a Genre: Comic Opera’s Dissemination in Italy in the 1740s (diss., U. of Michigan, 1993)

Opéra comique

(Fr.).

Term for a French stage work of the 18th, 19th or 20th centuries with vocal and instrumental music and spoken dialogue (though it may also include recitative). Its origins are found in the 18th-century Parisian Fair Theatres (known from about 1715 as the Opéra-Comique) and also the Comédie-Italienne (see Paris, §IV, 3 and Théâtres de la Foire). The essentially popular appeal of these repertories formed the antithesis of the stately tragédie mise en musique and allied works at the Académie Royale de Musique (the Opéra). Soon, however, a broad range of subjects and styles was developed: drame and other literary and dramatic models became important. The word ‘comique’ should thus be broadly construed, in the spirit of Balzac’s term ‘la comédie humaine’.

1. Terminology.

3. From the Querelle des Bouffons to the end of the ‘ancien régime’.

4. From the Revolution to the Restoration (1789–1830).

M. ELIZABETH C. BARTLET (5–7, with RICHARD LANGHAM SMITH)

1. Terminology.

The term first appears in current usage in the 18th century when, in the phrase ‘opéra-comique en vaudevilles’ (or similar expression), it designated stage works using pre-existing tunes and usually spoken dialogue (as in C.S. Favart’s L’amour au village, 1745). Sometimes modified, for example by ‘en ariettes et en vaudevilles’, it was extended to works using a mixture of timbres (or traditional ditties) and newly composed airs (e.g. La fausse aventurière, libretto by Anseaume and P.A.L. de Marcouville, with additional music by Laruette, 1757). At this time it rarely designated opéras comiques in the modern sense.

In spite of inconsistencies in terminology among some theorists, critics and authors during the 1750s and 60s, the phrase comédie mêlée d’ariettes soon became the generally accepted designation during the ancien régime for the majority of what are now called opéras comiques (there are numerous examples in the output of Egidio Duni, Monsigny, F.-A.D. Philidor, Grétry and their contemporaries). ‘Comédie’ attests to the significance of certain literary norms in part judged by the standards of French spoken theatre, and ‘mêlée d’ariettes’ to the unique quality of the genre in which specially written music (mostly, though not exclusively, lighter airs for soloists was implied) had an increasingly significant role.

Other words or phrases also appear either on the title-pages of librettos and scores or in contemporary descriptions. Some point to additional literary models; others to subject matter (‘féerie’ for fairy stories, ‘chevaleresque’ for knightly or pseudo-medieval tales); still others to style or tone dominating the text and sometimes matched by the music (e.g. ‘larmoyant’ for sentimental comedies). M.-J. Sedaine (1764) was not alone in protesting that ‘ariettes’ could not effectively describe the range of music in the new genre: ‘mêlée de musique’ or ‘mise en musique’ became alternatives.

By the Revolution, ‘comédie mêlée d’ariettes’ declined in usage and was restricted, in the main, to lighter, old-fashioned works. ‘Opéra comique’ still almost always meant ‘vaudeville’. Many librettists and composers sought greater precision: they continued to borrow terms from spoken theatre (as in ‘comédie héroïque’), modifying the phrases with ‘mise en musique’ or ‘lyrique’, as had occasionally been found before. More works were called drames lyriques, and the rise in the number of operas based on recent historical events resulted in a huge increase in the designation fait historique (particularly in 1793–4). More frequently, authors opted for the comparatively neutral ‘opéra’ for their works in a serious tone. Frankly comic operas, especially those influenced by opera buffa models, were termed opéras bouffons, as custom dictated.

Only with the Empire and the Restoration, in the early decades of the 19th century, does ‘opéra comique’ appear in its modern sense – French operas with spoken dialogue – with any frequency, and even then authors were loath to apply it to their works where comic elements were less important than dramatic or melodramatic ones (for example, Méhul’s Joseph is called an opéra or drame mêlé de chants). Castil-Blaze (1821), among others, agreed with librettists and composers and argued that the repertory of the Opéra-Comique was too varied to fall into a single category and that the term was entirely misapplied to many items performed there. Authors’ continuing commitment to accurate labelling remained a feature into the 20th century, and often newly invented terms or unusual ones appear: ‘roman musical’, ‘complainte’, ‘fantaisie lyrique’, to cite but a few. Monsigny’s Le déserteur (1769), Cherubini’s Médée (1797), Gounod’s Faust (1859), Bizet’s Carmen (1875), Massenet’s Manon (1884), Milhaud’s Le pauvre matelot (1927) and many others were not called ‘opéras comiques’ by their librettists and composers; indeed, the use (or misuse) of the term to cover all French operas with spoken dialogue, at least those given at the Opéra-Comique, seems to date from the late 19th century (it so appears in the writings of Pougin, Félix Clément and Larousse, and the first edition of Grove’s Dictionary).

Finally, the French ‘comédie’ and ‘comique’, when used by librettists, composers and their contemporaries, have no precise equivalents in other languages: European traditions differ, at times substantially. J.F. Marmontel (Encyclopédie) defined comédie as ‘staged mores’ designed to portray the human condition and human frailties while entertaining (sentiments in part echoed in Balzac’s phrase ‘la comédie humaine’). Marmontel divided comédie into three distinct categories – ‘bas’, ‘bourgeois’ and ‘noble’ (or ‘haut’) – based not just on the rank and social position of the leading characters, but also on the tone (from the farcical to the tear-jerker) and type of humour (or absence thereof). Even so, he oversimplified the then current situation, as his own qualifications (for example, his exclusion of satire and the ‘comique grossier’ of the comédie-parade) indicate, and a survey of theatrical productions including works using music would support. French playwrights drew on a rich heritage that included the works of Rabelais, the satirical and licentious 16th-century poet, Marivaux, the witty early 18th-century playwright noted for sparkling bourgeois dialogues, and Molière, whom Marmontel and others took as the model for comédie. It is impossible to define Gallic humour in a few words; Marmontel mentioned ‘malice naturelle’, certainly a component, but repartee, word-play and other elements contribute as well.

Rather than the blind labelling of all French lyric works with spoken dialogue as ‘opéras-comiques’, a more fruitful approach to individual works is to heed the terminology of the authors and their contemporaries and, with that as a guide, to place them in appropriate theatrical, musical, literary and aesthetic traditions. In any case, ‘opéra comique’, as currently used, is not so much a genre (with many sub-genres) as an indication of procedure: the mixing of spoken and sung elements.

2. 18th-century antecedents and models.

Mid-18th-century opéra comique drew on a rich theatrical heritage. The Théâtres de la Foire of St Germain and St Laurent (the Opéra-Comique) offered passers-by numerous vaudevilles in which earthy humour and social and sometimes political critique were often intermingled, and the official, prestigious theatres (the Opéra and the Comédie-Française) were not spared biting satirical treatment in parodies. The mixture of well-known airs, the audience’s interpretation of the couplets (in part informed by the recollection of the original words and an appreciation of the irony resulting from a comparison with the new) and, in the spoken dialogue, witty repartee among the actors (in which improvisation had a significant role) all contributed to the popularity of the genre. Many of the early librettists of opéra comique had extensive experience in the vaudeville (Favart is an excellent example), and the tradition continued well into the 19th century (in the works of Eugène Scribe and his contemporaries). Occasionally an opéra comique en vaudevilles was reset as a comédie mêlée d’ariettes (e.g. J.-P.-E. Martini’s Annette et Lubin of 1789, based on Favart’s 1762 work). A.-F. Quétant (1765) and others felt that the vaudeville was the major source of the opéra comique. The Théâtres de la Foire and the Comédie-Italienne provided other models in their comédies-parades with stock characters drawn from the commedia dell’arte tradition, but now with a distinctive Gallic accent and with slapstick remaining an important ingredient.

Other successful theatrical entertainments, too, showed the way for later 18th-century authors. Divertissements were a frequent and popular feature of the Comédie-Italienne play repertory, though little of the music survives (except in Mouret’s work). Dance forms and rhythms permeated many vaudevilles and ariettes. Molière’s comédies-ballets often lampooned middle-class stereotypes in a way that had a lasting appeal; they not only combined vocal music, dance and dialogue effectively but also proved that verbal finesse and comedy could co-exist. In fact, to separate ‘opera’ and ‘play’ into neat categories does a disservice to French theatre of the 18th century. Marivaux, the most famous Comédie-Italienne playwright of the first half of the century, provided enduring bourgeois characters and situations in sparkling dialogue exploited by librettists for more than 100 years. The tighter dramatic structure, the ‘better’ tone and other features distinguishing his works from the vaudevilles and comédies-parades influenced, among others, Favart, whom Voltaire credited with the creation of opéras comiques suitable for polite society (unlike the offerings of the Théâtres de la Foire). Finally, authors at the Opéra-Comique and the Comédie-Italienne (which absorbed its rival in 1762) were sensitive to the elements that contributed to favourable reactions to the repertory at the Académie Royale de Musique, particularly certain opéras-ballets. Though the staging and costumes could not compare with those at the premier théâtre lyrique, the taste for the fanciful and exotic, for an idealized villageois and for a display to please the eye as well as the ear was common to both.

No single genre provided the unique source for opéra comique. Authors drew from different parts of the French heritage in varying degrees and sometimes added to it elements from foreign theatrical traditions in plays (such as the English) and in operas (particularly the Italian opera buffa). But the result was truly French, and the best works had continuing popularity in Paris and a wider, European appeal.

3. From the Querelle des Bouffons to the end of the ‘ancien régime’.

Opera buffa and intermezzos had made occasional appearances in France before the mid-18th century without arousing much interest or controversy. But in 1752–4 a visiting Italian troupe’s performances of Pergolesi’s La serva padrona and other works at the Académie Royale de Musique initiated the Querelle des Bouffons, during which the merits of Italian (comic) opera and French (serious) opera were hotly debated. An ardent italophile, J.-J. Rousseau nevertheless produced a charming intermède, Le devin du village (1752), French in spirit though using some buffo forms. In it he sought to capture village innocence in naive melodies: his strengths lie in a sensitivity to declamation, and even his lack of interest in complex harmonies and orchestral textures becomes an asset for the unsophisticated tale. Sung throughout and in the repertory of the Académie Royale, this work as well as the opere buffe served as a model for comédies mêlées d’ariettes.

The entrepreneurs of the Théâtres de la Foire and the sociétaires of the Comédie-Italienne soon capitalized on the public curiosity and fondness for these works. During the 1750s opere buffe in French translation and sometimes with additional pieces appeared, and other works with new plots and dialogue parodied Italian models for the music. La servante maîtresse, Baurans’ translation of Pergolesi’s masterpiece at the Comédie-Italienne (1754), proved a favourite. Sedaine’s Le diable à quatre at the Opéra-Comique (1756) drew on pieces by several composers, including Galuppi and Duni. Newly composed scores in similar vein soon appeared. Dauvergne’s Les troqueurs (libretto by J.-J. Vadé, Opéra-Comique, 1753), at first falsely announced as an Italian-based work for publicity purposes, is the earliest example.

By the 1760s comédies mêlées d’ariettes were more than mere opere buffe in French. Lively spoken dialogue and constructions of scenes and acts in accordance with comédie principles reflected the native heritage. Audiences required excellence in acting as well as in singing. From the vaudeville and the divertissement composers inherited strophic and other simple forms for their airs and a vocal style often close to popular songs. Librettists (who were often also playwrights) ensured that the texts presented a variety of theatrical entertainment and kept up with the latest trends. But opera buffa did provide important models for more florid airs (generally assigned to the heroine), for conversational duets and for an occasional extended ensemble.

Three composers merit special mention. Duni, an Italian who arrived in Paris in 1757, immediately achieved a stunning success with Le peintre amoureux de son modèle (Opéra-Comique, libretto by Anseaume), in which he showed his assimilation of French features within a light and lyrical style. Other influential works at the Comédie-Italienne soon followed, such as the villageois Les deux chasseurs et la laitière (Anseaume, 1763) and the féerie La fée Urgèle (Favart, 1765). Philidor, from a long line of French musicians, also had English experience, and in Tom Jones (Poinsinet, 1765), based on Fielding’s novel, he sought to exploit a growing anglophile trend. In it he handled duets and ensembles with dramatic and musical flair. In collaboration with Sedaine, Monsigny contributed to the variety of types – from the lighthearted On ne s’avise jamais de tout (Opéra-Comique, 1761) to another English-based work, Le roi et le fermier (Opéra-Comique, 1762), in which a benevolent monarch appears as a central character, and the drame lyrique Le déserteur (Comédie-Italienne, 1769), in which comedy and pathos are adroitly juxtaposed in the libretto and supported by an appropriate musical translation.

The works of Grétry at the Comédie-Italienne best represent the achievements in comédie mêlée d’ariettes and other operatic types of the ancien régime. He combined a gift for lyricism matching the declamation of the words with a fine dramatic sense and an ability to depict individual characterization musically. He experimented with matching musical forms to scenic requirements, and particularly in his later works sought more extended structures. Marmontel’s librettos often reflect a moralizing sentimental tone and exploit currently fashionable themes: for example, the noble savage (Le Huron, 1768), intrinsic merit as more important than birth (Lucile, 1769) and conjugal love in adversity (Silvain, 1770). The most popular of his collaborations was Zémire et Azor (1771), an ambitious opéra féerie in four acts. Grétry responded with scores dominated by touching airs, but ones in which duets and ensembles played an increasingly important role in defining characters and translating their emotional states (in Zémire the trio of the heroine’s grieving family shown to her in a magic picture is an excellent example of Grétry’s artistry; fig.1). He also continued to set more frankly comic works reminiscent of the repertory of the Théâtres de la Foire: the comédie-parade Le tableau parlant (Anseaume, 1769), with its witty dialogue and light airs, proved an enduring opera.

With the mid-1770s and 1780s came some works in a consistently serious tone, although comedies remained the core of the Comédie-Italienne’s repertory. The librettist B.F. de Rosoi led the way with his patriotic Henri IV (set by J.-P.-G. Martini, who used a military and heroic musical style to good effect, 1774) and his classical drame Les mariages samnites (set by Grétry, 1776); significantly, neither was a popular success. A much better man of the theatre, Sedaine provided Grétry with a series of challenges in ‘chevaleresque’, pseudo-historical and drame or drame-influenced works, including Aucassin et Nicolette (1779), their masterpiece Richard Coeur-de-lion (1784), Le comte d’Albert (1786) and Raoul Barbe-bleue (1789). Grétry responded with scores in which some attention was given to aspects of ‘local colour’ or music’s contribution to definition of a specific setting (such as Blondel’s ‘Une fièvre brûlante’, in which Grétry re-created, though did not precisely imitate, a medieval tune and used it symbolically in recurring fashion at strategic moments in Richard Coeur-de-Lion). Barbe-bleue especially is remarkable for its time for the freedom and continuity of musical forms to underline the dramatic situations. A newcomer, Dalayrac, also made notable additions to the repertory in Nina (1786), on a larmoyant subject, and in the ‘chevaleresque’ Sargines (1788). Both composers made effective use of expansion of resources at the theatre in terms of personnel (a greater number of soloists, a newly formed chorus and a slightly larger orchestra) and of staging (with an increase in spectacle, particularly in ‘chevaleresque’ works). While air-dominated operas, true comédies mêlées d’ariettes, remained very popular, these works pointed the way to the next decade.

By the eve of the Revolution, operas with spoken dialogue on a wide range of subjects and in a variety of styles were the most important part of the Comédie-Italienne’s repertory, so much so that Italian plays were dropped in 1780 and the proportion of new vaudevilles and French plays declined. The troupe enjoyed increasing aristocratic and royal patronage (particularly that of Queen Marie-Antoinette) during the final two decades of the ancien régime. The move to a new theatre building in a better quarter (1783) was one sign that it had become accepted by polite and fashionable society: its Fair origins were scarcely mentioned. Furthermore, the export of the operatic successes to the provinces (Lyons and Bordeaux, for example) and to other European centres (Vienna and St Petersburg among them) is a measure of their extraordinary popularity.

4. From the Revolution to the Restoration (1789–1830).

To be sure, genuinely comic or lighthearted ‘villageois’ works did not disappear altogether from the stage during the 1790s. Popular items from the ancien régime repertory (such as Grétry’s Le tableau parlant and Monsigny’s Rose et Colas) were still performed in Paris and elsewhere. New works relying on tested formulae, such as J.-P. Solié’s Le secret (libretto by F.-B. Hoffman, 1796), with its plot turning on mistaken identities and unfounded jealousy, were successfully given. But more often comedy was combined with and subordinated to dramatic twists and melodramatic elements, as in Le Sueur’s La caverne (libretto by Dercy, 1793).

Still, 1789 and the early years of the Revolution brought major changes to the Comédie-Italienne (from 1793, the year French plays were dropped, called the Opéra-Comique). First, its monopoly on operas with spoken dialogue was challenged and soon disappeared, the Théâtre de Monsieur (from 1791 the Théâtre Feydeau) becoming a powerful rival. Other theatres sprang up and many put on vaudevilles and shorter operas. The Opéra-Comique had to compete for audiences and for authors – the more so since court patronage, of course, disappeared and some of the other rich patrons suffered (although both it and the Feydeau remained out of the reach of all but the better-off). The 1790s saw a huge increase in the number of lyric works; few achieved lasting success. In 1801 the Feydeau and Opéra-Comique, both beset by financial troubles, merged, and in 1807 Napoleon again extended a measure of official protection by regulating the repertories of other theatres and suppressing several.

The Revolution brought changes to the repertory. ‘Royalist’ works (such as Grétry’s Richard Coeur-de-lion) disappeared after 1792 and the declaration of the Republic, and ‘aristocratic’ ones (such as Dalayrac’s Raoul, sire de Créqui, 1789) were subject to revision or suppression. Topical references to recent events or political and social questions were frequent. Indeed, faits historiques, hurriedly written and staged, were little more than dramatic re-enactments fleshed out with appropriate additional details created by the authors; the rhetoric often mirrors that of government leaders and influential journalists. While most of these ephemeral works were by minor librettists and composers, occasionally recognized authors contributed, as did Grétry in Callias (libretto by Hoffman, Opéra-Comique, 1794) and Méhul in Le pont de Lody (libretto by E.-J.-B. Delrieu, Feydeau, 1797).

More significant musically and theatrically are substantial works without such obvious propagandist intentions (though less direct reflections of current ideals are not infrequent). In several exceptional compositions, so far have the composers moved from the models of their predecessors one may detect in them a new spirit and even the development of style and procedures important for Romanticism (as Dean, 1967–8, and Dent, 1976, have done). In this group, best represented in the works of Méhul, Le Sueur and Cherubini, the comédie mêlée d’ariettes virtually disappeared in fact as well as in terminology. Drame lyrique, comédie lyrique and opéra became the most frequent designations: they were not merely semantic choices, but proof of their authors’ intentions to point to aesthetic principles of French dramaturgy and the importance of models from serious opéra (though the heritage of the Comédie-Italienne persisted in the romances and the increasingly few comic pieces). Hitherto forbidden subjects on these stages were tackled, from classical tragedy (Cherubini’s Médée, 1797) to incest (Méhul’s Mélidore et Phrosine, 1794), and the general tone was heroic, at times violent.

Individual numbers, even most of the airs, are more substantial and have greater musical weight than those of the previous generation. Méhul’s Stratonice (libretto by Hoffman, Comédie-Italienne, 1792), with only six pieces in one act, takes longer to perform than his predecessors’ scores with double that number. Principles of symphonic development were exploited in often complex textures, as in the quartet from the same opera. Here and elsewhere, the orchestra is more than mere accompaniment to tuneful vocal lines: it becomes the main means of cohesion and of articulation of form. Distinctive timbres and orchestral effects are used for expressive purposes. Much of the dramatic action takes place in huge ensembles, as in Cherubini’s Lodoïska (Fillette-Loraux, Feydeau, 1791), Le Sueur’s La caverne and Méhul’s Ariodant (Hoffman, Opéra-Comique, 1799). More extended harmonic vocabularies and sometimes remote modulations, too, set the works of all three apart from 1780 norms. Musical contrast (as in Grétry) becomes at times striking musical confrontation: contemporaries considered Méhul’s jealousy duet from Euphrosine (Hoffman, Comédie-Italienne, 1790) particularly impressive. The chorus, often representing a picturesque group (brigands, Savoyards, monks, sailors) or even two opposing groups in conflict, take on major roles. Romantic aspects in the libretto prompted often descriptive musical responses: a violent storm in Le Sueur’s Paul et Virginie (Dubreuil, Feydeau, 1794) and an avalanche in Cherubini’s Elisa (Saint-Cyr, Feydeau, 1794). Against a more symphonic orchestral part, composers could write emotionally heightened parts for the voice where beauty of melody took second place to theatrical truth: the Countess in Méhul’s Euphrosine, Calypso in Le Sueur’s Télémaque (Dercy, Feydeau, 1796) and the title character in Cherubini’s Médée are examples. All three composers experimented with making opera with spoken dialogue a more continuous and integrated form. Among the techniques found in varying degrees were the reduction of spoken dialogue, effective employment of mélodrame, linking of pieces, overall tonal structures to scenes, acts and sometimes entire operas, and sophisticated orchestral use of reminiscence motifs as much more than melodic tags. Cherubini’s Médée and Le Sueur’s Télémaque, both on librettos intended for the Opéra, reflect concern for unity, but probably the most remarkable work from this point of view is Méhul’s Mélidore et Phrosine (A.-V. Arnault, Opéra-Comique, 1794), particularly for its third act.

Beginning with the Thermidorian reaction and more pronounced during the Consulate and Empire, audiences favoured lighter, less moralizing and dramatic fare. Comédies-parades again became popular (for example Méhul’s L’irato, B.-J. Marsollier des Vivetières, Opéra-Comique, 1801). The Maltese composer Isouard excelled in ensemble writing in buffo tone and style (Les rendez-vous bourgeois, Hoffman, Opéra-Comique, 1807, and other works). Successes among the drame-influenced works again included comic figures and situations with greater frequency, as in Cherubini’s Les deux journées (J.-N. Bouilly, Feydeau, 1800). Entirely serious works, such as Méhul’s biblical opera Joseph (A. Duval, Opéra-Comique, 1807), were more admired than popular in Paris. Boieldieu’s La dame blanche (Scribe, after Scott, Opéra-Comique, 1825; fig.2), whose plot combined in a mildly Romantic brew a long lost hero, a haunted castle and buried treasure, had a tuneful score with touches of ‘local colour’ (such as the citation of ‘Robin Adair’ in the last act) and proved a long-lasting crowd pleaser. The achievements of Revolutionary opera (in orchestration and structure) were not forgotten entirely (Méhul continued to experiment with the sombre middle range of the orchestra, going so far as to replace the violins with violas for his Ossianic Uthal; J.M.B.B. de Saint-Victor, Opéra-Comique, 1806), but the spirit in the majority of works – and nearly all those that stayed in the repertory – ranged from sentimental to comic: in short, more in keeping with the aesthetics of the generation of Grétry (many of whose works were revived at this time), though without a return to forms of that period.

5. 1830–70.

Between the July Revolution and the Franco-Prussian war, the Opéra-Comique offered Parisians numerous new works in accordance with its policies of promoting the French language and French composers and artists, generally eschewing the low humour of the boulevard theatres and the often farcical or satirical situations of the opéra bouffe. Opéra comique authors provided romantic tales allowing for the exploitation of ‘local colour’ and with happy endings as well as ‘chevaleresque’ works and comedies relying on traditional formulae. Rossini's influence was strong, demanding Italian vocal virtuosity, but these grands airs contrasted with sentimental romances and comic strophic songs, the French heritage. Auber (in collaboration with Scribe) was one of the most prolific and popular: Fra Diavolo (1830) and Le domino noir (1837) remained repertory items into the 20th century. The contributions of Hérold and Adam held the stage in Paris for over 50 years.

Foreigners also tried their hand at opéra comique: the most successful example was Donizetti's La fille du régiment (1840), which remains close to opera buffa in style. Meyerbeer's works for the Opéra-Comique are richer orchestrally and scenically than the norm: his L'étoile du nord (1854) demonstrates most clearly the influence of grand opéra.

Specifically French in flavour and almost an opéra bouffe, Massé's Les noces de Jeannette (1853) proved with its over 1500 performances in Paris alone the continuing vitality of well-known plot formulae. Better known for his operas and ballets for the Opéra, Halévy also wrote for the Opéra-Comique: Les mousquetaires de la reine (1846) is a fine example of the ‘chevaleresque’ and sentimental. Increasing interest in the exotic is perhaps best exemplified in David's Lalla-Roukh (1862), set in Kashmir. Finally, towards the end of this period there was a shift to a predominantly serious tone. In Thomas' Mignon (1866), after Goethe, melodic grace and gentle, chromatic harmonies match the melancholy of the libretto.

The Opéra-Comique was not the only Parisian theatre to put on opera with spoken dialogue. Though generally presenting a more conservative and traditional repertory (including revivals of Grétry and Méhul) and introducing the public to foreign works in translation and adaptation (including operas by Verdi), the Opéra-National also provided opportunities for French operatic newcomers, such as David and Bizet (Les pêcheurs de perles, 1863). Furthermore, composers were allowed to experiment in more intense, almost psychological dramas, avoiding the grandiose favoured at the Opéra and the sometimes facile humour and resolutions of the plot preferred at the Opéra-Comique. The best example is surely the original version of Gounod's Faust (1859), still among the most admired of 19th-century French works in the repertory.

In short, there was at the Opéra-Comique and the Théâtre Lyrique a wide range of subjects, an eclecticism in musical styles and forms and a willingness to adapt from other genres. Tradition dictated that acting and stage presence remained important. The costume and set designs and mise en scène now often more elaborate than in previous generations and newly prepared for each work, were exported along with the scores.

In 1856 Offenbach published an extensive guide to the traditions of opéra comique, sending a copy to potential entrants to a competition for a one-act operetta. He saw it as a particularly French creation, distinguishable from the Italian opera buffa, on which it had originally been modelled, by its love of wit and mischief. He lamented the hybrid forms, leaning more towards the traditions of grand opéra, which had seduced several composers away from the pure traditions of opéra comique and which he regarded as a stream that had turned into a river and subsequently burst its banks.

Certain features can be considered to distinguish opéra comique traditions from those of grand opéra, apart from its convention of spoken dialogue rather than recitative. First, there was a tendency for grand spectacle at the Opéra, only rarely matched by the Opéra-Comique. A tendency, around 1860, for the theatre to become ‘a branch of the Opéra’ did not pass unnoticed among the critics. Secondly, while ballet was de rigueur at the Opéra, it was not at the Opéra-Comique which preferred crowd scenes involving choral writing.

While large-scale works at the Opéra generally had two prominent and vocally demanding female roles, the Opéra-Comique tended to require a leading soprano role with a flexible and agile voice (sopran à roulades) and a supporting soprano, light rather than virtuoso or dramatic in character, for whom many a composer wrote couplets or romances that were a hallmark of opéra comique. There was a similar preference for a lighter voice in the male roles, the ténor léger and the basse chantante. It was not until 1871 that a fort-ténor was employed at the Opéra-Comique.

These four decades saw the premières of some of the most popular operas ever produced, and they remained in virtually continuous repertory in Paris and throughout the world wherever French opera was staged until World War II. Many had more than 1000 performances at the Opéra-Comique alone and were the staples of regional theatres in Germany and Austria as well as francophone countries.

6. 1870–1918.

The Théâtre Lyrique did not long survive the Franco-Prussian War. The Opéra-Comique took over part of its repertory and, to a greater extent than before, included recent foreign works (by Mascagni and Puccini, for example). The most memorable of the new operas by Frenchmen departed from the conventional mould for this theatre. In all of them comedy is minimal or entirely absent, and there were several works that included no spoken diologue. Of these Gounod's Roméo et Juliette was the first, followed by Massenet' Werther and La Navarraise and Bizet' Les pêcheurs de perles as well as operas by Bruneau. Works performed at the Opéra-Comique were less and less frequently characterized by their composers as opéras comiques, and there was a return to the practice of naming each work appropriately. Thus titles such as comédie lyrique, roman musical and conte lyrique were used, and once and for all the link between genre and theatre was broken.

Among the most enterprising in finding ways of combining spoken dialogue with sung sections was Bizet's Carmen (1875). Here melodrama, pantomime, recitative and aria were combined with spoken sections with offstage military and bull-fight music. Its Spanish setting, incorporating hispanic modes, dance forms and popular song, was a model for subsequent composers. Offenbach in Les contes d'Hoffmann (1881) produced an episodic fantasy while Massenet's Manon (1884) presented another strong heroine. In Louise, a roman musical (1900), Charpentier sought social realism in a working-class setting. Debussy's Pelléas et Mélisande (1902) finally demonstrated that the Opéra-Comique could rival the Opéra in terms of seriousness. Debussy wrote a subtle work in which the natural quality of conversation contributes to its lightness of touch. Its fairy tale setting and unspecific historical place accorded with the essential definition of opéra comique as a play turned into opera.

7. Epilogue.

After World War I the Opéra-Comique remained committed to producing new works for its audience, but the genre of opéra comique took on a new lease of life with the neo-classicists and Les Six. Although none of Milhaud's works is named as an opéra comique several have a buffo element and Esther de Carpentras is categorized as an opéra bouffe. These trends were continued by Jacques Ibert, whose tight style matched that of Milhaud and whose Le roi d'Yvetot he called an opéra comique.

Situation comedies and operas with a ‘kitchen-sink’ setting, as well as parodies of classical myths and commedia dell'arte subjects, also became prime material for opéra comique or opéra bouffe. Into these categories fall Roussel's Le testament de la tante Caroline (1963), Barraud's Lavinia (1969) and André Bloch's Guignol (1949), along with many of the operas for which Nino wrote the librettos.

The Opéra-Comique also mounted premières of operas written for other theatres, such as Stravinsky's The Rake's Progress (1951; 1953) and Britten's The Rape of Lucretia (1946; 1971) and a few world premières of works by French composers. Among the most significant were Milhaud's Le pauvre matelot (1927) and two works by Poulenc: Les mamelles de Tirésias (1947), an opéra bouffe whose mordant wit caused an uproar at its première and La voix humaine (1959), a tragédie lyrique for solo soprano.

But the Opéra-Comique was no longer the leader: theatres in Monte Carlo, Brussels and Geneva rivalled or surpassed it in the performance of new works (as sometimes benefited Honegger, among others). Dramatic composers preferred to write operas sung throughout or to explore new areas, such as film music or works for radio. Furthermore, the Opéra-Comique's audience dwindled for the recent operas, whatever their critical reception, to the extent that none of the post-World War I works entered the standard repertory as had those by earlier composers from Grétry to Massenet; only warhorses, such as Mignon, Carmen and Manon, could draw the public consistently. The dissolving of the resident troupe in 1972 marked the end of a distinguished tradition, which for over two centuries had given Paris and other cities some of the most endearing and enduring examples of music theatre.

See also Opera, §§IV, 2(ii) and V, 4.

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N. Wild and D. Charlton: Théâtre de l'Opéra-Comique: répertoire musical, 1762–1972 (forthcoming)

Opéra féerie

(Fr.). A type of French opera or opéra-ballet that has a plot drawn from fairy tales and/or makes extensive use of elements of magic and the merveilleux. In his ballet-héroïque Les fêtes de Polymnie (1745), Rameau ranked the ‘féerie’ with history and fable as a resource for the lyric stage. A huge corpus of opéras (such as Monsigny’s La belle Arsène, 1773), opéras-ballets (such as Zélindor, roi des sylphes by François Francoeur and François Rebel, 1745) and opéras comiques (such as Duni’s La fée Urgèle, 1765, and Grétry’s Zémire et Azor, 1771) of the late Baroque and Classical periods in France attests its popularity. While the term opéra féerie was uncommon in the 18th century (although it did exist, e.g. Dezède’s Alcindor, 1787), and entered the current vocabulary only after 1800, modern scholars use it with justice to refer to these earlier works. Some early 19th-century examples employ the term (e.g. Isouard’s Cendrillon, 1810, Catel’s Zirphile et Fleur de Myrte, 1818, and Carafa’s La belle au bois dormant, 1825). After this period the féerie survived in ballet. (For the German 19th-century fairy tale opera, see Märchenoper.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

D. Diderot: ‘Féerie’, ‘Merveilleux’, Encyclopédie, ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers, ed. D. Diderot and others (Paris, 1751–80)

‘Fée, féerie’, Annales dramatiques, ou Dictionnaire général des théâtres, ed. Babault (Paris, 1808–12/R)

P. Ginisty: La féerie (Paris, 1910/R)

M. ELIZABETH C. BARTLET

Opéra National du Rhin.

French opera and dance company founded in 1972 as the Opéra du Rhin. Based in Colmar, Mulhouse and Strasbourg, in 1998 it became the Opéra National du Rhin.

Opera North.

English opera company founded in 1977, based in Leeds.

Opera of the Nobility.

The name sometimes given to the London opera company active, in rivalry to Handel’s company, from 1733 to 1737, initially at Lincoln’s Inn Fields Theatre, later at the King’s Theatre. See London (i), §V, 1.

Opera Restor'd.

Touring opera company formed in 1979 as the Holme Pierrepont Opera Trust, originally based at Holme Pierrepont Hall near Nottingham.

Opera Română

(Rom.: Romanian Opera).

Opera company founded in Bucharest in 1877.

Opéra Royal de Wallonie.

Opera company based at the Théâtre Royal de Liège since 1967. See Liège.

Opera semiseria

(It.: ‘half-serious opera’).

An intermediate genre first identified during the early 19th century. The term was originally applied mainly to Italian equivalents of the French post-revolutionary ‘pièce de sauvetage’ such as Paer’s Camilla (1799) or Simon Mayr’s Le due giornate (1801), sometimes labelled ‘drammi eroicocomici’. Later it was extended to comedies, akin to the French comédie larmoyante, that contain a strong element of pathos. The range of characters is generally wider than in opera buffa, but the same types prevail, the basso buffo being often more dangerous than his purely comic counterpart (as in Rossini’s La gazza ladra, 1817). During the Romantic period opera semiseria usually has a pastoral setting, its heroine being a village maiden whose innocence, at first called into question, is finally vindicated amid general rejoicing. Examples include Donizetti’s Linda di Chamounix (1842) and Il furioso all’isola di San Domingo (1833). Bellini’s La sonnambula (1831) has all the attributes of the genre except the basso buffo; hence its description as a ‘melodramma’ tout court. Opera semiseria shares with opera buffa the tradition of ‘recitative secco’. A late example is Mercadante’s Violetta (1853). Thereafter the term lapses, but it is noteworthy that in 19th-century Italian revivals Mozart’s Don Giovanni (1787) was frequently described as an opera semiseria.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

E. Masi: ‘Giovanni de Gamerra e i drammi lagrimosi’, Sulla storia del teatro nel secolo XVIII (Florence, 1891), 28–354

M. Ruhnke: ‘Opera semiseria und dramma eroicomico’, AnMc, no.21 (1982), 263–74

J. Commons: ‘Donizetti e l’opera semiseria’, Gaetano Donizetti: Bergamo 1992, 181–96

JULIAN BUDDEN

Opera seria

(It: ‘serious opera’).

A term used to signify Italian opera of the 18th and 19th centuries on a heroic or tragic subject. The term was rarely used at the time; it can sometimes be found on manuscript scores, particularly in the last quarter of the 18th century, but ‘dramma per musica’ is the usual genre description on most 18th-century and many early 19th-century printed librettos. ‘Opera seria’ appears occasionally on librettos late in the 18th century, for example for Prati's Armida abbandonata (1785, Munich). Only as serious opera of this period came to be viewed historically was the term ‘opera seria’ applied exclusively to it.

MARITA P. McCLYMONDS (with DANIEL HEARTZ)

1. Dramaturgy.

The characteristics of opera seria took shape during the first two decades of the 18th century as part of a literary reform led by the Arcadian Academy of Rome established in 1690. Responding to French criticism of Italian poetry and drama, the reformers looked with particular disfavour on the undisciplined, irrational and often licentious opera librettos then in use. They took steps to bring the libretto into accordance with the principles of classical Greek drama as set forth in Aristotle's Poetics and as exemplified in the 17th-century French neo-classical dramatists, Jean Racineand Pierre Corneille.

By the end of the first decade of the 18th century a number of practices had been established as desirable. The action should be limited to a single, central argument involving no more than eight characters, whose entrances and exits were strictly regulated so that the stage was never empty except during set changes and between acts. The action should take place within a short period of time, preferably 24 hours, and in locations of close proximity.

The rules of verisimilitude and good taste rejected tragic endings as unworthy of the civilized state now enjoyed. Poets were expected to portray what, according to an orderly moral system, should have happened rather than what actually did happen. Death, if unavoidable, should be handled with dignity, and preferably off stage. Suicides and deaths in battle could be tolerated but murder could not. Subject matter from ancient history was preferred to fables or myths. Spectacle should be confined to natural phenomena and human activity. Resolutions should occur through natural means, not through supernatural intervention (in contrast with French opera). Trips to the underworld were banished, along with all but an occasional ceremonial chorus. Ballet and the coarse, unseemly behaviour endemic to comic scenes were relegated to entr'actes (or intermezzos) unrelated to the serious drama.

Poets were admonished to strive for simplicity, naturalness, verisimilitude and dignity, and to instruct as well as to entertain. The end result should be of high enough literary quality to be enjoyed as literature. No attempt was made to alter the established theatrical format. The action moved forward in versi sciolti (freely alternating, unrhymed seven- and eleven-syllable lines) to be realized in spare, continuo-accompanied recitative, broken from time to time with moments of reflection, reaction or summation, in strophic verse, to be realized in da capo arias accompanied by strings, possibly with horns and oboes (occasionally flutes). The reform produced librettos with a greatly expanded number of versi sciolti and a decrease in the number of arias to no more than 30. Theatres, in turn, persistently reduced the amount of recitative to a minimum, indicating cuts in the versi sciolti by enclosing them in virgole or quotation marks in the printed libretto: the original text might thus be read in full, though only those lines essential to the understanding of the plot might survive in the setting. Operas in three acts persisted, unaffected by attempts to follow the French pattern of five. Ensembles were restricted to one per opera, usually a duet for the principal couple, and a closing tutti (coro) for all the characters at the end of Act 3.

By 1710 the ‘exit aria’ was firmly established as the norm: arias were always placed at the end of a scene, after which the singer would leave the stage. Occasionally a cavatina (a short aria without exit) would appear in a scene in which the same singer would later perform a full-length exit aria. In an opera seria libretto the scene as a block of text with a stable number of characters on stage was generally observed. As soon as someone arrived or left, a new scene began.

At the next level of organization in an opera seria libretto, a set of scenes is terminated either by a change of stage setting or by the end of an act. There is normally one set change in the middle of each act. The number of characters on stage tends to increase towards the centre of each set of scenes and then to decrease to the point where one character is left on stage to sing a monologue and aria. Only Act 3 ends with everyone on stage, to celebrate the happy conclusion. The second stage setting in each act tends to be a public scene with many extras and perhaps some spectacle – often a public ceremony or a military procession. By about 1750 the emphasis began to shift from the middle to the end of each act, which then becomes the province of the principals, whether in solo, duet or trio.

Librettists usually served as poets for a specific court or theatre, where they often remained for their entire careers; their duties included the revising of existing librettos and the writing of new ones to suit local requirements. Composers took similar permanent positions as maestro di cappella for a theatre or court; their duties included preparing revivals of their own operas and those of others as well as composing new operas, always designed to enhance the strengths and to conceal the weaknesses of the singers assembled for the season. They directed performances while providing continuo realizations from the harpsichord. Haydn's operatic activities at Eszterháza conformed to just such a position. Many composers depended on church-affiliated posts for their livelihood and contracted with individual theatres to compose one or more operas per year; such composers were expected to travel to each theatre in time to become acquainted with the singers and to write their arias and ensembles (recitatives might be written in advance; the opening sinfonia was often the last component to be written). Whereas the same setting of an opera buffa might be performed at 20 different theatres, and opera seria setting was usually performed only one season; for subsequent productions, the libretto was usually heavily revised and would either be set afresh or would acquire new or borrowed arias, thus moving towards a Pasticcio. Such borrowed arias were often the favourites of the singers, who carried them from theatre to theatre. In most theatres, pasticcios were used to round out the season, though in theatres of modest means, and in London, they predominated.

By the middle of the century the concentration of musical interest in the aria and the practice of tailoring roles to suit individual performers gave extraordinary power and control to singers. A complex set of rules maintained a strict hierarchy of rank, regulated the distribution of arias and determined their characteristics. At the pinnacle of the profession were the best of the castratos – an aberration inherited from the previous century and fostered in part to maintain the treble voice in both ecclesiastic and secular situations where women were prohibited. A castrato played the leading man (primo uomo or primo musico); he and the first woman (prima donna), male or female, usually formed the principal romantic couple. The number of arias per opera had been further reduced to about 20; the principal couple would have four or five each. Duets were virtually the exclusive province of this pair. The tenor, usually a patriarchal or ruling figure, might be either first or second ranking; he might join the principal couple in a trio. The second ranking couple had three or four arias each. Advisers and confidants would have no more than one or two each. Librettos were often revised to ensure that the least of this group sang the ‘sorbet’ aria (aria di sorbetto), at the beginning of Act 2, when sorbet was served and the clinking of spoons on glass is said to have obscured the singing. As the total number of arias decreased, the number assigned to individuals of each rank decreased proportionately. Ensembles might be counted as arias, as might sizable monologues. Each role required arias in a variety of affections or styles (aria cantabile, aria d'affetto, aria di bravura, aria di mezzo carattere). A character with a dominant musical personality would have at least one aria in contrasting style. Arias in the same style or key could not follow one another. The loose textual relationship between an aria and the preceding scene made it easy for a singer to substitute a favoured aria or aria text of the appropriate affection.

Meeting both the strict literary requirements and the unyielding theatrical conventions presented the librettist with a formidable task. Often little remains of a historical plot once the librettist has altered events to avoid offence while at the same time inventing enough political and amorous intrigue to create dramatic tension and provide excuses for 25 arias, properly distributed among six singers, and strategically placed to allow each character reasonable exits. Critics agreed that the two who came closest to realizing the ideal were Apostolo Zeno and Pietro Trapassi, known as Metastasio.

Zeno, greatest of the first generation Arcadian reform librettists, took little interest in how his librettos were translated into musical productions. An appointment to the Vienna court late in his career finally allowed him to write librettos without the love interest and intrigue required in Italy. Metastasio, on the other hand, inherited the reform libretto in its mature form. The remarkable success of his librettos resulted from a number of factors. First and foremost they embodied Enlightenment ideals, portraying characters able to overcome selfish human desires in order to achieve greatness in thought and deed in a world where monarch and subject alike must adhere to the highest moral principles. In their universality his messages remained apolitical and so posed no threat to the nobility who supported the theatre in most Italian centres. Secondly, Metastasio was greatly admired for his rational approach to the libretto, for the purity, elegance, clarity and dignity of his texts, and for the skill and artistry with which he was able to breathe realism and drama into the form he had inherited and went on to perfect. A third aspect of Metastasio's librettos was their supreme suitability for musical setting. Metastasio had begun his career under the tutelage of the venerable soprano Marianna Benti-Bugarelli, called ‘La Romanina’, and during his early career had worked closely with the young composer Vinci, whom 18th-century critics and historians consistently cited as among the originators of the modern or galant style in opera. The librettos Metastasio wrote for Vinci during the 1720s endured for 75 years, were set and reset by composers of several generations, and became the ideal against which all subsequent works were measured. The association ended with Vinci's death and the appointment of Metastasio to replace Zeno in Vienna, where he remained. Though Metastasio continued to experiment in his own librettos, by the middle of the century his Artaserse (1730) had become a rigid model that theatre poets followed in reworking librettos (Metastasio's as well as others') for local presentation (see fig.1). Thus the genre and the dramaturgy it represents came to be called Metastasian.

The format of the reform libretto endured in no small part because it produced an evening of entertainment that served the social functions of the theatre. The opera house in 18th-century Italy was an important social meeting place. The fashionable part of the audience, who customarily owned boxes or rented them by the season, attended night after night. Since the season consisted of a few works, each given a continuous run of up to several dozen performances, the audience could scarcely have been expected to sustain a close interest in the stage action; and since the literate part of it knew Metastasio's dramas virtually by heart, they could dip in and out at will, interrupting the flow of social intercourse to attend to the most affecting scenes or the favourite arias of the leading singers. From this resulted the audience's noisiness and inattention, so often remarked upon by foreign visitors.

2. 1720–40.

Although opera seria acquired its definitive literary and dramatic form only during the 1720s, many of its musical characteristics were present earlier. In Naples, Alessandro Scarlatti began to simplify his accompaniments, thus placing greater emphasis on the melodic line. In his La Griselda (1721), arias in the old style co-exist with a newer type characterized by static bass lines and slower harmonic change.

Excluding Handel, whose operas, written for London, lie outside the Italian tradition and had little or no influence, the dominating figures of the first age were Vinci, Leo, Porpora, Hasse and Pergolesi, who followed Scarlatti in pursuing the new, more clearly articulated melodic style and its simple, harmonically generated accompaniment. Their style was perceived as a departure; its success carried their music not only all over Italy but also throughout Europe. Vinci was credited with a major role in its formation, especially as regards periodic melody, with balanced (often three-bar) phrases. His settings of Metastasio for Naples, from Didone abbandonata for Carnival 1726 to Artaserse, completed shortly before his death in 1730, proved epoch-making. Through their collaboration the Arcadian reform libretto and the new galant or early Classical style became inextricably linked.

For composers, the primary problem in putting together an opera of 25 or more arias was that of contrast. Metastasio's fine control and subtle variety of moods helped solve it. Departures on the composer's part, such as the omission of a ritornello, as well as the singer's improvised decorations, accomplished still more. Instrumental colour remained fairly uniform and minimal. Metric variety was limited. Expressive harmonic nuance was used sparingly and restricted to Neapolitan 6ths, augmented 6ths, diminished 7ths, deceptive moves, modulation and modal contrast. Tonal planning consisted of selecting keys to suit the affections of the arias. The recitative that connected them moved towards the flat side or into the minor mode for tender emotions or ‘negative’ events and towards the sharp side for ‘positive’ events or aggressive actions. The keys used rarely went beyond three accidentals. As a result several arias were likely to share the more popular ones (such as D major for bravura, D minor for rage, E for pathetic affects, G minor for lyrical yearning, G major for pastoral tone, A major for amorous sentiment, etc.). D major remained the overwhelming favourite for the opening sinfonia and the closing coro. Characters tended to acquire either a sharp- or flat-dominated personality and even occasionally a predominant tonal reference, but always with one aria in a contrasting tonality. In observing the rules dictating that affections must alternate between successive arias, composers often wrote arias alternately in sharp and flat keys; some composers also seem concerned with establishing close key relationships among arias within a set of scenes or at major articulations, such as the beginning and ending of an act or a group of scenes. Symbolic relationships of a tritone or a semitone may be found, and the composer may also set up moves in one direction or the other (towards the sharp or flat side) within groups of scenes or acts. Last-minute revisions, transpositions and substitutions may obscure such planning, which tends to disappear in later revivals, especially when additions and substitutions are made. In spite of whatever tonal planning the composer might have had in mind, the stark stylistic contrast between aria and recitative tends to produce the impression of a loose stringing together of individual numbers rather than an organic unity; efforts in achieving the latter were made only slowly and fitfully.

3. 1740–70.

The second age of opera seria was dominated by Hasse, Jommelli, Galuppi, Traetta, G.F. de Majo, Perez, Terradellas and J.C. Bach, most of them Neapolitan or Neapolitan-orientated. The careers of Gluck and Graun ran parallel with it. Several important composers worked outside Italy, and this period was marked by the diffusion of opera seria and its associated styles throughout Europe. Hasse carried the perfected form to Germany in the 1730s and was long maestro di cappella at Dresden. In 1737 the great castrato Farinelli, Metastasio's adopted brother, entered the employment of the Spanish court in Madrid, where he directed Italian opera seria until his retirement in 1759. In 1749 Jommelli and Galuppi, at turning-points in their careers, were called to Vienna; Majo and Traetta were later called to both Vienna and Mannheim. Perez moved to Lisbon in 1752 and Jommelli began his long reign at Stuttgart in 1754. During the 1760s in Mannheim, the Italian librettist Mattia Verazi provided innovatory librettos for a succession of guest composers. In France, at the middle of the century, an Italian buffo troupe inspired the Querelle des Bouffons and paved the way for the eventual arrival in Paris of Gluck, Piccinni and others, who established an international style in the French tragédie en musique during the 1770s and 80s.

Metastasian librettos quickly gained popularity and dominated the Italian repertory during the 1750s. Thereafter the works of younger librettists, reworkings of earlier librettos, and a growing interest in comic opera gradually eroded this monopoly. Opera continued to consist of a succession of simple or continuo-accompanied recitatives and orchestrally accompanied arias. The action moved forward in recitativo semplice (simple recitative), composed in a spare, narrow-ranging, declamatory style with a basso continuo made up of a harpsichord, cello and violone providing one or two harmonies per bar. Usually no more than one or two select solo scenes or speeches leading to an aria or ensemble would be set in recitativo obbligato, where strings enhance the drama by providing expressive ritornellos and obbligato motivic commentary in vocal caesuras. To heighten the effect of solemn pronouncements, the strings might play sustained harmonies, a style known as accompagnato or accompanied recitative. Occasionally a composer provided recitative with a measured accompaniment in aria style. Jommelli, a commanding figure in opera seria at the middle of the century, was among the first to exploit the heightened dramatic intensity inherent in orchestral recitative. As early as the 1740s, before his foreign visits, he was transforming opera seria through the use of obbligato recitative and through the introduction of declamatory elements into the arias, the exploration of orchestral sonorities (including four-part textures) and the development of the crescendo and other dynamic contrasts.

Ensembles gradually became more frequent, often contributing to a decrease in the number of arias by replacing the last few scenes and arias of an act, where the characters were reflecting on the action, singing arias and leaving one at a time. The quartet in Act 1 of Galuppi's Artaserse for Vienna (1749) is an early example (Mozart may well have modelled his quartet in Idomeneo on it). In the 1760s only Jommelli in Stuttgart and Galuppi in Venice regularly concluded Act 1 and Act 2 with ensembles, a duet and a trio (occasionally a quartet). The predominantly French-inspired modifications in opera seria that Algarotti sought to promote were much more likely to be realized, as he noted, in the great authoritarian capitals – the court-sponsored theatres of Berlin, Dresden, Vienna, Paris and St Petersburg – than in the mainly civic enterprises of the Italian towns or London.

Efforts to escape from the rigidity of the Arcadian reform libretto began in 1755, with Jommelli and Verazi's French-inspired Enea nel Lazio and Pelope, for Stuttgart. They blurred the lines between recitative and aria (with obbligato recitative and the infusion of the aria with declamatory elements and action), circumvented the exit-aria convention with cavatinas and reintroduced long-banished spectacular elements. These works, based on mythological subject matter involving deities, superimpose supernatural appearances, machine spectacle, chorus and pantomime on an italianate format. In 1759 Traetta, in Parma, became involved in quite another approach, that of setting Italian translations by C.I. Frugoni of two reworked French operas by Rameau, as Ippolito ed Aricia and I tindaridi. This much-heralded breakthrough produced similar results: Italian aria opera on mythological subject matter with choruses, programmatic orchestral music and spectacle. In 1762 Traetta was invited to Mannheim for a collaboration with Verazi on Sofonisba. Here can be found the earliest of Verazi's efforts to challenge Italian formal and dramaturgical conventions: the tragic ending (Sophonisba dies after drinking from a poisoned cup) is a flagrant departure from the laws of verisimilitude; pantomime ballet invades the programmatic overture as well as the opera itself; extensive obbligato recitative and declamatory elements in the arias blur the normally stark demarcations between the two. Finally, Verazi invented for Traetta a trio of diminishing forces which, like the ending of an opera seria act, closes with a single character on stage.

In Vienna, as early as 1760, Hasse's festa teatrale Alcide al bivio showed French influence. Traetta was invited to Vienna in 1761 to write a short, French-inspired serious piece, Armida, which closely follows Quinault's libretto for Lully (1686). An azione teatrale in 20 scenes, it carries the divertissements for chorus, dance and pantomime found in the original. Gluck's celebrated Orfeo, a similar piece, followed in 1762. Spectacular elements as well as the suspension of the exit aria convention are not uncommon in the azione teatrale and do not constitute the same deviation from conventional practice that they would if appearing in a full-length opera seria. In 1763 Traetta wrote the first such opera for Vienna, on a text by Coltellini, Ifigenia in Tauride. The libretto is based on classical subject matter and focusses on a single action, but the work still largely adheres to the formal and musical conventions of opera seria. Its principal departures take the form of several scene complexes (single scenes encompassing a multiplicity of set pieces, usually cavatinas, choruses and dance, without the disruption of an exit aria), a duet with chorus and a duet for Iphigenia and her confidante. The French-inspired scene complex stands at odds with Italian practice, which dictated that exits must follow all ensembles and most arias, and that choruses and ensembles must be kept to a minimum. Furthermore, composers frequently set scene complexes in orchestrally accompanied recitative, whereas in Italian opera before 1790 orchestrally accompanied recitative was still invariably reserved for emotional solo scenes and seldom accompanied action. In Mannheim, Verazi responded with his own Ifigenia in Tauride libretto the following year. Here the emphasis is on spectacle – ship-wrecks, battles, gladiatorial games, magnificent ceremonies and processions. Formally, Verazi too builds great scene complexes; but most challenging to Italian formal tradition are the multiple ensembles – a quartet, two duets and two trios that slim down to duets and then solos. Majo responded with through-composed arias and ensembles, elaborate choruses and programmatic orchestral music. Gluck's Alceste had its première in Vienna in 1767, and in Stuttgart the next year Verazi and Jommelli produced their most radical collaboration, Fetonte. Here the multiple ensembles of diminishing personnel, the choruses, the great scene complexes and the first action finale in an opera seria cut the exit arias to less than half the usual number. As in Alceste, neither the exit aria nor the simple continuo-accompanied recitative has entirely disappeared, but the restoration of death and tragedy, chorus, ensemble and pantomime to the stage as well as the formal innovations look forward 20 years.

Gluck's unique contribution in Orfeo and the principal implications inherent in his reform efforts as they impinge on the history of opera seria lie in his attempts to erase the harsh lines of demarcation between action (recitative) and reflection (aria) and to create a musical and dramatic unity from diverse components of chorus, air, ballet, ensemble – a scene complex that encompasses the entire work. Secondly, he maintained a heightened dramatic intensity by confining the action to a single central argument taken from classical Greek sources. Calzabigi's libretto is sui generis: it is neither a translation of a French opera nor an Italian opera with French elements. There are no secondary characters, and there is no attempt to provide scenes with arias for the third-ranking ones (except for Ismene's sorbet aria at the beginning of Act 2). As a result the number of arias is greatly reduced, and various choruses step to the forefront, becoming characters in the drama and bringing the first and third acts to a close. The classical subject matter and the superimposed, divinely achieved happy ending betray its French origins even if the remnants of simple recitative and the occasional exit aria point to two of the strongest and most persistent Italian practices. The fluidity of its scene complexes and its great stretches of orchestrally accompanied recitative remain a bold challenge to formal and musical conventions in opera seria for the rest of the century.

4. 1770–1800.

About 1770 a stylistic break was apparent on several levels, one that condemned most of the mid-century composers to rapid oblivion. The last works of Hasse and Jommelli, composed for Italy in the early 1770s, were not particularly successful, and Galuppi wrote his last serious opera in 1772, 12 years before he died. Traetta spent most of his years after 1770 in St Petersburg. The major figures replacing them were Piccinni, Sarti, Sacchini, Anfossi, Salieri, Paisiello and Cimarosa, and among non-Italians J.G. Naumann, Haydn and Mozart. There was some overlapping of generations: Piccinni managed to modify his style and to stay active into the last decade of the century, including a successful sojourn in Paris, where he was placed in competition with Gluck. Near the end of his life he made yet a second transition to the new Venetian style in his Ercole al Termedonte (1793, Naples). These composers were melodists in a more modern style, using a greater variety of aria forms including a new popular favourite, the expressive Rondò (a two-tempo aria, slow–fast). Paisiello appears to have been a leading figure in the establishment of the new style. His broad, simple melodic lines and longer periods took centre stage, while accompaniment styles carried over entire sections with little change and seldom stepped out of the role of beat-keeping repeated notes or arpeggiation except to insert brief obbligato motif ‘comments’ during vocal caesuras. Orchestras had become larger, making the contrast between segments for full orchestra and the thin string accompaniments maintained during the vocal sections even greater than before. Great crescendos of thickening texture and quickening rhythmic motion combined with expansive displays of vocal fioritura to articulate major sections.

During the 1770s da capo and dal segno aria forms quickly disappeared in favour of various types of through-composed ternary, binary and rondo forms that shared characteristics with instrumental sonata and concerto forms. By the 1780s, most operas showed a combination of very long arias, some based on three strophes of poetry, with very short ones often based on only one. The climactic arias for the principal roles was usually a rondò. Only the newly fashionable minuet retained the da capo form. The number of arias per opera continued to decline, from about 15 during the 1780s to fewer than ten in the 1790s. The third act often had only one or two scenes and sometimes disappeared completely. Ensembles took the place of the solo scenes and arias at the ends of Acts 1 and 2. They no longer took the prevailing aria forms but were through-composed, usually with one or more tempo changes moving from slow to fast. During the 1780s, the final coro began to expand to include soloists. These as well as the ensemble finale gradually began to fluctuate in personnel and to incorporate action. After 1785, finales that function in the same way as those of comic opera appeared in opera seria in all the major musical centres. The extensive action finales in Paisiello's Pirro (De Gamerra; 1787) were neither the first (they had earlier appeared in operas to librettos by Verazi) nor the only ones of that year, though they were certainly new to the Italian operatic mainstream, as De Gamerra claimed in his preface. In the mid-1790s action ensembles moved to the interiors of acts when the scene complex became the preferred closing construction. During the 1780s scenes realized in obbligato recitative became more common and longer. They became quite elaborate, involving wind instruments, and combining obbligato commentary during vocal caesuras with accompagnato chords or tremolo during the vocal declamation, and occasionally moving into measured style or cavatina; often they were the ravings of a character insane with fear and dreadful imaginings. They remained introspective solo scenes for the principals until the late 1780s, when they began to encompass action.

Metastasio's librettos still provided a substantial proportion of the repertory, enduring the usual cuts in recitatives and arias, the substitution of new texts, the addition of a scene for the sorbet aria, the condensing of act endings into ensembles, the omission of choruses, and the combining of the second and third acts into one. As the number of arias shrank, the number of exits without aria increased, giving rise to many compound exits at the end of an aria and the practice of having the remaining character deliver a short speech before an aria-less exit. Among the steady supply of new librettos, a goodly number originated in French librettos and plays.

The 1780s were a decade of experimentation and innovation, but actual change in the make-up of the theatrical repertory came gradually, and most operas remained solidly based in traditional practices and precepts that harked back to the Arcadian reform. These did not truly begin to give way until the 1790s. Not surprisingly, among the most widely performed operas of the decade were settings of Medonte, to the innovatory librettist De Gamerra's most conservative libretto, and of Giovannini's Giulio Sabino, which was performed more widely and more frequently than any other opera seria setting in the history of the genre. Sarti's masterly settings of these librettos contributed greatly to their success. His Giulio Sabino (1781, Venice) shows how little mainstream opera seria had changed since the 1760s. Composers and librettists, when writing for the Italian public, continued to rely mainly on the aria and on principles originating in the Arcadian reform.

In 1778 Verazi was called back to Italy from Mannheim to produce four spectacle operas for the opening of La Scala, Milan. The goals of his drammi in azioni differ little from those of Calzabigi and Gluck in Alceste. His approach shares some of their means – spectacle, ballet, chorus and scene complexes connected by obbligato recitative – but the differences are pronounced. In Verazi's librettos the secondary characters and complex intrigues remain. Rather than attempt to re-create an aura of antique tragedy with a French-inspired deus ex machina to soften the unhappy ending, Verazi amplified the spectacular, the terrifying and the horrific and ignored the laws that proscribed death on stage and unhappy endings. The first of the new La Scala works, Salieri's L'Europa riconosciuta, inspired a storm of outraged protest. In the last two operas Verazi was forced to relinquish chorus and dance and to restore the exit aria without disruptive dramatic action. Apparently the Italians were willing to tolerate the multiple ensembles, the introductions and finales, and in Anfossi's Cleopatra the unhappy ending with two staged deaths. After 1785 these and other of his innovations gradually gained acceptance – single sex duets, arias and ensembles with interjections from others (pertichini) in solo, ensemble or chorus (possibly yet another borrowing from French opera), the integration of chorus and dance into the action, multiple scene complexes, and the abrogation of many of the rules pertaining to the hierarchy of singers, including a suspension of the exit-aria convention.

Verazi's innovations were not the only factors pushing Italian theatres towards change. Coltellini's French-inspired librettos received new settings for Italian theatres in the 1780s and Bertoni reset Calzabigi's Orfeo for Venice. Gluck's Alceste was performed without the usual revisions and substitutions, as an integral unit. Their multiple scene complexes, ballets and choruses remain anomalies until the 1790s, though the increasing attraction of the ‘merveilleux’ of French-style subjects was evident even in conservative Naples in such works as Cimarosa's Oreste (1783) and Paisiello's Fedra (1788). Turin, close neighbour to Stuttgart and Mannheim, borrowed the man- and nature-inspired spectacle but not the attendant dramaturgical innovations, a tendency observed throughout the repertory of the 1780s. Paisiello returned from St Petersburg to compose opere serie incorporating action ensemble finales (Pirro) and French spectacle (Fedra). He also brought a Metastasian text infused with scene complexes (Nitteti), which was quickly adopted by others. Marmontel's Les Incas offered the exotic Peruvian setting for Moretti's Idalide and Foppa's Alonso e Cora. Voltaire's tragedy Sémiramis, Noverre's bloodstained ballets and Alfieri's equally bloody tragedies impelled the Italians towards the restoration of tragedy and death to the stage.

Several composers working with innovatory librettists in the 1780s escaped the notice of contemporary critics and commentators. Bianchi, who became associated with Sertor, the earliest of the innovatory Venetian librettists, specialized in opera seria at a time when most composers were engaged in opera buffa. He was the first to set several of Sertor's librettos, among them the first of a number of ‘morte’ operas, La morte di Cesare (1788), a work also distinctive for the active role of the chorus as a participant in the drama. Bianchi's Alonso e Cora (1786), also a pioneering work, was the product of a collaboration with Foppa, another innovatory Venetian librettist probably ten years younger than Sertor. Here the extensive opening chorus, the many cavatinas of up to three strophes, and the scene complexes incorporating cavatinas, ensembles, chorus and dance that conclude Act 1 and Act 3 served to reduce the number of exit arias from about 14 or 15 to only 11. Angelo Tarchi worked with the innovatory Milanese librettist Moretti before the latter was called to St Petersburg. Their landmark opera Il conte di Saldagna (1787) treats a subject from medieval history in which the hero dies by design of an unrepentant ruler on stage during a celebration of his marriage. In applying French-inspired elements to plots based on human affairs rather than mythology, this opera and Bianchi's Alonso stepped beyond the innovators of the past and opened the door for Romantic opera of the 19th century. Prati's setting of Giovannini's libretto La vendetta di Nino (1786, Florence) contained the first staging of a parricide in more than a hundred years and initiated a vogue for ghost scenes.

Thus the way was paved for a group of Venetian librettists led by Sertor, Foppa and Sografi to break away from singer-dominated Arcadian reform dramaturgy and to begin providing operas with a rich variety of newly available dramatic and spectacular options. Their activities may account for the increase in the output of opera seria in the 1790s, especially in Venice where production nearly doubled. Choruses, ballet, introductions, finales, ensembles (including single-sex duets, trios and quartets), cavatinas and scene complexes reduced the number of arias to below ten. Arias, ensembles and obbligato recitatives increasingly carried the action. Arias often included interjections by other characters or incorporated chorus, and ensembles frequently fluctuated in personnel. Action ensembles began appearing within acts when divertimento-like scene complexes became the favoured act ending.

Divertimentos within the opera itself succeeded in absorbing the ballet, which as entr'actes had threatened to engulf the parent genre a decade earlier. Sografi led the way towards the development of an entirely new concept of operatic dramaturgy moving freely among textual options in such fluid constructions that by the mid-1790s most operas no longer fitted the traditional definition of opera seria. At the same time subject matter came increasingly from medieval European history, imparting a decidedly ‘modern’ aspect. The plot for Andreozzi's and Giordani's Ines de Castro (1793, Venice) was taken from medieval Portuguese history, and Trento's Bianca de' Rossi (1797, Venice) was a medieval Italian tragedy in which Bianca kills herself with her dead husband's falling tomb cover. There were even a few plots based on 18th-century history in locations far removed: Cook o sia gl'inglesi in Othaiti (anonymous, 1785, Naples) and Rossi's operas for Venice: Pietro il grande (1793) and Carolina e Mexicow (1798). These developments coincided with the social and political turmoil caused in Italy by the French Revolution, culminating in the French invasion of 1796 and engendering an egalitarian climate in which Arcadian idealism and the dramaturgy it spawned seemed increasingly obsolete. Under these conditions the most persistent of all the opera seria conventions – the exit aria and the hierarchy of singers – gave way, hastening the demise of ‘aria’ opera and its attendant excesses. In the newly established Italian republics, rulers were no longer free of vice nor immune to violent ends. In the conclusion of Nasolini's Merope (Zeno's libretto reworked by Botturini, 1796, Venice), the dead monarch, victim of his own son's treachery, lies unnoticed during the victory celebrations. At the same time the principal composers of the preceding period – Cimarosa, Sarti, Paisiello and Guglielmi – were replaced by a group of new composers, including Nasolini, Zingarelli, Mayr, Paer, Portugal and Generali.

1. Nature and development.

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Opera-torneo

(It.: ‘opera-tourney’).

A tournament with music in an operatic style, cultivated mainly in the 17th century at the ducal courts of northern Italy and in Paris, Vienna and Munich. SeeTourney.

Opera voor Vlaanderen.

Company created in 1981 by the merging of the Koninklijke Opera companies of Antwerp and Ghent.

Operetta

(It.: diminutive of ‘opera’; Fr. opérette; Ger. Operette; Sp. opereta).

A light opera with spoken dialogue, songs and dances. Emphasizing music rich in melody and based on 19th-century operatic styles, the form flourished during the second half of the 19th century and the first half of the 20th. During the 20th century it evolved into and was largely superseded by the Musical comedy. The term ‘operetta’ was originally applied in a more general way to describe works that were short, or otherwise less ambitious, derivatives of opera.

2. France.

3. Central Europe.

4. Britain and the USA.

5. The modern scene.

ANDREW LAMB

1. Nature and development.

As a specific artistic form, what we now regard as operetta evolved in Paris in the 1850s as an antidote to the increasingly serious and ambitious pretensions of the opéra comique and vaudeville. It was to fill this gap that various attempts were made to establish a home for short, lighthearted operatic-style works. The particular success of Jacques Offenbach and his company at the Théâtre des Bouffes-Parisiens, offering programmes of two or three satirical one-act sketches, was such that it led to the extension of the format into works of a whole evening’s duration and to the establishment of opéra bouffe as a separately identifiable form of full-length entertainment.

The success of Offenbach’s works was not confined to France, and their popularity in other countries led to the development of various national styles. It was with the evolution of the Operette in Vienna during the 1870s that the term first became applied to full-length works. When English-language works were produced, the terms customarily used were ‘comic opera’ or ‘comedy opera’; it is only in retrospect that the term ‘operetta’ has come to be applied to all national schools.

In Austria the importation of Johann Strauss into the theatre from the ballroom provided Viennese operetta with a composer to rival Offenbach. Strauss also provided the characteristic Austrian style – romantic rather than satirical and with a strong dependence on dance rhythms, especially the waltz. Meanwhile a counterpart had emerged in Spain with the revival of the Zarzuela, §3, at first owing much to that country’s Italian operatic traditions but later developing an essentially Spanish national style. The English-language counterpart, most notably the ‘comic operas’ of Gilbert and Sullivan, owed much to the British theatrical traditions of ballad opera and burlesque and even something to the Victorian choral tradition.

As a popular form of entertainment, the operetta reflected contemporary taste in the nature of its plots and moral attitudes as well as in topical references. As the predominant form of popular musical theatre of its time, it attracted composers, librettists, performers, managers, directors and designers. The importance of its dialogue made it even more dependent than opera upon a strong libretto. Some of its major successes involved recognized comic playwrights such as Henri Meilhac and Ludovic Halévy in France and W.S. Gilbert in Britain. Many of the most successful and enduring of 19th-century Viennese operettas also had librettos adapted from French originals, which again were often by Meilhac and Halévy. Specialist performers developed who could combine singing with acting (and perhaps dancing) ability. Although composers such as Bizet, Chabrier and Delibes tried their hand at operetta in its early years, the most successful were generally specialists in such lighter forms.

By the 1880s and 90s the expansion of the form from its one-act origins had brought it to a point where it occupied much the same position as the opéra comique of 40 or 50 years earlier. With the passing of many of the major practitioners of operetta and the periodic quest for change that typifies the popular musical theatre, elements of the contemporary variety theatre were increasingly incorporated in the 1890s, a trend that evolved particularly in London under the designation ‘musical comedy’ or ‘musical play’. Where previously the logical development of the story had been of particular importance, displays of female glamour, fashionable dress and elaborately staged routines assumed greater importance.

At least until World War I the operetta, along with the early musical comedies, retained much of its traditional grounding in 19th-century light operatic styles. Indeed it enjoyed a powerful renaissance as a new school of more sensuous Viennese operettas, exemplified by Franz Lehár’s Die lustige Witwe (1905), gave the genre its most glittering international success. Lehár himself continued to maintain high standards of musicianship, rooted in a European classical musical training, so that he could aspire to write for the opera house while Puccini (in La rondine) aimed to write operetta in the manner of Lehár.

Yet after World War I, and increasingly during the 1920s, the works of André Messager, Reynaldo Hahn and Lehár that conspicuously sought to maintain classical operetta standards were becoming the exceptions in a popular theatrical scene increasingly dominated by song-and-dance musical comedy based on American vaudeville and dance-band song styles, seeking relief from the escapist, Ruritanian operetta world of dukes and princesses. To all intents and purposes the era of the classical operetta ended before World War II, though in Europe the term has continued to be attached to works that evoke European traditions.

There remains no clearly defined and universally agreed dividing line between operetta and the musical, and different lines of demarcation are drawn depending upon nationality, individual taste and prejudice. Such works as South Pacific, My Fair Lady, West Side Story, Fiddler on the Roof and Sweeney Todd have been seen as a modern continuation of operetta (Bordman, 1981). However, for all the undoubted operetta characteristics to be found in them, they are more precisely musicals, and their structures, production techniques and audience appeal are significantly different from those of the classical operetta.

2. France.

Although it was not until the mid-1850s that what is now regarded as operetta began to emerge as a separately identifiable genre, works that would today be classified as such were already in existence. Adolphe Adam’s Le chalet (1834) and La poupée de Nuremberg (1852), Massé’s Les noces de Jeannette (1853) and Offenbach’s Pépito (1853) had scores far more operatic in form than the collections of songs provided for vaudevilles but were nonetheless lighter and more modest than the works increasingly being accepted by the Opéra-Comique.

Adam himself had opened an Opéra-National in 1847, though the venture proved short-lived. More successful was Hervé’s Théâtre des Folies-Nouvelles opened in 1854 as the Théâtre des Folies-Concertantes. However, it was with the opening of Offenbach’s Théâtre des Bouffes-Parisiens during the Paris Exhibition year of 1855 that these foundations were firmly built upon (see fig.1). The works of Offenbach’s repertory were initially little more than satirical sketches with just a few musical numbers. However, the improbable plots and the wit and sparkle of the productions, composed not always by Offenbach himself but also by such men as Adam, Emile Jonas and Delibes, made them the rage of Paris. Within a couple of years Offenbach was able to tour not only in France but abroad.

With a small theatre licensed initially for only three or four stage performers, Offenbach’s early opéras bouffes or opérettes remained for some time necessarily modest one-act pieces, satirical or farcical in tone, used musical scores of up to eight numbers (solos, duets, trios and quartets) and were accompanied by an orchestra of up to 16 players. The relaxation of restrictions on the number of stage performers permitted him, in 1858, to put on his first two-act opéra bouffe, the mythological satire Orphée aux enfers, which added enormously to his reputation at home and abroad and provided operetta with its first enduring masterpiece.

Although Offenbach continued to produce one-act works, the pattern for the future was set by the sequence of longer works that included, most particularly, La belle Hélène (1864), La vie parisienne (1866) and La Grande-Duchesse de Gérolstein (1867; fig.2). All had lighthearted and witty books by Meilhac and Halévy, satirizing the Paris of Napoleon III. They call for a full cast, chorus, orchestra of up to 30 musicians, and scores comprising some 20 to 30 musical numbers including fully developed opening numbers and finales. By the end of the 1860s the French opéra bouffe had grown into a fully fledged genre with characteristics that firmly distinguished it not only from contemporary vaudeville but also, in its satirical wit and popular appeal, from opéra comique.

After the civil war of 1869–70 and the demise of the Second Empire, Offenbach’s popularity began to wane. The French public came to prefer a more romantic form of entertainment and they found it in works by Charles Lecocq, Robert Planquette, Louis Varney and Edmond Audran. Grace and refinement allied to classical musical standards were brought to French operetta by Messager. His Véronique (1898), together with Louis Ganne’s rousing Les saltimbanques (1899), ensured that at the turn of the century French operetta could still be ranked as a worthy successor to the old opéra comique.

During the 20th century French operetta progressively lost ground in international terms to Anglo-American musical plays on the one hand and Viennese operetta on the other. Messager continued to uphold French musical standards, as did Reynaldo Hahn, another cultured musician who combined a more modern style with traditional opéra comique standards. Increasingly, however, French operetta could be typified by works that owed more to the French music-hall chanson than to operatic traditions. Since World War II the name of operetta has been kept alive by the opérette à grand spectacle exemplified by a series of works by Francis Lopez that began with La belle de Cadix (1945); these retain the operetta’s taste for escapist stories, exotic locations, spectacle and effects, but have little substantial contact with the operatic format of the classical operetta.

3. Central Europe.

During the late 1850s Viennese theatres began staging Offenbach’s opéras bouffes, at times in pirated versions, but often under the composer’s own direction. These in turn inspired one-act comic and satirical operettas in similar style from locally active composers, of whom the most notable was Franz Suppé.

Offenbach’s virtual monopoly of larger-scale productions remained unchallenged in Vienna until Johann Strauss (ii) was recruited from the dance hall. Strauss introduced the distinctively Viennese operetta style, with more exotic settings, romantic rather than satirical stories, and scores built around dance forms, especially the waltz. His Die Fledermaus (1874), based on a play by Meilhac and Halévy, became the most widely celebrated of all operettas, though he lacked the greater theatrical flair displayed in works such as Suppé’s Boccaccio (1879) and Carl Millöcker’s Der Bettelstudent (1882).

Thereafter Strauss demonstrated ambitions to move towards full-scale opera, most notably in Der Zigeunerbaron (1885). The major operetta successes of the 1890s came from composers who favoured a more relaxed, more charming and insinuating style, especially Carl Zeller and Richard Heuberger. In the early 20th century the classical operetta found a new lease of life when Lehár perfected his technically assured, sensuous musical style in Die lustige Witwe. It achieved the most wide-ranging contemporary success of any operetta and was followed by a string of internationally successful works, by Lehár himself, Oscar Straus and Leo Fall.

Before World War I temporarily restricted the international currency of Viennese operetta, these three composers had been joined in the forefront of the Viennese school by Emmerich Kálmán, who fused the Viennese waltz style with an intensely rhythmic Hungarian sound. Kálmán’s contribution highlighted an extension of operetta’s field of play, for he had begun his career in a burgeoning Hungarian school of operetta. The taste for Lehár also struck an especial chord in Italy, later inspiring native Italian works such as Virgilio Ranzato’s I paesi dei campanelli (1923).

However, shifts in the political and popular musical balance had moved the centre of German operetta to Berlin, and it was with works such as Paul Lincke’s one-act ‘spectacular burlesque-fantasy operetta’ Frau Luna (1899) that a recognizably different Berlin school of operetta emerged. Later, the considerable international success of Eduard Künneke’s Der Vetter aus Dingsda (1921) helped to consolidate the shift of the centre of German-language operetta production to Berlin, which saw the premières of works of Viennese composers, such as Fall’s Madame Pompadour (1922) and Lehár’s Das Land des Lächelns (1929), with the tenor Richard Tauber. By now the German operetta formula provided less for an integrated set of characters than a series of operatic-style solos and duets for the leading soprano and tenor, interspersed with comic duets for a buffo and soubrette and supported by choral contribution. Moreover, in Lehár’s works the often zany plots of 50 or 60 years earlier were now replaced by stories with unhappy endings.

Signs of the terminal decline of the classical operetta could now be found not only in the raiding of melodies by the classical masters for ‘new’ works, but also in works such as Paul Abraham’s Viktoria und ihr Husar and Ralph Benatzky’s Im weissen Rössl (both 1930) that sought to combine the traditional romance of operetta with modern stories and dance styles.

4. Britain and the USA.

In London, too, English versions of Offenbach’s opéras bouffes began to appear during the 1860s, and it was directly under the influence of Offenbach’s Les deux aveugles (1855) that Arthur Sullivan composed Cox and Box (1866). The series of works on which Sullivan collaborated with W.S. Gilbert between 1871 and 1896 (including HMS Pinafore, 1878; fig.3) swept the stages of the English-speaking world, though success in translation was limited by the distinctively British nature of both humour and music. Other British examples came from Frederic Clay, Alfred Cellier, Edward Solomon and Edward Jakobowski.

It was especially in London, during the 1890s, that a trend emerged that was to have fundamental significance for the development of operetta and the popular musical theatre. At a time when imported French operettas and the native comic operas of Gilbert and Sullivan were losing their immediate appeal, the London public took readily to the style of show loosely termed ‘musical comedy’ or ‘musical play’. Sidney Jones’s The Geisha (1896) retained much of the comic opera tradition of Sullivan and proved a phenomenal contemporary success not only throughout the British Empire but around the world, receiving more performances in Germany than any contemporary native work. Other shows, however, were concerned less with the integrity of the libretto than with a more immediate appeal, with an emphasis on contemporary fashion, glamorous male and female chorus lines, catchy interpolated numbers, and specially staged song-and-dance numbers.

Sullivan’s acknowledged comic opera successor was Edward German, with Merrie England (1902) and Tom Jones (1907). In commercial terms, however, it was the Edwardian ‘musical plays’ that captured the public fancy with their light songs and dances, elaborate chorus routines and fashionable dress. Through them the British musical theatre product was, for a few years at the beginning of the century, the most readily exported school of operetta.

The Edwardian musical play reached its zenith in such works as Paul Rubens’s Miss Hook of Holland (1907), Monckton and Howard Talbot’s The Arcadians (1909) and Lionel Monckton’s The Quaker Girl (1910). Thereafter the genre faded rapidly in favour of, first, the Viennese operettas of Lehár, Strauss and Fall, and then ragtime-inspired revue and song-and-dance musical comedy from America. Only in the special conditions of wartime did the glamorous Edwardian-style musical show enjoy a brief revival of fortune, in The Maid of the Mountains (1916), with a score by Harold Fraser-Simson and additional numbers by James W. Tate, and the ‘spectacular musical tale of the east’ Chu Chin Chow (1916), with music by Frederic Norton.

During the 19th century, European works had been readily welcomed in the USA, where a significant body of native works had also begun to emerge in the 1890s. Among those that owed allegiance to the example of Gilbert and Sullivan were Reginald De Koven’s Robin Hood (1891) and John Philip Sousa’s El capitan (1895), while Victor Herbert’s The Fortune Teller (1898) and Gustave Kerker’s The Belle of New York (1897) followed the trend towards melodically more ingratiating works.

British taste embraced American musical comedy during the 1920s, but the lingering taste for works in the older European operetta traditions was still catered for in the USA by works such as Sigmund Romberg’s The Student Prince (1924) and Rudolf Friml and Herbert Stothart’s Rose-Marie (1924), and in Britain by Noël Coward’s Bitter Sweet (1929) and Ivor Novello’s The Dancing Years (1939).

5. The modern scene.

Today operetta is scarcely to be found in the commercial theatre and, apart from a few works that have been accepted into the operatic repertory, it has become increasingly of interest to a specialist audience.

The revival of classic operettas raises difficult questions. For popular consumption, librettos are deemed to need modernizing to remove references unintelligible to a present-day audience, but for a more intellectual audience, those dated contemporary references constitute much of the essence of a work. Absorption of operetta into operatic repertories also raises other questions of style, since operetta performance requires a range of talents not to be found in the typical opera performer, including an ability to put across words in both song and dialogue and to scale down the grand-opera style of projection.

Fidelity to the original has been affected by other factors, notably the desire of opera singers for vocal challenge and greater vocal contrasts, which has influenced the public conception of the voices for which roles were conceived. By pushing up a voice trained in a lower register, a more brilliant effect can be achieved than would be the case with music written for a more restricted voice range. This has led to the taste for giving soubrette roles to a mezzo-soprano or tenor buffo roles to a baritone.

If striking a balance between authenticity and tradition thus poses particular problems, operetta nevertheless continues to enjoy its small specialist niche. In Germany, Austria and other central European countries, classic operettas continue to be staged professionally as lighter fare in the repertory of subsidized opera companies. The Volksoper in Vienna remains above all as the standard-bearer of the Viennese operetta tradition, with a repertory of operettas supplemented by the lighter operatic fare. Operetta productions at summer festivals in spa towns help to perpetuate the tradition. Likewise, in France, productions of classical French and foreign works enjoy weekend productions in major towns, as well as in the summer festival at the spa town of Lamalou-les-Bains.

That a substantially different situation has developed in English-speaking countries is due to two particular factors. The first is the overwhelming success of the Savoy operas, which have long eclipsed other works from before World War I. Works such as Monckton’s The Arcadians and The Quaker Girl at least enjoy occasional amateur productions, but Jones’s The Geisha, despite surviving into modern times in the operetta repertory in continental countries, has virtually disappeared from the British scene. The second factor is the growth of a strong native-language successor in the form of the American musical, which has largely superseded earlier traditions. The D’Oyly Carte Opera Company, for so long able to tour continuously with an unrelieved diet of Gilbert and Sullivan, finally expired from a static repertory, declining audiences and increased costs.

Increasingly, then, the international survival of the major operettas has been achieved through their establishing a place in the repertory of opera companies – a tradition that dates back to the production of Die Fledermaus under Mahler at Hamburg in 1894. In Britain a rediscovery effort was made during the 1960s by Sadler’s Wells Opera, beyond which the most significant revival of classical operettas in London has been by student companies and by the privately financed John Lewis Music Society, whose operetta productions have covered Chabrier, Lecocq, Messager, Planquette, Suppé and Millöcker. In the USA, similarly, productions of Herbert, Lehár and Romberg at the New York City Opera have been more liberally supplemented by revivals of Sousa, Lecocq, Offenbach, Kálmán and Johann Strauss at festivals at Wooster, Ohio, and elsewhere.

2. Early oratorio in Italy: Anerio's ‘Teatro’.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

GänzlBMT

GänzlEMT

StiegerO

J. Scholtze: Vollständiger Operettenführer (Berlin, 1906, 2/1912)

C. Preiss: Beiträge zur Geschichte der Operette (n.p., 1908)

L. Melitz: Führer durch die Operetten (Berlin, 1911, rev. 2/1933 by R. Kastner)

E. Rieger: Offenbach und seine Wiener Schule (Vienna, 1920)

E. Rieger: Die gute alte Zeit der Wiener Operette (Vienna, 1921)

A. Orel: ‘Wiener Tanzmusik und Operette’, AdlerHM

J. Brindejont-Offenbach: ‘Cinquante ans de l’opérette française’, Cinquante ans de musique française de 1874 à 1925, ed. L. Rohozinski (Paris, 1925), i, 199–232

O. Keller: Die Operette in ihrer geschichtlichen Entwicklung (Leipzig, 1926)

M.S. Mackinlay: The Origin and Development of Light Opera (London, 1927)

K. Westermeyer: Die Operette im Wandel des Zeitgeistes (Munich, 1931)

C. Altmann: Der französische Einfluss auf die Textbücher der klassischen Wiener Operette (diss., U. of Vienna, 1935)

R. Hahn and others: ‘Histoire de l’opérette française au XIXe siècle’, Le théâtre lyrique en France depuis les origines jusqu’à nos jours, ii (Paris, 1936–7), 265–325

W. Mnilk: Reclams Operettenführer (Leipzig, 1937, rev. 4/1951 by A. Würz, 21/1994)

S. Czech: Das Operettenbuch (Dresden, 1938, 4/1960)

F. Hadamowsky and H. Otte: Die Wiener Operette (Vienna, 1947)

A.M. Rabenalt: ‘Operette als Aufgabe’ vom sein im Schein (Berlin, 1950)

R. Holzer: Die Wiener Vorstadtbühnen: Alexander Girardi und das Theater an der Wien (Vienna,1951)

A. Bauer: 150 Jahre Theater an der Wien (Zürich, 1952)

A. Bauer: Opern und Operetten in Wien (Graz, 1955)

H. Kaubisch: Operette (Berlin, 1955)

P.E. Markus: Und der Himmel hängt voller Geigen (Berlin, 1955)

O. Schneidereit: Operettenbuch (Berlin, 1955, 10/1964)

H. Steger and K. Howe: Operettenführer (Frankfurt, 1958)

G.S. Gál and V. Somogyi: Operettek könyve (Budapest, 1959)

B. Grun: Kulturgeschichte der Operette (Munich, 1961, 2/1967)

O. Schumann: Ich weiss mehr über die Operette und das Musical (Stuttgart, 1961)

J. Bruyr: L’opérette (Paris, 1962, 2/1974)

D. Ewen: The Book of European Light Opera (New York, 1962/R)

G. Hughes: Composers of Operetta (London, 1962/R)

M. Lubbock and D. Ewen: The Complete Book of Light Opera (London, 1962)

O. Schneidereit: Operette von Abraham bis Ziehrer (Berlin, 1966, 12/1983 by H.-P. Müller)

O. Schneidereit: Berlin wie es weint und lacht: Spaziergänge durch Berlins Operetten-geschichte (Berlin, 1968)

A. Witeschnik: Dort wird champagnisiert; oder, Vom ruinösen Charme der Operette: Anekdoten und Geschichten zur Geschichte der Operette (Vienna, 1971, 2/1980)

F. Bruyas: Histoire de l’opérette en France, 1855–1965 (Lyons, 1974)

G. Bordman: American Musical Theatre: a Chronicle (New York, 1978, 2/1992)

A. Hyman: Sullivan and his Satellites: a Study of English Operettas, 1860–1914 (London, 1978)

J. Harding: Folies de Paris: the Rise and Fall of French Operetta (London, 1979)

V. Klotz: Bürgerliches Lachtheater (Munich, 1980, 2/1987)

G. Bordman: American Operetta from ‘HMS Pinafore’ to ‘Sweeney Todd’ (New York, 1981)

C. Dufresne: Histoire de l’opérette (Paris, 1981)

R. Traubner: Operetta: a Theatrical History (New York, 1983)

L. Garinei and M. Giovannini: Quarant’anni di teatro musicale all’italiana (Milan, 1985)

E. Oppicelli: L’operetta da Hervé al musical (Genoa, 1985)

D. Zöchling: Operette: Meisterwerke der leichten Muse (Brunswick, 1985)

K. Gänzl and A. Lamb: Gänzl’s Book of the Musical Theatre (London, 1988)

A. Jacobs: ‘Wooster: Operetta Restored’, Opera (1989), festival issue, 123–5

V. Klotz: Operette: Porträt und Handbuch einer unerhörten Kunst (Munich, 1991)

A. Lamb, ed.: Light Music from Austria: Writings and Reminiscences of Max Schönherr (New York, 1992)

Ophibariton

(Fr.).

See Russian bassoon.

Ophicleide

(Fr. ophicléide, basse d’harmonie, contrebasse d’harmonie; Ger. Ophikleide; It. oficleide).

A keyed brasswind instrument, the bass member of the family whose soprano is the keyed bugle (it is classified as an Aerophone: trumpet). It was patented by the French maker Halary (Jean Hilaire Asté) in 1821. The word ‘ophicleide’ was compounded from the Greek ‘ophis’ (a serpent) and ‘kleis’ (a cover or stopper); however, the ophicleide differs from the Serpent, even from those late types in which direct fingering was abandoned and all toneholes were covered by keys. ‘Ophicléide’ was the name given by Halary to the largest of the family of instruments covered by his patent, but it has come to be used for other sizes. The name was later extended to other instruments of like tessitura and use: some early valved basses were known as ‘valved ophicleide’, ‘ophicléide à piston’ or ‘Ventilophilsleide’ (see below). The tone of the instrument is full and resonant, having some of the characteristics of both the saxophone (which developed from it) and the euphonium (which replaced it). The derogatory comments of some musical historians of an earlier generation were seen to be unjustified at the end of the 20th century, when playing of a high standard could again be heard. Composers such as Berlioz, Mendelssohn, Schumann, Verdi and Wagner wrote important parts for it; its characteristic tone in their works is rarely well replaced by the modern orchestral tuba.

Ophicleide is also the name of an Organ stop.

1. Description.

The bore of the ophicleide, apart from the final bell flare, is close to the frustum of a cone, and large for an instrument of its length. The bass in 8' C has a sounding length of 2·47 metres. The tube is bent in the form of a U, the limbs being only about 1·25 cm apart. The narrower limb terminates about 30 cm short of the bell rim with a cylindrical socket into which the crook fits. The crook, usually either circular or oval, receives at its narrow end the mouthpiece, which stands approximately at right angles to the main tubing. The oval form of crook, typical of later ophicleides, usually incorporates a tuning-slide. The mouthpiece is similar to that of a bass trombone, though individual players have preferred different designs. Some ophicleides have been built of wood, either leather-covered like serpents (the British ‘serpentcleide’) or highly polished, but most are of brass.

Ophicleides have been built with nine to 12 keys, 11 being by far the commonest number. The nearest to the bell stands open at rest and is closed to sound the lowest note; all the others stand closed. The tone holes are wider than the serpent’s. The touchpieces controlling the keys are in two groups, arranged to be played with the left hand above the right, as with the bassoon. In early ophicleides the key-heads were flat discs, faced with leather, which closed down on short chimneys surrounding the holes; later instruments had cupped key-heads with stuffed pads. With all the keys unoperated, the bass ophicleide in C can sound the lowest eight or so natural notes of a conical tube with the fundamental 8' C, that is C, c, g, c', e', g', b', c'' (that is, the first eight or so pitches of the harmonic series). Closing the lowest key lowers the series by a semitone; on an 11-key instrument the keys provide the player with 12 effective tube lengths whose fundamental notes are a semitone apart, giving a fully chromatic compass of three octaves or so. For notes above f duplicate fingerings are possible since their frequencies occur among the harmonics of more than one series. Some notes require, and many notes are improved by, ‘venting’, i.e. operating one or more keys nearer to the bell than the principal key for that note. Some later instruments have overlapping touchpieces to facilitate this. The choice of fingering and venting is not standardized and instruction books differ. Fingering chart from A. Héral’s Méthode pour neuf, dix et onze clés (Paris, n.d.), indicates the commonest fingerings (keys 3 and 5 are for the thumbs and are not visible in the plate). The nine-key ophicleide requires the simultaneous operating of adjacent keys for two notes in the bottom octave, but gives each finger only one key to control (L4 is never used).

While the ophicleide undoubtedly surpasses the upright serpent and the bass horn in power and clarity, it does have defects. As with other keyed brasswind instruments, notes requiring the opening of keys remote from the bell are generally poorer and weaker than others. Even when the fundamentals (pedal notes) are naturally well in tune, overblown notes with the same fingerings are not always so. A skilled player can minimize the tonal discrepancies and play in tune by judicious fingering and lipping. The instrument’s power, though impressive when it first appeared, is no match for modern orchestral brass.

The ophicleide has been built in a number of sizes. The best-known instruction book, the Méthode complète d’ophicléïde (Paris, n.d.) of V. Caussinus and F. Berr, mentions no fewer than six: altos in F or E, basses in C or B and contrabasses in F or E. Basses have been by far the most common, and the C more common than the B. A contralto in A is also known (an example is in the Musée de la Musique, Paris).

The alto ophicleides, originally called ‘quinticlaves’ by Halary, were not used in the orchestra, and in bands they were soon replaced by valved instruments such as the clavicor. Contrabass ophicleides (known as ‘monster ophicleides’) were pitched in 12' F or 13' E.

2. History.

The ophicleide may owe its origin to some form of upright serpent. A more plausible, though still unsubstantiated, story is that while reviewing allied troops after Waterloo the Grand Duke Konstantin of Russia was so impressed by the playing of John Distin, solo keyed bugle in the Grenadier Guards Band, that he requested a copy of Distin’s instrument. Distin complied by taking his bugle to Halary in Paris to be copied. In 1817 Halary submitted to the Institut de France, the Académie Royale des Beaux Arts and the Athénée des Arts three instruments which he called, respectively: ‘clavitube’ (a normal keyed bugle despite his description of it as ‘trompette à clef’); ‘quinticlave’ (an alto ophicleide built in upright form); and ‘ophicléide’ (the bass instrument known today). These were patented in 1821, with a supplementary coverage for three additional keys on the ophicleide in 1822. The nine-key ophicleide of 1821, however, seems to have been the basis of future work. A number of design modifications were proposed and patented by various makers in France and Britain (where the instrument was most used) but none found widespread acceptance apart from the cupped key-heads mentioned above and the use of pillar, rod and axle key-mounts rather than saddles. For example, by 1861 Gautrot aîné (the most prolific maker of ophicleides) had introduced a model with six keys and one valve, but few seem to have been made. Two unpatented improvements were the 12th key (for G, which eliminated some slurring problems) and the large vent hole near the bell associated with the English virtuoso, Samuel Hughes (1825–c1895).

There were a number of celebrated ophicleide soloists, although by far the most widespread use of the instrument was as the bass in bands, with occasional solos extending in to the tenor range. V. Caussinus was the only ophicleidist of whom Berlioz spoke highly. William Ponder (d 1841) introduced the contrabass ophicleide to Britain at the 1834 Birmingham Festival. Prospère (Jean Prospère Guivier) performed, also on the contrabass, at music festivals and in Jullien’s promenade concerts, also accompanying the latter on his tour of the USA. Hughes was able to make a career as an ophicleide soloist, playing in the principal orchestras, for the Royal Italian Opera, Covent Garden, for the professional Cyfarthfa brass band, and as a professor at Kneller Hall and the Guildhall School of Music (the latter appointment in 1888 probably merely titular).

The ophicleide was very widely used in France, in both bands and orchestras; after about 1870 it ceased to be scored for by composers, but its replacement by valved instruments such as bass and contrabass saxhorns it was more protracted. In Britain it was in use by the late 1820s, but in the leading brass bands it was being rapidly replaced by valved instruments by 1860 – the best ophicleidists were presented with euphoniums as contest prizes. In other European countries it was less used, but is reported to have survived in Spanish churches and remote Italian village bands into the 20th century.

3. The valved ophicleide.

By 1836 Guichard had brought out a valved ophicleide, preserving the shape and general bore profile of the keyed ophicleide but with three valves – virtually a primitive tuba. Three valves do not provide a complete octave of fundamentals, however, and give intonation problems when the valves are used in combination. The French orchestral tuba in 8' C overcame these defects by the use of five or six valves (see Tuba). Subsequent models of valved ophicleide such as those of Uhlmann (Vienna, 1839) preserved the familiar overall shape of the ophicleide but employed a tube length of 12' F (which gives the complete chromatic compass from B' upwards of the C ophicleide) or longer. There is no clear distinction between these instruments and bombardons or narrow-bore tubas.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

tutors for the ophicleide

V. Caussinus: Solfège-Méthode pour ophicléïde-basse (Paris, c1840)

J.G. Kastner: Méthode élémentaire pour l'ophicléïde (Paris, c1840)

F. Berr and V. Caussinus: Méthode complète d'ophicléïde (Paris, c1845)

V. Cornette: Méthode d'ophicléïde (Paris, c1845)

T. Garnier: Méthode élémentaire et facile d'ophicléïde à pistons ou à cylindres (Paris, c1845)

Steiger: Méthode élémentaire et graduée d'ophicléïde (Paris, c1845)

Chromatic Scale for Ophicleide (London, c1845)

H. Schiltz: Tutor for the Ophicleide (London, 1853)

A. Héral: Méthode d'ophicléïde, contentant les principes de musique, ceux de l'instrument, les gammes, 24 leçons, 12 duos (Lyons, n.d.)

Méthode pour ophicléïde, à neuf, dix et onze clés (Paris, n.d.)

other

F. Gevaert: Traité général d’instrumentation (Ghent, 1863)

G. Chouquet: Le Musée du Conservatoire national de musique (Paris, 1875)

C. Pierre: Les facteurs d’instruments de musique: les luthiers et la facture instrumentale: Précis historique (Paris, 1893/R)

A. Carse: Musical Wind Instruments (London, 1939/R)

A. Carse: The Orchestra from Beethoven to Berlioz (Cambridge, 1948/R)

A. Baines: Brass Instruments, their History and Development (London, 1976/R)

C. Bevan: The Tuba Family (London, 1978)

S.J. Weston: ‘Improvements to the Nine-keyed Ophicleide’, GSJ, xxxvi (1983), 109–14

S. Weston: The Ophicleide: its Background, Invention and Development (MPhil thesis, U. of Leicester, 1984)

S. Weston: ‘Turton's Ophicleide’, GSJ, xxxvii (1984), 116–17

S.J. Weston: Samuel Hughes, Ophicleidist (Edinburgh, 1986)

H. Heyde: Das Ventilblasinstrument: seine Entwickling im deutschsprachigen Raum von den Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart (Leipzig, 1987)

S. Weston: ‘Ophicleide Crooks’, GSJ, xlii (1989), 130–34

J. Webb: ‘Ophicleide Crooks’, GSJ, xliv (1991), 157 only

B. Kenyon de Pascual: ‘The Ophicleide in Spain’, HBSJ, vii (1995), 142–5

REGINALD MORLEY-PEGGE/PHILIP BATE, STEPHEN WESTON/ARNOLD MYERS

Opie, Alan (John)

(b Redruth, Cornwall, 22 March 1945). English baritone. He studied at the GSM and the London Opera Centre, where he sang Gianni Schicchi. He made his début in 1969 as Papageno with Sadler's Wells Opera in Liverpool, then sang Rochefort (Anna Bolena) in Santa Fe (1970), Sid (Albert Herring) at Wexford (1971) and Demetrius for the English Opera Group (1972). Since joining the ENO in 1973, he has sung a wide variety of roles, ranging from Rossini's Figaro and Dandini, Guglielmo and Valentin, to Balstrode, Junius (Rape of Lucretia), Cecil (Gloriana) and Oblonsky in the première of Hamilton's Anna Karenina (1981). He made his Covent Garden début in 1971 as an Officer (Barbiere), returning for Ping, Hector (King Priam), Mangus (The Knot Garden), Dr Falke, Paolo (Simon Boccanegra) and Faninal. Opie has sung Sid, Mozart's Figaro, Balstrode, the Traveller (Death in Venice) and Don Alfonso at Glyndebourne, Baron de Gondremarck (La vie parisienne) and Robert Storch (Intermezzo) for Scottish Opera, and Diomede (Troilus and Cressida) and Miller (Luisa Miller) for Opera North. He has also appeared in Paris, Chicago, Cologne, Amsterdam and Munich, and made his Metropolitan début as Balstrode in 1994. A charismatic actor with a strong, vibrant voice and vivid diction, he scored a major success as Beckmesser with the ENO (1984) and at Bayreuth (1987), and has recorded the role with Solti. Notable among his other recordings are Rossini's Figaro, Diomede, Smirnov (The Bear) and several of his Britten roles.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

A. Blyth: ‘Alan Opie’, Opera, xlii (1991), 150–56

ELIZABETH FORBES

Opieński, Henryk

(b Kraków, 13 Jan 1870; d Morges, nr Lausanne, 21 Jan 1942). Polish composer, conductor and musicologist. He studied in Kraków with Żeleński and in Prague with Lachner for the violin. In Paris he was a pupil of Paderewski (piano) and of d’Indy at the Schola Cantorum. He took lessons with Heinrich Urban in Berlin and completed his education in Leipzig (1904–6) with Nikisch (conducting) and Riemann (musicology). In 1908 he was appointed conductor of the Warsaw Opera and in 1911 he founded the first Polish musicological periodical, Kwartalnik muzyczny. He lived in Switzerland between 1914 and 1919, organizing concerts, lecturing on Polish music and founding in Lausanne the vocal ensemble Motet et Madrigal. From 1920 to 1926 he directed the Poznań Academy of Music, and in 1923 he became editor of the Przegląd muzyczny. Returning to Switzerland in 1926 to settle in Morges, he was chairman of the Société Vaudoise de Musique (1932–6). Opieński's music was influenced by d’Indy and by French grand opera; his use of Polish folklore was shaped by the Moniuszko tradition. His music has little individuality, but the symphonic poems, the Thème varié for piano and some of the songs are brilliant and well crafted. (PSB, M. Perkowska; SMP, J. Prosnak)

WORKS

(selective list)

Ops: Maria (3, Opieński, after A. Malczewski), 1903–4, Poznań, 27 April 1923; Jakub lutnista (2, Opieński), 1916–18, Poznań, 21 Dec 1927 (Warsaw, 1926)

Inst: Scènes lyriques en forme de quatuor, op.10, str qt; Lilla Weneda, sym. poem, op.12, 1908; Thème varié, op.11, pf (Berlin and Warsaw, 1910); Zygmunt August i Barbara, sym. poem, op.13, 1912 (Warsaw, 1930); Medytacje na temat kaszubski [Meditation on a Kashubian Theme], orch

Vocal: Veni creator, chorus, orch, 1907; Kantata na cześć Mickièwicza [Cantata in Homage to Mickiewicz], chorus, orch, 1908; L’enfant prodigue, solo vv, chorus, orch, perf. 1930; unacc. choral works; solo songs

WRITINGS

La musique polonaise (Paris, 1918)

Stanisław Moniuszko (Lwów and Poznań, 1924)

Chopin (Lwów, 1925)

I.J. Paderewski (Warsaw, 1928)

ed.: Chopin's Letters (New York, 1931/R; Pol. orig., 1937)

TERESA CHYLIŃSKA

Opilionis, Othmar

(fl c1440–50). ?Polish composer. He and his brother matriculated at the University of Kraków in 1441 as members of the household chapel of the Bishop of Kraków and as being from Jawor. His only extant composition is a textless song which was copied into I-TRmd 93 (no.1831) by about 1450 with the ascription ‘Othmari opilionis’; it is very much in the style of a French rondeau from about 1440, with imitation at the octave. (For further discussion see StrohmR.)

DAVID FALLOWS

Opitiis, Benedictus de

(b c1476; d Aug/Sept 1524). ?German organist and composer. Early scholarship confused him with Benedictus Ducis and Benedictus Appenzeller (see Bartha). According to Jan de Gheet’s sumptuously illustrated Lofzangen ter ere van Keizer Maximiliaan en zijn kleinzoon Karel den Vijfden (Antwerp, 1515/R), he was the son of ‘Petrus de Opicijs montiferatensis, maiestatis Caesarie familiaris domesticus et negotiorum gestorum’, suggesting that Petrus, possibly from the village of Kopitz near Eisenberg (Montiferata) near the German–Czech border, was in the employ of Emperor Maximilian I.

In 1492, while in Strasbourg with the Emperor, Petrus’s youngest son, then 16, was cited as a remarkable organist. In 1505 the family was in Antwerp, and by 1513 Benedictus had secured a post as organist for the wealthy Marian confraternity of the church of Our Lady; there he worked with the organist Jacob van Doirne. In 1515 he held the title of Prince of the St Luke guild of artisans, and in that capacity headed the rhetoricians’ chamber known as the Gillyflower (Violieren) which was linked to the guild. In February of that year the guild won the highest prize for their participation during the grand entry into Antwerp of Archduke Charles, the occasion documented in de Gheet’s Lofzangen. In February 1516 the Antwerp church archives note Opitiis’s long service and his departure for England.

In July 1516 ‘Benet de Opitiis, player at organ’ was appointed to serve Henry VIII, and in 1518 he purchased a regal for the royal court. He joined the London church musicians’ guild of St Nicholas in 1520, and from 1519 until 1521 held a licence to export beer and wine from England to the Continent. He may have been the English organist who performed along with Jean Mouton in June 1520, when Henry VIII and François I met at the Field of Cloth of Gold, and it is equally possible that he took part in the July 1520 festivities at Calais for Henry VIII and Charles V. Opitiis's will was proved on 16 September 1524.

Opitiis’s two surviving works, the four-voice Marian motets Sub tuum praesidium and Summae laudis, O Maria, were published in de Gheet’s Lofzangen, which was the earliest polyphonic print issued in the Low Countries, with elegant woodcut music in choirbook format. The print suggests that the works date from 1508, before the deliberations leading to the League of Cambrai. They may have been written for the imminent Roman coronation, or for the visit to Antwerp in September 1508 of the Emperor Maximilian and his grandson Charles, on which occasion Charles was declared margrave of the Holy Roman Empire. Summae laudis makes reference to Maximilian and also to the recent discovery of a new trade route to the Indies via the Cape; the work may be modelled on Isaac’s Virgo prudentissima, which has a similar text and was also written about 1507–8. Sub tuum praesidium appears also in a manuscript of 1516 prepared for Catherine of Aragon and Henry VIII (GB-Lbl Royal 11.E.xi). Although criticized by Dunning, the two motets, structured with paired imitation, reflect the work of an adequate composer of the Josquin-Isaac era.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BDECM

MGG1

W.B. Squire: ‘Who was Benedictus?’, SIMG, xiii (1911–12), 264–71

F. Spitta: ‘Benedictus Ducis’, Monatsschrift für Gottesdienst und kirchliche Kunst, xvii (1912), 1–14

C. van den Borren: Les musiciens belges en Angleterre à l'époque de la Renaissance (Brussels, 1913)

K. Huber: ‘Die Doppelmeister des 16. Jahrhunderts; eine methodologische Skizze’, Festschrift zum 50. Geburtstag Adolf Sandberger (Munich, 1918), 170–88

C. van den Borren: ‘Benedictus de Opitiis en twee zijner onlangs verschenen werken’, Musica sacra, xxxiv (1927), 150–62

P. Verheyden: ‘De drukker en de componist van het Maximiliaan-boek (1515)’, Antwerpsch Archievenblad, 2de reeks, iii (1928), 268–82

D. Bartha: Benedictus Ducis und Appenzeller (Wolfenbüttel, 1930)

H. Baillie: ‘Les musiciens d’Henri VIII au Camp du Drap d’Or’, Les fêtes de la renaissance, ii: Fêtes et cérémonies au temps de Charles V, ed. J. Jacquot (Paris, 1960/R), 147–59

A. Dunning: Die Staatsmotette 1480–1555 (Utrecht, 1970)

G. Persoons: De Orgels en Organisten van de Onze Lieve Vrouwkerk te Antwerpen van 1500 tot 1650 (Brussels, 1981)

A. Wouters and E. Schreurs: ‘Het Bezoek van keizer Maximiliaan en de blijde intrede van Aartshertog Karel (Antwerpen, 1508–1515)’, Musica antiqua, xii (1995), 100–110

KRISTINE FORNEY

Opitz, Martin

(b Bunzlau [now Bolesławiec], 23 Dec 1597; d Danzig [now Gdańsk], 20 Aug 1639). German poet. In 1620 he was forced to leave the University of Heidelberg, where he was a student, because of the Thirty Years War and travelled to Leiden, where he met the Dutch poet Daniel Heinsius, who greatly influenced him. He taught for a time at the Gymnasium in Weissenburg, but by 1625 he was in Vienna, where he was crowned poet by Emperor Ferdinand II. Opitz was a Protestant, but when he entered the service of Count Karl Hannibal of Dohna (Silesia), who was strongly Catholic, the two worked closely together, going on a political mission to Poland which resulted in Opitz’s ennoblement by the emperor. In 1630 he was in Paris. After the Catholics were defeated in Silesia he entered the establishment of a Protestant duke and served as a liaison officer for the Swedish general staff. Opitz was forced to flee when Silesia became Catholic again in 1635. He went first to Toruń and then to Danzig, where he worked as historian and secretary at the court of King Władisław IV. He visited Königsberg in 1638 and died of the plague the following year.

Opitz outlined German poetics in his treatise Buch von der deutschen Poeterey (1624) and provided poetic examples of these rules in his Teutsche Poemata (also 1624), the first edition of which he subsequently revised according to the new rules set forth in his poetics. Opitz is widely regarded as the father of modern German poetry. He received the patent of nobility in 1627 and was made a member of the foremost German literary society, the Fruchtbringende Gesellschaft, in 1629.

The prime musical interest of Opitz’s texts lies in the insistence on a correspondence between natural word stress and metrical stress, which produced poetry that was natural, graceful and readily set to music. His poems were set by many 17th-century composers, including Heinrich Schütz, for whom he provided the libretto of Dafne (Breslau, 1627), a German paraphrase of Rinuccini’s work set by Jacopo Peri. Performed at a Saxon court festival on 13/23 April 1627, Dafne is widely regarded as the first opera in the German language; the music is no longer extant. Opitz’s libretto may have served as a model for another Dafne, by M.G. Peranda and G.A. Bontempi, which was performed at the Dresden court in 1671.

Opitz’s Judith (Breslau, 1635), a reworking of Andrea Salvadori’s Italian text for Marco da Gagliano, has frequently been associated with Schütz’s name, since Opitz undertook the translation after the collaboration on Dafne; however, Schütz never set this three-act libretto. In 1646 another version of Opitz’s Judith was published in Rostock, expanded to five acts by Andreas Tscherning with its choruses set to music by Matthias Apelles von Löwenstern, Kapellmeister to the Duke of Oels. In Dansktalende Judith (1666), Mogens Skeel translated Opitz’s Judith into Danish in connection with a court performance in Copenhagen; it is not known if this version was performed with music.

A hunting song, ‘Auff Ihr Jäger auff! Es tagt’, with text by Opitz, was inserted into Johann Lauremberg’s second pair of musical dramas published as Zwo Comoedien and performed during the Danish royal wedding celebrations of 1634. It has been shown that this hunting song is based on the chorus of shepherds from Act 3 of Dafne. In the ballet performed at the Danish wedding six strophes from Opitz’s Galathee (1621) reappear in the ‘Klageliedt des Orpheus’, whose fifth strophe begins ‘Täglich geht die Sonne nieder’. The Schütz Werke Verzeichnis lists among the lost works three secular songs which can be attributed to Opitz: ‘Ach liebste, lass uns eilen’, ‘Gehet, meine Seufzer, hin’ and ‘Täglich geht die Sonne unter’. This last must be considered a Schütz composition used at the Danish royal nuptials of 1634 and strengthens the assertions that Schütz did, in fact, compose the secular music for this wedding. Opitz can be considered to have provided the greatest share of secular texts set to music by Schütz; other composers who set his secular songs include Heinrich Albert, C.C. Dedekind, Caspar Kittel, J.E. Kindermann and Johann Nauwach.

Opitz’s translations of biblical texts were also influential for composers such as Albert, Andreas Hammerschmidt, Jacob Hintze, Kindermann and Schütz. His translation of the Huguenot Psalter, which was meant to replace that of Ambrosius Lobwasser, found only limited popularity, however. Both Opitz and Lobwasser translated the French psalms of Marot and de Bèze into patterns identical to the originals and set to Goudimel’s original music. Opitz demonstrated great care for the musical setting of the texts, and his rendering subtly fits the borrowed tunes. Opitz based several collections of psalms and epistles on French originals so that they could be sung to the same Geneva tunes. Hammerschmidt composed a series of dialogues on Opitz’s paraphrase of the Song of Songs; they make up the first 11 numbers in Hammerschmidt’s Geistlicher Dialogen ander Teil (Dresden, 1645).

A critical edition of Opitz’s works is in progress: G. Schulz-Behrend, ed: Martin Opitz Gesammelte Werke, Kritische Ausgabe (Stuttgart, 1968–).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Grove6 (J.H. Baron)

A. Mayer: ‘Zu Opitz’ Dafne’, Euphorion, xviii (1911), 754–60

M. Szyrocki: Martin Opitz (Berlin, 1956)

J.H. Baron: Foreign Influcences on the German Secular Solo Continuo Lied in the Mid-Seventeenth Century (diss., Brandeis U., 1967)

J.L. Gellinek: Die weltliche Lyrik des Martin Opitz (Berne and Munich, 1973)

V. Helk: ‘Martin Opitz in Dänemark’, Wolfenbütteler Barock-Nachrichten, v (1978), 143–50

M.R. Wade: ‘The Reception of Opitz’s Judith during the Baroque’, Daphnis, xvi (1987), 147–65

M.R. Wade and K.H. Ober: ‘Martin Opitz’s Judith and Mogens Skeel’s Dansktalende Judith’, Scandinavian Studies, lxi (1989), 1–11

G. Gillespie: ‘Humanist Aspects of the Early Baroque Opera Libretto after the Italian Fashion (Opitz, Harsdörffer, Anton Ulrich)’, Beiträge zur Aufnahme der italienischen un spanischen Literatur in Deutschland im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert, ed. A. Martino, Chloe: Beihefte zum Daphnis, no.9 (1990), 151–70

B. Becker-Cantarino and J.-U. Fechner: Martin Opitz und seine Welt: Festschrift für George Schulz-Behrend, Chloe: Beihefte zum Daphnis, no.10 (1990)

G. Dünnhaupt: ‘Opitz, Martin’, Personalbibliographien zu den deutschen Drucken des Barock, iv (1991), 3005–74

M.R. Wade: ‘Zwei unbekannte Seitenstücke zu Optiz’s Dafne’, Wolfenbütteler Barock-Nachrichten, xix (1992), 12–22

J.P. Aikin: ‘Opitz redivivus’, Colloquia germanica, xxvi (1993), 211–22

M.R. Wade: Triumphus nuptialis danicus: German Court Culture and Denmark: the Great Wedding of 1634 (Wiesbaden, 1996)

MARA R. WADE

Oppens, Ursula

(b New York, 2 Feb 1944). American pianist. She studied at the Juilliard School with Rosina Lhévinne, Leonard Shure and Guido Agosti (1966–9). She won the Busoni International Piano Competition (1969) and the Avery Fisher Prize (1976), and has subsequently performed with most leading American orchestras. She has given solo recitals in the USA, Europe and Central America, and has participated in the Aspen, Berkshire and Marlboro music festivals, among others.

Oppens was a founder-member of Speculum Musicae, the highly praised contemporary music ensemble that won the Naumburg Chamber Music Award in 1972, and has also performed with the Chamber Music Society of Lincoln Center and the Group for Contemporary Music. Although she is known particularly for the intelligence, technical skill and warmth she brings to her performances and recordings of contemporary music, she is equally at home with the standard repertory. Compositions written for her include Rzewski’s Four Pieces and The People United will Never be Defeated (1975), Christian Wolff’s Hay una mujer desaparecida (1979), Carter’s Night Fantasies (1980, also for Paul Jacobs, Gilbert Kalish and Charles Rosen), Wuorinen’s The Blue Bamboula (1980), and works by Harbison, Picker and Tower. In 1994 she was appointed John Evans Distinguished Professor of Music at Northwestern University.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

B. Jepson: ‘The Madonna of Modern Music’, Wall Street Journal (27 Dec 1984)

C. Field: Interview, Clavier, xxvi/4 (1987), 6–10

S. Kagan: Interview, Fanfare, xv/2 (1991–2), 156–61

ELLEN HIGHSTEIN

Opus [op.] (i)

(Lat.: ‘work’; Fr. oeuvre; Ger. Opus; It. opera).

The Latin plural, opera, has become singular in Italian, and its plural is opere. To avoid confusion with the usual English or Italian meaning of ‘opera’, the English plural, ‘opuses’, may be preferred. First used for a musical composition in the Renaissance (Tinctoris, prologue to Liber de arte contrapuncti, 1477; Listenius, Musica, 1537), ‘opus’ was applied by early German publishers to whole collections: Novum et insigne opus musicum (1537–8) and Magnum opus musicum (1604). One of the earliest instances of a single-composer publication with opus number was Viadana’s Motecta festorum op.10 (Venice, 1597). Biagio Marini published 22 numbered sets in Venice and other cities from 1617 to 1655. Until 1800 opus numbers were more common in instrumental than in vocal music, and they have rarely been applied to stage compositions at any period.

In the absence of corroborating information, opus numbers can never be relied upon to establish the chronology of a composer’s works. Generally, numbers were not applied until publication, and then often by the publisher, not the composer. Where the same work appears with two publishers, it may have different numbers assigned to it (as with Haydn, or with Boccherini, who assigned further numbers in his own catalogue). Sometimes, as in the case of Schütz, the numbers were added later. Before about 1800 it was customary for several works to be gathered under one number, often 12 in the early 18th century, later six and then, as individual works became longer (towards 1800), three or two; the chronology may not correspond with the internal numbering (it does not in Beethoven’s op.18 quartets for example). Smaller pieces, occasional compositions, youthful works and works in manuscript are not usually numbered, and miscellaneous clues must be used to fit them into the list of numbered works.

DAVID FULLER

Opus (ii).

Firm of music publishers, founded in Bratislava in 1971. See Supraphon.

Or, Josquin d’.

See Dor, Josquin.

Orafi [Oraffi], Pietro Marcellino

(fl 1640–52). Italian composer. He was an Olivetan monk, who by 1652 had become an abbot of his order. His output consists mainly of sacred music – Concerti da chiesa a 1–5 voci (Venice, 1640) and La cantica … a 2–5 voci (Venice, 1652) – though the former includes a four-part instrumental canzona. The latter consists of settings of his own vernacular paraphrases of texts from the Song of Songs.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

AmbrosGM

SartoriB

E. Schmitz: Geschichte der weltlichen Solokantate (Leipzig, 1914, 2/1955), 16, 30

S. Bonta: ‘The Use of Instruments in Sacred Music in Italy 1560–1700’, EMc, xviii (1990), 519–35

JOHN WHENHAM

Oram, Daphne Blake

(b Devizes, Wilts., 31 Dec 1925). English composer, technician and inventor. Educated at Sherborne School for Girls, she turned down a place at the RCM in order to work at the BBC as a music balancer for classical music broadcasts. A pioneer in integrating music and technology, she began to experiment with sound manipulation in 1944 and in 1950 submitted her work for orchestra, five microphones and manipulated recordings to the BBC. In 1957 she established a radiophonic unit at the BBC and was one of the directors of the BBC Radiophonic Workshop when it opened in 1958. Later that year she left the BBC and set up her own studio in Kent. Her experiments in converting graphic information into sound – aided by Gulbenkian grants in 1962 and 1965 – led to the development of her Oramics system, a photoelectric digital/analogue composition machine that gives the composer control of subtle nuances in all parameters (including amplitude, envelope shaping, rhythm, timbre control, microtonal pitch and vibrato), which are drawn onto ten parallel tracks of 35mm film and then transported by a motor through the photoelectric sound-generating system. In the 1960s Oram lectured widely on electronic music and many composers, including Thea Musgrave, used her studio facilities. In the 1990s she began to convert the system to RISC computer technology, suitable for composers to use at home. A number of Oram’s works were composed using Oramics, including Broceleande for Oramics tape (1970) and Sardonica for piano and Oramics tape (1972, written in collaboration with Ivor Walsworth). She has created music for films, including The Innocents (1961); for television and radio; for exhibitions, including Pulse Persephone (1965); for the theatre, including the ballet Xallaraparallax (1972); and for concert performance.

For illustration see Drawn sound, fig. 2.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

FullerPG

GroveI (‘Oramics’; H. Davies)

D. Oram: An Individual Note of Music: Sound and Electronics (London and New York, 1972)

A. Douglas: Electronic Music Production (London, 1973), 92; (2/1982), 102

P. Manning: Electronic and Computer Music (Oxford, 1985), 152

D. Oram: ‘Looking Back … to See Ahead’, CMR, xi (1994), 225–8

SOPHIE FULLER

Oratorio.

An extended musical setting of a sacred text made up of dramatic, narrative and contemplative elements. Except for a greater emphasis on the chorus throughout much of its history, the musical forms and styles of the oratorio tend to approximate to those of opera in any given period, and the normal manner of performance is that of a concert (without scenery, costumes or action). The oratorio was most extensively cultivated in the 17th and 18th centuries but has continued to be a significant genre.

1. Antecedents.

3. ‘Oratorio volgare’.

4. ‘Oratorio latino’: Carissimi and his contemporaries.

5. Italy and Spain, c1650–c1720.

6. The Italian oratorio and ‘sepolcro’ in Vienna.

7. Protestant Germany, Baroque.

8. Handel and the English oratorio.

9. Charpentier and the oratorio in France.

10. Italian oratorio at home and abroad, early Classical and Classical styles.

11. Germany, early Classical and Classical styles.

12. France and elsewhere, early Classical and Classical styles.

13. Germany, Scandinavia and eastern Europe, 19th century.

14. France and the Low Countries, 19th century.

15. England and America, 19th century.

16. Italy and Spain, 19th century.

17. The 20th century.

HOWARD E. SMITHER

1. Antecedents.

Distant antecedents of the oratorio may be found in the musical settings of sacred narrative and dramatic texts in the Middle Ages: the liturgical drama, the Divine Office for saints' feasts, the Passion and the dialogue lauda. Medieval miracle and mystery plays, as well as rappresentazioni sacre, are also related to the oratorio, but the real beginnings of the genre are to be found in the late Renaissance and early Baroque periods, where an ever-increasing interest in settings of dramatic and narrative texts gave rise first to opera and then to oratorio. Such texts were widely used for polyphonic madrigals in the 16th century (e.g. Andrea Gabrieli, Tirsi morir volea) and for monodic madrigals, dialogues and dramatic cantatas in the 17th century (e.g. Monteverdi, Combattimento di Tancredi e Clorinda). Sacred music, too, was affected by this new tendency, as may be seen in the increasingly dramatic treatment of the Passion, and in the laude, spiritual madrigals and motets that use dramatic and narrative texts, all of which may be considered antecedents of the oratorio. Lassus, for example, composed motets on the stories of the finding of Jesus in the Temple, the raising of Lazarus, the marriage feast at Cana, the Annunciation and Jesus on the road to Emmaus (Fili quid fecisti nobis sic, Fremuit spiritus Jesus, Nuptiae factae sunt, Missus est angelus and Qui sunt hi sermones, respectively); these motets are related by text, but not by music, to the history of the oratorio. In the first three decades of the 17th century, however, dialogues were composed to Latin texts based on similar biblical stories, but with greater dramatic emphasis in the new monodic style. Both in text and music such works are often close to the genre later known as oratorio, but they are brief, are normally found in motet books (e.g. Severo Bonini's ‘Dialogo della madonna e del angelo’ in his Primo libro de motetti a tre voci, Venice, 1609), and were intended to be used in church as motets.

Although oratorio has traditionally been considered to have originated within the context of Filippo Neri's Roman oratory (see below), recent research has pointed to its origin in the pan-Italian tendency towards greater emphasis on the dramatic element in sacred music. In Florence in the late 16th century and the early 17th, for example, the Compagnia dell'Arcangelo Raffaello performed dialogues comparable to those heard in Rome, and dialogue texts were composed by several Florentine poets, including Ottavio Rinuccini, Alessandro Ginori, Benedetto Rigogli and Benedetto Buonmattei (Hill, 1979). Yet Rome was particularly active in the cultivation of sacred dialogues and oratorios, and appears to have been the locale in which the genre acquired its name.

In Rome, the immediate social context from which the oratorio emerged was provided by the spiritual exercises of the Congregazione dell'Oratorio, founded by Filippo Neri (1515–95). Responding to the reforming spirit of the Council of Trent, Neri began in the 1550s the informal meetings, or spiritual exercises, for which he was to become famous. In the earliest period these meetings, for prayer and the discussion of spiritual matters, comprised only a few men, Neri's close friends and followers, and took place in his quarters at the church of S Girolamo della Carità. Those present for the exercises sang spiritual laude for entertainment, which Neri no doubt remembered from his Florentine boyhood, and which he considered an important element in the exercises. As the spiritual exercises grew in popularity, larger quarters were necessary, and thus an oratory (from Latin oratio, ‘prayer’), or prayer hall, was constructed in a space above the nave of the church. In 1575 Neri and his followers, more numerous by then, were officially recognized by Pope Gregory XIII as a religious order, the Congregazione dell'Oratorio, and were given the historic church of S Maria in Vallicella, which was soon replaced by a new one still known as the Chiesa Nuova (see fig.1). For the rest of Neri's life and until the mid-18th century, the Congregazione dell'Oratorio continued to increase in strength and prominence, first in Italy, then throughout Europe and in other parts of the world. Music continued to be important in the oratories, particularly those in Italy. Sung in the 16th century by both the congregation and professionals (later only by professionals), the music functioned as edifying entertainment and was intended to attract people to the spiritual exercises.

Throughout the second half of the 16th century, as in the earliest meetings, laude continued to be performed in the spiritual exercises of Neri's oratory more frequently than any other genre. These are usually quite simple three- and four-part pieces in popular poetic and musical styles, but sometimes they are more complex polyphonic works (seeLauda). Between 1563 and 1600 nine different lauda books and four reprints were published specifically for the oratorians' use. Giovanni Animuccia composed two of the books, Francisco Soto de Langa compiled probably five, and Giovenale Ancina two. The laude predominated in the exercises, but the more sophisticated motet and madrigale spirituale were not excluded, particularly for the musically elaborate oratorio vespertino, which took place in the oratory after Vespers on feast days during the winter months. Some of the finest musicians of Rome volunteered their services for the oratorio vespertino; there is some evidence that Palestrina may have been active in these exercises. Towards the end of the 16th century the laude used in the spiritual exercises reflected the pervading interest of the period in narrative and dramatic texts. Alaleona (Storia dell'oratorio, 1908), Pasquetti (L'oratorio musicale, 1906) and Schering (Geschichte des Oratoriums, 1911) saw a direct line of evolution, within the oratory, from the laude with narrative and dramatic texts to the oratorio in the Italian language. The number of laude with such texts, however, is by no means as significant as it once appeared to be, and the hypothesis that the oratorio evolved directly from the lauda within the confines of the oratory is now unconvincing; rather, the origin of the oratorio seems more satisfactorily explained as resulting from the general tendency to incorporate dramatic elements into music for oratories.

Of special importance for the history of the oratorio was the performance, in 1600 at the oratory at the Chiesa Nuova, of Cavalieri's Rappresentatione di Anima et di Corpo. This is the earliest known performance in an oratory of a large-scale dramatic work in which the solo portions are set to music in the new monodic style. Despite the location of its first performance and its significance for the development of oratorio, however, the Rappresentatione is not itself an oratorio, as Burney and many historians after him imagined it to be. The work – with its scenery, costumes, acting and dancing – is much longer and more elaborate than works that later came to be called oratorios (in 1600 the term ‘oratorio’ was not yet used to designate a musical composition). The widespread misconception of Cavalieri's famous work has led to the erroneous assumption in some writings that the earliest oratorios were staged in the manner of operas. Rather than being an oratorio, Cavalieri's Rappresentatione has been shown to form part of the oratorian tradition, which extended from the late 16th century to the late 17th, of using young boys as actors in spiritual plays, usually during Carnival (Morelli, 1991, pp.82–7). Some such plays included musical insertions, others intermedi, and still others, like Cavalieri's, were sung throughout. Another study (Gianturco, 1995, pp.175–7) argues that Cavalieri's Rappresentatione was the earliest ‘moral opera’.

Apart from laude, little is known of the repertory performed in the spiritual exercises of the oratorians during the first decade of the 17th century, but the second and third decades are well represented by madrigali spirituali and dramatic dialogues composed for the oratorians by G.F. Anerio and others.

2. Early oratorio in Italy: Anerio's ‘Teatro’.

In the 16th century and the first half of the 17th, the word ‘oratorio’ most commonly referred to the building (the oratory) and the spiritual exercise that took place within it. The meaning of the word was eventually broadened, however, to include the new musical genre used in the services, and the earliest documented use of it to mean a musical composition was in 1640. In that year the Roman Pietro della Valle wrote in a letter to the Florentine theorist G.B. Doni that he had composed an ‘Oratorio della Purificatione’ for the oratory of the Chiesa Nuova. The work is only about 12 minutes long, however, and is called a dialogue rather than an oratorio in its manuscript source. Della Valle's use of both terms, ‘dialogue’ and ‘oratorio’, illustrates the kind of terminological ambiguity that was prevalent in the mid-17th century.

About 20 years before della Valle's Purificatione a number of works appeared in Anerio's Teatro armonico spirituale di madrigali (Rome, 1619) that closely resemble many of those called oratorios in the 1640s and 1650s. The 94 compositions in this ‘Spiritual Harmonic Theatre of Madrigals’ all have poetic texts that are dramatic at least in a general sense, and all are based on biblical or hagiographical sources. The texts show some relationships to those of the 16th-century laude, but they tend to be longer and more dramatic. 14 of the madrigals are marked ‘dialogo’, and at least seven of these are sufficiently extended and close enough in conception to the oratorio of the mid-century to be termed oratorios: Deh non vedete voi, Deh pensate ò mortali, Diteci pastorelli, Due figli un padre havea, Eccone al gran Damasco, Il vecchio Isach and Mentre su l'alto monte. The longest and most dramatically developed of these, requiring about 20 minutes in performance, is Eccone al gran Damasco, based on the story of the conversion of St Paul. This work employs soloists for individuals (Narrator, tenor; Saul, tenor; Voice from Heaven, bass; and Ananias, tenor), a double eight-part chorus for groups within the drama (soldiers and angels) as well as for non-dramatic comments and reflections, and a five-part instrumental ensemble to play a ‘Combattimento con voci & instromenti’ and to double the final chorus. The music of this work, and of the Teatro compositions in general, is in a concertato madrigal style, with relatively conservative, contrapuntally influenced sections for solo voice and organ bass accompaniment. It is chiefly this conservative element, and the lack of distinction between recitative and aria styles, that distinguishes these early oratorios from those of the 1640s and 1650s. These works from the Teatro are oratorios not only in general conception but in function as well, for Anerio composed this book at the request of Oratio Griffi, the maestro di cappella of S Girolamo della Carità, for use in the vespertino services of the oratory of that church; there is also clear evidence that the book was used in the oratory at the Chiesa Nuova. Griffi was the author of the book's dedication to the deceased Neri, in which he spoke of Neri's use of music ‘to draw, with a sweet deception, the sinners to the holy exercises of the Oratory', and this was the purpose of the Teatro.

Other works that appear to have been performed in the oratory at the Chiesa Nuova are more than 100 pieces found in three Roman manuscripts (I-Rn Mus.25 and 26 and I-Rv Z.122–30; Morelli, 1991, pp.67–72). All have Italian texts set for four to eight voices and continuo. Some are laude, but others are madrigali spirituali in the form of dramatic dialogues comparable with those in Anerio's Teatro. Among the composers represented in these manuscripts are Felice and G.F. Anerio, Giovanni de Macque, Ruggiero Giovannelli and Francesco Martini. Further evidences of the repertory of the Roman oratory are found in two inventories (dated 1620 and 1622) of music owned by the Congregazione dell'Oratorio in Bologna, which generally sought to follow the practices of the original congregation in Rome. These works suggest that a considerable amount of monodic music, some with dramatic texts, was used in the oratories of both Rome and Bologna during the second decade of the 17th century. Among the printed volumes listed in the inventory are Paolo Quagliati's Affetti amorosi spirituali (Rome, 1617), and G.F. Anerio's Selva armonica (Rome, 1617), Ghirlanda di sacre rose (Rome, 1619) and Teatro.

3. ‘Oratorio volgare’.

By the mid-17th century two closely related types of oratorio had developed, the oratorio latino and the oratorio volgare, using texts in Latin and Italian respectively. In Rome at this period the oratorio latino appears to have been fostered exclusively in the services of the aristocratic Oratorio del SS Crocifisso (see below), not related to but probably influenced by the oratories at the Chiesa Nuova and S Girolamo della Carità. The last-named oratories, on the other hand, seem to have concentrated on the oratorio volgare, which aimed at a broader spectrum of the Roman public.

It is clear from the records of the oratory at the Chiesa Nuova that music became increasingly important and elaborate there in the 1620s and 1630s under the leadership of the well-known soprano virtuoso and oratorian Girolamo Rosini (1581–1644), prefect of music for the oratory from 1623 until his death. Nevertheless, from the time of Anerio’s Teatro to 1630 no extant music is known that documents the further development of the oratorio volgare. Several librettos and musical compositions dating from about 1630 to 1640, however, reveal some of the developments of that decade. The poet Ottavio Tronsarelli's Drammi musicali (Rome, 1632) includes four sacred texts that might have been intended to be set to music for performance in oratories; three of these are in one section or ‘act’ (La figlia de Iefte, La contessa delle virtù and L'essequie di Christo), and a fourth, Faraone sommerso, is a large work in three sections. In Domenico Mazzocchi's Madrigali (Rome, 1638) and his Musiche sacre e morali (Rome, 1640) there appear musical settings of portions of a long epic-lyrical poem by Giovanni Ciampoli (1589–1643), Coro di profeti, per la festa della SS Annuntiata, cantata nell'Oratorio della Chiesa nuova. The entire libretto was first published posthumously in Ciampoli's Poesie sacre (Bologna, 1648). There is reason to believe that Mazzocchi may have set the entire text to music for the oratory and selected only these excerpts for publication. This large libretto in three sections, although not called an oratorio in its source, clearly deserves that name for its remarkable length (over 500 lines of poetry) and its essentially narrative and contemplative character. Della Valle's contribution to the oratorio volgare, his Dialogo della Purificatione (I-Rn Mus.123), is exceptionally brief, as mentioned above, consisting of only 59 poetic lines. Apart from being the earliest extant work to be referred to as an oratorio, it is also a curious piece of experimental music: it is one of della Valle's works in which he attempted to revive ancient Greek tunings, and its performance requires specially constructed instruments if the composer's intentions are to be fully realized. Two librettos by the poet Francesco Balducci (1579–1642), La fede: oratorio and Il trionfo: oratorio, have the distinction of being the earliest printed works to bear the term ‘oratorio’ in their titles as genre designations. Both were published posthumously in the second volume of Balducci's Rime (Rome, 1645–6). La fede is a narrative dramatic poem of over 450 lines in two sections, labelled ‘Parte prima’ and ‘Parte seconda’. The poem is based on the Old Testament story of Abraham's sacrifice of Isaac, and includes long narrative parts marked ‘Historia’, as well as roles for Abraham, Isaac, a chorus of virgins and a chorus of sages. Il trionfo is less than half as long as La fede and consists of only one section; it is essentially a contemplative, lyrical and allegorical work glorifying the Virgin, with a chorus, two brief passages labelled ‘Historia’ and only one other solo role, that of the Virgin.

Among the most advanced examples of the oratorio volgare in the mid-17th century are the following: Carissimi's Daniele; an anonymous Daniele (possibly by Francesco Foggia); Marco Marazzoli's S Tomaso: oratorio à 5; two anonymous works, Giuseppe and Oratorio per la Settimana Santa (the earliest known oratorio based on the Passion); and S Caterina (attributed to Marazzoli in Mischiati, 1962–3). The texts of these works are poetic and are based on the Old Testament, New Testament and hagiography; all are dramatic and include several characters in addition to a chorus (probably sung by an ensemble of the soloists), which represents the roles of groups within the drama and at times comments on the dramatic action. Most of these works include narrative lines labelled ‘Testo’, set for a soloist. All are divided into two sections, identified either as ‘Prima’ and ‘Seconda parte’ or ‘Prima’ and ‘Seconda cantata’, and each section concludes with a chorus, sometimes called a ‘madrigale’ in the manuscript source. Such works were performed without scenery or action, and, when they were given in an oratory, a sermon was preached between the two sections. The time required for the performance of these oratorios ranges from about 30 minutes to slightly more than an hour. The music is like that of operas and secular cantatas of the period; recitative, arioso and aria styles are all used, and the blending of two or even all three of these within a relatively brief passage is common. Among the arias the formal procedures used are the through-composed, strophic variation, ground bass and ABA forms, various rondo-like schemes, and binary forms with repeated sections. Ensembles and choruses use both imitative and chordal styles in the manner of the late polyphonic madrigal. Some of the works call for no instruments other than those used for the basso continuo; when other instruments are specified, they are two violins, normally used for introductions to oratorios, supporting passages during choruses and ritornellos for choruses, ensembles and arias; rarely do they accompany a solo voice.

Among the works of the mid-century that do not conform to the norm of the 17th-century oratorio volgare, generally because of their more contemplative texts, are Carissimi's Oratorio della SS Vergine and Marazzoli's Per il giorno della resurrezione: oratorio à 6. A number of brief compositions (in one section of about eight to 12 minutes) of the mid-century resemble the normal oratorio volgare in virtually every respect except length; although some of these were certainly performed in oratories, they are rarely called oratorios in their sources (e.g. della Valle's Purificatione, mentioned above; Mario Savioni's brief Oratorio per ogni tempo is an exception). Rather, they were usually given a variety of other names, such as ‘cantata’, ‘concerto’ or ‘dialogo’. Examples are Savioni's Concerti morali e spirituali a tre voci (Rome, 1660); in the preface of this publication the composer promised to follow these works with a book of madrigali spirituali for five voices, to be sung at the end of each concerto, ‘thus, cantatas for oratories will be completed’. He made good his promise in his Madrigali morali e spirituali (Rome, 1668). Other works differing from oratorios only in their brevity were published in Agostino Diruta's Poesie heroiche morali e sacre (Rome, 1646) and Teodoro Massucci's Dialoghi spirituali (Rome, 1648).

4. ‘Oratorio latino’: Carissimi and his contemporaries.

From the musical standpoint the oratorio latino and volgare are not separate genres but one genre in different languages. Both developed in the first half of the 17th century in Rome, and some of the same composers set oratorio texts in both languages, using the same style for both types. From the literary standpoint, however, the oratorio volgare and latino differ considerably in the earliest period of their development: the former uses a poetic text throughout, as is normally true of laude, madrigals, cantatas and operas, but the latter employs a text largely in prose, as do most motets. Thus motets with narrative and dramatic texts, as described above, might be considered the chief antecedents of the oratorio latino.

The Roman oratory in which the oratorio latino first developed, the Oratorio del SS Crocifisso (near and related to the church of S Marcello), was the meeting place of a religious society of Roman noblemen called the Arciconfraternita del SS Crocifisso, founded in the 16th century. The Arciconfraternita's chief ceremonies in which music was prominent were those on the five Fridays of Lent. There is no known record of the compositions performed at the Crocifisso during the late 16th century and early 17th; evidently no corpus of music was composed specifically for this oratory, as the laude and Anerio's Teatro were for the oratories of the Chiesa Nuova and S Girolamo della Carità. Since Latin was the favoured language for the musical texts, however, motets were probably used. Among the musicians in charge of the music at the Crocifisso in the late 16th century and early 17th were some of Rome's most famous composers in both the stile antico and moderno; they included Palestrina, Marenzio, G.F. Anerio, Quagliati, G.M. and G.B. Nanino, Ottavio Catalani, Paolo Tarditi, Stefano Landi, Giovannelli, Virgilio Mazzocchi, Foggia, Loreto Vittori, Carissimi and others. Since the oratorio was beginning to develop at S Girolamo della Carità and the Chiesa Nuova in the first third of the century, as Anerio's Teatro indicates, it is reasonable to assume that it was also developing at this oratory and that some of the motets performed there in the same period were Latin dialogue motets with dramatic texts, like those mentioned above. In fact, the librettist Arcangelo Spagna, in his early 18th-century sketch of the origin and history of the oratorio latino, traced its origin directly to motets that were used as substitutes for parts of the liturgy: ‘The Latin oratorios, in the beginning, were like those motets which are continually sung in the choirs of the religious and formerly were heard on every feast day instead of the antiphons, graduals and offertories’.

By 1639 oratorios appear to have been performed in the Crocifisso, for in that year the French viol player André Maugars visited the oratory and heard two musical settings of biblical stories, one from the Old Testament before the sermon and another from the New Testament after the sermon. In 1640 della Valle entered in his diary an account of a performance at the Crocifisso of a work which he called his ‘Dialogo di Esther’; but he also referred to it as an oratorio in a letter to Doni the same year, and again in a letter of a few years later. The music, which has not survived, is the earliest composition with a Latin text known to have been called an oratorio by its composer. From della Valle's comments about his Esther, it appears to have been similar in conception and duration to his Purificatione, mentioned above.

Carissimi was the most significant composer of Latin oratorios in the mid-17th century. His reputation and influence as an oratorio composer extended beyond Rome and Italy to northern Europe in his own time, and more of his Latin oratorios are extant than of any of his contemporaries. Scholars have differed considerably in regard to the number of Carissimi's works with Latin texts that might justifiably be classified as oratorios, chiefly because all of the composer's autograph manuscripts of his oratorios are lost and the surviving copies, mostly French sources, bear inconsistent and questionable genre designations. (For a survey of conflicting opinions regarding the number of Latin oratorios by Carissimi, see Smither: ‘Carissimi's Latin Oratorios’, 1976.) Nevertheless, if one classifies as oratorios all of Carissimi's Latin works that are similar in text, musical setting and duration to other composers' works called oratorios in Italian sources of mid-17th-century Rome, one arrives at a total of 13 works which, with varying degrees of proximity to the norm of the genre, may be called oratorios. Of these 13, eight may be classed as oratorios without qualification: Baltazar, Ezechias, Diluvium universale, Dives malus, Jephte, Jonas, Judicium extremum and Judicium Salomonis. These are the longest of Carissimi's oratorios, and they require the largest performing groups, most of them making considerable use of the chorus. According to the approach to classification suggested above, five other works may be considered oratorios with the qualification that they are exceptional because of their brevity: Abraham et Isaac, Duo ex discipulis, Job, Martyres and Vir frugi et pater familias. The works of this group make less use of chorus; because of their brevity the term ‘motet’ would suit them as well as ‘oratorio’.

All of Carissimi's Latin oratorios are in one section only, which is normal for the Latin oratorio of the mid-century. Eight of the texts are based on stories from the Old Testament, two on those from the New Testament and three on fragments from both; two of the texts are non-biblical. Those based on biblical stories employ primarily narrative and dialogue texts (i.e. with few contemplative sections); the narrative passages, sometimes designated ‘Historicus’, are set to music for one or more soloists, an ensemble or a chorus, and the characters in the drama are represented by soloists. Exact biblical quotations of more than one or two verses are rare, but extended biblical paraphrases are common. Important in the general structure of Carissimi's oratorios are repetitions of instrumental ritornellos, of choruses, and of solo passages in aria style. The styles of the solo parts range from relatively simple recitative through a more expressive recitativo arioso to that of a clearly structured aria. Carissimi set some passages of considerable length in only one of these styles, but he more often mixed them within a single solo to express changing attitudes in the text, a procedure also employed in the oratorio volgare and in opera of this period. Relatively long, independent sections in aria style that may be called arias (but are never so called in the sources) are normally through-composed, or in AB, ABB or strophic-variation forms. The chorus plays a more prominent role in Carissimi's Latin oratorios than in most of those of his contemporaries. Usually the chorus represents a group of individuals in the drama; at times, however, it functions as a narrator or as a commentator on the action. The choruses range in size from three parts to triple choruses in 12 parts. They are predominantly chordal, and their rhythm is usually based on the accents of the text; fugal texture plays only an incidental role. In the double and triple choruses an antiphonal style is used, often with quick alternations of the choruses in which the entering chorus begins on the final pitches of the concluding one. Of special interest in Carissimi's oratorios is his careful attention to the declamation and expression of the text; he was particularly skilful in the use of rhetorical figures in music.

Most important among Carissimi's contemporaries for their Latin oratorios were Domenico Mazzocchi (seven oratorios, most of which are called dialogues, in his Sacrae concertationes, Rome, 1664), Virgilio Mazzocchi (one oratorio, Ego ille quondam, in D. Mazzocchi's Sacrae concertationes and in I-Bc Q45; his Beatum Franciscum in the same manuscript is better classed as a motet than an oratorio), Marazzoli (five oratorios in I-Rvat Chigi Q.VIII.188), Foggia (two oratorios in I-Bc Q43) and Bonifatio Gratiani (two oratorios in I-Bc Q43). Gratiani's are the only known Latin oratorios in two sections by a composer active in the mid-17th century.

5. Italy and Spain, c1650–c1720.

By the 1660s the oratorio was a firmly established genre not only in Rome but also in other Italian cities, and its cultivation beyond the Alps had begun. Oratorios continued to function in a more or less devotional context in oratories; during the course of the later 17th century and early 18th, however, they were performed with increasing frequency in the palaces of noblemen, where they functioned as quasi-secular entertainments, often as substitutes for opera during Lent when the theatres were closed.

In Rome the chief centres of oratorio performances in a devotional context continued to be the oratories, particularly those of S Girolamo della Carità, the Chiesa Nuova and the Crocifisso. These oratories had become famous musical centres by the middle of the century, and during the second half of the century oratorios began to dominate their services, making the prayer hall increasingly a place of entertainment; yet the practice of preaching a sermon between the two sections of an oratorio was retained. Oratorios were also performed at educational institutions in Rome, such as the Jesuits' Seminario Romano and the Collegio Clementino. Performances in an essentially secular context frequently took place in the private palaces of such patrons as Queen Christina of Sweden, Cardinals Benedetto Pamphili and Pietro Ottoboni (see Rome, fig.15) and Prince Ruspoli. In a private palace an oratorio performance was a purely secular affair, usually with refreshments served to the guests during the interval between the work's two sections. Oratorios continued to be performed without operatic staging in this period, but the platform provided for the orchestra and singers would at times be elaborately decorated, with a painted background relevant to the subject of the oratorio; such was the stage for Handel's oratorio La resurrezione when given at the Ruspoli residence in Rome on Easter Sunday and Monday, 1708. Fig.3 shows the stage for G.B. Costanzi's Componimento sacro per la festività del SS Natale (libretto by Metastasio), performed in Rome at the Palazzo della Cancelleria in 1727 for the annual Christmas meeting of the Arcadian Academy. This is clearly a ‘concert’ performance: the singers are seated (while singing, with books in their hands) in the centre of an elaborately decorated stage; string instruments are placed behind them, and the other instruments are in the orchestra pit. In the Vatican Apostolic Palace, works approximating to oratorios (called oratorios in Marx, 1992, and cantatas in Gianturco, 1993) were performed on Christmas Eve in the second half of the 17th century and throughout much of the 18th. Until 1714 these tended to be in one part only; thereafter, however, most were in two parts. Among the most prominent oratorio composers active in Rome during this period were Pasquini, Stradella, Alessandro Scarlatti, Caldara and, briefly, Handel. A host of less prominent oratorio composers active there included Alessandro Melani, Antonio Masini, Ercole Bernabei, Antonio Foggia, Giovanni Bicilli, Giuseppe Pacieri, G.F. Garbi, Giuseppe Scalamani, Quirino Colombani, Gregorio Cola, G.B. Costanzi, F.C. Lanciani, Domenico Laurelli, G.L. Lulier, T.B. Gaffi and C.F. Cesarini; most of these men are named as composers in printed librettos, but few of their oratorio scores have survived. Among the oratorio librettists active in Rome were Cardinals Pamphili and Ottoboni, Sebastiano Lazarini and Arcangelo Spagna; Lazarini published a collection of ten of his librettos under the title Sacra melodia di oratorii musicali (Rome, 1678), and Spagna published at least 30 oratorio librettos, which appeared in his Oratorii overo melodrammi sacri (Rome, 1706) and I fasti sacri (Rome, 1720). Spagna is also important for his treatise on the improvement of the oratorio libretto, Discorso intorno a gl'oratori, printed at the beginning of his Oratorii overo melodrammi sacri. Silvio Stampiglia, G.B. Grappelli, Francesco Posterla, G.F. Rubini, Bernardo Sandrinelli and Francisco Laurentino also wrote librettos for Roman oratorios.

Other Italian cities important for the development of the oratorio in this period are Bologna, Modena, Florence and Venice. In Bologna, judging primarily from information given in the librettos printed there, oratorios were sponsored not only by the oratorians, at their church of the Madonna di Galliera, but by a number of other religious societies as well, including the Arciconfraternita di S Maria della Morte, the Arciconfraternita de' SS Sebastiano e Rocco, the Venerabile Compagnia detta de' Fiorentini, the Venerandi Confratelli del SS Sacramento, the Veneranda Compagnia della Carità, the Arciconfraternita della SS Trinità, the Veneranda Confratelli di S Maria della Cintura and the Confraternita de' Poveri della Regina de' Cieli. Among other places of performances were the oratory of S Domenico and the church of S Petronio. Performances of oratorios throughout the year marked a variety of occasions, including church feasts, the taking of religious vows, the visits of dignitaries and the celebration of such events as marriages or baptisms. More oratorios were performed during Lent than in any other season. Oratorios were given in both secular and sacred contexts in such Bolognese academies as the Accademia dei Unanimi, the Accademia degli Anziani and the Accademia delle Belle Lettere. Likewise in private palaces the contexts of oratorio performances were either sacred or secular. Cazzati's Il transito di S Giuseppe, for instance, was performed in 1665, with a sermon between the two sections, in the private oratory of the palace of the Marquis Giuseppe Maria Paleotti. Yet performances in private residences in Bologna had at times much the same secular atmosphere as did those in Rome – that of social gatherings for the entertainment of the aristocracy. Nearby Modena was closely related to Bologna in its musical life, and many of the same composers were active in both cities. The most important patron of the oratorio in Modena was Duke Francesco II d'Este, and the favoured place of the oratorio performances that he sponsored was the oratory of the Congregazione di S Carlo. Modena's period of greatest oratorio activity was 1677–1702, during which 113 performances were given (Crowther, 1992, appx 1). The repertory of oratorios given in the Bologna–Modena area included some works by composers of Rome, Venice and other cities, yet numerous local composers were also active. Among the most important were Cazzati, G.P. Colonna, Antonio Giannettini, G.A. Perti, G.B. Bononcini and Vitali. These composers and many others are represented in the Bologna and Modena libraries and archives by manuscript scores and printed librettos of oratorios. The two poets who are represented by more librettos than any other in this repertory are G.A. Bergamori and G.B. Giardini.

In Florence the Congregazione dell'Oratorio was established at the church of S Firenze in 1632 and began to perform oratorios probably in the 1650s. For the rest of the 17th century and throughout the 18th the oratorians of Florence were the most active sponsors of oratorio performances in the city. Following the lead of the Congregazione dell'Oratorio in Rome, the Florentine oratorians presented an oratorio every Sunday and on selected feast days from All Saints' Day (1 November) to Palm Sunday (Hill, 1979). Most of these oratorios, which were by native Florentine composers, are lost, but many printed librettos survive. Oratorios were also presented in Florence by the lay confraternities, in particular the Compagnia dell'Arcangelo Raffaello, the Compagnia di S Bernardino e S Caterina, the Compagnia di S Niccolò, the Compagnia di S Jacopo, and the Compagnia della Purificazione detta di S Marco and its subsidiary, the Ospizio del Melani (Hill, 1986). Among the oratorio composers active in Florence were G.M. Casini, A.F. Piombi, G.M. Orlandini, F.M. Veracini, Carlo Arrigoni, G.N.R. Redi and Bartolomeo Felici. Of special importance among the other oratorio composers of Tuscany is G.C.M. Clari, of Pistoia (Fanelli, 1998).

In Venice the oratorians initiated their activities in 1661 in the church of S Maria della Consolazione, detta della Fava. The earliest oratorios were performed in the oratory of that church, probably as early as 1667 but at least by 1671, according to the oratorians' extant records. The account books of the oratorians show that Giovanni Legrenzi's oratorios were composed for them. The oratorians continued, with some interruptions, to present oratorios until the late 18th century (Arnold, 1986). Oratorios began to be performed in the conservatories of Venice in 1677, when the Ospedale degli Incurabili presented its first oratorio, Carlo Pallavicino's S Francesco Xaverio. The majority of the oratorios given at the Venetian conservatories in the late Baroque period were in Latin; these institutions and the Crocifisso in Rome were highly exceptional in Italy for their cultivation of the oratorio latino. Among the composers of oratorios who were active in Venice in this period, in addition to Legrenzi and Pallavicino, were Pollarolo, Caldara (until 1700), Gasparini (after 1700), Lotti and Vivaldi. Among the librettists of Venetian oratorios are Bernardo Sandrinelli, Nicolò Minato (more important for Vienna than Venice), F.M. Piccioli, G.M. Giannini, Pietro Pariati, Z. Vallaresso and J. Cassetti.

The libretto of an oratorio from about 1660 to about 1720 is an extended poem of about 350–450 lines, characteristically in two sections; when set to music its performance time is about one and a half to two hours, with those in the earlier part of the period tending to be shorter than the later ones. Oratorios in three or more sections are rare; slightly less exceptional are those in only one. Brief spiritual cantatas for two or more voices, using dialogue between characters and sometimes including narrative passages, continued to be used in Italian oratories throughout the Baroque period. These are usually designated by a term other than ‘oratorio’, as may be seen in Cazzati's Diporti spirituali per camera e per oratorii (Bologna, 1668) and G.C. Predieri’s Cantate morali e spirituali (Bologna, 1696); a few, however, are actually given the term of the larger form, as are Ghezzi's Oratorii sacri a tre voci (Bologna, 1700) and Albergati's Cantate et oratorii spirituali (Bologna, 1714).

The chief sources of oratorio librettos are the Bible, hagiography and moral allegory. For biblical librettos, stories from the Old Testament were much more frequently employed than from the New: of the relatively few texts based on the New Testament, those on the Passion, without narrative sections and in poetic form, appear to have been the most numerous and are found mostly in the repertory of the Bologna–Modena area. Hagiographical texts were used with increasing frequency from the mid-17th century to the early 18th until they rivalled, and with some poets and composers surpassed, the number of Old Testament texts. The prominence of hagiographical subjects for oratorios has been attributed to the influence of the Counter-Reformation in general, and to that of Jesuit dramas in particular; the latter had turned increasingly to hagiographical stories of conversion since about 1590 in an effort to further the process of conversion called for by the Council of Trent. Since the oratorio was so important in Rome within the cultural milieu of the Counter-Reformation, it is not surprising that many oratorio librettos reflect aspects of Counter-Reformation sensibility: heroism, mysticism, asceticism, gruesomeness and eroticism are all present. Most prominent are the first three of these, but gruesomeness and eroticism are occasionally found. The erotic element is important in the oratorios that stress the sensual aspects of female characters such as Susanna, Judith, Esther and Mary Magdalene and emphasize love scenes of a worldly, operatic nature. The oratorio with sensual emphasis has been termed the ‘oratorio erotico’. Until about the last decade of the 17th century narrative sections, usually labelled ‘testo’, but sometimes ‘textus’, ‘poeta’, ‘storico’ or ‘historicus’, were common in oratorio librettos; in the 18th century, however, Italian librettists virtually abandoned such narrative sections and relied exclusively on dramatic dialogue. Oratorios usually required three to five soloists throughout this period, although exceptional works in the 17th century include as many as nine to 16 solo roles. Following the lead of opera, oratorio in Italy nearly abandoned the chorus in the second half of the 17th century and the early 18th; the few choruses used in oratorios are generally quite brief, and the composer usually set the text so that they could be sung by an ensemble of the soloists who sang the dramatic roles. The requirement of a separate choral group for the performance of an oratorio is rare in Italy after Carissimi.

The development of the musical style of oratorio from about 1660 to about 1720 followed closely that of opera. This development may be divided into two phases, one from the 1660s to the 1680s, and another from the 1680s to about 1720. Even before the 1720s, early Classical style traits are clearly in evidence in the music of some oratorio composers; from the 1720s these traits grew increasingly prominent, although for some time to come they were still mixed with traits of the late Baroque style. As pointed out above, there are Roman, Bolognese-Modenese, Florentine and Venetian ‘schools’ of oratorio composers in the sense that certain composers wrote oratorios primarily for those centres. From the standpoint of musical style, however, the extant oratorios of these composers show far more similarities than differences; there seems to be a single, basic, ‘pan-Italian’ style within each phase, with only slight local variants. Thus what has often been called the ‘Venetian’ style in discussions of opera is found equally in oratorios of Rome, Florence, Bologna and Modena, as well as Venice; likewise, the so-called ‘Neapolitan’ style seems to appear as early in Venice and Rome as in Naples.

From about 1660 to about 1720 most oratorios required three to five voices to sing the solo roles, and these united in ensembles of characters and in those few numbers marked ‘coro’ or ‘madrigale’. Among the more important characteristics of the earlier phase, from the 1660s to the 1680s, are the small number of instruments normally required (either basso continuo alone, or two or three string parts plus continuo); the free intermingling of passages in recitative, arioso and aria styles; the predominance of arias accompanied only by basso continuo; the relatively brief arias in strophic, modified strophic, binary or ternary forms (the ABB¹ form is the most common, while ABA and ABA¹ forms are infrequent, and the designation ‘da capo’ is virtually non-existent); and the basso-ostinato unification of arias. The extant oratorios of Legrenzi (Il Sedecia, La vendita del core humano and La morte del cor penitente) clearly represent this phase in the genre's development, as do most of those by Stradella (Ester, Susanna, S Giovanni Chrisostomo, S Editta and S Pelagia); Stradella's S Giovanni Battista, one of the greatest works from this phase of the oratorio's development, is exceptional for its large orchestra, using concerto grosso instrumentation.

In the 1680s and 1690s many oratorios continued to exhibit the characteristics described above, but new styles and structures grew increasingly important and dominated by the first decade of the 18th century. Among the new characteristics are the tendency to use a larger and more colourful orchestra with concerto grosso instrumentation, the predominance of orchestrally accompanied arias, the occasional use of orchestrally accompanied recitative, the regular alternation of recitatives and arias, the predominance of the da capo form for arias and small ensembles and more elaborate coloratura passages. The arias also show a clearer stylization in their expressions of such affections as rage, vengeance, militarism, joy, lamentation, love and pastoral bliss, and in their programmatic imitations of phenomena such as birdcalls, storms, wind, ocean waves and waterfalls. Early Classical tendencies (in particular the light, simple style favouring dance rhythms, balanced phrases and homophonic textures with slow harmonic rhythm) clearly appear in the second decade of the 18th century, especially in Caldara's Roman oratorios. Of primary significance for the history of this genre are the oratorios of Alessandro Scarlatti, which reflect the development of the oratorio from the 1690s to the end of the second decade of the 18th century, except that early Classical elements are virtually absent from them. Handel's La resurrezione (1708) is a masterly example of the contemporary oratorio volgare; Vivaldi's Juditha (1716) mixes early Classical elements with its essentially late Baroque style and shows that the oratorio latino is identical in every musical respect to the more fashionable oratorio volgare; Caldara's Roman oratorio S Flavia Domitilla (1713) clearly reveals early Classical features. In Spain a tradition of oratorio composition began with the works of A.T. Ortells (c1650–1706). His El hombre moribondo, El juicio particular and Oratorio sacro a la passión de Cristo señor nuestro were performed in 1702, 1703 and 1706 respectively at the Oratorio de San Felipe Neri in Valencia (Ferrer-Ballester, 1993).

6. The Italian oratorio and ‘sepolcro’ in Vienna.

Outside Italy the Italian oratorio was performed primarily in the Roman Catholic courts of central Europe, where it usually functioned as a Lenten substitute for the extremely popular Italian opera and thus was accessible only to the aristocracy. While the Dresden court and numerous smaller ones adopted the genre only in the 18th century, the Habsburg court in Vienna did so as early as the mid-17th century. Particularly prominent for its cultivation of Italian opera, the Viennese court also became the most important centre of sacred dramatic music in the Italian language outside Italy. Emperor Leopold I (1658–1705), both an avid patron of Italian music and a composer of at least nine sacred dramatic compositions, wrote the earliest oratorio known to have been performed in Vienna, Il sacrifizio d'Abramo (1660). (Leopold's two sacred dramatic works with German texts are quite exceptional for Vienna in this period because of their language.) Other patrons of the oratorio were Leopold's stepmother, Eleonora, who was the empress dowager, and the Emperors Joseph I (1705–11) and Charles VI (1711–40), both of whom were musicians. The most active period of oratorio cultivation closed with the death of Charles VI. Among the 17th-century composers of sacred dramatic music in Vienna, Antonio Draghi was the most prolific; others, in addition to Leopold I, were Antonio Bertali, Cesti, G.B. Pederzuoli, G.F. Sances and P.A. Ziani. Later composers (17th and 18th centuries) were C.A. Badia, F.T. Richter, P.F. Tosi and M.A. Ziani. The latest period of Baroque oratorios in Vienna, being in the second decade of the 18th century, is best represented by the works of Caldara and Fux; composers of oratorios for Vienna in this late period whose works show a mixture of late Baroque and early Classical styles are Giovanni Bononcini, A.M. Bononcini, F.B. Conti, Matteo Pallota, Giuseppe Porsile, L.A. Predieri and the elder Georg Reutter. Most important among the librettists of Viennese sacred dramatic works in the 17th century are Draghi and Minato; among the early 18th-century oratorio librettists of note are Pariati, G.C. Pasquini and Stampiglia. Of special significance are the two most famous 18th-century librettists Zeno and Metastasio (see below).

Sacred dramatic music at Vienna was identified by a number of terms, among them ‘oratorio’, ‘oratorio per il santissimo sepolcro’, ‘componimento sacro’, ‘rappresentazione sacra’ and ‘azione sacra’. The 17th-century repertory may be generally divided, however, into two related genres, the oratorio and the sepolcro. The oratorio is normally in two sections, unstaged, and similar in virtually every other respect to the oratorio volgare of the second half of the 17th century in Italy; its general function was also similar, as both were Lenten substitutes for opera, but its immediate context differed, for it was performed in a court chapel as a part of a semi-liturgical service. The 17th-century sepolcro, which was often termed ‘rappresentazione sacra’, is like the Italian oratorio in text and music, with the following exceptions: it is normally in one section only, its text is restricted to the description or interpretation of the Passion, its performances were restricted to Maundy Thursday and Good Friday and it was performed with scenery, costumes and action. The principal element of the scenery was the holy sepulchre of Christ, which was usually erected in the choir of the court chapel of Eleonora and in the main court chapel, the Hofburgkapelle. (The tradition of erecting sepulchres in the churches of Vienna to commemorate the Passion and death of Christ from Maundy Thursday to Holy Saturday can be documented as early as the beginning of the 15th century.) According to stage directions in extant sources, a curtain opened at the beginning of the performance to reveal the sepulchre, and in the course of the sepolcro the members of the cast were required to perform actions appropriate to the circumstances of the drama (e.g. to weep, carry a cross, lift a veil, kneel or bring flowers). For performances of Draghi's sepolcri (which appear to be generally characteristic of the 17th-century sepolcro) in the chapel of Eleonora, the only scenery was the sepulchre; in the Hofburgkapelle, however, the sepulchre was supplemented by a large backdrop of painted scenery (see fig.4). In the early 18th century the tradition of erecting a sepulchre was continued at the Hofburgkapelle, but the works performed at the sepulchre were usually oratorios in two sections; at least seven of Caldara's Viennese oratorios are specified to be performed at the sepulchre.

Of special importance for the Italian oratorio in the 18th century are the libretto changes that took place at Vienna in the works of Zeno and Metastasio. As the court poet from 1718 to 1729, Zeno wrote librettos for both operas and oratorios. Among his aims as an oratorio librettist were the restriction of oratorios to subjects found in the Bible, the adherence to the Aristotelian unities of action, time and place, and the creation of spiritual tragedies which would be suitable even as spoken dramas, though intended to be set to music as oratorios. Zeno also opposed the introduction of divine personages in the oratorio. Most of Zeno's 17 oratorio librettos were first set to music by Caldara. Zeno's successor as court poet in 1730, Metastasio, one of the greatest poets of his time, retained many of the changes introduced by his predecessor. Of Metastasio’s eight oratorio librettos, seven were written for Vienna; two of these were first set to music by Caldara, three by the elder Reutter, one by Porsile and one by Predieri. Like Zeno, Metastasio preferred biblical subjects, and only one of his Viennese librettos, Sant'Elena al Calvario (1731), is non-biblical; Metastasio also sought to adhere to the Aristotelian unities, and he avoided introducing divine personages. But unlike his predecessor, Metastasio clearly distinguished between the libretto for an oratorio and one for a staged drama; thus his oratorio librettos tend to concentrate on the inner, psychological development of the drama, the external events themselves being outside the poetry, which only refers to them. The appropriateness of Metastasio's oratorio librettos for an unstaged musical genre and their highly polished literary style no doubt account for their being the favoured librettos of composers of Italian oratorios throughout the 18th century.

Until the first decade of the 18th century the musical style of Viennese oratorios remained similar to that of oratorios in Italy, but in the period of Fux and Caldara the style became more elaborate. After 1716, the year of his arrival in Vienna from Rome, where his music had become increasingly galant, Caldara considerably modified his style by making it conform more closely to that of Fux, whose music had been favoured at the Viennese court for several years. In the Viennese oratorios of both composers the orchestral accompaniments and independent numbers are more elaborate than was characteristic in Italy; solo vocal lines reveal little of the early Classical element but are typical of the late Baroque period in their long, spun-out phrases; the choruses, while not more numerous, tend to be longer and more contrapuntal.

Vienna was by far the most prominent centre of oratorio cultivation in Roman Catholic, German-speaking areas, but oratorios and oratorio-like works were at times performed elsewhere in Catholic Austria and Germany. Of special importance are the early 17th-century Latin dialogues of Daniel Bollius, active at Mainz. His Latin sacred dramatic work titled Repraesentatio harmonica conceptionis et nativitatis S Joannis Baptistae … composita modo pathetico sive recitativo (?1620) has been called the ‘first oratorio in Italian style composed on German soil’ (Gottron, 1959).

7. Protestant Germany, Baroque.

German composers adopted some of the new techniques of Italian dramatic music in the early 17th century, but they were slow to develop the new genres of opera and oratorio in their own language. Only in the mid-17th century did the German oratorio tentatively begin, and not until the early 18th century did a more or less clearly defined genre identified by the term ‘Oratorium’, with a German text, begin to be recognized and accepted in German concert life and Lutheran church services. Indeed, in the early 17th century in Germany the terms ‘stylus oratorius’ and ‘actus oratorius’ referred to the art of speech; stylus oratorius designated an ‘oratorical’ or recitative style, and an actus oratorius was usually a spoken, sacred, school drama, sometimes with music, given by students learning the art of the orator. Even in the 18th century the term ‘Oratorium’ seems to have been used more freely in Germany than in Italy to designate musical settings of a greater variety of texts. Among the antecedents of the German oratorio are the historia (including the Passion with a purely scriptural text), the actus musicus, the oratorio Passion, the sacred dramatic dialogue, sacred dramas with music and the sacred opera cultivated at Hamburg in the late 17th century. The Italian oratorio, too, influenced the development of the German oratorio, particularly in the early 18th century.

One of the strongest roots of the German oratorio is the Lutheran historia, a musical setting of a scriptural story, intended for performance in church. The Passion was the earliest and by far the most important subject; the Easter and Christmas stories were of secondary importance, and others were rarely used. In the 16th century and early 17th the text of the historia was restricted to biblical narrative, except for brief introductory and concluding passages. Among the several types of musical settings for 16th-century historiae, the one most clearly an oratorio antecedent required a responsorial performance and was realistically dramatic in conception: solo chant (a liturgical recitation tone) was used for the Evangelist's narration and the speech of the individuals, while that of two or more was set polyphonically (see Passion). In the early 17th century this type of historia sometimes adopted the basso continuo accompaniment and adapted the monodic style in such a manner that the solo vocal lines constituted a compromise between the traditional recitation tone and the new monody, as in the Evangelist's part in Schütz's Historia der frölichen und siegreichen Aufferstehung unsers einigen Erlösers und Seligmachers Jesu Christi (Dresden, 1623). Although this work is sometimes called Schütz's ‘Easter Oratorio’, it is better understood as an antecedent of the oratorio: in the tradition of the Lutheran historia but unlike the contemporary oratorio libretto, its text is composed entirely of biblical quotation (except for the introductory and concluding passages). Furthermore, the work is modelled on a 16th-century historia by Antonio Scandello, and like the latter shows an unrealistic, non-dramatic approach to the text in that the speech of individuals (Jesus and Mary Magdalene) is set for two voices. (In his prefatory remarks to the work, however, Schütz allowed for a more dramatic performance by suggesting that one of the vocal parts for these roles might be instrumentally performed or even omitted.) Schütz's Passion historia on the Seven Words of Christ (Die Sieben Wortte unsers lieben Erlösers und Seeligmachers Jesu Christi, ?1645) is much closer to the oratorio in its melodic style, which is free from the influence of chant, and in its realistic approach to the dramatic roles. Indeed, a work in which Schütz arrived at the threshold of the oratorio is his historia for Christmas (Historia der freuden- und gnadenreichen Geburth Gottes und Marien Sohnes, Jesu Christi, unsers einigen Mittlers, Erlösers und Seeligmachers, Dresden, 1664). Often referred to as the composer's ‘Christmas Oratorio’, this work has also been called ‘the first German oratorio’ (Schering, 1911, p.148). The composition merits this claim on the basis of its length, dramatic treatment of roles and musical style in general; yet it is a historia in that its text consists entirely of biblical quotation (except for the opening and closing passages) and the Evangelist's recitatives retain suggestions of a liturgical recitation tone.

In the mid-17th century some composers, particularly in Saxony and Thuringia, began to use the term ‘actus musicus’ for works with some of the same characteristics as those called historia. The new term was analogous to actus oratorius, mentioned above, already in use. In the second half of the 17th century the actus musicus and historia were similar in function and general structure. Both were intended to be performed during a Lutheran church service, both characteristically quoted narrative and dialogue passages drawn from a biblical story, and both could include non-biblical interpolations – either stanzas of chorales or freely composed poetry or prose. The actus musicus differed from the historia, however, in its greater use of non-biblical interpolations and greater emphasis on dramatic elements, such as musical characterization and quasi-theatrical performing practice. The historia tended to remain close to the liturgy, as a musical and dramatic elaboration of a scriptural reading, but the actus musicus was less liturgical and at times quite close to the oratorio. Andreas Fromm's Actus musicus de Divite et Lazaro, das ist Musicalische Abbildung der Parabel vom Reichen Manne und Lazaro (Stettin, 1649) has been called ‘the first German oratorio’ by Schwartz (1898), with some justification, for its German text is dramatic and non-biblical, as are oratorio librettos, despite the fact that its theme was drawn from Luke xvi.19–25. Among the other sacred dramatic compositions of the 17th century that bear the designation ‘actus’ are Johann Schelle’s Actus musicus auf Weihnachten (1683), P.H. Erlebach's Actus pentecostalis (1690), and four works dating from about 1690–1702: Abraham Petzold's Actus paschalis and Actus (in Festo Michaelis), F.W. Zachow's Actus pentecostalis and Kuhnau's Actus Stephanicus.

From the mid-17th century composers began to insert music with non-biblical texts into their historiae, primarily the Passion historiae, a practice which resulted in what may be termed the ‘oratorio Passion’. Like the responsorial type of Passion historia, the oratorio Passion uses as its basic text the Passion story, either quoted from a single Gospel or ‘harmonized’ from the four Gospels; soloists sing the roles of the Evangelist and the individual characters, and the chorus sings the parts of the turba. The distinguishing features of the oratorio Passion are the interruption of the Gospel account by contemplative interpolations and the use of modern recitative and concertato styles, as opposed to the plainsong and a cappella styles common in the responsorial historiae. The interpolations in the earliest oratorio Passions have texts from books of the Bible other than the Gospels or from chorales. In the late 17th century and early 18th, however, the interpolations are increasingly made up of freely composed spiritual poetry, comparable with that found in Italian oratorios. The musical settings of the interpolations vary from the simplest choral and song styles to elaborate imitative and antiphonal choruses and italianate arias.

In its retention of the biblical text and its function as a part of the traditional, established liturgy, the oratorio Passion would seem to lie outside the mainstream of the oratorio's development. Nevertheless, the combination of narrative, dramatic and contemplative elements in its text and the use of an operatic musical style make it a close relative of the oratorio. In fact, in the early 18th century Scheibe actually considered the oratorio Passion as a type of oratorio (Der critische Musikus, i, 1738, pp.159–60), but the term ‘oratorio’ (or the German ‘Oratorium’) is virtually never found on the title-page of an oratorio Passion in the Baroque era.

The earliest-known oratorio Passion is Thomas Selle's Passio secundum Joannem cum intermediis (1643). Oratorio Passions from the second half of the 17th century include Johann Sebastiani's Das Leyden und Sterben unsers Herrn und Heylandes Jesu Christi nach dem heiligen Matthaeo (1663; printed Königsberg, 1672), Johann Theile's Passio nach dem Heiligen Evangelisten Matthäo (Lübeck, 1673), and an anonymous Matthäuspassion dating from between 1667 and 1683, attributed by Birke (1958) to Friedrich Funcke. From about the turn of the century are the St Matthew oratorio Passions by J.G. Kühnhausen and J.V. Meder. Numerous other oratorio Passions of the late 17th century and early 18th are extant, with the passions of J.S. Bach forming the culmination of the development. (For the German Passion oratorio, see below.)

Closely related to the Lutheran historia, and important as an oratorio antecedent, is the large corpus of sacred dramatic dialogues which sometimes functioned as motets in the Lutheran liturgy of the 17th century. Some works called dialogues in this period are, in fact, quite brief historiae, with strictly biblical texts, solo settings for individuals and either solo or polyphonic settings of narrative passages. Many more, however, differ from the historia in their texts by combining fragments from various books of the Bible, omitting the connecting narratives of biblical stories, freely paraphrasing biblical passages, combining biblical with non-biblical material (especially with chorales), or using purely non-biblical material, often with allegorical characters. Most of the 17th-century sacred dramatic dialogues in German are so brief and include so little dramatic development that they can scarcely be considered oratorios by comparison with the works in Italian and Latin that were normally so called in the same period. Among the composers of these brief works, which have been called ‘oratorio dialogues’ by Schering and others, are Schütz, Schein, Scheidt, Andreas Hammerschmidt, the younger Kaspar Förster, J.E. Kindermann, Johann Rosenmüller, J.R. Ahle, W.C. Briegel, Augustin Pfleger, Matthias Weckmann, Christoph Bernhard and Buxtehude. Among the best examples of such dialogues, and one that has been loosely called an oratorio in musicological literature, is Weckmann's Dialogo von Tobia undt Raguel: Wo willen wir einkehren (1665), formerly attributed to Rosenmüller.

Latin dramatic dialogues, although less prominent than those in German, were also composed for the Lutheran liturgy. Of special interest in the mid-17th century are the two extended Latin dramatic dialogues of the younger Förster, Dialogus de Juditha et Holoferne and Dialogi Davidis cum Philisteo, both of which could equally well be called oratorios; a student of Carissimi in Rome, Förster adopted many elements of his master's oratorio style.

While the function of sacred dramatic dialogues in Germany was normally liturgical, such dialogues were also performed in Hamburg in the concerts of Weckmann's collegium musicum, founded about 1660. Another non-liturgical function of oratorio-like works is found in the performances at the Marienkirche in Lübeck known as Abendmusik. These concerts of sacred music were of special importance for the development of the oratorio from the period of Buxtehude's activity in Lübeck (1668–1707) and throughout the 18th century. Presented during the evenings of the last Sundays of Trinity and the second, third and fourth Sundays of Advent, the Abendmusiken under Buxtehude's direction appear to have consisted either of concerts of miscellaneous vocal and instrumental compositions or performances of large, oratorio-like works. What is known of the music performed at Buxtehude's concerts is limited primarily to the conclusions that may be drawn from four extant librettos printed for use at the Abendmusiken and one subject of a work known to have been performed at one of these concerts. The four extant librettos are Die Hochzeit des Lammes (1678), Abdruck der Texte, welche … bey den gewönlichen Abend-Musicen … praesentiret werden (1700), Castrum doloris (1705) and Templum honoris (1705). The work known only by its subject is one which Buxtehude called, in a letter, his ‘Abend Music’ of the prodigal son, performed in 1688. The first of the librettos is clearly an oratorio, although that term was not yet used for German works, and the last two are closely related to the oratorio. The work on the story of the prodigal son might have been an oratorio. The second-named libretto, Abdruck der Texte, however, provides the texts for all five of the Abendmusiken in 1700, and it shows that each of these concerts consisted of a mixture of sacred vocal works, none of which related to the oratorio.

Hamburg was the chief centre for the cultivation of German oratorio in the early 18th century, as it was for German opera. Nevertheless, oratorio was viewed by some as an unwelcome innovation there in the first decade of the century. In 1705 Reinhard Keiser's Der blutige und sterbende Jesus, with a text by C.F. Hunold (under the pseudonym of Menantes), met with opposition from the clergy and the city fathers when it was performed in Hamburg Cathedral. The work is a Passion oratorio, i.e. an oratorio with a poetic text, based on the biblical Passion but without biblical quotations. Influenced by the Italian oratorio and the new italianate cantata texts of Erdmann Neumeister, Hunold expressly stated that his new work was like ‘the Italian so-called oratorios’. The criticisms of this historically significant work focussed on its theatricality and its omission of the Evangelist's narrative passages. Further controversies about oratorio came in 1705, when the Hamburg organist Georg Bronner met with opposition to his performance of an oratorio at a public concert, and again in 1710 when he was denied the use of a church for an oratorio performance. But oratorios were fully accepted in Hamburg Cathedral from 1715 when Mattheson introduced them there. In fact, his oratorios were intended to take the place of church cantatas in the liturgy of Hamburg Cathedral on important feast days or other special occasions, although they were often subsequently performed in public concerts as well. A direct successor of Hunold's libretto is the Passion oratorio by Brockes, Der für die Sünden der Welt gemarterte und sterbende Jesus (1712), which was set to music by numerous composers, including Handel, Keiser, Mattheson and Telemann (the settings by these four composers were performed under Mattheson's direction at Hamburg in Holy Week of 1719).

By the second decade of the 18th century the German oratorio had become a well-established genre in Hamburg and in the Abendmusiken at Lübeck, and it was becoming increasingly popular in other areas of Germany as well. Among the more important composers of German oratorios in the late Baroque style of the first half of the 18th century are Keiser, Mattheson and Telemann, although in the oratorios of Telemann early Classical elements are sometimes prominent. The German oratorios of these composers and others in the first half of the 18th century reflect the styles and forms of the German opera of its time; they differ from contemporary Italian oratorios in that both libretto and music are marked by greater contrast and variety. The librettists were little interested in restricting their works by observing the Aristotelian unities, and their librettos seem less carefully worked out than those of Zeno and Metastasio. The subject matter is usually biblical (the Passion oratorio was more important than in Italy), and allegorical characters are frequently included. Choruses are more prominent than in the Italian oratorio and often have biblical texts; the frequent use of chorales is a distinguishing feature of the German oratorio.

There are many German works from the first half of the 18th century designated as oratorios and distinguishable as examples of the genre, but the term ‘Oratorium’ seems to have been more frequently applied to borderline cases than in Italy, i.e. to works which combine elements of the related genres of oratorio, sacred cantata, sacred dialogue and/or historia. The three works for which Bach used the term ‘Oratorium’ (Weihnachts-Oratorium bwv248, Oster-Oratorium bwv249 and Oratorium auf Himmelfahrt bwv11) illustrate this terminological freedom in Germany. All three show some relationship to the oratorio, but they are more like church cantatas (or, in the case of the Christmas Oratorio, a series of six cantatas) than oratorios in the normal 18th-century sense. Both the Christmas and Ascension works are also related to the historia; the texts of both are largely contemplative, but they include, like the historia, narrative quotations from the Bible sung by the ‘Evangelist’. The Easter Oratorio is essentially a dialogue among four people; although its duration is more like that of a cantata than an oratorio (it is a parody of a secular cantata, bwv249a), in its purely poetic text it is closer to the genre of oratorio than the other two works.

8. Handel and the English oratorio.

In 17th-century England the dramatic tendencies in music of the early Baroque period were by no means as strong as in Italy; English opera began later in the century, and sacred dramatic music did not develop beyond the brief dialogue. Among the earliest examples of English sacred dialogues are two works by John Hilton (ii), The Dialogue of King Solomon and the Two Harlots and The Dialogue of Job, God, Satan, Job's Wife and the Messengers, possibly composed as early as 1616. Some dialogues show a relationship to the verse anthem; for instance, an extant text of a verse anthem by Richard Portman, How many hired servants, dated 1635, is based on the story of the prodigal son, in which the dialogue takes place in the verses and the narrative passages are given to the chorus. Other composers of the few known sacred dramatic dialogues in English are Henry Blowman, Benjamin Lamb, Nicolas Lanier (ii), Purcell, Robert Ramsey and John Wilson. Purcell's only sacred dramatic dialogue is his setting of In guilty night, a text based on the story of Saul and the Witch of Endor, also set by other 17th-century composers. Thus English composers made a tentative beginning with the type of composition that might have led to a fully developed oratorio, perhaps by way of a dramatic verse anthem; they did not carry on this development, however, and when Handel arrived in England he found audiences that were unfamiliar with the form. The English oratorio is Handel's creation, his remarkable synthesis of elements found in the English masque and anthem, the French classical drama, the Italian opera seria and oratorio volgare, and the German Protestant oratorio. Similar in some respects to oratorio on the Continent, the Handelian variety is often so strikingly different as to appear to be an independent genre.

For Handel in England the word ‘oratorio’ normally designated a musical entertainment that used a three-act dramatic text based on a sacred subject; the musical setting used the styles and forms of Italian opera and English sacred choral music, although at times modified in their new context; the chorus was considered essential and was usually prominent; and the manner of performance was that of a concert, usually at a theatre or concert hall, often with concertos performed between the acts. The greater use of the chorus and the division into three acts (Handel preferred ‘act’ rather than ‘part’ for the sections of an oratorio) are among the features that distinguish the Handelian English oratorio from the Italian oratorio. Among Handel's exceptions to his normal meaning of the word ‘oratorio’ are its use for Israel in Egypt, Messiah and the Occasional Oratorio, all of which have non-dramatic librettos; another exception is his benefit concert in 1738, announced as ‘Mr Handel's Oratorio’, a miscellaneous programme with no unifying plan. The Triumph of Time and Truth (1757), a revision of an Italian work, might also be considered an exception, since its text is more ethical and moral than religious, even though Act 3 includes an anthem of petition to the Lord and closes with a ‘Hallelujah’ chorus. Seven works by Handel are sometimes classified as ‘secular oratorios’: Acis and Galatea, Alexander's Feast, Ode for St Cecilia's Day, L'Allegro, Semele, Hercules and The Choice of Hercules. Nevertheless, none of these compositions was originally called an oratorio by its composer; in Handel's England the term ‘secular oratorio’ was not used and would have seemed self-contradictory. Thus in a genre classification of Handel’s works based on the normal terminology used in England in his time, these seven compositions would be excluded from the oratorio category.

The English oratorio came into being quite by accident as an unstaged genre. In 1718 Handel composed Esther, a short work that borrows heavily from his Brockes Passion (1716). On the composer's birthday in 1732 the Children of the Chapel Royal, under the direction of their master, Bernard Gates, presented a private, staged performance of Esther for the Philharmonic Society at the Crown and Anchor Tavern. Later in the same year Handel intended to present publicly a similar staged version, using the same young performers, at the King's Theatre in the Haymarket, but he was prevented from doing so by the Bishop of London, Edmund Gibson. Bishop Gibson, who was dean of the Chapel Royal, considered the opera house an immoral place, and his objections were apparently to a staged performance there of a work with a sacred subject and to the participation in that performance of the boys of the Chapel Royal. Forced to compromise, Handel accepted for Esther the traditional, continental manner of presenting oratorios: the work was performed without staging, in a revised, concert version, by mature professional musicians (see fig.5). The success of Esther in this form prompted Handel to compose two more oratorios, Deborah and Athalia, for unstaged performances in 1733, and he retained this manner of performance for his oratorios for the rest of his life. Except for the 1732 performance of Esther, there is no precedent from Handel's time for the 20th-century staged performances of his oratorios.

Handel did not compose another oratorio for five years, during which he continued to concentrate primarily on Italian opera. During the period 1738–45, however, he returned to oratorio, composing six works: Saul, Israel in Egypt, Messiah, Samson, Joseph and his Brethren and Belshazzar. Of these, Messiah is by far the best known and has been the most influential work since Handel's death in shaping the popular conception of his oratorios; yet it is a setting of a purely biblical, non-dramatic text, and as such is not representative of the Handelian oratorio, which is essentially a dramatic genre. In the years 1746–8 Handel composed four oratorios of a militaristic flavour. The Occasional Oratorio, first performed in 1746, was an act of encouragement to the ruling Hanoverian regime in its struggle with the invading forces of Prince Charles Edward Stuart, the Young Pretender. After the Hanoverian victory (1746), Handel composed Judas Maccabaeus, Alexander Balus and Joshua; in a sense, these are all ‘occasional’ oratorios, since they sought favour with a public still in a mood to celebrate conquering heroes. Handel's late period of oratorio composition, 1748–52, includes his Solomon, Susanna, Theodora and Jephtha; Theodora is reported to have been Handel's favourite.

The Handelian oratorio functioned as an opera substitute, in a sense, since Handel eventually abandoned Italian opera for oratorio but continued to use opera theatres and, at least for a while, opera singers. But it was not an opera substitute for the same reason that the oratorio volgare was in such cities as Rome and Venice where opera was not performed during Lent and oratorio took its place. Handel's oratorio seasons often coincided more or less with Lent because of the sacred subject matter of the oratorios, but, during his life, operas continued to be performed during Lent in London, and his oratorios competed with them.

The librettos of Handel's oratorios were received by their audiences as ‘unprecedented, unequalled expressions of the religious sublime’ (Smith, 1995, p.168). All the librettos but Messiah and Theodora are based on the Old Testament or the Apocrypha, and even Messiah contains more texts from the Old Testament than the New, despite its Christian theme. The Old Testament subject matter, which was considerably modified by the librettists, had a strong appeal to Handel's audiences. Not only were they generally familiar with the stories, but they perceived a parallel between the Israelites and the English of their own time: both were intensely nationalistic and led by heroic figures, and both regarded themselves as being under the special protection of God, who was worshipped with pomp and splendour. The ‘just’ wars that the Israelites wage against the enemies of their faith in Handel's oratorios were well understood by the oratorio audiences, for religion had long been the traditional English justification for war (Smith, 1995, p.242). Handel's librettists were influenced by the contemporary masque, which in this period was a short English opera, but even more so by classical drama. The librettists sought to incorporate into their works much of the spirit and technique of ancient Greek drama, and especially its use of the chorus, which functions at times within the action, and at other times outside it in the role of a commentator.

The most striking feature of Handel's choruses in the oratorios is their stylistic variety. A general classification of the choruses according to styles and procedures results in several types, including choruses with predominantly simple, homophonic texture; massive chordal effects, at times using double-chorus antiphony; predominantly fugal texture, including fugues with one to three subjects; a basso ostinato, usually varied; and a freely imitative texture, in what might be called motet or madrigal style. Nevertheless, it is difficult to find many choruses that are so consistent in their approach that they fit neatly into a single class, for there tends to be considerable variety within a chorus. Striking contrasts of texture, particularly, as well as contrasts of melodic, rhythmic and harmonic procedures within the choruses and large choral complexes are frequent; such contrasts no doubt have much to do with the general popularity of Handel's chorus-dominated Israel in Egypt and Messiah. Handel seems always to have been acutely aware of the expressive possibilities of the words in his choruses, and his text settings abound in striking effects of word-painting and symbolism. In no other oratorio, however, did he employ as much outright pictorialism as in Israel in Egypt.

The arias and ensembles in Handel's oratorios generally resemble those of contemporary Italian opera in the expression of their affections but less so in their structure. The virtually invariable da capo form of Italian opera seria and oratorio volgare is employed with generally decreasing frequency in Handel’s oratorios from Esther to Samson. There is considerable fluctuation in the proportion of da capo arias after Samson, but only in Susanna and Theodora are there more da capo arias than other types, and these works are both closer in several respects than Handel's other oratorios to the oratorio volgare. The other arias tend to be in binary, ABA¹, or, occasionally, in strophic form. Most of the ensembles of the oratorios are duets, although there are a few trios and quartets. Unlike the duets of opera seria and oratorio volgare, those in Handel's oratorios are rarely in da capo form.

The French overture is the most prominent opening instrumental number of Handel's English oratorios; 11 of his 17 oratorios begin with a French overture, at times somewhat modified. The overtures of Deborah and Judas Maccabaeus foreshadow material used subsequently in their respective oratorios, the former more clearly than the latter.

Handel borrowed heavily from his own compositions and those of others in his oratorios; such borrowing was common in his time, and his practice differed from that of his contemporaries only in degree. But in only a few instances did Handel include an entire movement, unchanged, from another composer's work; he nearly always used the borrowed material to stimulate his imagination and developed the material in his own way. Handel was recognized in his time as the pre-eminent master of the English oratorio, and very few such works were composed by others, though there are examples by Maurice Greene, Willem De Fesch, Arne and Stanley.

9. Charpentier and the oratorio in France.

Although some of Carissimi's oratorios were known in France by the mid-17th century, French composers of the period appear to have been little interested in sacred dramatic music. The only antecedents of the oratorio comparable with those of 17th-century Italy and Germany are a few dialogue motets by such composers as Guillaume Bouzignac and Henry Du Mont. Marc-Antoine Charpentier, a student of Carissimi in Rome, appears to have been the first French composer of oratorios. By 1672 he had returned from Rome to Paris, and some of his oratorios no doubt date from the 1670s. Charpentier called none of his compositions oratorios, but used such terms as ‘historia’, ‘canticum’, ‘dialogue’ or ‘motet’; 34 of his works have Latin dramatic texts though, and clearly relate to the history of the oratorio. Of these, at least 22 may be called oratorios with as much justification as the Latin works of his master, Carissimi, listed above, whose influence they clearly reveal. Like Carissimi's, many of Charpentier's oratorios are relatively brief works in one section only, such as Le reniement de St Pierre. The longer ones, such as Judith sive Bethulia liberata, Mors Saülis et Jonathae and Judicium Salomonis, are divided into two, which was more common for oratorios in Charpentier's time. Most of Charpentier's oratorios are based on biblical subjects, although a few are hagiographical. The librettos include narrative passages set for one or more soloists and/or chorus. Of special importance in these oratorios is the chorus, often a double chorus, which is far more prominent than in the Italian oratorio of the same period. The chorus functions not only as a narrator, but also as a turba and a commentator standing outside the action. The precise functions of most of Charpentier's oratorios are not known, but they appear to have been performed as extended motets during festive masses, at concerts in churches (particularly the Jesuit church of St Louis) and during Lent for musical evenings at the residence of Marie de Lorraine, the Duchesse de Guise, whom Charpentier served as maître de musique.

Few oratorios appear to have been composed in France during the 50 years following Charpentier's death in 1704. Sébastien de Brossard, in his Dictionnaire de musique (Paris, 2/1705), defined ‘oratorio’, without giving the Italian word a French equivalent, as ‘a species of spiritual opera’, and he mentioned that one by ‘Sieur Lochon has just been presented to the public’, no doubt J.-F. Lochon's Oratorio de nativitate Christi, published in his Motets en musique, … et un oratorio (Paris, 1701), the only oratorio by a French composer to be published in the 18th century. Other oratorios dating from the first half of the 18th century by French composers are Louis-Nicolas Clérambault's L'histoire de la femme adultère, Brossard's Oratorio sopra l'immaculata conceptione della B. Vergina (incomplete) and the anonymous Oratoire St François de Borgia à gd. choeur sur la mort d'Isabelle reine d'Espagne; the first two are italianate in style, but the last is closer to the style of Lully. The first three have Latin texts; the last is in French.

10. Italian oratorio at home and abroad, early Classical and Classical styles.

Early Classical style traits are often present in music of the late Baroque period, as in the Roman oratorios of Caldara, but these traits become particularly prominent in works composed from the 1720s onwards by men such as Vinci, Pergolesi and Leo. This new style, with its emphasis on homophonic texture and symmetrical phrases, among other important elements, has often been referred to as that of the ‘Neapolitan school’, for some of its best exponents were trained at Naples. Nevertheless, these early Classical traits seem to appear in Venice, Rome and elsewhere as early as in Naples, and the style was favoured by numerous composers associated neither with Naples nor with Italy. This style became increasingly prominent in Italian oratorios from the 1720s on, and in the 1770s the fully developed style of the Classical period emerged. Composers of oratorios other than Vinci, Pergolesi and Leo, who were associated with Naples early in their careers and who composed in the early Classical and Classical styles are Porpora, Jommelli, Piccinni, G.F. Majo, Antonio Sacchini, Cimarosa, P.A. Guglielmi, Paisiello and Zingarelli. Among composers of oratorios whose works were in the early Classical or Classical style but were associated with other Italian centres of oratorio composition are Galuppi and Bertoni in Venice, and G.B. Casali, G.B. Costanzi and Pasquale Anfossi in Rome.

Throughout the period considered here the oratorio volgare dominated in Italy; at the Crocifisso, in Rome, where the oratorio latino had been fostered since Carissimi's time, oratorio performances ceased after 1710, except for Holy Year 1725, and only at the conservatories in Venice did the oratorio latino continue to be used through most of the 18th century. The two-part structure of the Italian oratorio, common in the Baroque period, was retained throughout the 18th century and beyond, and the librettos of Metastasio were among the most popular of this period. The primary emphasis in oratorios continued to be on solo singing, and the chorus was little used. The chief aria form was the da capo, although it became increasingly modified late in the century. Arias emphasizing vocal display, already prominent in late Baroque oratorios, continued to be important throughout the 18th century and well into the 19th.

Of interest in later 18th-century Italy was the occasional presentation of staged performances of oratorios. Such performances eliminated an important distinction between the genres of opera and oratorio, leaving only the sacred subject matter and the two-part structure as the essential distinguishing features of the oratorio. For example, Guglielmi's Debora e Sisara, with a libretto by Carlo Sernicola, was first performed in Lent of 1788 with operatic staging (with machines, but without dancing) at the Real Teatro di S Carlo in Naples. In the libretto printed for the performance, the work is sub-titled ‘azione sacra per musica’, a common label for oratorios of the time; characteristically for an oratorio it is divided into a prima parte and seconda parte (the word for ‘act’, common in operas, was not normally used in Italian oratorios), and except for its staging it is like the contemporary oratorio in every respect, including a closing chorus. (There is even biblical documentation, in footnotes, in the printed libretto, as is found in many oratorio librettos of the period.) Staged performances of Italian oratorios appear to have been more common in Naples than elsewhere, but they were occasionally given in other cities of Italy and abroad.

Outside Italy the Italian oratorio continued to play an important role in musical life, particularly in Vienna. The Viennese court patronage of oratorio was not as significant after the death of Charles VI (1740) as it had previously been, but Giuseppe Bonno and Salieri, among others, continued to compose oratorios for the court. With the founding of the Tonkünstler-Societät (1771), oratorios at Vienna became increasingly a part of public concert life; Haydn's only Italian oratorio, Il ritorno di Tobia (1775), was first performed at a concert of this society. The Roman Catholic court at Dresden became one of the most significant centres of Italian oratorio cultivation outside Italy by composers in the early Classical and Classical styles. The most important contributor of oratorios at the Dresden court was the Neapolitan-trained Hasse; others before and after him who composed Italian oratorios for this court are G.A. Ristori, J.D. Zelenka, J.D. Heinichen, Joseph Schuster, Franz Seydelmann and J.G. Naumann. Italian oratorio, like Italian opera, was exported to almost every part of Europe during this period, including England, the Low Countries, Spain, Portugal and Russia.

11. Germany, early Classical and Classical styles.

German oratorios of the first half of the 18th century occasionally exhibit early Classical traits, but these did not predominate until about the middle of the century. In both its libretto and music the German oratorio in the second half of the 18th century, as in earlier times, included a greater variety of types and structures than the Italian oratorio of the same period. The librettos of German oratorios range between two extremes: the predominantly dramatic type (biblical in Protestant Germany; biblical or hagiographical in Roman Catholic areas) and the predominantly contemplative type. (The increasing use of the term ‘oratorio’ for musical settings of works with predominantly contemplative texts increased the confusion of the meanings of the terms ‘Oratorium’ and ‘Kantate’ in German usage of the late 18th century, and these terms were sometimes used synonymously.) German oratorios are divided into as many as five sections, but those with one or two are the most common. The chorus and the chorale are as prominent in German oratorios of this period as in those of the late Baroque period. The German oratorio tends to exhibit a freer intermingling of recitative, arioso and aria styles and a greater emphasis on accompanied recitative than does the Italian oratorio of the same period. Arias in da capo form and those emphasizing vocal display are less prominent than in Italian oratorios, while simple arias, often folklike in quality and reminiscent of Singspiel, are more common. The Lutheran oratorio continued in this period to function in a liturgical context, as a substitute for the cantata, and it also became increasingly popular in public concert life. Telemann performed oratorios in his public concerts at Frankfurt and Hamburg, as did his successor at Hamburg, C.P.E. Bach. At Lübeck the Abendmusiken continued to offer oratorios, and from 1772 the concerts of the Tonkünstler-Societät in Vienna included oratorios in German as well as in Italian.

German oratorios with predominantly dramatic librettos are within the mainstream of oratorio development in general, and they tend to be closer to the Italian oratorio of the period in musical treatment, as well as in text, than are those with contemplative texts. Among the oratorios with dramatic librettos written for Hamburg during this period are Telemann's Der Tag des Gerichts (1762; libretto by C.W. Alers) and C.P.E. Bach's Israeliten in der Wüste (1769; published in 1775; libretto by D. Schiebeler). An extremely prolific composer of oratorios of this type was J.H. Rolle, music director of the city of Magdeburg and one of the best-known oratorio composers in his time; of his approximately 25 oratorios, two are particularly noteworthy for their flexible musical forms in the service of dramatic continuity: Lazarus, oder Die Feier der Auferstehung (Leipzig, 1779) and Thirza und ihre Söhne (Leipzig, 1781). Numerous dramatic oratorios were composed for the Abendmusiken at Lübeck, including A.C. Kunzen's Judith (1759) and Absalon (1761) and J.W.C. von Königslöw's Joseph (1784) and Esther (1787). German oratorios composed for the court of the Archbishop of Salzburg around the middle of the century were strongly influenced, in both their texts and music, by the Italian oratorios performed in Vienna and at other Roman Catholic courts. J.E. Eberlin's Augustinus, for example, is a setting of a German translation of an Italian libretto, La conversione di Sant'Augustino, first set by Hasse; a particularly noteworthy dramatic oratorio by Eberlin is the Passion oratorio in one section Der blutschwitzende Jesus.

The strongest influence on oratorio texts that are predominantly contemplative was the poetry of Klopstock, particularly his Messias. Librettos showing Klopstock’s influence are those in empfindsamer Stil, which emphasized the lyrical and sentimental expression of feelings evoked by religious events and experiences, as well as by scenes in nature. Many such librettos are purely contemplative, without dialogue; for these the term ‘cantata’ would seem more appropriate than ‘oratorio’, although, as pointed out above, the terms were sometimes used synonymously in 18th-century Germany. Some librettos that include narrative or dramatic elements show their affinity to the empfindsamer Stil in their emphasis on the emotional reflections of the narrator or individual characters. The central theme of many contemplative oratorios is the Messiah, particularly the events of Christmas, the Passion and Ascension. Most important among the librettists are K.W. Ramler, J.F.W. Zachariä and Herder, and the most famous libretto is Ramler's Der Tod Jesu, a purely contemplative text, without dialogue, in one section only. C.H. Graun's setting of Der Tod Jesu (1755), one of the best-known German oratorios in its period, was performed almost annually in Berlin on Good Friday until the late 19th century. Others who set this text were Telemann, G.A. Kreusser and J.C.F. Bach. Ramler's Christmas oratorio, Die Hirten bei der Krippe zu Bethlehem, was set by J.F. Agricola, Telemann, C.A.F. Westenholz, D.G. Türk, J.F. Reichardt, J.C.F. Rellstab and J.L. Eybler; among those who set Ramler's Ascension oratorio, Die Auferstehung und Himmelfahrt Jesu, are Agricola, Telemann, J.G. Krebs, G.J. Vogler, C.P.E. Bach and C.F. Zelter. Zachariä’s Die Tageszeiten, modelled on James Thomson's The Seasons (later used by Haydn), is a poem of religious reflections on nature, best known in its setting by Telemann. Herder's librettos Die Kindheit Jesu and Die Auferweckung des Lazarus were both set by J.C.F. Bach. Lyrical, sentimental texts, particularly for Passion oratorios, continued to be popular in early 19th-century Germany; F.X. Huber's text for Beethoven's Christus am Oelberge (1803) clearly reveals the influence of such texts, even though the work has a strong dramatic element in the dialogue.

The most significant German oratorios of the late Classical period are Haydn’s Die Schöpfung (‘The Creation’, completed in 1798) and Die Jahreszeiten (‘The Seasons’, completed in 1801), two of the finest compositions of his latest period. The Creation is based on a text that Haydn took with him from his second London visit. Originally compiled by Lidley (or Linley) from Milton's Paradise Lost, the text was reworked in German for Haydn by van Swieten. Divided into three sections, the libretto is essentially narrative and contemplative; although it includes parts for three individuals, the Archangels Raphael, Gabriel and Uriel, they function as narrators rather than as actual characters in a drama. Two others, Adam and Eve, enter in the third section with essentially lyrical lines. The music of The Creation clearly reflects Haydn's acquaintance with Handel's music, and its pictorialism is sometimes comparable with that of Israel in Egypt; yet the naive simplicity in the music of The Creation distinguishes it from Handel's more rhetorical approach and is among the work's most attractive features. The formal structures are remarkably varied in this oratorio, the free mixtures of solo, soli and choral passages being of special interest; the harmonic freedom of the opening orchestral Representation of Chaos is remarkable for its anticipation of the harmonic practices of the 19th century. The Seasons, likewise a setting of a van Swieten reworking of an English text, by James Thomson, is less like an oratorio than The Creation. The Seasons is in four sections and is mainly a description of the four seasons; its text is not primarily religious and thus is not within the mainstream of oratorio history. It includes three rural characters, Simon, Hanne and Lucas, and a chorus. The music is often simple, reflecting at times the popular style of Singspiel. During the 19th century both The Creation and The Seasons became extremely popular as concert pieces on the Continent, in England and in North America.

12. France and elsewhere, early Classical and Classical styles.

The history of oratorio in France in the second half of the 18th century divides into two phases, the first from 1758 to the early 1760s and the second from 1774 to 1790; the second phase terminated when events of the French Revolution brought to an end the concerts spirituels, the Lenten concert series in Paris at which most French oratorios in this period were performed. The first of these two phases falls within J.-J.C. de Mondonville's directorship of the Concert Spirituel (1755–62); five oratorios are known to have been performed in these concerts between 1758 and 1761: Mondonville's Les Israëlites à la Montagne d'Horeb (1758), Les fureurs de Saül (1759) and Les titans (1761); J.-N.L. de Persuis' Le passage de la Mer Rouge (1759); and P.J. Davesne's La conquête de Jéricho (1760). The music of these five works has not survived, but printed librettos and comments about them by contemporary observers indicate that they were relatively brief works (of about 25 to 30 minutes) and that they all had French texts. Of these works only Mondonville's Les titans is outside the mainstream of oratorio history, since it has a secular text. The term ‘oratorio’ was not consistently applied to oratorios by French composers or observers in the period, but a variety of terms were used, including ‘motet françois’, ‘poëme françois’, ‘motet françois en forme d’oratorio’, ‘oratorio françois’ and ‘hiérodrame’.

The second phase of the French oratorio, 1774–90, coincides with the period during which the concerts spirituels were under the directorship of Pierre Gaviniès, Simon Leduc and Gossec. During this period several oratorios were performed every year at the Concert Spirituel, among them the following (unless otherwise indicated, the dates are those of the first performances; most of these works were performed more than once in the period, and some many times): N.-J. Méreaux's Samson (1774), Esther (1775) and La Résurrection (1780); G.M. Cambini's Le sacrifice d'Isaac (1774), Joad (1775) and Samson (1779); H.-J. Rigel's La sortie d'Egypte (1774), La déstruction de Jéricho (1778) and Jephté (1783); Gossec's La nativité (1774) and L'arche d'alliance devant Jérusalem (1781); F.-A.D. Philidor's Carmen saeculare (first performed in London, 1779, and in Paris the next year); Sacchini's Esther (originally in Italian as Ester, Rome, 1777, revised in French for Paris, 1786) and Salieri's Le jugement dernier (1787). At least 20 other composers, mostly obscure, composed oratorios for the concerts spirituels during this period. Nearly all the oratorios performed at these concerts were settings of French sacred texts; a notable exception, however, is Philidor's Carmen saeculare, which uses a non-dramatic, classical Latin text by Horace. Such a text places this work outside the mainstream of oratorio history, but it was clearly considered an oratorio by contemporary French commentators.

Of special interest in this period are Le Sueur's four ‘mass-oratorios’ for the feasts of Christmas, Easter, Pentecost and the Assumption of the Virgin Mary, performed in 1786–7 at the Cathedral of Notre Dame in Paris. These highly original, experimental works were elaborate dramatic and programmatic expansions of the Ordinary of the Mass. For each one Le Sueur published an extensive booklet that described the music and his programmatic interpretation of it. The performing forces included an orchestra, chorus and soloists, and the musical numbers consisted of recitatives, arias, ensembles, and large and small choruses. The music for the mass-oratorios is lost, but the descriptions in the published booklets provide a clear notion of the compositional prcedures. Le Sueur's Oratorio de Noël, which survives in published form, is not the same as the mass-oratorio for Christmas, but apparently borrows some of its music.

In England Handel's oratorios were seldom given in their entirety after his death, but performances of the most popular selections from them were common. Of special importance for the provincial cultivation of Handel's oratorios was the Three Choirs Festival, which had begun to present Handel's oratorios during his lifetime and which became virtually a Handel festival in the late 18th century. At this festival and elsewhere, Messiah was the favoured oratorio. Handel did not found a ‘school’ of oratorio composition, and relatively few English oratorios were composed in the post-Handelian 18th century. Among the composers who contributed to the small oratorio production in this period are J.C. Smith, John Stanley, Arne, John Worgan, Charles Avison, Samuel Arnold and Luffman Atterbury.

In North America, the performance of selections from oratorios dates from the 18th century and coincides with the rise of concert life and the establishment of singing societies in the principal cities, particularly Boston, New York, Philadelphia and Charleston. Numbers from Handel's oratorios were occasionally performed, particularly from Messiah. It is not known when the first complete oratorio performance in America took place, but Samuel Felsted's oratorio Jonah (printed in London, 1775) was performed in New York in 1788 and in Boston in 1789. In 18th- and 19th-century America the word ‘oratorio’ was applied not only to the genre but also to virtually any concert of sacred music. (The latter use of the term is similar to Handel's exceptional use of it for a concert of his music in 1738.) For instance, in the public announcement of the programme in which Felsted's Jonah was to appear at Boston in 1789, the concert itself was called ‘an Oratorio, or, Concert of Sacred Musick’, and the second half of the programme consisted of ‘The oratorio of Jonah, complete’. ‘Oratorios’ in the concert sense were presented either in public concert halls in a secular context or in churches in a context that sometimes included prayers and biblical readings.

The influence of the Italian oratorio in countries to which it was exported in the 18th century resulted, at times, in the composition of italianate oratorios by native composers in their own language. Spanish oratorios of this type, for example, were composed in 18th-century Barcelona by the successive directors of music of Barcelona Cathedral, Francisco Valls, José Pujol, José Durán and Francisco Queralt. Danish composers who wrote oratorios in their native language are P.M. Lem, H.O.C. Zinck and J.E. Hartmann.

13. Germany, Scandinavia and eastern Europe, 19th century.

A new tendency in German oratorio librettos of the 19th century is that of literary Romanticism: supernatural, mysterious, fantastic and apocalyptic scenes, themes of death and doubt, and those based on religious legends from the distant past are prominent. Oratorios with apocalyptic librettos, including passages from both the Old and New Testament, are Eybler's Die vier letzten Dinge (text by Joseph Sonnleithner; 1810), Spohr's Die letzten Dinge (text by Friedrich Rochlitz; 1827) and Friedrich Schneider's Das Weltgericht (text by August Apel; 1819). Among the numerous works based on legends are Maximilian Stadler's Die Befreyung von Jerusalem (1813) and Schneider's Das befreite Jerusalem (1835) (both with texts based on Tasso's Gerusalemme liberata); Carl Loewe's Die Zerstörung Jerusalems (1829), Die sieben Schläfer (1833), Gutenberg (1836), Palestrina (1841) and Johann Hus (1842) and Liszt's Die Legende von der heiligen Elisabeth (1862).

Oratorio subjects that had long been traditional in Germany, particularly those using biblical stories, continued to be popular in the 19th century. The increasing interest in the oratorios of Handel in the first half of the 19th century contributed to the popularity of biblical oratorios, particularly those based on Old Testament stories. Bernhard Klein's biblical oratorios, Hiob (1822), Jephta (1828) and David (1830), reveal this traditional tendency, as do Schubert's Lazarus, oder Die Feier der Auferstehung d689 (1820, incomplete), Schneider’s Pharao (1828), Gideon (1829) and Absalon (1831), A.B. Marx's Mose (1841) and, late in the century, Bruch's Moses (1895). Mendelssohn's Paulus (‘St Paul’, 1836) and Elijah (‘Elias’, 1846), both based on scriptural texts, also represent the traditional tendency in librettos; both were extremely popular works in their time, and Elijah, first performed in Birmingham, has retained its popularity to the present day in both English- and German-speaking areas. The Romantic period has also continued to favour oratorios on the theme of the Messiah, as the later 18th century had done; among the numerous Romantic oratorios on this theme are Schneider's Höllenfahrt des Messias (1810), Loewe's Festzeiten (1825–36) and Liszt's Christus (in Latin, with biblical and liturgical texts; 1862–7).

The oratorio continued to be conceived primarily as a sacred genre in the 19th century, but the term itself was exceptionally applied to a purely secular work, such as Bruch's Arminius: Oratorium (1877); three other secular oratorios by Bruch, although not identified as oratorios in their titles, are his Odysseus (1872), Achilleus (1885) and Gustav Adolf (1898). Schumann's Das Paradies und die Peri (1843–5) and Der Rose Pilgerfahrt (1851), neither of which was called an oratorio by the composer, are closely related to the genre and are sometimes classified as secular oratorios. ‘Staged oratorios’, or sacred operas, continued to be exceptional in the 19th century; Anton Rubinstein’s sacred operas, Sulamith (1883), Die Maccabäer (1872–4), Moses (1887–9) and Christus (1893), are close to the oratorio in conception, despite their composer's intention that they be staged.

The music of the 19th-century German oratorio, like the libretto, reveals a mixture of traditional and new procedures. Traditional for Germany is the use of the chorale and the emphasis on the chorus, but the performing forces tended to be far greater than in the 18th century. With the growing emphasis on performances of oratorios at music festivals in 19th-century Germany and the period's penchant for massive performances, the composer with a festival performance in mind could expect several hundred voices in his chorus. The aspects of German musical Romanticism that are new in the oratorio of the period are essentially those of German musical Romanticism in general, and particularly of Romantic opera: the large, colourful orchestra, new harmonic and melodic styles and new approaches to motivic and structural unification. Programmatic orchestral preludes and interludes became increasingly prominent, as did ‘reminiscence’ motifs, phrases or sections, used much in the manner of the operatic reminiscence motif and leitmotif. Prominent among the oratorios of the first half of the century that point the way to the newer musical procedures are those of Schneider, particularly his Weltgericht; especially important in the second half of the century for their full development of the new techniques are Liszt's oratorios, mentioned above, and Raff's Welt-Ende, Gericht, Neue Welt (1879–81).

Scandinavia and eastern Europe remained heavily dependent upon other areas in the 19th century, particularly Germany, for the oratorios performed in their concerts. The following are among the few composers in Scandinavia of oratorios using the national languages: in Sweden, J.C.F. Haeffner, Pehr Frigel and Gunnar Wennerberg; in Norway, Johannes Haarklou and Catharinius Elling; and in Denmark, Hans Matthison-Hansen. The Czech Dvořák is of particular importance for his oratorio St Ludmilla (1886), composed for the Leeds Festival in England. The earliest oratorio known to have been composed in 19th-century Russia is S.A. Degtyaryov's Minin i Pozharsky, ili Osvobozhdeniye Moskvï (‘Minin and Pozharsky, or The Liberation of Moscow’; 1811). Based on a patriotic libretto by N.D. Gorchakov, with a strong religious element, the monumental setting has a colourful mixture of Western and Russian musical elements. The large orchestra includes a Russian horn band, a large percussion section and a battalion of cannons.

14. France and the Low Countries, 19th century.

The oratorio in 19th-century France was little influenced by that of other areas. Oratorios were performed in public concert halls throughout the century, but they were also given in churches. Le Sueur's Deborah (1828), for example, is in Latin and was intended to be performed at Mass; it incorporates the liturgical element of unison psalmodic recitation. But most oratorios of 19th-century France are in French and were intended for the concert hall. They are thus closer to the mainstream of oratorio history than those of Le Sueur; yet a Roman Catholic mystical and quasi-liturgical current runs through most of the oratorio production of France and tends to distinguish French oratorios from those of other nations. Representative of French Romantic oratorios from around the middle to the end of the 19th century are those of Ferdinand David (Moïse au Sinaï, 1846; Le jugement dernier, c1849), Antoine Elwart (Noë ou Le déluge universel, 1845), Berlioz (L'enfance du Christ, 1854), Franck (Ruth, 1843–6; La tour de Babel, 1865; Rédemption, 1871–4; Les béatitudes, 1869–79; Rébecca, 1881), Saint-Saëns (Moïse sauvé des eaux, c1851; Oratorio de Noël, 1858; Le déluge, 1875), Gounod (Tobie, 1865; Mors et vita, ?1885; La rédemption, ?1882), Massenet (Marie-Magdeleine, 1873; Eve, 1875; La Vierge, 1880; La terre promise, 1900) and Dubois (Les sept paroles du Christ, 1867; Le paradis perdu, 1879; Notre-Dame de la mer, 1897; Le baptême de Clovis, 1899).

Few composers in the Low Countries wrote oratorios before the mid-19th century. The Belgian Peter Benoit is important in the second half of the century for his Lucifer (1865), De schelde (1868), De oorlog (1873) and De Rhijn (1889). Other Belgian oratorio composers in this period are Gustave Huberti (Een laatste zonnestraal, 1874, and Verlichting, 1884) and Edgar Tinel (Franciscus, 1886–8). Among the oratorio composers in 19th-century Holland are Anton Berlijn (Moses auf Nebo, 1843) and Richard Hol (David, 1879).

15. England and America, 19th century.

The history of oratorio in 19th-century England is inseparable from that of the provincial music festivals, which were the chief institutions to cultivate oratorio composition and performance. Of particular importance is the Three Choirs Festival, which continued in the early 19th century to emphasize Handel's works. The festivals of Birmingham and Leeds were also of special importance for the history of the oratorio. In the first half of the 19th century selections from and at times complete performances of the oratorios of foreign composers began to appear on English programmes. Among the more popular works of foreign composers were Haydn's Creation; Spohr's Calvary (i.e. Des Heilands letzte Stunden, first performed in London, 1837) and The Fall of Babylon (composed for the Norwich Festival of 1842); and Mendelssohn's St Paul (performed at Liverpool in 1836, for the first time in England, and conducted by the composer at the Birmingham Festival of 1837) and Elijah (first performed at the Birmingham Festival of 1846, conducted by the composer). Foreign oratorios continued to be performed in the second half of the 19th century in England, including those of Saint-Saëns, Gounod, Liszt, Raff, Franck and Dvořák.

In early 19th-century England the stylistic and structural models for new oratorios were mainly the music of Handel, Mozart and Haydn. An outstanding oratorio from this period is Crotch's Palestine (1805–11); basically Handelian, it nevertheless includes music that departs significantly from the model and is remarkably modern. Clarke-Whitfeld's oratorio pair Crucifixion and Resurrection (1822, 1825) are musically among the better Handelian works of the time. From the late 1840s to the 1880s, the primary model was Mendelssohn, who had incorporated elements of Handel's and Bach's choral style into his own work. English oratorios of this period tend to include chorales (absent from English oratorios before St Paul and Elijah), Mendelssohnian lyricism, reminiscence motifs (or ‘representative motifs’, as they came to be called in England), greater structural flexibility than before and programmatic overtures. Representative of the period are Ouseley's St Polycarp (1855), Costa's Eli (1855) and Naaman (1864), Bennett's Woman of Samaria (1867) and Macfarren's St John the Baptist (1872). The late period, beginning in the 1880s, was the most innovatory one for English oratorio: the models of Handel and Mendelssohn tended to be abandoned, and oratorio composers struck out in directions new for England. Wagnerian principles were increasingly adopted – or at least adapted to a composer's personal style. English oratorios became more dramatic, included more long, continuous scenes, and used more reminiscence motifs and occasionally even leitmotifs. The orchestra, increasingly liberated from its purely accompanimental role, became a more significant vehicle of expression. The fugue lost ground as an essential ingredient. Two works from the beginning of the late period are Mackenzie's Rose of Sharon (1884) and Cowen's Ruth (1887), both important representatives of the ‘dramatic oratorio’, which was new in 19th-century England. Among the most important works that represent the late style are Stanford's Three Holy Children (1885) and Eden (1891), and Parry's Judith, or The Regeneration of Manasseh (1888), Job (1892) and King Saul (1894). The Victorian period reached its peak, however, with Elgar's The Dream of Gerontius (1900) (discussed below).

The earliest oratorios known to have been composed in America, Jerusalem in Affliction (1828) and The Daughters of Zion (1829), are by Filippo Trajetta (son of Tommaso Traetta), who established the American Conservatorio in Philadelphia, where his oratorios were performed. In 1841 A.P. Heinrich, among the most significant American composers of the mid-19th century, wrote The Jubilee: a Grand National Sinfonia Canonicate: Commemoration of the Landing on the Banks of Plymouth by the Pilgrim Fathers, later called The Wild Wood Spirits' Chant, a Grand National Song of Triumph; or, The Oratorio of the Pilgrims. It is a bold, fresh, imaginative and highly creative oratorio, but Heinrich was insufficiently skilled in the craft of musical composition to do justice to his concept. This monumental work was presumably never performed in its entirety. The earliest known oratorio by an American-born composer is Jephtha (1845) by J.H. Hewitt, a modest work with essentially the same turns of melody, simple harmony and unadorned patterns of accompaniment that Hill had already established in his extremely popular parlour songs and was soon to apply in his operettas. More comparable with European oratorios, however, are George F. Bristow's Daniel (1866), Leopold Damrosch's Ruth and Naomi (1874), John Knowles Paine's St Peter (1870–72), and Horatio Parker's Hora novissima (completed 1892, first performed 1893) and The Legend of St Christopher (1898). Hora novissima is the only 19th-century American oratorio that is still performed. Unique for its subject matter is Dudley Buck's The Light of Asia (1886), based on Sir Edwin Arnold's blank-verse epic of the same name that treats the life of Gautama Buddha, the founder of Buddhism.

16. Italy and Spain, 19th century.

The 19th century was a period of decline for the Italian oratorio. The traditional genre lingered on, with little vigour and with conservative opera seria characteristics, while the ‘staged oratorio’, or sacred opera, became increasingly popular. Among the most frequently performed sacred operas was Rossini's Mosè in Egitto, a three-act work called an ‘azione tragico-sacra’ in its earliest version, first performed during Lent of 1818 at the Teatro S Carlo in Naples. Among the unstaged oratorios in 19th-century Italy are Simon Mayr's Samuele (1821); Paolo Bonfichi's Il Genesi (1826); Mercadante's Le sette ultime parole di Nostro Signore (1841); Teodulo Mabellini's Eudossia e Paolo, o I martiri (1845); Pietro Raimondi's trilogy Giuseppe (1847–8), curiously experimental in that its three constituent oratorios (Putifar, Giuseppe and Giacobbe) are intended to be performed either successively or simultaneously; Giovanni Pacini's Il trionfo di Giuditta (1854); Paolo Serrao’s Gli Ortonesi in Scio (1858); and Jacopo Tomadini's La risurrezione del Cristo (1864).

The relatively few oratorios of 19th-century Spain appear to follow the conservative course of those in Italy, although sacred opera seems to have been less popular in Spain. Examples of the Spanish oratorio are Francisco Andreví y Castellar's La dulzura de la virtud (before 1819) and El juicio universal (1822), Ruperto Chapí's Los ángeles (1873) and Tomás Bretón's El apocalipsis (1882).

17. The 20th century.

New directions were taken in oratorio composition around the turn of the century in both Italy and England. Lorenzo Perosi rejected the oratorio volgare of the 18th and 19th centuries, with its heavy dependence on opera, and in his 12 oratorios (among them La risurrezione di Cristo, 1898; La risurrezione di Lazzaro, 1898; Il natale del Redentore, 1899; La strage degli innocenti, 1900; and Il giudizio universale, 1904) he consciously returned to the format of the Carissimi period, although his scale was larger and his materials were post-Wagnerian. Most of Perosi's oratorios are in two sections and have Latin texts, including a storico, or narration, which, in the manner of Carissimi, is distributed among various vocal parts. His aim was to achieve a more serious religious expression than had been characteristic of Italian oratorio in the previous two centuries; to this end he made use of Gregorian chant and adopted a quasi-liturgical attitude, particularly in the numerous choruses. The oratorios of the Franciscan priest Pater Hartmann (Paul Eugen Josef von An der Lan-Hochbrunn) continue in the direction established by Perosi. Of South Tyrolean origin, Hartmann was active mostly in Rome. His five oratorios (S Petrus, 1900; S Franciscus, 1901; La cena del Signore, 1904; La morte del Signore, 1906; and Septem ultima verba Christi, 1908) set Latin texts in a post-Wagnerian harmonic style. Other 20th-century Italian oratorios include Wolf-Ferrari's Talitha Kumi (1900), Malipiero's S Francesco d'Assisi (1921), Licino Refice's Trittico francescano (1926), Franco Vittadini's L'agonia del Redentore (1933), Antonio Veretti's Il figliuol prodigo (1942) and Luigi Dallapiccola's Job (1950).

In England, Elgar's Dream of Gerontius was not only the most important oratorio of the Victorian period but the most creative English oratorio since Handel. Based on Cardinal Newman's poem of the same name, Gerontius is the only oratorio by a Victorian composer to have retained a position in the performing repertory up to the present day. The work is organized in two large parts, and the music is continuous throughout each. Gerontius owes far more to Wagner's chromatic harmonic language, solo vocal style, motivic technique and orchestral-vocal synthesis than any English oratorio before it. With Gerontius the English oratorio achieved the emancipation of the orchestra from its accompanimental role. Elgar's oratorio pair The Apostles (1903) and The Kingdom (1906) are more conventional for their biblical texts but at the same time unconventional for their continuity and structural flexibility, which continues the harmonic, melodic and orchestral style of Gerontius. Like Gerontius, they are full of reminiscence motifs, many of which appear in both works. Other important English oratorios are Vaughan Williams's Sancta civitas (1925), Walton's Belshazzar's Feast (1931), Berkeley's Jonah (1935), Fricker's The Vision of Judgement (1957–8), Milner's The Water and the Fire (1961), and Tippett's A Child of our Time (1939–41) and The Mask of Time (1980–82). Paul McCartney's Liverpool Oratorio (1991) reflects his background in popular music.

American oratorios in the 20th century reveal a wide variety of musical styles, and most rely on traditional subjects for their librettos. Among them are Charles Sanford Skilton's The Guardian Angel (1925), Robert Nathaniel Dett's The Ordering of Moses (1937), Stefan Wolpe's Israel and his Land (1939), Bernard Rogers's The Passion (1942), Franz Waxman's Joshua (1959), Vincent Persichetti's The Creation (1969), Dominick Argento's Jonah and the Whale (1973) and Charles Wuorinen's The Celestial Sphere (1980).

Among the German-language oratorios, of special interest is Schoenberg's Die Jakobsleiter (1917–22), a religious work only in the sense that it is concerned with ultimate human strivings. Despite its imagery of Swedenborgian mysticism, its philosophy is intensely individual, and individualistic: in the first part of the work (the second remained uncomposed, though Schoenberg's text is complete) various easy options to the struggles of living for truth are caustically dismissed. Die Jakobsleiter, unperformed until 1958, had no effect on the course of the 20th-century German oratorio, which is better represented by Franz Schmidt's Das Buch mit sieben Siegeln (1935–7) on texts from the Apocalypse. Other examples are Hindemith's Das Unaufhörliche (1931), Blacher's Der Grossinquisitor (1942), David's Ezzolied (1957) and the simple ‘folk oratorios’ of Joseph Haas (Die heilige Elizabeth, 1931; Christnacht, 1932; Lebensbuch Gottes, 1934; Lied von der Mutter, 1939; and Das Jahr im Lied, 1952).

The interest in sacred composition on Baroque models that grew in Germany between the wars produced few oratorios, but in Switzerland the fruits were more plentiful and included Willy Burkhard's Das Gesicht Jesajas (1933–5) and Conrad Beck's Oratorium nach Sprüchen des Angelus Silesius (1934). Both apply a severe neo-Baroque technique, and Burkhard's piece achieves great force through its stark simplicity. Though not Swiss in origin, Wladimir Vogel took a Swiss subject for his most ambitious work, the oratorio Thyl Claes, fils de Kolldrager (1938–45); it is in two parts, each lasting a whole evening, and employs his characteristic polyphonic choral speaking. More impressive among the Swiss oratorios, however, are those of Martin: Le vin herbé (1938–41), In terra pax (1944), Golgotha (1945–8) and Le mystère de la nativité (1957–9). The first is an extended work based on the Tristan legend, but its scoring is for only 12 voices and eight instruments. Golgotha uses more conventional forces in a quite original form: the Gospel narrative is unfolded in seven ‘pictures’ separated by settings of contemplative texts by St Augustine. Le mystère de la nativité is a ‘scenic oratorio’ available for stage or concert performance, and in this it looks back to Honegger's Le roi David, composed in 1921 as a ‘dramatic psalm’ for the theatre and revised as an oratorio in 1923. The clearcut facture of this piece, the strong design of individual scenes and the lapidary use of melody and rhythm make it one of the most powerful oratorios of the 20th century. Honegger extended those techniques in Jeanne d'Arc au bûcher (1935), which was written as a stage spectacle for Ida Rubinstein, though it may also be given as an oratorio.

Similarly, Debussy's Le martyre de St Sébastien (1911), another Rubinstein commission, has often been given in concert performance with the spoken dialogue cut, but the reduction of this five-act ‘mystery’ to a one-hour oratorio is not entirely satisfactory. The fusion of genres was best achieved by Stravinsky in his ‘opera-oratorio’ Oedipus rex (1926–7). Although the subject is secular, Stravinsky's treatment is liturgical in style, with the text sung in Latin, an important part for the chorus, and the principal actors appearing masked and stationary; the stylization and distance of the presentation are further accentuated by the vernacular commentaries given by a narrator in modern evening dress. If Oedipus rex is best regarded as an oratorio for the stage, concert performances can present the neo-classical monumentality of the music, which still leaves room for Verdian effusions.

Stravinsky's oratorio represents a continuation of the genre's secularization, which began in the 19th century. Politically motivated secularization enabled the oratorio to enjoy a vigorous life in Russia, where oratorios had been rare. The oratorio became a medium for the expression of heroic and at times bombastic patriotic sentiments, as in Kabalevsky's The Great Homeland (1941–2), Myaskovsky's Kirov is with us (1942) and Shaporin's Story of the Battle for the Russian Land (1943–4). After World War II the demands of socialist realism produced, throughout eastern Europe, a huge number of oratorios in praise of party leaders or the proletariat. But the period also saw the composition of a few important works: Shostakovich's Song of the Forest (1949), Prokofiev's On Guard for Peace (1950), Sviridov's Poem in Memory of Sergei Yesenin (1955–6) and Pathetic Oratorio (1959), and Shnitke's Nagasaki (1958).

Elsewhere, new departures in the oratorio continued after World War II. Messiaen's La transfiguration (1969) almost dispenses with narrative and with solo voices for an immense, meditative theological exposition drawing on texts from the Bible, the Roman liturgy and Aquinas, and on musical materials characteristic of all periods in the composer's career. Notable among the oratorios of younger composers are Penderecki's Dies irae (1967) and Henze's Das Floss der ‘Medusa’ (1968), an ‘oratorio volgare e militare’ to a politically revolutionary text. Yet perhaps the most far-reaching innovation was made by Krenek in Spiritus intelligentiae sanctus (1955), a Pentecost oratorio realized on magnetic tape.

Oratorio, §17: The 20th century

BIBLIOGRAPHY

general

antecedents

oratorio in italy and spain, c1620–c1720

italian oratorio and ‘sepolcro’ in vienna

protestant germany, baroque

handel and the english oratorio

charpentier and the oratorio in france

early classical and classical 18th-century oratorio

19th century

20th century

general

MGG1 (P. Damilano, L. Tagliavini and others)

MGG2 (J. Riepe, D. Mielke-Gerdes and others)

SmitherHO

C.H. Bitter: Beiträge zur Geschichte des Oratoriums (Berlin, 1872/R)

O. Wangemann: Geschichte des Oratoriums von den ersten Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart (Leipzig, 1882/R)

H. Kretschmar: Führer durch den Konzertsaal, ii/2: Oratorien und weltliche Chorwerke (Leipzig, 1890, rev. 5/1939 by H. Schnoor)

J.R. Carreras y Bulbena: El oratorio musical desde su origen hasta nuestros días (Barcelona, 1906)

G. Pasquetti: L'oratorio musicale in Italia (Florence, 1906, 2/1914)

D. Alaleona: Studi su la storia dell'oratorio musicale in Italia (Turin, 1908, 2/1945 as Storia dell'oratorio musicale in Italia)

A. Schering: Geschichte des Oratoriums (Leipzig, 1911/R)

F. Raugel: L'oratorio (Paris, 1948)

G. Massenkeil, ed.: Das Oratorium, Mw, xxxvii (1970; Eng. trans., 1970)

H.E. Smither: ‘The Baroque Oratorio: a Report on Research Since 1945’, AcM, xlviii (1976), 50–76

T. Dox: American Oratorios and Cantatas: a Catalogue of Works written in the United States from Colonial Times to 1985 (Metuchen, NJ, 1986)

J. Johnson and H. Smither, eds.: The Italian Oratorio 1650–1800: Works in a Central Baroque and Classical Tradition (New York, 1986–7) [31 vols. of MS facs.]

K. Pahlen: The World of Oratorio (Portland, OR, 1990)

G. Massenkeil: Oratorium und Passion (Teil 1) (Laaber, 1998)

antecedents

MGG1 (‘Dialog’, E. Noack)

MGG2 (‘Dialog’, W. Brown)

D. Alaleona: ‘Su Emilio de' Cavalieri, la Rappresentatione di Anima e di Corpo e alcune sue composizioni inedite’, Nuova musica, x (1905), 35, 47

D. Alaleona: ‘Le laudi spirituali italiani nei secoli XVI e XVII e il loro rapporto coi canti profani’, RMI, xvi (1909), 1–54

T. Kroyer: ‘Dialog und Echo in der alten Chormusik’, JbMP 1909, 13–32

E.J. Dent: ‘The Laudi Spirituali in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries’, PMA, xliii (1916–17), 63–95

K. Meyer: ‘Das Offizium und seine Beziehung zum Oratorium’, AMw, iii (1921), 371–404

L. Bordot and L. Ponelle: Saint Philippe Néri et la société romaine de son temps (1515–1595) (Paris, 1926; Eng. trans., 1932)

H.J. Moser: Die mehrstimmige Vertonung des Evangeliums, i (Leipzig, 1931/R)

B. Becherini: ‘La Rappresentazione di anima e corpo di Emilio de' Cavalieri’, RaM, xvi (1943), 1–34

L. Cervelli: ‘Le laudi spirituali di Giovanni Animuccia, e le origini dell'oratorio musicale a Roma’, RaM, xx (1950), 116–31

C. Gasbarri: L'oratorio filippino (1552–1952) (Rome, 1957)

C. Winter: ‘Studien zur Frühgeschichte des lateinischen Oratoriums’, KJb, xlii (1958), 64–76

C. Gasbarri: L'oratorio romano dal Cinquecento al Novecento (Rome, 1962)

M. Trevor: Apostle of Rome: a Life of Philip Neri, 1515–1595 (London, 1966)

H.E. Smither: ‘The Latin Dramatic Dialogue and the Nascent Oratorio’, JAMS, xx (1967), 403–33

H.E. Smither: ‘Narrative and Dramatic Elements in the Laude Filippine, 1563–1600’, AcM, xli (1969), 186–99

R. Chauvin: ‘Six Gospel Dialogues for the Offertory by Lorenzo Ratti’, AnMc, no.9 (1970), 64–77

J.W. Hill: ‘Oratory Music in Florence’, AcM, li (1979), 108–36

H. Smither, ed.: Antecedents of the Oratorio: Sacred Dramatic Dialogues, 1600–1630, Oratorios of the Italian Baroque, i, Concentus musicus, vii (Laaber, 1985)

G. Distaso: De l'altre meraviglie: teatro religioso in Puglia, Musica e teatro: quaderni degli Amici della Scala, vi (Milan, 1987)

oratorio in italy and spain, c1620–c1720

A. Maugars: Response faite à un curieux sur le sentiment de la musique d'Italie (Paris, c1640); ed. J. Hevillan (Paris, 1991, 2/1992); Eng. trans. (Geneva, 1993)

S. Lazarini: Sacra melodia di oratorii musicali (Rome, 1687)

A. Spagna: Oratorii overo melodrammi sacri (Rome, 1706); prefaces and Ger. trans., SIMG, viii (1906–7), 43–70

A. Spagna: I fasti sacri (Rome, 1720)

F. Chrysander: ‘Die Oratorien von Carissimi’, AMZ, new ser., xi (1876), 67–9, 81–3, 113–15, 130–32, 145–7

M. Brenet: ‘Les “oratorios” de Carissimi’, RMI, iv (1897), 460–83

A. Solerti: ‘Lettere inedite sulla musica di Pietro della Valle a G.B. Doni ed una veglia drammatica-musicale del medesimo’, RMI, xii (1905), 271–338

A. Schering: ‘Neue Beiträge zur Geschichte des italienischen Oratoriums im 17. Jahrhundert’, SIMG, viii (1906–7), 43–69

A. Michieli: ‘Le Poesie sacre dramatiche di Apostolo Zeno’, Giornale storico della letteratura italiana, xcv (1930), 1–33

M.A. Zorzi: ‘Saggio di bibliografia sugli oratorii sacri eseguiti a Venezia’, Accademie e biblioteche d’Italia, iv (1930–31), 226–46, 394–403, 529–43; v (1931–2), 79–96, 493–508; vi (1932–3), 256–69; vii (1933–4), 316–41

E. Dagnino: ‘Quanti sono gli oratorii di Bernardo Pasquini?’, NA, ix (1932), 270–76

E. Dagnino: ‘Ancora degli oratorii di Bernardo Pasquini’, NA, xi (1934), 68–9

R. Casimiri: ‘Oratorii del Masini, Bernabei, Melani, Di Pio, Pasquini e Stradella in Roma nell'anno santo 1675’, NA, xiii (1936), 157–69

R. Lustig: ‘Saggio bibliografico degli oratorii stampati a Firenze dal 1690 al 1725’, NA, xiv (1937), 57–64, 109–16, 244–50

F. Vatielli: ‘L'oratorio a Bologna negli ultimi decenni del Seicento’, NA, xv (1938), 26–35, 77–87

U. Rolandi: ‘Oratorii stampati a Firenze dal 1690 al 1725’, NA, xvi (1939), 32–9

L.P. Beveridge: Giacomo Carissimi (1605–1674): a Study of his Life and his Music with Latin Texts (diss., Harvard U., 1944)

G. Massenkeil: Die oratorische Kunst in den lateinischen Historien und Oratorien Giacomo Carissimis (diss., U. of Mainz, 1952)

A. Damerini: ‘L'oratorio musicale nel Seicento dopo Carissimi’, RMI, lv (1953), 149–63

A. Ghislanzoni: ‘Tre oratori e tre cantate morali di Luigi Rossi ritrovati nella Biblioteca Vaticana’, RBM, ix (1955), 3–11

A. Damerini: ‘Le due “Maddalene” di G. Bononcini’, CHM, ii (1956–7), 115–25

G. Massenkeil: ‘Die Wiederholungsfiguren in den Oratorien Giacomo Carissimis’, AMw, xiii (1956), 42–60

A. Liess: ‘Materialen zur römischen Musikgeschichte des Seicento: Musikerlisten des Oratorio San Marcello 1664–1725’, AcM, xxix (1957), 137–71

A. Liess: ‘Die Sammlung der Oratorienlibretti (1679–1725) und der restliche Musikbestand des Fondo San Marcello der Biblioteca Vaticana in Rom’, AcM, xxxi (1959), 63–80

R. Ewerhart: ‘New Sources for Handel's “La resurrezione”’, ML, xli (1960), 127–35

O. Mischiati: ‘Per la storia dell'oratorio a Bologna: tre inventari del 1620, 1622 e 1682’, CHM, iii (1962–3), 131–70

W. Müller-Blattau: ‘Untersuchungen zur Kompositionstechnik in den Oratorien Giacomo Carissimis’, Mf, xvi (1963), 209–23

G.L. Dardo: ‘“La Passione” di Attilio Ariosti’, Chigiana, xxiii (1966), 59–87

M. Fabbri: ‘Torna alla luce la partitura autografa dell'oratorio “Il primo omicidio” di Alessandro Scarlatti’, Chigiana, xxiii (1966), 245–64

U. Kirkendale: Antonio Caldara: sein Leben und seine venezianisch-römischen Oratorien (Graz, 1966)

R. Schnitzler: The Passion-Oratorios of Giacomo Antonio Perti (M.F.A. thesis, Ohio U., 1967)

A. Ziino: ‘Pietro della Valle e la “musica erudita”: nuovi documenti’, AnMc, no.4 (1967), 97–111

D.G. Poultney: The Oratorios of Alessandro Scarlatti: their Lineage, Milieu, and Style (diss., U. of Michigan, 1968)

L. Bianchi: Carissimi, Stradella, Scarlatti e l'oratorio musicale (Rome, 1969)

W.C. Hobbs: Giovanni Francesco Anerio's ‘Teatro armonico spirituale di madrigali’: a Contribution to the Early History of the Oratorio (diss., Tulane U., 1971)

H.E. Smither: ‘What is an Oratorio in Mid-Seventeenth-Century Italy?’, IMSCR XI: Copenhagen 1972, 657–63

D. Poultney: ‘Alessandro Scarlatti and the Transformation of the Oratorio’, MQ, lix (1973), 584–601

M.D. Grace: Marco Marazzoli and the Development of the Latin Oratorio (diss., Yale U., 1974)

H.E. Smither: ‘Carissimi's Latin Oratorios: their Terminology, Functions, and Position in Oratorio History’, AnMc, no.17 (1976), 54–78

W. Witzenmann: ‘Zum Oratorienstil bei Domenico Mazzocchi und Marco Marazzoli’, AnMc, no.19 (1979), 52–93

J.A. Griffin: The Oratorios of Giovanni Paolo Colonna and the Late Seventeenth-Century Oratorio Tradition in Bologna and Modena (diss., U. of North Carolina, 1978)

J.W. Hill: ‘Oratory Music in Florence, II’, AcM, li (1979), 246–67

C. Vitali: ‘Giovanni Paolo Colonna maestro di cappella dell'Oratorio Filippino in Bologna’, RIM, xiv (1979), 128–54

B. Brumana: ‘Per una storia dell'oratorio musicale a Perugia nei secoli XVII e XVIII’, Esercizi: arte musica, spettacolo, iii (1980), 97–167

G. Price: Il Sedecia: a Seventeenth-Century Oratorio by Giovanni Legrenzi (diss., U. of Kentucky, 1980)

H. Baker: The Oratorios of Benedetto Marcello (1686–1739) (diss., Rutgers U., 1982)

A.V. Jones: The Motets of Carissimi (Ann Arbor, 1982)

G. Dixon: ‘Oratorio o motetto? alcune reflessioni sulla classificazione della musica sacra del Seicento’, NMRI, xvii (1983), 203–22

E. Ozolins: The Oratorios of Bernardo Pasquini (diss., UCLA, 1983)

D. and E. Arnold: The Oratorio in Venice (London, 1986)

G. Dixon: Carissimi (Oxford, 1986)

J.W. Hill: ‘Oratory Music in Florence, III’, AcM, lviii (1986), 129–79

B. Przybyszewska-Jarminska: ‘Tipi, forma e funzioni dei dialoghi latini di Kasper Förster junior’, Tradizione e stile: Como 1987, 209–19

E. Selfridge-Field: ‘Italian Oratorio and the Baroque Orchestra’, EMc, xvi (1988), 506–13

H.E. Smither: ‘Musical Interpretation of the Text in Stradella's Oratorios’ [1972], Chigiana, xxxix (1988), 287–316

J. Riepe: ‘Überlegungen zur Funktion des italienischen Oratoriums im letzten Drittel des 17. Jahrhunderts am Beispiel von Giovanni Legrenzis Sedecia und La caduta di Gierusalemme von Giovanni Paolo Colonna’, Giovanni Legrenzi e la cappella ducale di San Marco: Venice and Clusone 1990, 605–42

A. Morelli: Il tempio armonico: musica nell'Oratorio dei Filippini in Roma (1575–1705), AnMc, no.27 (1991)

G. Staffieri: ‘L'Athalie di Racine e l'oratorio romano alla fine del XVII secolo’, RdM, lxxvii (1991), 291–310

E.S. Bonini: Il fondo musicale dell’ Arciconfraternita di S. Girolamo della Carità (Rome, 1992)

V. Crowther: The Oratorio in Modena (Oxford, 1992)

M.T. Ferrer-Ballester: ‘El Oratorio barroco hispánico: localización de fuentes musicales anteriores a 1730’, Revista de musicología, xv (1992), 1–12

C. Gianturco: ‘“Cantate spirituali e morali”, with a Description of the Papal Sacred Canata Tradition for Christmas 1676–1740’, ML, lxxiii (1992), 1–31

M. Girardi: ‘Per una definizione delle origini dell'oratorio a Venezia e i libretti per oratorio di Bernardino Sandrinelli’, Rivista internazionale di musica sacra, xiii (1992), 112–49

H.-J. Marx: ‘Römische Weihnachtsoratorien aus der ersten Hälfte des 18. Jahrhunderts’, AMw, xlix (1992), 163–99

F. Noske: Saints and Sinners: the Latin Musical Dialogue in the Seventeenth Century (Oxford, 1992)

C. Gianturco: ‘Opera sacra e opera morale: due “altri” tipi di dramma musicale’, Il melodramma italiano in Italia e in Germania nell'età barocca: Como 1993, 169–77

J. Riepe: Die Arciconfraternita di S. Maria della Morte in Bologna: Beiträge zur Geschichte des italienischen Oratoriums im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert (diss., U. of Bonn, 1993)

J. Riepe: ‘Gli oratorii di Giacomo Antonio Perti’, Studi musicali, xxii (1993), 115–232

C. Gianturco: Alessandro Stradella (1639–1682): his Life and Music (Oxford, 1994)

C. Gianturco: ‘Il trionfo del Tempo e del Disinganno: Four Case-Studies in Determining Italian Poetic-Musical Genres’, JRMA, cxix (1994), 43–59

B. Przybyszewska-Jarminska: ‘The Sacred Dramatic Dialogue in Seventeenth-Century Poland: Facts and Suppositions’, Musica Iagellonica, i (1995), 7–21

J.G. Fanelli: The Oratorios of Giovanni Carlo Maria Clari (Bologna, 1998)

italian oratorio and ‘sepolcro’ in vienna

L. von Köchel: Die kaiserliche Hof-Musikkapelle in Wien von 1543 bis 1867 (Vienna, 1869/R)

G. Adler, ed.: Musikalische Werke der Kaiser Ferdinand III, Leopold I, und Joseph I (Vienna, 1892–3/R)

A. von Weilen: Zur Wiener Theatergeschichte: die vom Jahre 1629 bis zum Jahre 1740 am Wiener Hofe zur Aufführung gelangten Werke theatralischen Charakters und Oratorien (Vienna, 1901)

G. Renker: Das Wiener Sepolcro (diss., U. of Vienna, 1913)

C. LaRoche: Antonio Bertali als Opern- und Oratorienkomponist (diss., U. of Vienna, 1919)

E. Wellesz: ‘Die Opern und Oratorien in Wien von 1660–1708’, SMw, vi (1919), 5–138

H. Vogl: ‘Zur Geschichte des Oratoriums in Wien von 1725 bis 1740’, SMw, xiv (1927), 241–64

R. Haas and J. Zuth, eds.: ‘Dreifache Orchesterteilung im Wiener Sepolchro’, Festschrift Adolf Koczirz (Vienna, 1930), 8–10

F. Biach-Schiffmann: Giovanni und Ludovico Burnacini (Vienna, 1931)

A.B. Gottron: Mainzer Musikgeschichte von 1500 bis 1800 (Mainz, 1959)

R. Schnitzler: The Sacred Dramatic Music of Antonio Draghi (diss., U. of North Carolina, 1971)

G. Gruber: Das Wiener Sepolcro und Johann Joseph Fux (Graz, 1972)

J. Herczog: ‘Tendenze letterarie e sviluppo musicale dell'oratorio italiano nel Settecento tra Vienna e il paese d'origine’, NRMI, xxv (1991), 217–29

protestant germany, baroque

MGG2 (‘Abendmusik’, K. Snyder; ‘Historia’, G. Konradt)

R. Schwartz: ‘Das erste deutsche Oratorium’, JbMP 1898, 59–65

M. Seiffert: ‘Anecdota Schütziana: Schützens Werke in einer verschollenen Bibliothek Lüneburgs: seine Oratorium vom reichen Mann und armen Lazarus’, SIMG, i (1899–1900), 213–18

M. Seiffert: ‘Matthias Weckmann und das Collegium musicum in Hamburg’, SIMG, ii (1900–01), 76–132

W. Maxton: ‘Mitteilungen über eine vollständige Abendmusik Dietrich Buxtehudes’, ZMw, x (1927–8), 387–95

L. Krüger: Die hamburgische Musikorganisation im 17. Jahrhundert (Strasbourg, 1933)

H. Edelhoff: ‘Die Abendmusiken in Lübeck’, Musik und Kirche, viii (1936), 53–8, 122–7

W. Stahl: ‘Die Lübecker Abendmusiken im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert’, Zeitschrift des Vereins für Lübeckische Geschichte und Altertumskunde, xxix (1938), 1–64

W. Menke: Das Vokalwerk Georg Philipp Telemanns: Überlieferung und Zeitfolge (Kassel, 1942)

F. Smend: ‘Neue Bach-Funde’, AMf, vii (1942), 1–39; repr. in F. Smend: Bach-Studien, ed. C. Wolff (Kassel, 1969), 137–52

C. LaRoche: ‘Bachs Himmelfahrts-Oratorium’, Bach-Gedenkschrift, ed. K. Matthaei (Zürich, 1950), 42–65; repr. in F. Smend: Bach-Studien, ed. C. Wolff (Kassel, 1969), 195–211

G. Karstädt: ‘Das Textbuch zum “Templum Honoris” von Buxtehude’, Mf, x (1957), 506–8

O. Söhngen: ‘Die Lübecker Abendmusiken als kirchengeschichtliches und theologisches Problem’, Musik und Kirche, xxvii (1957), 181–91

J. Birke: ‘Eine unbekannte anonyme Matthäuspassion aus der zweiten Hälfte des 17. Jahrhunderts’, AMw, xv (1958), 162–86

C.H. Rhea: The Sacred Oratorios of Georg Philipp Telemann (1681–1767) (diss., Florida State U., 1958)

M. Geck: ‘Die Authentizität des Vokalwerks Dietrich Buxtehudes in quellenkritischer Sicht’, Mf, xiv (1961), 393–415

G. Godehart: ‘Telemanns “Messias”’, Mf, xiv (1961), 139–55

G. Karstädt: Die ‘extraordinairen’ Abendmusiken Dietrich Buxtehudes (Lübeck, 1962)

W. Maxton: ‘Die Authentizität des “Jüngsten Gerichts” von Dietrich Buxtehude’, Mf, xv (1962), 382–94

M. Geck: ‘Nochmals: die Authentizität des Vokalwerks Dietrich Buxtehudes in quellenkritischer Sicht’, Mf, xvi (1963), 175–81

B. Baselt: ‘Actus musicus und Historie um 1700 in Mitteldeutschland’, Wissenschaftliche Beiträge der Martin-Luther-Universität Halle-Wittenberg, ser.G, viii/1 (1968), 77–103; abridged in GfMKB: Leipzig 1966, 230–37

W. Maertens: ‘Georg Philipp Telemanns Hamburger “Kapitänsmusiken”’, Festschrift für Walter Wiora, ed. L. Finscher and C.-H. Mahling (Kassel, 1967), 335–41

S.A. Malinowski jr: The Baroque Oratorio Passion (diss., Cornell U., 1978)

S. Ruhle: An Anonymous Seventeenth-Century German Oratorio in the Düben Collection (Uppsala University Library vok. mus. i. hskr. 71) (diss., U. of North Carolina, 1982)

H. Kümmerling: ‘“Difficile est satyram non scribere” oder: “Über eine gewisse Passion eines so genannten weltberühmten Mannes”’, Beiträge zur Geschichte des Oratoriums seit Händel: Festschrift Günther Massenkeil zum 60. Geburtstag, ed. R. Cadenbach and H. Loos (Bonn, 1986), 57–69

S. Oschmann: Jan Dismas Zelenka: seine geistlichen italienischen Oratorien (Mainz, 1986)

H. White: The Oratorios of Johann Joseph Fux (diss., Trinity College, Dublin, 1986)

K. Langrock: Die sieben Worte Jesu am Kreuz: ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Passionsmusik (diss., U. of Bochum, 1987)

handel and the english oratorio

W. Nagel: ‘Ein Dialog John Hilton's’, MMg, xxix (1897), 121–34

S. Taylor: The Indebtedness of Handel to Works by Other Composers: a Presentation of Evidence (Cambridge, 1906/R)

E. Bredenförder: Die Texte der Händel-Oratorien: eine religionsgeschichtliche und literarsoziologische Studie (Leipzig, 1934)

R.M. Myers: Handel's Messiah: a Touchstone of Taste (New York, 1948/R)

P.M. Young: The Oratorios of Handel (London, 1949)

J. Herbage: ‘The Oratorios’, Handel: a Symposium, ed. G. Abraham (London, 1954/R), 66–131

J.P. Larsen: Handel's Messiah: Origins, Composition, Sources (London, 1957, 2/1972/R)

I. Spink: ‘English Seventeenth-Century Dialogues’, ML, xxxviii (1957), 155–63

G.-F. Wieber: Die Chorfuge in Händels Werken (Frankfurt, 1958)

W. Dean: Handel's Dramatic Oratorios and Masques (London, 1959/R)

H.-B. Dietz: Die Chorfuge bei G.F. Händel: ein Beitrag zur Kompositionstechnik des Barock (Tutzing, 1961)

W. Shaw: Textual and Historical Companion to Handel’s Messiah (London, 1965)

B. Smallman: ‘Endor Revisited: English Biblical Dialogues of the Seventeenth Century’, ML, xlvi (1965), 137–45

J. Tobin: Handel's Messiah: a Critical Account of the Manuscript Sources and Printed Editions (London, 1969)

W. Dean: ‘How Should Handel's Oratorios be Staged?’, Musical Newsletter, iv/1 (1971), 11–15

H. Meier: Typus und Funktion der Chorsätze in Georg Friedrich Händels Oratorien (Wiesbaden, 1971)

I. Bartlett: ‘Boyce and the Early English Oratorio’, MT, cxx (1979), 293–7, 385–7

A. Hicks: ‘The Late Additions to Handel's Oratorios and the Role of the Younger Smith’, Music in Eighteenth-Century England: Essays in Memory of Charles Cudworth, ed. C. Hogwood and R. Luckett (Cambridge, 1983), 147–69

K. Kropfinger: ‘Israel in Egypt – das fragwürdige Fragment’, Beiträge zur Geschichte des Oratoriums seit Händel: Festschrift Günther Massenkeil zum 60. Geburtstag, ed. R. Cadenbach and H. Loos (Bonn, 1986), 1–27

M. Marx-Weber and H.-J. Marx: ‘Der deutsche Text zu Händels Messias in der Fassung von Klopstock und Ebeling’, ibid., 29–55

A.H. Shapiro: ‘Drama of an Infinitely Superior Nature: Handel's Early English Oratorios and the Religious Sublime’, ML, lxxiv (1993), 215–45

R. Smith: Handel's Oratorios and Eighteenth-Century Thought (Cambridge, 1995)

charpentier and the oratorio in france

K. Nef: ‘Das Petrus-Oratorium von Marc-Antoine Charpentier und die Passion’, JbMP 1930, 24–31

H.W. Hitchcock: The Latin Oratorios of Marc-Antoine Charpentier (diss., U. of Michigan, 1954)

H.W. Hitchcock: ‘The Latin Oratorios of Marc-Antoine Charpentier’, MQ, xli (1955), 41–65

C. Barber: ‘Les oratorios de Marc-Antoine Charpentier’, RMFC, iii (1963), 91–130

C. Cessac: Marc-Antoine Charpentier (Paris, 1988; Eng. trans., 1995)

early classical and classical 18th-century oratorio

J.-F. Le Sueur: Essai de musique sacrée, ou musique motivée et méthodique, pour la Fête de Noël à la messe du jour (Paris, 1786)

J.-F. Le Sueur: Exposé d'une musique une, imitative, et particulière à chaque solemnité (Paris, 1787)

M. Brenet: Les concerts en France sous l'ancien régime (Paris, 1900/R)

G. Servières: ‘Les oratorios de J.-F. Le Sueur’, Tribune de Saint-Gervais, xi (1905), 43–55, 78–87, 109–17; repr. in G. Servières: Episodes d'histoire musicale (Paris, 1914), 23–101

O.G. Sonneck: Early Concert-Life in America (1731–1800) (Leipzig, 1907/R, 3/1959)

M. Friedlaender: ‘Van Swieten und das Textbuch zu Haydns “Jahreszeiten”’, JbMP 1909, 47–56

L. Kamieński: Die Oratorien von Johann Adolf Hasse (Leipzig, 1912)

R. Haas: ‘Eberlins Schuldramen und Oratorien’, SMw, viii (1921), 9–44

H. Miesner: Carl Philipp Emanuel Bach in Hamburg (Heide, 1929)

P. Baumgärtner: Gottfried van Swieten als Textdichter von Haydns Oratorien (diss., U. of Vienna, 1930)

C. Schneider: ‘Die Oratorien und Schuldramen Anton Cajetan Adlgassers’, SMw, xviii (1931), 36–65

K. Geiringer: ‘Haydn's Sketches for “The Creation”’, MQ, xviii (1932), 299–308

K. Nef: ‘Die Passionsoratorien Jean-François Lesueurs’, Mélanges de musicologie offerts à M. Lionel de la Laurencie (Paris, 1933), 259–68

V.L. Redway: ‘Handel in Colonial and Post-Colonial America’, MQ, xxi (1935), 190–207

D.F. Tovey: ‘Haydn's “Creation” and “Seasons”’, Essays in Musical Analysis, v (London, 1938/R), 114–49

A. Damerini: ‘La morte di San Giuseppe’, G.B. Pergolesi (1710–1736): note e documenti, Chigiana, iv (1942), 63–70

G. Pannain: ‘Haydn e la “Creazione”’, RaM, xviii (1948), 1–14

E.F. Schmid: ‘Haydns Oratorium “Il ritorno di Tobia”: seine Entstehung und seine Schicksale’, AMw, xvi (1959), 292–313

K. Schnürl: ‘Haydns “Schöpfung” als Messe’, SMw, xxv (1962), 463–79

A.D. McCredie: ‘John Christopher Smith as a Dramatic Composer’, ML, xlv (1964), 22–38

A. Riedel-Martiny: Die Oratorien Joseph Haydns: ein Beitrag zum Problem der Textverstonung (diss., U. of Göttingen, 1965)

A. Tyson: ‘The 1803 Version of Beethoven's Christus am Oelberge’, MQ, lvi (1970), 551–84

H.C. Wolff: ‘Un oratorio sconosciuto di Leonardo Leo’, RIM, vii (1972), 196–213

J.M. Chamblee: The Cantatas and Oratorios of Carl Philipp Emanuel Bach (diss., U. of North Carolina, 1973)

D.H. Foster: ‘The Oratorio in Paris in the 18th Century’, AcM, xlvii (1975), 67–133

H. Smither: ‘Oratorio and Sacred Opera, 1700–1825: Terminology and Genre Distinction’, PRMA, cvi (1979–80), 88–104

B. van Boer jr: ‘Der Tod Jesu von Joseph Martin Kraus: ein Oratorium der Sturm und Drang-Bewegung’, Joseph Martin Kraus in seiner Zeit: Buchen 1980, 65–82

H. Smither: ‘Haydns Il ritorno di Tobia und die Tradition des italienischen Oratoriums’, Joseph Haydn: Cologne 1982, 160–88

N. Temperley: ‘New Light on the Libretto of The Creation’, Music in Eighteenth-Century England: Essays in Memory of Charles Cudworth, ed. C. Hogwood and R. Luckett (Cambridge, 1983), 189–211

J.L. Johnson: The Oratorio at Santa Maria in Vallicella in Rome, 1770–1800 (diss., U. of Chicago, 1983)

A.P. Brown: Performing Haydn's ‘The Creation’: Reconstructing the Earliest Renditions (Bloomington, IN, 1985)

S. Brandenburg: ‘Beethovens Oratorium Christus am Ölberg: ein unbequemes Werk’, Beiträge zur Geschichte des Oratoriums seit Händel: Festschrft Günther Massenkeil zum 60. Geburtstag, ed. R. Cadenbach and H. Loos (Bonn, 1986), 203–20

R. Cadenbach: ‘Carl Philipp Emanuel Bachs Vertonung der Auferstehung und Himmelfahrt Jesu von Karl Wilhelm Ramler: Beobachtungen zur muskalischen Auslegung einer geistlichen Dichtung’, ibid., 95–122

G. Feder: ‘Die Jahreszeiten nach Thomson, in Musik gesetzt von Joseph Haydn’, ibid., 185–201

H. Federhofer: ‘Die donnernde Legion von Joseph Barta: ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Wiener Oratoriums am Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts’, ibid., 135–50

F. Lippmann: ‘Zur Affektdarstellung in Johann Adolf Hasses Oratorium La conversione di S. Agostino’, ibid., 71–94

M. Vogel: ‘Drei Flöten in Haydns Schöpfung’, ibid., 179–84

H. Werber: ‘Mozart und andere: La Betulia liberata – Vertonungen im Vergleich’, ibid., 151–78

H. Smither: ‘The Function of Music in the Forty Hours Devotion of 17th- and 18th-Century Italy’, Music from the Middle Ages through the 20th Century: Essays in Honor of Gwynn S. McPeek, ed. C.P. Comberiati and M.C. Steel (New York, 1988), 149–74

H. Smither: ‘Arienstruktur- und Stil in den Oratorien und Kantaten Bachs’, Carl Philipp Emanuel Bach und die europäische Musikkultur: Hamburg 1988, 345–68

H. Smither: ‘The Other Creation: an Italian Response to Haydn’, Essays in Musicology: a Tribute to Alvin Johnson, ed. L. Lockwood and E. Roesner (Philadelphia, 1990), 220–34

J. Best: Music and Society in Eighteenth-Century Germany: the Music Dramas of Johann Heinrich Rolle (1716–1785) (diss., Duke U., 1991)

N. Temperley: Haydn, The Creation (Cambridge, 1991)

B.H. van Boer: ‘Justus Friedrich Wilhelm Zachariä's Die Pilgrime auf Golgotha: a Passion Oratorio Libretto’, Ars lyrica, vi (1992), 87–102

19th century

J.T. Mosewius: ‘Über das Oratorium Moses von A.B. Marx’, AMZ, xliv (1842), 953–9, 972–9, 997–1003, 1027–32

F.P. Laurencin d'Armond: Das Paradies und die Peri (Leipzig, 1859)

O. Jahn: ‘Über Felix Mendelssohn-Bartholdy's Oratorium Paulus’, Gesammelte Aufsätze über Musik (Leipzig, 1866/R), 13–39

O. Jahn: ‘Über Felix Mendelssohn-Bartholdy's Oratorium Elias’, Gesammelte Aufsätze über Musik (Leipzig, 1866/R), 40–63; Eng. trans. in Mendelssohn and his World, ed. R.L. Todd (Princeton, NJ, 1991), 364–81

T. Baxter: Mendelssohn's Elijah (London, 1880)

W. Stumpf: Les béatitudes van C.A. Franck (Amsterdam, 1895)

F.G. Edwards: The History of Mendelssohn's Oratorio ‘Elijah’ (London, 1896/R)

J.G. Prod'homme: Le cycle Berlioz, i: La damnation de Faust (Paris, 1896); ii: L'enfance du Christ (Paris, 1898)

L. Pistorelli: ‘Jacopo Tomadini e la sua “Risurrezione del Cristo”’, RMI, vii (1899), 762–91

K. Anton: Beiträge zur Biographie Carl Loewes, mit besonderer Berücksichtigung seiner Oratorien und Ideen zu einer volkstümlichen Ausgestaltung der protestantischen Kirchenmusik (Halle, 1912)

C. Forsyth: ‘The First Performance of Gounod's “Redemption”’, ML, vi (1925), 85–93

T. Armstrong: ‘Mendelssohn's Elijah’, ML, xiv (1933), 396

A. Finzi: ‘“Le beatitudini” di César Franck’, RMI, xlii (1938), 20–33

R.M. Kent: A Study of Oratorios and Sacred Cantatas Composed in America Before 1900 (diss., State U. of Iowa, 1954)

J. Werner: ‘Mendelssohn's Elijah: the 110th Anniversary’, MT, xcviii (1957), 192–3

H.C. Wolff: ‘Mendelssohn and Handel’, MQ, xlv (1959), 175–90

H. Lomnitzer: Das musikalische Werk Friedrich Schneiders (1786–1853), insbesondere die Oratorien (Marburg, 1961)

N. Temperley: ‘Mendelssohn's Influence on English Music’, ML, xliii (1962), 224–33

J. Werner: Mendelssohn's Elijah (London, 1965)

J.A. Mussulman: ‘Mendelssohnism in America’, MQ, liii (1967), 335–46

M. Geck: Deutsche Oratorien 1800 bis 1840: Verzeichnis der Quellen und Aufführungen (Wilhelmshaven, 1971)

M. Palotai: Liszt's Concept of Oratorio as Reflected in his Writings and in Die Legende von der Heiligen Elisabeth (diss., U. of Southern California, 1977)

A. Kurzhals-Reuter: Die Oratorien Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdys: Untersuchungen zur Quellenlage, Entstehung, Gestaltung und Überlieferung (Tutzing, 1978)

E. Reimer: ‘Kritik und Apologie des Oratoriums im 19. Jahrhundert’, Religöse Musik in nicht-liturgischen Werken von Beethoven bis Reger, ed. W. Wiora, G. Massenkeil and K.W. Niemöller (Regensburg, 1978), 247–56

F. Riedel: ‘Die Bedeutung des Christus von Franz Liszt in der Geschichte des Messias-Oratoriums’, Liszt-Studien II: Eisenstadt 1978, 153–62

L. Orr: Liszt's Christus and its Significance for Nineteenth-Century Oratorio (diss., U. of North Carolina, 1979)

N. Burton: ‘Oratorios and Cantatas’, Music in Britain: the Romantic Age 1800–1914, ed. N. Temperley (London, 1981/R), 214–41

F. Reinisch: Das französische Oratorium von 1840 bis 1870 (Regensburg, 1982)

H.E. Smither: ‘Haydns Il ritorno di Tobia und die Tradtion des italienischen Oratoriums’, Joseph Haydn: Cologne 1982, 160–88

C. Hughes: The Origin of ‘The First Patriotic Oratorio’: Stepan Anikievich Degtiarev's ‘Minin i Pozharskii’ (1811) (diss., U. of North Carolina, 1984)

F. Reinisch: ‘Liszts Oratorium Die Legende von der Heiligen Elisabeth: ein Gegenentwurf zu Tannhäuser und Lohengrin’, Franz Liszt und Richard Wagner: Eisenstadt 1983, 128–51

G. Nauhaus: ‘Schumanns Das Paradies und die Peri: Quellen zur Entstehungs-, Aufführungs- und Rezeptionsgeschichte’, Schumanns Werke: Text und Interpretation: Düsseldorf 1985, 133–48

W. Kirsch: ‘Richard Wagners Biblische Scene Das Liebesmahl der Apostel’, HJbMw, viii (1986), 157–84

F. Krummacher: ‘Religiosität und Kunstcharakter: über Mendelssohns Oratorium Paulus’, HJbMw, viii (1986), 97–117

H. Smither: ‘Messiah and Progress in Vitorian England’, EMc, xiii (1985), 339–47

H.-J. Bauer: ‘Wagners musikdramatisches Oratorium Das Liebesmahl der Apostel’, Beiträge zur Geschichte des Oratoriums seit Händel: Festschrift Günther Massenkeil zum 60. Geburtstag, ed. R. Cadenbach and H. Loos (Bonn, 1986), 269–81

W. Boetticher: ‘Das ungeschriebene Oratorium Luther von Robert Schumann und sein Textdichter Richard Pohl’, ibid., 297–307

W. Kirsch: ‘Oratorium und Oper: zu einer gattungsästhetischen Kontroverse in der Oratorientheorie des 19. Jahrhunderts (Materialien zu einer Dramaturgie des Oratoriums)’, ibid., 221–54

H. Loos: ‘L'enfance du Christ, “Das erste Oratorium eines Zukunft-Musikers”: Hector Berlioz und die Tradition’, ibid., 309–27

K.W. Niemöller: ‘Das Oratorium Christus von Franz Liszt: ein Beitrag zu seinem konzeptionellen Grundlagen’, ibid., 329–45

D. Pistone: ‘L'oratorio à Paris de 1870 à 1900’, ibid., 345–56

H. Schröder: ‘Zu Adolf Bernhard Marx' Mose’, Beiträge zur Geschichte des Oratoriums seit Händel: Festschrift Günther Massenkeil zum 60. Geburtstag, ed. R. Cadenbach and H. Loos (Bonn, 1986), 255–68

M. Staehelin: ‘Elias, Johann Sebastian Bach und der Neue Bund: zur Arie Es ist genug in Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdys Oratorium Elias’, ibid., 283–96; Eng. trans. in Mendelssohn and his World, ed. R.L. Todd (Princeton, NJ, 1991), 121–36

G. Stanley: ‘Bach's Erbe: the Chorale in the German Oratorio of the Early Nineteenth Century’, 19CM, xi (1987), 121–49

M. Schwarzer: Die Oratorien von Max Bruch: eine Quellenstudie (Berlin, 1988)

G. Stanley: The Oratorio in Prussia and Protestant Germany: 1812–1848 (diss., Columbia U., 1988)

G. Stanley: ‘Religious Propriety versus Artistic Truth: the Debate between Friedrich Rochlitz and Louis Spohr about the Representation of Christ in Des Heilands letzte Stunden’, AcM, lxi (1989), 66–82

S. Ledbetter: ‘Two Seductresses: Saint-Saëns's Delilah and Chadwick's Judith’, A Celebration of American Music: Words and Music in Honor of H. Wiley Hitchcock, ed. R. Crawford, R.A. Lott and C.J. Oja (Ann Arbor, 1990), 281–301

R. Dusella: Die Oratorien Carl Loewes (Bonn, 1991)

B. Mohn: ‘Das englische Oratorium von 1846 bis 1910: Versuch einer ersten Erfassung der Quellen und summanfasenden Darstellung’ (MA thesis, Bonn U., 1992)

P. Maurizi: ‘Misticismo e spettacolo negli oratori di Franz Liszt’, Rivista internazionale di musica sacra, xiv (1993), 278–96

C. Mori: ‘L'oratorio Isacco figura del Redentore di Francesco Morlacchi e la Allgemeine Musikalische Zeitung’, Esercizi musica e spettacolo, new ser., iii (1993), 99–110

J. Daviero: ‘Schumann’s “New Genre for the Concert hall”: Das Paradies und die Peri in the Eyes of a Contemporary’, Schumann and his World, ed. L. Todd (Princeton, 1994), 129–55

H.E. Smither: ‘“Une musique une, imitative, et particulière a chaque solemnité”: The “Mass-Oratorios” of Jean-François Le Sueur’, Res musiche: Essays in Honour of James W. Pruett, ed. P.R. Laird and C.H. Russell (Warren, MI, forthcoming)

3. Pre- and proto-orchestral ensembles (1500–1700).

20th century

G. Bressan: ‘Il momento perosiano’, RMI, vi (1899), 385–99

E. de Schoultz-Adaïewsky: ‘Le massacre des innocents: oratorio en deux parties de Don Lorenzo Perosi’, RMI, vii (1900), 746–68

E. de Schoultz-Adaïewsky: ‘L'entrée du Christ à Jérusalem: oratorio en deux parties de Don Lorenzo Perosi’, RMI, vii (1900), 536–55

A. Coeuroy: ‘Present Tendencies of Sacred Music in France’, MQ, xiii (1927), 584–604

N.G. Long: ‘A Child of Our Time: a Critical Analysis of Michael Tippett's Oratorio’, MR, viii (1947), 120–30

J.L. Broeckx: Review of M. De Jong: The Song of Hiawatha, MQ, xxxiv (1948), 609–12

L. Burkat: Review of H. Barraud: Le mystère des saints innocents, MQ, xxxvii (1951), 241–3

H. Cowell: Review of F. Martin: Golgotha, MQ, xxxviii (1952), 291–4

H. Cowell: Review of M. Tippett: A Child of our Time, MQ, xxxviii (1952), 440–43

J.S. Weissman: Review of I. Stravinsky: Oedipus rex, MR, xiii (1952), 231–7

L. Morton: Review of L. Foss: A Parable of Death, MQ, xxxix (1953), 595–600

G. Roncaglia: ‘L'oratorio di Lorenzi Perosi’, Immagini esotiche nella musica italiana, Chigiana, xiv (1957), 103–7

G. Roncaglia: ‘Il “Transitus animae” e “Giudizio universale” di Lorenzo Perosi’, Immagini esotiche nella musica italiana, Chigiana, xiv (1957), 109–13

H. Headley: The Choral Works of Arthur Honegger (diss., North Texas State U., 1959)

N. Atkinson: ‘Michael Tippett's Debt to the Past’, MR, xxiii (1962), 195–204

M. Bernheimer: Review of F. Martin: Le vin herbé, MQ, xlviii (1962), 525–8

W. Mellers: ‘Stravinsky’s Oedipus as 20th Century Hero’, MQ, xlviii (1962), 300–12

R.S. Hines, ed.: The Composer's Point of View (Norman, OK, 1963)

W.C. Holmes: Review of R. Palmer: Nabuchodonosor, MQ, l (1964), 367–70

D.C. Johns: Review of J.N. David: Ezzolied, MQ, l (1964), 241–3

G. Roncaglia: ‘L'arte di Lorenzo Perosi e La strage degli innocenti’, Chigiana, xxii (1965), 237–53

C. Marinelli: Review of K. Penderecki: Dies irae, RIM, ii (1967), 436–7

A. Rössler: ‘Messiaens Oratorium La transfiguration in Lissabon uraufgeführt’, Melos, xxxvi (1969), 389 only

K. Wagner: ‘Untergang bei der Ausreise: Henzes Floss der Medusa kentert in Hamburg’, Melos, xxxvi (1969), 19–22

K. Foesel: ‘Nürnberg zeigt Henzes “Floss” als theatralische Imagination’, Melos, xxxix (1972), 232–4

A.C. Fehn: Change and Permanence: Gottfried Benn's Text for Paul Hindemith's Oratorio Das Unaufhörliche (Berne, 1977)

J.M. Christensen: Arnold Schoenberg's Oratorio Die Jakobsleiter (diss., UCLA, 1979)

H.D. Voss: Arthur Honegger, ‘Le Roi David’: ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Oratoriums im 20. Jahrhundert (Munich, 1983)

S. Kross: ‘Zu Boris Blachers Oratorium Der Grossinquisitor’, Beiträge zur Geschichte des Oratoriums seit Händel: Festschrift Günther Massenkeil zum 60. Geburtstag, ed. R. Cadenbach and H. Loos (Bonn, 1986), 493–512

S. Gmeinwieser and G. Weiss: ‘Zur Entstehungsgeschichte der Volksoratorien von Joseph Haas’, ibid., 463–91

D. Launay: ‘André Caplet (1878–1925), Le miroir de Jesus, Mystères du rosaire: poèmes d'Henri Ghéon’, ibid., 407–37

S. Mauser: ‘Schönbergs Moses und Aron: zum Konzept eines Oratoriums als Oper’, ibid., 455–61

K.J. Müller: ‘“Weh dem, der allein ist!”: zum letzten Werk von Bernd Alois Zimmermann’, ibid., 541–55

E. Platen: ‘Oedipus Rex im Zeichen der Drei: triadische Strukturen in Strawinskys Opern-Oratorium’, ibid., 439–53

S. Popp: ‘Die ungeschriebenen Oratorien Max Regers’, ibid., 379–406

G. Schubert: ‘Frederick Delius, Eine Messe des Lebens: Kommentare und analytische Hinweise’, ibid., 357–77

S. Shigihara: ‘In terra pax: Anmerkungen zu Frank Martins Oratorium’, ibid., 513–32

W. Siegmund-Schultze: ‘Das Mansfelder Oratorium von Ernst Hermann Meyer’, ibid., 533–9

M. Zenck: ‘Oratorien nach Auschwitz: zu Bernd Alois Zimmermans “ecclesiastischer Aktion” Ich wandte mich und sah an alles Unrecht, das geschah unter der Sonne’, ibid., 557–86

T. Cornfield: Franz Schmidt, 1874–1939: a Discussion of his Style with Special Reference to the Four Symphonies and ‘Das Buch mit sieben Siegeln’ (New York, 1989)

R. Schuhenn: Franz Schmidts oratorische Werke: zur Enstehungsgeschichte des ‘Buches mit sieben Siegeln’ und der ‘Deutschen Auferstehung’: Erinnerungen, zeitgenössische Presseberichte, Nachrufe (Vienna, 1990)

M. Stegemann: ‘Style Chromatique und freie Tonalität: Frank Martins Kammeroratorium Le vin herbé’, Frank Martin: Das Kompositorische Werk, 13 Studien, ed. D. Kämper (Mainz, 1990), 21–36

M. Wheeler: ‘The Dream of Gerontius: from Verse Drama to Music Drama’, Critical Essays on John Henry Newman, ed. E. Block (Victoria, BC, 1992), 89–103

S. Walsh: Stravinsky” ‘Oedipus Rex’ (Cambridge, 1993)

A. Friesenhagen: ‘The Dream of Gerontius’ von Edward Elgar: Das englische Oratorium an der Wende zum 20. Jahrhundert (Köln-Rheinkassel, 1994)

C.E. McGuire: Epic Narration: The Oratorios of Edward Elgar (diss., Harvard U., 1998)

Orazio.

See Faà di Bruno, Giovanni Matteo.

Orazio della Viola.

See Bassani, Orazio.

Orb.

British studio collective. It redefined ambient music and spawned the ambient house genre. It was founded in 1989 by Alex Paterson (Duncan Robert Alex Paterson) and Jimmy Cauty (see also KLF). Their first records together, including A Huge Ever-Growing Brain that Rules from the Centre of the Ultraworld (WAU, 1989), blended ambient washes with intermittent dance beats, vocal and environmental samples, and became classics of the rave clubs' chill-out rooms. Their first and best album, Adventures Beyond the Ultraworld (Big Life, 1991) appeared with an array of remixes of artists as diverse as Laibach, Gary Numan and one of Paterson's influences, Pink Floyd. Cauty was replaced by Kris ‘Thrash’ Weston, Paterson's studio engineer before the massive commercial success of UFOrb (Big Life, 1992) and The Blue Room, which at 39 minutes was the longest single to have been released in the UK. After the live compilation Live ’93 (Isl., 1993) Paterson was joined by Thomas Fehlmann, a pioneer of Berlin's early 1990s ‘teutonic beats’ scene. Orbvs Terrarvm (Isl., 1995) disappointed early fans but enhanced the band’s commercial appeal. The Orb have picked up many fans from the progressive rock scene, including Gong's Steve Hillage (whose 1990s releases as System 7 included much collaboration with the Orb) and King Crimson's Robert Fripp, who joined the band to create an off-shoot album released as FFWD (1994).

IAN PEEL

Orbán, György

(b Tirgu Mureş, 12 July 1947). Hungarian composer of Romanian birth. He studied composition with Toduţă and Eisikovits and music theory with Jagamas at the Cluj-Napoca Academy of Music (1968–73), remaining there to teach music theory and counterpoint (1973–9). After moving to Hungary, he worked as a music editor for Editio Musica Budapest (1979–90), and became professor of music theory and composition at the Liszt Academy of Music in 1982. Orbán was awarded the Bartók-Pásztory Prize in 1991. His early style, tending towards Western avant-garde techniques, culminated in the Triple Sextet (1979), a recommended work at the 1989 Tribune Internationale des Compositeurs in Paris. In the mid-1980s he turned to a neo-romantic style, and has continued to use formally classical models in his instrumental works. Belonging to the Hungarian choral tradition, his church music, intended partly for liturgical use, displays influences such as jazz, while grotesque and humorous characters enliven his many choruses and songs. In the series of Duos (1979–89) he sets traditional texts with an air of nostalgia for rural life.

WORKS

(selective list)

Masses: no.1, solo vv, chorus, ens, 1990; no.2, solo vv, chorus, orch, 1990; no.3, solo vv, chorus, org, 1990–94; no.4, solo vv, chorus, orch, 1991; no.5, solo vv, chorus, cl, vc, db, 1991; no.6, solo vv, chorus, orch, 1991; no.7, solo vv, chorus, 1993; no.8, solo vv, chorus, brass, perc, kbd, 1995; Missa sacri monti Pannoniae, solo vv, chorus, orch, 1995

Other choral: Motet, vv, ob, 1979; Kóruskönyv [Chorus Book] (A. József, D. Szilágyi, J. Pilinszky), I–II, 1983–7; Második kóruskönyv [Second Chorus Book] (József, Szilágyi), 1985; Medáliák könyve [Book of Lockets] (Jószef and others), 1987; Regina martyrum (orat), solo vv, chorus, orch, 1993; Rorate caeli (orat), solo vv, chorus, orch, 1993; Passion (orat), solo vv, chorus, org, perc, str, 1997; Christmas Orat, solo vv, chorus, org, perc, str, 1998; mixed and single-voice choruses on Lat. and Hung. texts

Solo vocal: 5 Canons (Jószef), S, ens, 1977; Duos (trad. text): no.1, S, cl, 1979, no.2, S, db, 1986, no.3, S, vc, 1988, no.4, S, vn, 1989; songs, 1v, pf

Orch: Serenade no.1, 1984; Serenade no.2, 1985; Veronai vázlatok [Sketches from Verona], 1998

Chbr: Triple Sextet, 1979; Wind Qnt, 1985; Sonata concertante, cl, pf, 1986; Sonata, bn, pf, 1987; Sonata no.1, vn, pf, 1988; Sonata no.2, vn, pf, 1989; Trio, vn, va/vc, pf, 1992–3; Str Qt no.1, 1994; Str Qt no.2, 1994; Sonata no.3, vn, pf, 1995; Sonata, va, pf, 1997; Bálzene Razumovszkij grófnak [Ball Music for Count Razumovsky], str qt, 1998; Str Qt no.3, 1998

Solo inst: Hymn, cimb, 1980; Pf Sonata no.1, 1985; Pf Sonata no.2, 1987; Pf Suite no.1, 1987; Pf Sonata no.3, 1988; Pf Sonata no.4, 1989; Pf Suite no.2, 1997; Pf Suite no.3, 1998

Principal publishers: Editio Musica Budapest, Hinshaw Music

BIBLIOGRAPHY

B.A. Varga, ed.: Contemporary Hungarian Composers (Budapest, 5/1989), 259–61

M. Hollós: Az életmű fele [Half of the oeuvre] (Budapest, 1997), 64–9

PÉTER HALÁSZ

Orbino, Il.

See Carisio, Giovanni.

Orbison, Roy (Kelton)

(b Vernon, TX, 23 April 1936; d Hendersonville, TN, 6 Dec 1988). American singer-songwriter. The son of an oil driller, Orbison formed his first group, the Wink Westerners, at 13. While studying geology at North Texas College, he watched classmate Pat Boone attain chart success and, with a new rockabilly group, the Teen Kings, Orbison auditioned first for Buddy Holly’s producer Norman Petty and, at the suggestion of Johnny Cash, for Sam Phillips at Memphis’ Sun Records, with whom he signed in 1956. A recording of Oooby Dooby, co-written with two college friends, became a minor hit in 1956. After a couple of years spent recording and touring, Orbison moved to Nashville to concentrate on writing and bought out his Sun contract in 1958. He subsequently signed with Monument: his first record for the label was Paperboy; this was soon followed by Up Town (1959), which was a modest success. His next record however, Only the Lonely (1960), established him in both the USA and Britain. Like many of his hit records to follow, it combined introspection with drama and was a skilful and sophisticated marriage of black and white musics that was in stark contrast to prevailing trends. Loneliness, despair, guilt and fear were to become recurring themes in Orbison’s songs, and the tension of his romantic vignettes was often built to a heart-stopping falsetto climax: only in the last seconds of Running Scared (1962), for example, does the singer triumph over his rival.

A major influence on The Beatles, by 1963 Orbison was nevertheless eclipsed by the rise of beat groups. The late 1960s and 70s were marked by personal tragedy and ill-health, and it was not until 1986 that his career was given new impetus when his song In Dreams featured prominently in the film Blue Velvet. A duet version of his 1961 hit Cryin, rerecorded with k d lang, and used in the film Hiding Out (1988), was also a chart success. With George Harrison and Bob Dylan, among others, he recorded as the Traveling Wilburys, while his album Mystery Girl (Virgin, 1988) was a posthumous hit.

His melding of country music’s Sturm und Drang with pop’s beat, delivered in a quasi-operatic voice, was compelling, and his ballads, often melodramatic, brought maturity to a genre preoccupied with the adolescent angst.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

C. Escott and M. Hawkins: Sun Records: a Brief History of the Legendary Record Label (London, 1980)

P. Reel: ‘The Story of O’, New Musical Express (20 Dec 1980)

S. Barnard: ‘Only the Lonely’, The History of Rock (London, 1982), 412–6

A. Clayson: Only the Lonely: the Life and Artistic Legacy of Roy Orbison (London, 1989)

S. Pond: ‘Roy Orbison 1936–88’, Rolling Stone (26 Jan 1989); repr. in The Rolling Stone Interviews (New York, 1989) 331–9

E. Amburn: Dark Star (London, 1990)

C. Escott and M. Hawkins: Good Rockin’ Tonight (New York, 1992)

LIZ THOMSON

Orbón (de Soto), Julián

(b Avilés, 7 Aug 1925; d Miami Beach, 20 May 1991). Cuban composer of Spanish birth. He studied at the Conservatory of Oviedo (1935) and then moved to Havana, where he began composing at an early age and had lessons from José Ardévol. From 1942 to 1949 he was a member of the Grupo de Renovación Musical, and he was active as a music critic, essayist and pianist at concerts of contemporary Cuban music. In 1946 he studied with Copland at Tanglewood. During the 1940s and 1950s he was closely associated with the literary group Orígenes, and wrote several essays for their review. He was director of the Orbón Conservatory, Havana (1946–60), founded by his father Benjamín, and taught composition at the National Conservatory in Mexico City (1960–63). In 1964 he settled in New York; he taught at Lenox College, Washington University, St Louis, Barnard College and the Hispanic Institute of Columbia University. He received two Guggenheim fellowships (1959, 1969) and an award from the American Academy of Arts and Letters (1967). His Spanish-Cuban music has been influenced by a wide range of musical and literary interests, including Catholic liturgy, Gregorian chant, the music of Falla and the Halffters, and contemporary poetry; moreover, his close friendships with Chávez and Villa-Lobos have had their effect. Whether in the formal neo-classicism of his early works or the more expansive, vigorous and romantic traits of his later style, his music has always been marked by strict structural design. Occasionally he used ‘white’ Cuban and Afro-Cuban rhythms, as in Pregón and the Danzas sinfónicas.

WORKS

(selective list)

Orch: Sym., C, 1945; Homenaje a la tonadilla, 1947; 3 versiones sinfónicas, 1953; Danzas sinfónicas, 1955–6; Conc. grosso, 1958; Partite no.3, 1965–6; Partite no.4, pf, orch, 1982–5

Choral: Crucifixus, 1953; Introito, vv, orch, 1967–8; 2 canciones folklóricas, vv, orch, 1970–72; Liturgia de tres días, vv, orch, 1975

Solo vocal: Pregón, 1v, fl, ob, hn, bn, pf, 1943; Himnus ad galli cantum, S, fl, ob, cl, hp, str qt, 1956; 3 cantigas del rey, S, hpd, perc, str qt, 1960; Monte Gelboé, T, orch, 1962–4; Libro de cantares, 1v, pf, 1987

Chbr and solo inst: Sonata ‘Homaje a Padre Soler’, pf, 1942; Toccata, pf, 1943; Cl Qnt, 1944; Prelude y danza, gui, 1950–51; Str Qt, 1951; Partita no.1, hpd, 1963; Partita no.2, hpd, vib, cel, hmn, str qt, 1964; Preudio y fantasía tiento, org, 1974

Principal publishers: Boosey & Hawkes, Broude, Instituto Interamericano de Musicología, Presser, Southern

BIBLIOGRAPHY

R. Parmenter: ‘Find from Cuba: J. Orbón Scores at Composer Forum’, New York Times (7 March 1955)

J. Lezama Lima: ‘Julián Orbón’, Tratados en La Habana (Havana, 1958/R), 367

Compositores de América Composers of the Americas, ed. Pan American Union, vi (Washington DC, 1960), 83–7 [incl. list of works]

R. Fernandez Bonilla: ‘Diálogo con Julián Orbón’, Exilio, iii/2 (1969), 5–13

G. Béhague: Music in Latin America (Englewood Cliffs, NJ, 1979), 260–61

E. Mata: Tres conferencias sobre la música de Orbón (Mexico City, 1986)

V. Yedra: Julían Orbón (Miami, 1990)

AURELIO DE LA VEGA

Orchard, (William) Arundel

(b London, 13 April 1867; d at sea, 7 April 1961). Australian music educationist, conductor and composer of English birth. After abandoning plans for a career in architecture, he studied the piano, the organ, the viola and singing, taking the BMus at Durham in 1893. After teaching at St Paul's School, London, he travelled in 1896 to Australia, where he was director of music first at St George's Cathedral, Perth, then at St David's Cathedral, Hobart. In 1903, after further school-teaching in England and New Zealand, he moved to Sydney, where he became conductor of the Sydney Liedertafel, the Sydney Madrigal Society and the choir of the Great Synagogue. In 1908 he conducted the inaugural concerts of the Sydney SO, and in 1912 co-founded (with George de Cairos Rego) the Musical Association of NSW. Having in 1914 successfully lobbied for the establishment of the New South Wales State Conservatorium of Music, he was appointed to its Advisory Council, and succeeded Henri Verbrugger as director in 1923. During his tenure Orchard managed, through his strong links with the Sydney establishment, to solicit private money for students' scholarships and to raise the calibre of the Conservatorium orchestra, which he conducted in Australia's first broadcast classical concert in 1929. Nevertheless, he remained a controversial figure in the city's musical life. After his compulsory retirement from the Conservatorium in 1934, he established a BMus course at the University of Tasmania, but it did not survive his departure in 1938. He lived in Sydney, active as a music examiner for Trinity College, London, until his death at sea, en route to England.

All his life Orchard composed in a dated English style; his comparable conservatism as an educator and public figure, delayed the development of modernist trends in Sydney. His writings include an autobiography, The Distant View (Sydney, 1943), and Music in Australia (Melbourne, 1952). He was awarded the OBE in 1936.

WORKS

(selective list)

Ops: The Coquette, or A Suicidal Policy (comic op, W.J. Curtis), 1905, Palace, Sydney, 28 Aug 1905; The Clever Gilbertian (comic op, Curtis); The Emperor (comic op, Curtis), 1906; Dorian Gray (music drama, Curtis, after O. Wilde), 1915–17, concert perf. of Act 2, Sydney, New South Wales State Conservatorium, 11 Sept 1919

Orch: Reverie, str, 1894; Ov., 1894; Scherzo, wind, str, 1898, inc.; A Woodland Phantasy, 1922; Orch Variations [on Morley's Now is the Month of Maying], ?1923, rev. ?1956; Prelude and Fugue, sketched 1928, orchd 1943; Fanfare, brass, 1938; The Silent Land, band parts only extant; Vn Conc., vn solo part only extant; The North Wind

Choral: Easter Morn, orat., chorus, c1892; The Wreck of the Hesperus (H.W. Longfellow), chorus, orch, 1897; Kyrie Eleison, chorus, 1898; The Silent Land (Longfellow), TTBarB, pf, 1902; An Idyll (E. L. Sabin), mixed vv (Sydney, 1910); God of our Fathers (R. Kipling), TTBB, 1911; Here awa', there awa' (after R. Burns), SATB, 1912; Uller, the Bowman (dramatic poem, Curtis) S, Bar, male chorus, orch (London, 1912); Voices of Women (F. Prewett), SATB (Sydney, 1923); Hark, hark, the lark, chorus, by 1934 (Sydney, 1956); Sweet and Low, (Prewett), chorus (Sydney, 1934), version for SA, pf (Sydney, 1943); When passion's trance is overpast (P.B. Shelley), SSATB (London, 1940); Stay, stay, sweet time, chorus, 1947; Doth not wisdom cry? (Bible), S, women's vv/boy's vv, org (London, 1949); Madrigal (E. Spencer), SSATB, 1950; I'll bid my heart be still (trad.), SATB; All the Blue Bonnets, chorus; To Blossoms (R. Herrick), SSATBB (London, 1956); Madrigal, SATB; Duncan Gray (folksong arr.), SATB; Stay, stay, sweet time (M. Drayton), SATB

Songs, incl. An Idle Quest, 1894; Sleep, 1894; Invocation to Sleep (J. Keats), S, 1913–14; 3 Troubadour Songs (12th-Century texts, trans. J. Bithell) T/S, pf (London, 1929); 2 Elizabethan Songs (Sydney, 1939); Love’s Philosophy (Shelley), no date

Chbr: Trio, d, vn, vc, pf, 1894; Trio, pf, vn, hn, 1901; Intermezzo, 6 vc, 1932, perf. 1933; Caprice, vn, pf, 1936; Trio, e, vn, va, pf, 1939; Threnody/Elegy, str qt; Str Qt, f

Pf: Scherzo, pf (London, 1891); Serenade, pf, 1894; Summerland, pf, 1895; Rhapsody, a, pf (London, 1939); Ariel, pf, (Melbourne, 1943); Toccata, pf (Sydney, 1943); Concert Study, pf, c1943; Humoresque, pf, c1943; Toccata in the Early Manner, a, pf

MSS in AUS-CAnl, Scm, Ssl

JOHN CARMODY

Orchestra

(It.; Fr. orchestre; Ger. Orchester).

‘Orchestra’ has been used in a generic sense to mean any large grouping of instrumentalists. Thus one reads of an Indonesian gamelan orchestra, a Japanese gagaku orchestra, a Chinese drum and gong orchestra, the ‘orchestra’ of a Renaissance intermedio, or even the ‘orchestras’ of the Old Testament. In this article, ‘orchestra’ is treated in a specific and historical sense, as a characteristically European institution that arose in the 17th and 18th centuries and subsequently spread to other parts of the world as part of Western cultural influence. Related information will be found in other articles, for example Concert (ii), Conducting and Instrumentation and orchestration; see also Band (i).

1. Definitions.

2. Etymology.

4. Lully and Corelli (1650–1715).

5. The birth of the orchestra (1680–1740).

6. The Classical orchestra (1740–1815).

7. The Romantic orchestra (1815–1900).

8. The modern orchestra.

JOHN SPITZER, NEAL ZASLAW

1. Definitions.

Analysis of orchestras from the 18th century to the present reveals a series of interrelated defining traits (Zaslaw, 1988, 1993). (a) Orchestras are based on string instruments of the violin family plus double basses. (b) This core group of bowed strings is organized into sections within which the players usually perform the same notes in unison. This practice of doubling string instruments is carried out unequally: there will almost always be more violins than lower strings. (c) Woodwind, brass and percussion instruments are usually present, in numbers and types differing according to time, place and repertory. (d) Orchestras of a given time, place and repertory usually display considerable standardization of instrumentation. Such standardization facilitates the circulation of repertory among orchestras. (e) Most orchestras are standing organizations with stable personnel, routines of rehearsal and performance, an administrative structure and a budget. (f) Because orchestral music requires many instrumentalists to play the same thing at the same time, orchestras demand a high degree of musical discipline. Such discipline involves unified bowing, the ability to play at sight and strict adherence to the notes on the page. (g) Orchestras are coordinated by means of centralized direction, provided in the 17th and 18th centuries by the first violinist or a keyboard player and since the early 19th century by a conductor.

Instrumental ensembles that manifest all the traits listed above can be designated unequivocally as ‘orchestras’, wherever they are found and whatever they are called. Ensembles with many but not all of these traits are often called orchestras and can at the least be said to function orchestrally. Orchestras may be further categorized into a number of sub-types, including theatre orchestras, symphony or concert orchestras, string orchestras, chamber orchestras, café or salon orchestras, radio orchestras, studio orchestras and others. This article will give the most attention to theatre orchestras and symphony orchestras.

2. Etymology.

The word ‘orchestra’, which in ancient Greece and Rome referred to the ground level of an amphitheatre, was revived in the Renaissance to designate the area immediately in front of the stage. In the early 17th century this became a favourite spot to place the instrumentalists who accompanied singing and dancing, and ‘orchestra’ began to mean ‘the place where the musicians sit’ (E. Phillips, The New World of English Words, London, 1658). By the 18th century the meaning of the word had been extended to the instrumentalists themselves and to their identity as an ensemble (J.-J. Rousseau, Dictionnaire de musique, Paris, 1768). Before the word ‘orchestra’ had established itself in various European languages, a variety of other expressions were used to indicate large ensembles of instrumentalists. In Italian such groups could be called capella, coro, concerto, concerto grosso, sinfonia or gli stromenti. The use of ‘orchestra’ to designate such ensembles can be dated in Rome from 1679 at the latest. In French one finds les violons, les concertants, les instruments and la symphonie. The use of ‘orchestre’ or ‘orquestre’ to refer to an instrumental ensemble rather than a place in the theatre appears in French around 1670 at the latest. In German the term Kapelle (‘chapel’) was widely employed in the 17th and 18th centuries as a name for court, church and private musical establishments, meaning instrumentalists and vocalists taken together. In addition Germans designated instrumental ensembles as Chor, die Musik, Konzert, Symphonie and die Instrumenten. The use of ‘Orchester’ in this sense turns up in German by 1713 as a borrowing from the French. In English, too, the word was imported from French around 1700, displacing such words as consort, band, company of musick, the musick, musick-meeting and the violins (Strahle, 1995).

3. Pre- and proto-orchestral ensembles (1500–1700).

In the 16th and 17th centuries instrumental ensembles, some of them quite large, played for ballets and dances, for operas and other dramatic entertainments, for church services and for banquets. The instrumental ensembles of early opera developed out of ensembles for intermedi and similar entertainments at 16th-century courts in Italy and France. These might include lutes, viols, violins, flutes, trombones, trumpets, cornetts, keyboard instruments and others, assembled and deployed variously according to the occasion. The principal roles of the instruments seem to have been to double the singers in vocal polyphony and to provide the remaining parts of a polyphonic texture during vocal solos. In dances, sinfonias or other interludes the instruments played alone. Descriptions of the Florentine intermedi of 1539, 1565, 1589, and 1608 provide examples of this sort of instrumentation (Brown, 1973; Coehlo, 1998). A similar French practice is seen in the Balet comique de la Royne of 1581. The instrumentalists who played for these entertainments were hidden offstage or placed onstage in costume. The scoring for such ensembles has been characterized as ‘programmatic’: for instance, gods were accompanied by an ‘Olympian’ ensemble of lutes, viols and harps; flutes, shawms and pipes accompanied pastoral scenes; an ‘infernal’ grouping of trombones and bass viols evoked the underworld (Weaver, 1961). There seems to have been no notion that a single, standard ensemble should accompany an entire work; instead, groups of musicians with a variety of instruments communicated and reinforced meanings through their costumes and the symbolic associations of their instruments.

During the 17th century, court-sponsored festival operas celebrating occasions of state were accompanied by lavish ensembles of the intermediotype, for example in Monteverdi's Orfeo (1607, Mantua), The Triumph of Peace, a masque for Charles I (1634, London) and Cesti's Il pomo d'oro (1668, Vienna). More modestly financed public operas, beginning in Venice in 1637 and soon adopted elsewhere, were accompanied mainly by a small group of strings, harpsichords and lutes, with wind instruments added for special effects (see fig.1). Late 16th- and 17th-century large-scale sacred music was characteristically polychoral and often called for large numbers of instrumentalists. The instruments, however, did not form their own ensemble but were distributed into choirs mixed with the singers, whose parts they usually doubled. Judging from the number of performers, the instruments most often played one-to-a-part. A watercolour by Pierre Paul Sevin of a performance in Rome (fig.2) shows many voices and instruments divided into four similar sized ensembles grouped around four organs. The Missa salisburgensis, attributed to Biber, has individual parts for 37 instruments, divided into six ensembles, some mixed with singers, some exclusively instrumental, distributed in various places around the cathedral.

String bands or consorts, made up of viols or violins of several sizes, with four to six players performing one-to-a-part, were popular in many parts of Europe during the 16th and 17th centuries. For balls, weddings, dining in state and similar social events the more penetrating violins were favoured, playing an international repertory of dances, often from memory. By the end of the 16th century Parisian violin bands, which played for civic festivities and also at the court of Louis XIII, had begun to perform their repertory with several instruments to each part. By 1607, 12 string players (‘violons’) held official appointments as the ‘violons du Roi’, offices that could be passed on to their sons or sons-in-law or sold outright. A court document of 1618 mentions ‘24 violons ordinaires’, who received a New Year's bonus (Bardet, 1992). The ensemble remained the ‘24 violons du Roi’ for over a century, until it was abolished by royal decree in 1761. Marin Mersenne in 1636 described how the 24 violins were disposed in their characteristic five-part texture: six dessus (violins), four haute contres (small violas), four tailles (medium-sized violas), four quintes (large violas) and six basses de violon(oversized cellos). The development of a similar court string band in London at about the same time was cut short by the Interregnum (Holman, 1993). Violin bands, sometimes with several players on the parts, were also assembled at the Spanish court of Naples, in Sweden at Queen Christina's court and in Germany at several courts, including those at Wolfenbüttel, Kassel and Stuttgart. The French violin bands, with violin-family instruments in five sizes, unequal doubling and a repertory of dance music, can be singled out as the origin of the orchestra.

4. Lully and Corelli (1650–1715).

Jean-Baptiste Lully's rise to power at the French court had profound musical implications, not just in France but for all of Europe. In 1653, at the age of 20, Lully was appointed compositeur de la musique instrumentale, which made him leader of his own violin band, the Petite Bande (Petits Violons, Violons du Cabinet). In 1664 he was made head of the Grande Bande (the 24 Violons du Roi). In 1672 he took over the Académie Royale de Musique (the Paris Opéra). The Grande Bande had 24, the Petite Bande perhaps 18 string players; for large-scale court performances Lully occasionally combined the two. He could also call upon woodwind players, trumpets and timpani of the Grande Ecurie (musicians attached to the cavalry). When in 1664 Lully pulled together these and additional forces for a multi-day entertainment at Versailles called Les plaisirs de l'isle enchantée, he used them in typical pre-orchestral fashion: consorts of like instruments, in costume, joined together on an ad hoc basis (Lemaître, 1991). Ten years later, when Lully produced his opera Alceste as well as Molière and Charpentier's comédie-ballet Le malade imaginaire, at a similar entertainment, he organized his instrumental forces very differently. The engravings of the 1674 events show large ensembles of bowed and plucked strings placed in two boxes in front of the stage, not in costume but in livery (fig.3). At the stage apron a man with a short baton, perhaps Lully himself, beats time for the singers and instrumentalists. Much as this looks like an orchestra, it is likely that the bowed strings played only for the overture, entr'actes and dances, while the plucked strings accompanied just the vocal music. Lully's ‘orchestra’ was famous for its unanimous attack (the premier coup d'archet), for using short bowstrokes, for bowing up and down in unison, and for the tastefulness of the ornamentation that the players added to the notes on the page (Zaslaw, 1990, 1993; Kolneder, 1970).

These innovations in instrumental ensembles and ensemble playing made a brilliant impression on visitors to the French court. Princes in neighbouring lands, especially Germany, sought to create Lully-style ensembles at their own courts. They engaged French violinists and oboists for their own Kapellen; they sent German musicians to Paris to learn the new style and bring it back home. In consequence, Lully's orchestral style is best documented in the prefaces to publications by German composers: the Florilegium I and II by Georg Muffat (Augsburg, 1695; Passau, 1698), J.C.F. Fischer's Journal de printems (Stuttgart, 1695) and J.A. Schmierer's Zodiaci musici(Augsburg, 1698). The German Lullistes for the most part worked at small courts with limited instrumental resources; only Schmierer discussed string doubling. Lully's ensemble with doubled strings, oboes and bassoon provided an important model of orchestral scoring to several generations of French, English and German composers.

The fashion for large violin bands reached Italy as early as the 1660s. In a Serenata by M.A. Cesti, performed at the Florentine court in 1664, the sinfonias were played ‘with the instruments doubled following the practice of concerts in France, that is, with six violins, four alto violas, four tenor violas, four bass violas, a contrabass, a high-pitched spinet and a large spinet, one theorbo and one archlute’ (Wellesz, 1913–14). In Rome there was no single large-scale employer of musicians comparable to the courts of France or Florence; instead, cardinals, foreign ambassadors, Roman nobles, churches and other institutions each employed a handful of musicians, mainly keyboardists and string players. For important occasions these musicians could be called together to play in a large ensemble under unified leadership. From about 1680 until 1712, the leader of almost all such ensembles was Arcangelo Corelli, who acted as contractor, artistic director, leader (concertmaster) and, not infrequently, composer. In 1687, for instance, Corelli led two public concerts in specially constructed ‘theatres’ in the Piazza di Spagna, one sponsored by the French ambassador, the other by the Spanish ambassador. Of the first, celebrating the recovery of Louis XIV from an illness, a commentator wrote:

There was a large platform for the singers and instrumentalists, who started out with a beautiful sinfonia of concerted instruments by the famous Arcangelo [Corelli] Bolognese, who had assembled together all the best string players in Rome. Then two vocalists accompanied by the orchestra sang a poem in praise of the King. The audience listened in profound silence.

For the nameday of the Queen of Spain, the Spanish ambassador put on a specially commissioned Applauso musicale by Bernardo Pasquini. An engraving of the performance shows an ensemble of over 60 string players, plus a continuo group of two harpsichords and a pair of archlutes (fig.4). The ensemble is led by two violinists standing on a raised platform at the far left, presumably Corelli and his assistant, Matteo Fornari (Marx, 1988; Spitzer, 1991). Payrolls for similar occasions confirm that this picture does not exaggerate: Corelli's orchestra often exceeded 40 players, and for oratorios it could grow to more than 70 (Marx, 1968, 1983). Corelli, like Lully, cultivated a high level of orchestral discipline in his ensemble. According to the testimony of Geminiani, ‘Corelli regarded it as essential to the ensemble of a band, that their bows should all move exactly together, all up, or all down; so that at his rehearsals, which constantly preceded every public performance of his concertos, he would immediately stop the band if he discovered one irregular bow’ (BurneyH). The repertory of Corelli's orchestra, like Lully's dance music, was printed, disseminated and imitated throughout Europe. His op.6 concerti grossi, in which a large ensemble of massed strings alternated with a small concertino of two violins and cello, became another model of orchestral scoring for the next generation of composers.

5. The birth of the orchestra (1680–1740).

The history of the orchestra from the 17th century to the present involves consideration of how many instruments and of what kinds this ensemble comprised, how these instruments were used, the training and career paths of instrumentalists who performed in orchestras and the roles that orchestras played in society. Such a history shows that local traditions did not always conform with the broader picture. Nonetheless, in many cities and courts between about 1680 and about 1740, parallel changes can be observed in instrumental ensembles: the number of strings (especially violins) increased; the Renaissance wind instruments (cornetts, shawms, curtals etc.) were replaced by French-type ‘Baroque’ recorders, flutes, oboes and bassoons; pairs of horns were added; and a 16' bowed bass instrument joined the orchestra, first as an occasional novelty but eventually as a permanent member. These characteristics began to appear in France and Italy by the 1680s and in Germany and England by 1700. In addition, the organization and performing practices of instrumental ensembles became more ‘orchestral’. Rather than being split into separate ensembles, instrumentalists were gathered into a single group. Instead of playing several instruments with the same range or function, instrumentalists began to specialize on particular instruments. One member of the ensemble, usually a violinist, was designated as leader for purposes of setting tempos in instrumental numbers and deciding on bowing and ornamentation. Finally, orchestras began to call attention to themselves as a central feature of musical events. In the theatre they occupied a prominent place (fig.5); elsewhere they are displayed on risers (fig.4), in balconies (fig.6) or on a stage. They played pieces, or long sections of pieces, without singers, and commentators began to note and to compare orchestras and orchestral performances. By the 1730s and 40s the ‘orchestra’ – by that time called by its own name – was recognizable as an institution in most parts of Europe.

6. The Classical orchestra (1740–1815).

Because the orchestral works of Haydn, Mozart and especially of Beethoven were maintained in the repertory as ‘classics’ from the early 19th century onwards, the orchestra for which the Vienna masters composed has come to be known as the ‘Classical’ orchestra. The term may usefully be extended to include orchestras from about 1740 until 1815 or even later. For the first part of this period, from the 1740s to the 1780s, a typical orchestra included violins, violas, cellos and double basses, a pair of oboes, a pair of horns, one or two bassoons and keyboard continuo (harpsichord or organ). Trumpets and timpani were optional. Violins were divided into two sections of approximately equal size; violas (except in France) were consolidated into a single section, although composers occasionally wrote ‘divisi’ parts for them. Cellos, double basses, bassoons and keyboard usually played the same basso line, although cellos and bassoons had occasional obbligato passages, and the keyboard player added improvised harmonies above the bass. Oboists often played the flute as well, so these instruments could be interchanged but typically did not play simultaneously. This was the orchestra for Italian opera throughout Europe; it was also the typical configuration for spoken theatre, for private and public concerts, for important church services, and for dancing. For special occasions the orchestra could be enlarged by increasing the size of the string sections or even doubling the wind. Unusual instruments could be added for special effects: trombones for underworld scenes, flageolet to imitate birds, clarinet or chalumeau to suggest shepherds. In modest venues, for routine occasions or when money was short, the orchestra could be reduced to pairs of strings or even single players on the four parts, plus oboes and horns (fig.7).

In the theatre the orchestra was placed in front of the stage at floor level, separated from the audience by a rail. In the most common seating plan two long rows of violinists faced one another across double-sided desks which held the music (fig.8). Oboes, flutes and violas were distributed among the violins, whose parts they often doubled. Italian opera often used two harpsichords, one on the left side, one on the right, each surrounded by a group of cellos, basses and bassoons playing the bassopart (fig.8). Orchestral seating for concerts, oratorios, dances and serenades manifested great variability from one place or one occasion to another (figs.9, 10, 11). During most of the 18th century, printed orchestral music was typically offered in à 8 format: four string parts plus oboes and horns. This sufficed for an orchestra of 14 to 16 players; for larger orchestras, additional parts were copied out by hand. Similarly orchestral music in manuscript tended to circulate as sets of single parts, with extra parts (doublets) for violins and basso copied out as needed.

By the last two decades of the 18th century previously optional or interchangeable instruments, including flutes, clarinets, trumpets and drums, had become indispensable. Thus Haydn, Mozart and Beethoven composed for an orchestra of strings, plus pairs of flutes, oboes, clarinets, bassoons, horns, trumpets and timpani. This may be called the ‘high-Classical’ orchestra (Zaslaw, 1991). The configuration is found as a general practice, however, only from the 1790s: of Haydn's more than 100 symphonies, only four (nos.99, 100, 103, 104) call for those forces, as do only two (the Paris and the Haffner) of Mozart's more than 50. Beethoven and such contemporaries as Spontini, Méhul and Rossini began to transform this ensemble, giving the double bass its own part, adding a third horn part and sometimes a fourth, and making trombones an obligatory part of the orchestra.

In France, and especially in Paris, orchestral development followed a somewhat different course. The orchestra of the Opéra during the first quarter of the 18th century was still organized as it had been in Lully's day. It was divided into two groups with separate personnel and different roles, a petit choeur and a grand choeur (La Gorce, 1990). The petit choeur, which at the beginning of the period consisted of harpsichords, lutes, theorbos, bass viols and cellos, accompanied song, that is, recitatives, airs and vocal ensembles. The grand choeur, a five-part string band plus wind (about 30 instruments in all), played overtures, descriptive symphonies and dance music; it also accompanied choruses. The differentiation between petitand grand choeur was maintained at the Opéra until 1778, but the make-up of both groups changed. The petit choeur added a pair of violins and later one or two flutes to play obbligato parts in songs. In the grand choeur the number of violins increased, while the violas decreased. By the 1720s the violins had been divided into firsts and seconds, and there were only two viola parts (haute-contre and taille); in the 1740s the violas were consolidated into a single section, and the Opéra joined other European orchestras in four-part string scoring. Wind instruments, which before had mainly doubled the strings of the grand choeur, were now given more independent parts; horns were added in 1759 and also clarinets, first as supernumeraries (1749), later as regular members of the orchestra (1771). Both the Opéra orchestra and the orchestra of the Concert Spirituel, whose personnel overlapped considerably, were led by a baton-wielding batteur de mesure (fig.12). Other Paris orchestras at the Comédie Française, the Théâtre-Italien, the Concert des Amateurs and La Pouplinière's salon were organized more like Italian and German orchestras, as unitary ensembles with four-part strings and pairs of winds, directed by the first violinist. By the 1780s the large Paris orchestras had come to resemble high-Classical orchestras across Europe, with whom they now shared a pan-European orchestral repertory.

The shift from early- to high-Classical orchestra can be seen in two developments found in many orchestral works of the 1780s and 90s: the wind instruments become full and equal participants in the orchestration; and the generic bass line is differentiated into independent parts for bassoons, cellos and double basses. To their earlier functions of doubling or alternating with the strings and sustaining slow-moving harmonies in the tuttis, the wind add a new role: they participate in the presentation and development of thematic materials. As soloists, in pairs or in other combinations, wind instruments emerge from the orchestral texture and play a bar or two of melody, then relinquish their place to other instruments. This kind of orchestration may have been associated with the rise of specialist wind players, who no longer doubled on several instruments but were virtuosos on a single one. The second development was tied to the decline of the keyboard continuo. As pianos, with their softer tone, replaced harpsichords towards the end of the 18th century, the keyboard instrument became less useful for supplying the harmonies, guiding the singers and directing the instrumental ensemble. Singing, both in the theatre and on the concert stage, was accompanied increasingly by the full orchestra rather than just by continuo. A keyboard instrument often remained in the orchestra as a place from which a composer could supervise the performance, particularly in opera and oratorio. By the last two decades of the 18th century, however, most orchestras (except in France) were directed by the first violinist. With the end of continuo practice, composers started writing separate parts for cello and double bass, creating in effect a five-part string section, although the double basses often doubled the cellos at the octave.

In the 18th century there were few concert halls devoted primarily to orchestral performance; most orchestral concerts took place in theatres, the great halls of palaces and large houses, inns and other public buildings. In the second half of the century many larger cities had public concert series featuring orchestras, such as the Concert Spirituel in Paris, the Grosse Konzert in Leipzig and the Bach-Abel concerts in London. In principle, anyone could purchase a ticket to such concerts, but most concert series maintained a degree of exclusivity by allowing admission only by costly subscription. Many more such events were under private patronage and open to invited audiences only.

7. The Romantic orchestra (1815–1900).

The 19th century saw a tremendous expansion of orchestras and their culture. The number of orchestras in Europe increased several-fold; orchestras themselves grew larger and incorporated new kinds of instruments; orchestras became more widely dispersed geographically and appeared in new venues and new social contexts. During most of the 18th century orchestras had been an accompaniment to and an expression of aristocratic court culture; in the 19th century the orchestra became a central institution of public musical life. Orchestras in different places and different venues came to resemble each other in instrumentation, organization and performing practices. Playing in orchestras became a profession, distinct from other kinds of musical work; newly founded conservatories trained instrumentalists as orchestral musicians, and players' associations (later trade unions) were formed to improve wages and working conditions. Concert orchestras became independent organizations with their own property, administrative structure and income; concert series were organized in most European cities, with multiple series in the larger ones. Orchestral repertory became increasingly distinct from other kinds of music and increasingly standardized; over the course of the 19th century programme planning became dominated by a limited number of canonical or ‘classical’ works (Weber, 1986). Alongside such classicizing programmes – which often comprised an overture, concerto and symphony – orchestras continued to perform mixed or miscellaneous programmes with large numbers of shorter works, including operatic excerpts and instrumental solos, which were the precursors of 20th-century ‘pops’ concerts.

19th-century orchestras divide into two principal types: theatre orchestras and concert orchestras. Theatre orchestras played for both spoken theatre and opera, which often shared the same theatre and the same orchestra. Some theatres (for example those in Vienna, Berlin and St Petersburg) were still appendages of a court; their orchestras were court Kapellen and the players civil servants. More commonly theatres were commercial enterprises, and the orchestra was engaged for one season at a time. However, personnel tended to remain stable year after year. Because of this stability and because the theatre was open several nights a week, employment in a theatre orchestra could form the basis for an instrumentalist's living, indeed for an entire career. Concert series offered only weekly or fortnightly performances, so employment in a concert orchestra could provide only a portion of a musician's living, and concert orchestras shared personnel in most cities with theatre orchestras. As the market for entertainment expanded during the 19th century, other types of orchestra came into being: salon orchestras, café orchestras, dance orchestras, spa orchestras, orchestras in music halls and burlesque houses, and at the beginning of the 20th century in cinemas.

Experimentation and advances in instrument technology during the 19th century led to significant changes in the composition of the orchestra, particularly among the brass. The serpentone, bombardon, ophicleide and cimbasso were added in turn to fortify the lower register of the brass; they were gradually replaced by various forms of tuba, beginning in the 1830s (Meucci, 1996). Even more important was the addition of valves to trumpets and horns, which allowed them to play melodies in their lower and middle registers and to play in various keys. During the first half of the 19th century, valved and natural instruments played side by side in the same orchestras. Wagner, for example, in Rienzi (1842, Dresden) calls for two natural trumpets along with two valved cornets, two natural horns along with two valved horns, and both serpent and ophicleide. Woodwind too were redesigned, mainly by adding new keywork, which enabled them to play in any key rapidly and more reliably in tune. Woodwind instruments in new, sometimes extreme registers were added – piccolo, English horn, bass clarinet, double bassoon – but these were usually used only for special effects and played by doublers from the regular wind section. From the 1820s on many orchestras included one or even two harps, often played by women, exceptions in what was otherwise an all-male institution.

Because 19th-century orchestras, especially concert orchestras, continued to play a repertory of symphonies and oratorios from the 18th and early 19th centuries, their structure remained frozen in the pattern of the ‘high-Classical’ orchestra: five sections of strings, with pairs of wind brass instruments and a small battery of percussion. Keyboard continuo had been eliminated from most orchestras by the second quarter of the 19th century, and opera recitative was accompanied now by the full orchestra or by a solo cello. In the larger opera houses the string sections were expanded for greater volume and the wind were often doubled, with a principal and an assistant on each part; percussion instruments such as cymbals and castanets were added for local colour and special effects. Instrumentalists sometimes appeared on stage in costume as a band (banda sul palco, musique de scène), usually made up of military instruments like clarinets, cornets, and keyed bugles, with players sometimes borrowed from the local garrison. By using shifting combinations of instruments, opera composers achieved a myriad of orchestral colours and effects. In Wagner's later operas the large orchestra functions as a central element in the drama, setting the scene, hinting at the thoughts and emotions of the characters and commenting on the action through a system of leitmotifs. By the late 19th century the Wagnerian orchestra and Wagnerian techniques of orchestration had made their way into symphonic and concert repertory, for example in the tone poems of Richard Strauss or the symphonies of Bruckner and Mahler.

The biggest structural innovation in 19th-century orchestras was the baton conductor, first in France, where the Opéra and the Concert Spirituel had been directed by time beaters as early as the 18th century, then in Germany, beginning in the 1780s with Reichardt in Berlin and becoming common in German orchestras by the 1820s. English orchestras resisted baton conducting until the 1830s, and some Italian orchestras were still directed by the first violinist as late as the 1860s. Whereas the violin director had led by example, the baton conductor led by directive, communicating with the players through words and gestures rather than through music, although ex-violinists like Habeneck at the Paris Conservatoire kept an instrument handy to illustrate what was wanted. Conductors of the first half of the century did not generally interpret or express the music with the baton but limited themselves in performance to keeping the beat, giving cues and presiding over the ensemble. Soon, however, conductors began to think of themselves (and the public began to think of them) as performers and interpreters, with the entire orchestra as their instrument. ‘The members of an orchestra’, said Berlioz, ‘are like strings, pipes, soundboxes and soundboards of wood or metal – intelligent machines that the conductor plays like an immense piano’ (Berlioz, 1843). Wagner, with his controversial and highly influential interpretations of Beethoven's symphonies, introduced into orchestral practice the flexible beat, fluctuating tempos and gradations of dynamics that characterized the playing of such 19th-century instrumental virtuosos as Paganini and Liszt.

Because orchestras functioned in so many different venues and contexts during the 19th century, it is hard to make useful generalizations about their size. Where the same orchestra can be traced over several decades, the impression is often one of growth. The orchestra at La Scala, the court orchestra in Dresden and the London Philharmonic all grew from about 60 players in the 1820s to over 90 in the 1890s; on the other hand, the Paris Opéra and the court orchestra at Munich remained about the same size over the same period (Koury, 1986; Mahling, 1971; Ehrlich, 1995). Personnel records do not provide a reliable guide to the size of orchestras, because orchestras normally engaged supernumeraries to meet the requirements of whatever piece they were playing. For festival performances ‘monster’ orchestras were assembled, a tradition that had already begun in the 18th century with the Handel Commemoration of 1784 at Westminster Abbey, which advertised ‘at least Four Hundred Performers, a more numerous Band than was ever known to be collected in any country, or on any occasion whatever’ (Burney, 1785). Not to be outdone, the Viennese mounted a Handel performance in 1812 with an orchestra of 300. Berlioz, in Paris, organized and conducted several mega-concerts during the 1840s: 450 singers and instrumentalists at the Opéra in 1840 for a programme of music by himself, Handel and (more surprisingly) Gluck and Palestrina; over 1000 performers at the Palais de l'Industrie in 1844 at a concert in which five chorus masters and an assistant conducted simultaneously with Berlioz; 350 for a series of four concerts at the Cirque Olympique in 1844 (again with a second conductor, fig.13). The Handel festivals at the Crystal Palace, London, in 1857 and 1859 featured orchestras of almost 500 instrumentalists accompanying choirs of over 2000 singers (see London (i), fig.36). Instead of projecting the wealth and power of the royal court or an aristocratic patron, these monster orchestras were civic and patriotic displays. In their size and in their coordination of diverse elements, they represented the wealth and the capacities of civil society – the musical and social harmony that people could achieve when they set their minds on a common goal.

The seating arrangements of 19th-century orchestras have been studied in detail (Koury, 1986). During the first quarter of the century opera orchestras abandoned the pattern of long parallel rows (figs.5 and 8) and began to sit in pairs facing the centre and reading from stands rather than desks (fig.14). The 18th-century system of arranging instruments according to musical function was replaced by a system of seating in sections by type of instrument. Typical arrangements from the first half of the century placed strings on one side, wind on the other; later it became common to split the first violins from the seconds and the woodwind from the brass. Double basses were sometimes dispersed around the orchestra, in an attempt to make the bass line audible to all players, or they were placed in a row either at the back or at the front of the orchestra, a practice about which Verdi complained, saying that it destroyed the sonority of the basses as a section (Harwood, 1986–7). Concert orchestras displayed no widely accepted seating arrangements, varying according to venue, acoustics, repertory and local traditions. Orchestral seating was a subject of great interest to musicians in the first half of the 19th century, and treatises often published diagrams of famous orchestras. They almost always show the violins at the front of the orchestra, facing one another on opposite sides. The wind were often placed on risers, sometimes quite steep, in the rear, with the brass at the very back. Violas, cellos and basses might be found almost anywhere. When there was a chorus, it was placed in front of the orchestra or at the sides. The conductor of a concert orchestra usually stood in the centre of the orchestra, among the instrumentalists; often he faced the audience.

In the first half of the 19th century, the public concert joined opera as a cornerstone of musical life in most European countries. Concert series were usually organized by a society established exclusively for the purpose – sometimes a group of professional musicians, sometimes an organization of musical amateurs. The society engaged an orchestra and became in effect its management, raising money, leasing or building a hall and contracting soloists. Some concert societies continued the 18th-century tradition of keeping venues small and prices high in order to maintain social exclusivity; the Philharmonic Society in London and the Société des Concerts du Conservatoire in Paris provide examples of such a policy. Others, like Musard's outdoor concerts on the Champs Elysées, and Jullien's Promenade concerts in London, brought orchestras and orchestral music to mass audiences in large venues at low prices. Several orchestras that have remained in existence until the present day originated as concert series in the 19th century. The London Philharmonic was founded in 1813 as a society of professional orchestra musicians, most of them from the London theatre orchestras. The Vienna Philharmonic began in 1842, also as a self-governing association of professionals, many of whom played at the court opera. The Budapest Philharmonic (1853), the Zürich Tonhalle Orchestra (1868), the Berlin Philharmonic (1887; see fig.15), the Concertgebouw Orchestra of Amsterdam (1888) and the Munich Philharmonic (1893) were all founded as concert societies. Other orchestras were established by conductors, acting as musical promoters and entrepreneurs. The most successful and the most notorious was Louis Jullien, who assembled the best players in London during the 1840s for promenade concerts of both modern and ‘classical’ music, which the public could attend for a modest price (fig.16). Charles Hallé founded the orchestra that still bears his name in Manchester in 1857 to give concerts in the newly built Free Trade Hall, again for large audiences at relatively low prices. Jules Pasdeloup, in Paris, conducted a Concert Populaire from 1861 to 1884 at the Cirque d'hiver for audiences of up to 5000. An observer for the Revue des deux mondescommented in 1884 on the broad appeal of the Pasdeloup concerts (quoted in Bernard, 1971):

All levels of society are represented in this multitude. In the parterre you see an elite of connoisseurs and aesthetes; seats in the main amphitheatre are shared by all classes of people; in the upper galleries students from the Latin quarter rub elbows with working men. This whole great attentive crowd holds its breath, waiting for the orchestra's first downbow as if for a revelation from heaven.

Such audiences heard orchestras in other venues, in theatres, music halls and cafés. But the concerts of Jullien, Hallé and Pasdeloup brought them a repertory of orchestral ‘classics’ and presented orchestras and orchestral music not just as entertainment and accompaniment but as an aesthetic and moral experience.

The 19th century also saw the expansion of orchestras beyond Europe. In the 18th century, Spanish and Portuguese missionaries and colonists had assembled orchestras, sometimes composed of Amerindian instrumentalists, to play in church. By the end of the century there were orchestras in theatres and occasionally in concert settings. In the North American colonies, theatres in New York, Philadelphia and Charleston had small orchestras by the 1750s. Immigration, urbanization and the accumulation of wealth in the 19th century created many more opportunities for orchestras. Theatres in Havana, Rio de Janeiro, Mexico City, Buenos Aires, Lima and other cities established permanent orchestras for performances of spoken drama, zarzuela and Italian opera. In the USA too, almost every city had one or more theatres, and almost every theatre had an orchestra, which played for spoken theatre as well as for opera (see New York, fig.1). Beginning around the middle of the century concert societies were formed, like the Philharmonic Society and the Euterpean Club in New York, the Handel and Haydn Society in Boston and the Germania Music Society in Baltimore, for the purpose of playing the ‘classics’ of choral and orchestral music. The New York Philharmonic began in 1842 as a cooperative society of professional musicians. The Boston Symphony was founded in 1881, the Chicago Symphony in 1891, the Cincinnati Symphony in 1894, the Philadelphia Orchestra in 1900. During most of the 19th century American orchestras were composed principally of European emigrants, first English and French, then Germans and Italians. The foremost promoter-conductor of 19th-century America was Theodore Thomas, a German-born violinist who had played in Jullien's orchestra in London, then emigrated to the USA and formed the Theodore Thomas Orchestra in 1862. For almost 30 years Thomas toured with his orchestra, bringing orchestral music to masses of people throughout the country. By the end of the 19th century orchestras in the USA occupied much the same place in public musical life as they did in Europe.

8. The modern orchestra.

Beginning in the late 19th century and increasingly during the first half of the 20th, concert life became dominated by the music of earlier times (see Grotjahn, 1995). One consequence of this development was that modern orchestras retained the instrumentation and the performing practices of 19th-century orchestras. The technical and social changes that have revolutionized other areas of musical life – electric instruments, electronic amplification, computer sound processing, and the integrated packaging and marketing of video, audio, computer and live media – have, for the most part, passed the orchestra by. At the same time the venues and the roles available to orchestras have been greatly reduced. In theatres, in cafés and at dances orchestras have been replaced by other sorts of ensemble or by recorded sound (Kraft, 1994). Studio orchestras that up until the 1970s recorded background music for films, radio and television have been replaced by electronics. On the other hand, the number of concert orchestras has increased during the course of the 20th century, and the audience these orchestras reaches has increased even more, thanks to tours, radio and television broadcasts and especially to LP and CD recordings. To a great extent the modern orchestra has become a museum, an isolated, self-contained institution dedicated to the preservation and the dissemination of culturally valued artefacts (see Burkholder, 1986).

Of the many new musical instruments that were invented during the late 19th century and the 20th, almost none has found a regular place in the modern orchestra. Saxophones, cornets, flugelhorns and Wagner tubas made brief appearances, then vanished largely. Electronic instruments like the theremin, the ondes martenot, the Moog synthesizer and the electric guitar have been used, sparingly, usually as novelties or for special effects. Tape recorders and computer-generated and/or altered sounds have not moved beyond the status of experiments. The only true expansion of the instrumentarium of the modern orchestra has come in the percussion section, where a large battery accumulated during the 20th century, with many of the instruments borrowed from non-European cultures, for example temple blocks, gongs, maracas, guiro etc. (fig.18). The piano was also reintroduced into the orchestra, more or less as a member of the percussion section rather than as a harmonic or a continuo instrument.

Although instrumentation remained more or less static during the 20th century, changes in instrument construction and performing practices make modern orchestras sound somewhat different from their predecessors. In the 19th century and the first half of the 20th the necks of string instruments were lengthened, bass bars were reinforced, and the strings were tightened to higher tension. By the middle of the 20th century steel E strings had replaced gut as the norm for orchestral violins. Gut-core lower strings on violins, as well as on violas and cellos, were displaced by strings with steel and later synthetic cores, overwound with metal. These changes increased the volume and brilliance of the string section. In the first quarter of the 20th century orchestral violinists began increasingly to use continuous vibrato, and by the 1930s vibrato had become a normal part of tone quality for string sections. Woodwind players took up vibrato, beginning with French, Russian and American players, followed by the middle of the century by English, Italians and Germans. The fluctuating tempos of the Wagnerian conducting tradition were replaced by the more regular beat of Toscanini and other ‘modern’ conductors; loose ensemble was replaced by mechanical precision. These changes in orchestral sound and performing practice are documented in recordings from the first half of the 20th century (Philip, 1992). In the second half of the 20th century the orchestral palette was enlarged with ‘extended’ techniques of instrumental playing: harmonics, microtones, sul ponticello, col legno etc. in the strings; multiphonics, hypervibrato, flutter tonguing, glissando etc. in the wind.

A minor rebellion against the tradition of the orchestra as it was inherited from the 19th century occurred after World War I with the idea of the ‘chamber orchestra’, a considerably smaller ensemble, with only a few strings on each part and only selected woodwind and brass. Chamber orchestras represented in part a response to the cost of large orchestras, in part a modernist reaction to what had come to be seen in some circles as the overblown rhetoric of the late Romantic repertory. Chamber orchestras tend to play a bifurcated repertory, comprising old music, much of it from the 18th century, plus specially commissioned works by such composers as Stravinsky, Bartók, Hindemith, Milhaud, Honegger and Britten. A few chamber orchestras maintain themselves as independent ensembles, for example the Basle Chamber Orchestra (founded in 1926), the English Chamber Orchestra (1948), I Musici (1952), the Moscow Chamber Orchestra (1955) and the St Paul Chamber Orchestra (1959). Some chamber orchestras returned to the 18th-century practice of performing without a baton conductor, either out of historicizing motives (I Musici) or for political reasons (Moscow ‘Persimfans’, 1922–33).

Beginning in the 1970s, a new kind of chamber orchestra made its appearance: the ‘early music’ or ‘period-instrument’ orchestra (fig.19). These orchestras attempt to revive the instruments, the playing techniques and the repertories of the 17th and 18th centuries. Since they use different instruments from most modern orchestras (‘Baroque’ violins and bows, two-key clarinets, one-key wooden flutes, harpsichords etc.) and different playing techniques (no or very little vibrato, keyboard or violin direction, improvised ornamentation etc.), period-instrument orchestras tend not to share personnel with symphony orchestras, but instead to operate in a separate world of early music specialists. Many early music orchestras are ad hoc ensembles, assembled for a recording session or a concert series. However a few, like the Concentus Musicus (Vienna), the Philharmonia Baroque Orchestra (San Francisco) or Tafelmusik (Toronto) have achieved a more stable institutional existence.

Modern symphony orchestras perpetuate the organizational and institutional structures established in the second half of the 19th century. Two basic patterns obtain, one descended from the court orchestra, the other from the concert series. In the first, the orchestra is owned and managed by the state, the municipality or another public entity. Often the sponsor is a state-owned radio station, as for example with the BBC Symphony Orchestra (London) or the Norddeutscher Rundfunk Sinfonieorchester (Hamburg). The musicians have civil service jobs; managers are government or civic functionaries; the instrumentalists often exercise a considerable degree of self-governance. This pattern is typical of continental Europe, Latin America and to some extent Great Britain. The second type of organization prevails in the USA and to a lesser extent in Great Britain. Here the orchestra is an independent, non-profit corporation, run by a lay board of directors and by professional managers who are responsible for day-to-day operations. Under this system government agencies often provide modest subsidies. Orchestras may also be subsidized by private, non-profit foundations, like the Ford Foundation, which between 1966 and 1976 distributed over $80 million to 61 American orchestras (Hart, 1973). A few orchestras are organized as cooperatives, for example, the Vienna Philharmonic, the London Philharmonic, the London Symphony and the Israel Philharmonic. Here the orchestra is owned and administered by the musicians themselves, though often with a state subsidy and considerable input from professional managers. Under all three systems labour unions play an important role; in almost every major professional orchestra in Europe and North America the musicians are members of a union. The union represents the players in negotiations over wages, hiring practices, job security and working conditions. Rehearsal and concert schedules, recording sessions, travel arrangements, seating order, the hiring of supernumeraries or substitutes, audition protocols and the prerogatives of the conductor are all governed by the provisions of the union regulations or contract.

Most modern orchestra musicians are trained at music conservatories, usually specializing on a primary instrument by their teen years. Upon graduation young instrumentalists may work for a while as freelancers or hold a series of positions in smaller orchestras, attempting with each job change to move up either to a better orchestra or a better position in the section (Faulkner, 1973). However, they tend to settle down at a relatively early age compared with other professions and to play in the same orchestra for the remainder of a career that can last until the age of 70 or older. Although a career as an orchestra musician is not dangerous or physically taxing, surveys of orchestra musicians often find them to be dissatisfied with their profession, their jobs and their careers. This dissatisfaction has been attributed to a variety of factors, including stress of performance, limited scope for individual expression, frustration of soloistic ambitions and hostile relations between players, conductors and management (Schulz, 1981; Faulkner, 1973).

One of the most important developments in the second half of the 20th century has been the entry of women into orchestras. Before that time, although many women were trained as instrumentalists, the only opportunity they had to play in symphony orchestras (except for harpists) was in all-woman orchestras (Neuls-Bates, 1986). During World War II women players in the USA took the places of absent men, and after the war some of them remained, particularly in the string sections and in less famous, less well-paid orchestras. The numbers of women in American and British orchestras increased slowly during the 1950s and 60s, more rapidly in the last quarter of the century. Women entered later into continental orchestras and encountered even more obstacles. Most major German orchestras did not accept women until the 1980s, the Vienna Philharmonic not until the late 1990s. In the mid-1990s, the median proportion of women in major USA orchestras was 36%, in Great Britain and France 30% and in Germany 16% (Dupuis, 1993; Allmendinger and Hackman, 1995). Given the number of women instrumentalists in conservatories and the increasing numbers of women in the workforce, these percentages can be expected to increase.

Another important development in the second half of the 20th century has been the expansion of orchestras and orchestral culture to East Asia. Already in the late 19th century the European community in Hong Kong sponsored concerts by an amateur orchestra, and Shanghai maintained a Municipal Orchestra, staffed exclusively by European instrumentalists. Orchestral music was introduced to Japan as part of the westernizing programme of the Meiji Restoration. The first orchestra concert is said to have been a performance of Beethoven's First Symphony at the School of Music in Tokyo in 1887 (Obata, 1987). The New Symphony Orchestra (today the NHK Symphony Orchestra) was founded in Tokyo in 1926. Korean musicians, trained in Japan on Western instruments, gave a few orchestral concerts in Seoul during the 1920s, and in the 1930s an orchestra of Chinese musicians gave concerts in Shanghai. The great period of growth, however, came after World War II, encouraged by Asian musicians studying at European and American conservatories, tours of Western orchestras in Asia and especially by broadcasts and recordings of Western orchestras. By the 1970s there were at least eight professional symphony orchestras in Tokyo, some of them owned by the government, others by private entities, like the Japan Broadcasting Company (NHK) or the Yomiuri Nippon publishing group. The Seoul Philharmonic was founded in 1957; the Taibei City Symphony in 1969; the Hong Kong Philharmonic in 1973; the Singapore Symphony in 1979. In mainland China the Shanghai Philharmonic was reorganized with Chinese personnel, and the Central Philharmonic (Beijing) was founded in 1956. Orchestras were also established at several music conservatories. Although their artistic and social goals were the subject of intense debate and conflict, and although Western works were banned from their repertory during the Cultural Revolution (1966–76), Chinese orchestras survived as institutions. By the 1990s there were Western-style orchestras in most of the major cities of China, with multiple orchestras in Beijing, Shanghai and Hong Kong. In 1987 the Central Philharmonic toured the USA with a programme that included works by Berlioz, Dvořák, Ravel and Shostakovich, as well as works by Chinese composers. In Japan, Korea, Taiwan and even mainland China the orchestral repertory is dominated by the same ‘classics’ that European and American orchestras play, enriched with a smattering of works by modern Asian composers. A few of these introduce traditional instruments, such as shakuhaci (flute), biwa (lute), pipa (lute) and erhu (fiddle) into the orchestra, usually in a solo role rather than as orchestral instruments. It does not seem likely that the expansion into Asia will fundamentally alter the instrumentation or the performing practices of the orchestra. Many Asian instrumentalists, however, have joined European and American orchestras, particularly from the 1960s on and particularly in the string sections.

Contemplation of the future and the fate of the orchestra as an institution has generated a good deal of anguish in the last quarter of the 20th century. The disappearance of orchestras from many venues and contexts where they once played, the concentration of the repertory on a limited number of works composed long ago, the aging of concert audiences, the dependence of orchestras on support from the state or from foundations: all these have led critics to proclaim that the orchestra is dying. On the other hand, the health and vitality of chamber orchestras and period-instrument orchestras, the expansion of orchestras into Asian countries, and the power of recordings to expand the audience and the market for orchestral music all suggest that the orchestra may have a few more years left in it as an institution, perhaps a few more centuries.

pre- and proto-orchestras

BIBLIOGRAPHY

general

definitions

lully and corelli

the birth of the orchestra

the classical orchestra

the romantic orchestra

the modern orchestra

general

A. Carse: The History of Orchestration (London, 1925/R)

P. Bekker: The Story of the Orchestra (New York, 1936/R)

O. Schreiber: Orchester und Orchesterpraxis in Deutschland zwischen 1780 und 1850 (Berlin, 1938/R)

R. Nettel: The Orchestra in England: a Social History (London, 1946/R)

S. Borris: Die grossen Orchester: eine Kulturgeschichte (Hamburg, 1969)

H. Raynor: The Orchestra (London, 1978)

J. Peyser, ed.: The Orchestra: Origins and Transformations (New York, 1986)

E.A. Bowles: Musical Ensembles in Festival Books, 1500–1800: an Iconographical and Documentary Survey (Ann Arbor, 1989)

definitions

M. Staehelin: ‘Orchester’, Handwörterbuch der musicalischen Terminologie, ed. H.H. Eggebrecht (Wiesbaden, 1972)

A.C. Keys: ‘Names for an Orchestra’, SMA, ix (1975), 54–63

H. Rösing: ‘Zum Begriff “Orchester” in europäischer und aussereuropäischer Musik’, AcM, xlvii (1975), 134–43

N. Zaslaw: ‘When is an Orchestra not an Orchestra?’, EMc, xvi (1988), 483–95 [with extensive bibliography]

N. Zaslaw: ‘The Origins of the Classical Orchestra’, Basler Jb für historisches Musikpraxis, xvii (1993), 9–40

G. Strahle: An Early Music Dictionary: Musical Terms from British Sources, 1500–1740 (Cambridge, 1995)

pre- and proto-orchestras

MersenneHU

H. Prunières: Le ballet de cour en France avant Benserade et Lully (Paris, 1914/R)

F. Lesure: ‘Die “Terpsichore” von Michael Praetorius und die französische Instrumentalmusik unter Heinrich IV’, Mf, v (1952), 7–17

F. Lesure: ‘Les Orchestres populaires à Paris vers la fin du XVIe siècle’, RdM, xxxvi (1954), 39–54

R. Weaver: ‘Sixteenth-Century Instrumentation’, MQ, xlvii (1961), 363–78

M. Ruhnke: Beiträge zu einer Geschichte der deutschen Hofmusikkollegien im 16. Jahrhundert (Berlin, 1963)

F. Ghisi, J. Jacquot and D.P. Walker, eds.: Les fêtes du mariage de Ferdinand de Médicis et de Christine de Lorraine, Florence, 1589, i: Musique des intermèdes de ‘La pellegrina’ (Paris, 1963)

R.L. Weaver: ‘The Orchestra in Early Italian Opera’, JAMS, xvii (1964), 83–9

M. Lefkowitz: Trois masques à la cour de Charles Ier d'Angleterre (Paris, 1970)

H.M. Brown: Sixteenth-Century Instrumentation: the Music for the Florentine Intermedii, MSD, xxx (1973)

E. Selfridge-Field: Venetian Instrumental Music from Gabrieli to Vivaldi (London, 1975, 3/1994)

E. Enrico: The Orchestra at San Petronio in the Baroque Era (Washington DC, 1976)

D. Bryant: ‘The “cori spezzati” of St. Mark's: Myth and Reality’, EMH, i (1981), 165–86

J. Roche: North Italian Church Music in the Age of Monteverdi (Oxford, 1984)

O. Gambassi: La cappella musicale di S. Petronio: maestri, organisti, cantori e strumentisti dal 1436 al 1920 (Florence, 1987)

T.F. Kelly: ‘“Orfeo da Camera”: Estimating Performing Forces in Early Opera’, Historical Performance, i (1988), 3–9

N. Zaslaw: ‘Three Notes on the Early History of the Orchestra’, Historical Performance, i (1988), 63–7

B. Bardet: ‘Violons, vingt-quatre’, Dictionnaire de la musique en France aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles, ed. M. Benoit (Paris, 1992), 724–8

P. Holman: Four and Twenty Fiddlers: the Violin at the English Court, 1540–1690 (Oxford, 1993)

V. Coehlo: ‘Public Works and Private Contexts: Lorenzo Allegri and the Florentine Intermedi of 1608’, Les luths en occident: Paris 1998, 101–12

lully and corelli

BenoitMC

BurneyH

E. Wellesz: ‘Zwei Studien zur Geschichte der Oper im XVII. Jahrhundert’, SIMG, xv (1913–14), 124–33

J. Eppelsheim: Das Orchester in den Werken Jean-Baptiste Lullys (Tutzing, 1961)

S. Hansell: ‘Orchestral Practice at the Court of Cardinal Pietro Ottoboni’, JAMS, xix (1966), 398–403

O. Jander: ‘Concerto Grosso Instrumentation in Rome in the 1660's and 1670's’, JAMS, xxi (1968), 168–80

H.J. Marx: ‘Die Musik am Hofe Pietro Kardinal Ottobonis unter Arcangelo Corelli’, AnMc, no.5 (1968), 104–77

W. Kolneder: Georg Muffat zur Aufführungspraxis (Strasbourg, 1970)

M. Benoit: Versailles et les musiciens du roi, 1661–1733 (Paris, 1971)

S. Bonta: ‘From Violone to Violoncello: a Question of Strings?’, JAMIS, iii (1977), 64–99

F. Piperno: ‘Anfione in Campidoglio: presenza Corelliana alle feste per i concorsi dell'Accademia del disegno di San Luca’, Nuovissimi studi corelliani: Fusignano 1980, 151–208

R. Pfeiffer: ‘Der französische, inbesondere Lullysche Orchesterstil und sein Walten in der deutschen Musikkultur des ausgehenden 17. Jahrhunderts’, Der Einfluss der französischen Musik auf die Komponisten der ersten Hälfte des 18. Jahrhunderts: Blankenburg, Harz, 1981, 15–20

H.J. Marx: ‘Die “Giustificazioni della Casa Pamphilj” als musikgeschichtliche Quelle’, Studi musicali, xxi (1983), 121–87

N. Zaslaw: ‘Lully's Orchestra’, Jean-Baptiste Lully: Saint Germain-en-Laye and Heidelberg 1987, 539–79

H.J. Marx: ‘The Instrumentation of Handel's Early Italian Works’, EMc, xvi (1988), 496–505

J. de La Gorce: ‘Some Notes on Lully's Orchestra’, Jean-Baptiste Lully and the Music of the French Baroque: Essays in Honor of James R. Anthony, ed. J.H. Heyer and others (Cambridge, 1989), 99–112

E. Lemaître: ‘Les sources des “Plaisirs de l'Isle enchantée”’,RdM, lxxvii (1991), 187–200

J. Spitzer: ‘The Birth of the Orchestra in Rome: an Iconographic Study’, EMc, xix (1991), 9–28

the birth of the orchestra

PierreH

J. Mattheson: Der vollkommene Capellmeister (Hamburg, 1739/R; Eng. trans., 1981)

J.J. Quantz: Versuch einer Anweisung die Flöte traversiere zu spielen (Berlin, 1752/R, 3/1789/R; Eng. trans., 1966)

J.-B. Durey de Noinville: Histoire du théâtre de l'Académie royale de musique (Paris, 2/1757/R)

C.S. Terry: Bach's Orchestra (London, 1932, 2/1961/R)

E. Winternitz: ‘The Evolution of the Baroque Orchestra’, Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin, xii (1954), 258–75

A.D. McCredie: Instrumentarium and Instrumentation in the North German Baroque Opera (diss., U. of Hamburg, 1964)

D. Arnold: ‘Orchestras in Eighteenth-Century Venice’, GSJ, xix (1966), 3–19

A. Schnoebelen: ‘Performance Practices at San Petronio in the Baroque’, AcM, xli (1969), 37–55

W. Salmen: Der Sozialstatus des Berufsmusikers vom 17. bis zum 19. Jahrhunderts (Kassel,1971; Eng. trans., 1983)

E.H. Tarr and T.Walker: ‘“Bellici carmi, festivo fragor”: die Verwendung der Trompete in der italienischen Oper des 17. Jahrhunderts’, HJbMw, iii (1978), 143–203

J. de La Gorce: ‘L'Académie royale de musique en 1704, d'après des documents inédits conservés dans les archives notariales’, RdM, lxv (1979), 160–91

N. Zaslaw: ‘The Compleat Orchestral Musician’, EMc, vii (1979), 46–57, 71–2

G. Sadler: ‘The Role of the Keyboard Continuo in French Opera, 1673–1776’,EMc, viii (1980), 148–57

C. Wood: ‘Orchestra and Spectacle in the tragédie en musique, 1673–1715: Oracle, sommeil and tempête’, PRMA, cviii ( 1981–2), 25–46

L. Bianconi and T. Walker: ‘Production, Consumption and Political Function of Seventeenth-Century Opera’, EMH, iv (1984), 209–96

D. Burrows: ‘Handel's London Theatre Orchestra’, EMc, xiii (1985), 349–57

J. Spitzer and N. Zaslaw: ‘Improvised Ornamentation in Eighteenth-Century Orchestras’, JAMS, xxxix (1986), 524–77

E. Selfridge-Field: ‘The Viennese Court Orchestra in the Time of Caldara’, Antonio Caldara: Essays on his Life and Times, ed. B.W. Pritchard (Aldershot, 1987), 115–52

O. Landmann: ‘Die Dresdener Hofkapelle zur Zeit Johann Sebastian Bachs’, Concerto, no.51 (1990), 7–16

S.K. Owens: The Württemberg Hofkapelle c.1680–1721 (diss. Victoria U. of Wellington, 1995)

J. Spitzer: ‘Metaphors of the Orchestra: the Orchestra as a Metaphor’, MQ, lxxx (1996), 234–64

M.W. Stahura: ‘Handel and the Orchestra’, The Cambridge Companion to Handel, ed. D. Burrows (Cambridge, 1997), 238–48

the classical orchestra

BurneyFI

BurneyGN

C.P.E. Bach: Versuch über die wahre Art das Clavier zu spielen (Berlin, 1753/R, 2/1787; Eng. trans. 1949)

J.F. Reichardt: Über die Pflichten des Ripien-Violinisten (Berlin and Leipzig, 1776)

Wahrheiten die Musik betreffend, gerade herausgesagt von einem teutschen Biedermann (Frankfurt, 1779)

F. Galeazzi: Elementi teorico-pratici di musica (Rome, 1791–6)

I.F. Arnold: Der angehende Musikdirektor (Erfurt, 1806)

G. Scaramelli: Saggio sopra i doveri di un primo violino direttore d'orchestra (Trieste,1811)

M. Brenet[M. Bobillier]: Les concerts en France sous l'Ancien Régime (Paris, 1900/R)

O. Sonneck: Early Concert-Life in America (Leipzig, 1907/R)

U. Prota-Giurleo: La grande orchestra del R. Teatro San Carlo nel Settecento (Naples, 1927)

A. Carse: The Orchestra in the Eighteenth Century (Cambridge, 1940/R)

S. Sadie: ‘Concert Life in Eighteenth-Century England’, PRMA, lxxxv (1958–9), 17–30

C. Cudworth: ‘The Vauxhall “Lists”’, GSJ, xx (1967), 24–42

C.-H. Mahling: Orchester und Orchestermusik in Deutschland von 1700 bis 1850 (diss., U. of Saarbrücken, 1971)

N. Zaslaw: ‘Toward the Revival of the Classical Orchestra’, PRMA, ciii (1976–7), 158–87

O. Biba: ‘Concert Life in Beethoven's Vienna’, Beethoven, Performers, and Critics: Detroit 1977, 77–93

L.F. Ferguson: Col Basso and Generalbass in Mozart's Keyboard Concertos: Notation, Performance, Theory, and Practice (diss., Princeton U., 1983)

F. Ferguson: ‘Mozart's Keyboard Concertos: Tutti Notations and Performance Models’, MJb 1984–5, 32–9

D. Charlton: ‘Orchestra and Chorus at the Comédie-Italienne (Opéra-Comique), 1755–99’, Slavonic and Western Music: Essays for Gerald Abraham, ed. M.H. Brown and R.J. Wiley (Ann Arbor and Oxford, 1985), 87–108

C. Brown: ‘The Orchestra in Beethoven's Vienna’, EMc, xvi (1988), 4–20

E. Segerman: ‘Strings Through the Ages’, The Strad, ic (1988), 52–5, 195–200, 295–8

R. Stowell: ‘“Good Execution and Other Necessary Skills”: the Role of the Concertmaster in the Late 18th Century’, EMc, xvi (1988), 21–33

S. McVeigh: ‘The Professional Concert and Rival Subscription Series in London, 1783–1793’, RMARC, no.22 (1989), 1–135

N. Zaslaw: Mozart's Symphonies: Context, Performance Practice, Reception (Oxford, 1989)

J. de La Gorce: ‘L'orchestre de l'Opéra et son évolution de Campra à Rameau’, RdM, lxxvi (1990), 23–43

J. Webster: ‘On the Absence of Keyboard Continuo in Haydn's Symphonies’, EMc, xviii (1990), 599–608

L.A. McLamore: Symphonic Conventions in London's Concert Rooms, c.1755–90 (diss., UCLA, 1991)

N. Zaslaw: ‘Mozart's Orchestral Flutes and Oboes’, Mozart Studies, ed. C. Eisen (Oxford, 1991), 201–11

Orchesterpraxis in klassischer Zeit: Basle 1992 [Basler Jb für historische Musikpraxis, xvii (1991)] incl. [extensive bibliography]

D. Edge: ‘Mozart's Viennese Orchestras’, EMc, xx (1992), 64–88

C. Eisen: ‘Mozart's Salzburg Orchestras’, EMc, xx (1992), 89–103

L. Finscher, ed.: Die Mannheimer Hofkapelle im Zeitalter Carl Theodors (Mannheim, 1992)

C. Brown: ‘String Playing Practices in the Classical Orchestra’, Basler Jb für historische Musikpraxis, xvii (1993), 41–64

D. Charlton: ‘“A maître d'orchestre … conducts”: New and Old Evidence on French Practice’, EMc, xxi (1993), 340–53

S. McVeigh: Concert Life in London from Mozart to Haydn (Cambridge, 1993)

E.K. Wolf: ‘On the Composition of the Mannheim Orchestra, ca.1740–1778’, Basler Jb für historisches Musikpraxis, xvii (1993), 113–38

N. Zaslaw: ‘Mozart's European Orchestras’, Musicology Australia, xvii (1994), 13–18

B. Haynes: Pitch Standards in the Baroque and Classical Periods (diss., U. of Montreal, 1995)

M. Peruffo: ‘Italian Violin Strings in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries: Typologies, Manufacturing Techniques and Principles of Stringing’, Recercare, ix (1997), 157–203

the romantic orchestra

C. Burney: An Account of the Musical Performances in Westminister Abbey and the Pantheon … in Commemoration of Handel (London, 1785/R)

‘On the Revolutions of the Orchestra’, The Harmonicon, vi (1828), 194–7

H. Berlioz: Grand traité d'instrumentation et d'orchestration modernes (Paris, 1843, 2/1855/R; Eng. trans., 1856, rev. 2/1882/R by J. Bennett)

G. Schilling: Musikalische Dynamik, oder Die Lehre vom Vortrage in der Musik (Kassel, 1843)

F. Gassner: Dirigent und Ripienist (Karlsruhe, 1844/R)

A. Elwart: Histoire de la Société des Concerts du Conservatoire impériale de musique (Paris, 1860, enlarged 2/1864)

A. Elwart: Histoire des Concerts populaires de musique classique (Paris, 1864)

E. Hanslick: Geschichte des Concertwesens in Wien (Vienna, 1869–70/R)

R. Wagner: Über das Dirigieren (1869; Eng. trans., 1887, 4/1940/R)

H. Berlioz: Mémoires (Paris, 1870/R; Eng. trans. 1969, 2/1970)

A. Carse: The Orchestra from Beethoven to Berlioz (Cambridge, 1948/R)

F. Göthel, ed.: L. Spohr Lebenserinnerungen (Tutzing, 1968)

E. Bernard: ‘Jules Pasdeloup et les Concerts Populaires’, RdM, lvii (1971), 150–78

M. Conati and M.Pavarani, eds.: Orchestre in Emilia-Romagna nell'ottocento e novecento (Parma, 1982)

J. Cooper: The Rise of Instrumental Music and Concert Series in Paris, 1828–1871 (Ann Arbor, 1983)

C. Ehrlich: The Music Profession in Britain since the Eighteenth Century (Oxford, 1985)

J. Maehder: ‘“Banda sul palco”: Variable Besetzungen in der Bühnenmusik der italienischen Oper des 19. Jahrhunderts als Relikte alter Besetzungtraditionen?’,Alte Musik als ästhetische Gegenwart: Bach Händel, Schütz: Stuttgart 1985, 293–310

H.E. Smither: ‘Messiahand Progress in Victorian England’, EMc, xiii (1985), 339–48

D.J. Koury: Orchestral Performance Practices in the Nineteenth Century: Size, Proportions, and Seating (Ann Arbor, 1986)

W. Weber: ‘The Rise of the Classical Repertoire in Nineteenth-Century Orchestral Concerts’, The Orchestra: Origins and Transformations, ed. J. Peyser (New York,1986), 361–86

G.W. Harwood: ‘Verdi's Reform of the Italian Opera Orchestra’, 19CM, x (1986–7), 108–34

R. Meucci: ‘La trasformazione dell'orchestra in Italia al tempo di Rossini’, Gioacchino Rossini: Pesaro 1992, 431–64

C. Ehrlich: First Philharmonic: a History of the Royal Philharmonic Society (Oxford, 1995)

R. Meucci: ‘The cimbasso and Related Instruments in 19th-Century Italy’, GSJ, xlix (1996), 143–79

K.W. Niemöller: ‘Die Entwicklung des Orchesters bei den Musikfesten des 19. Jahrhunderts’, Festschrift Christoph-Hellmut Mahling, ed. A. Beer, K. Pfarr and W. Ruf (Tutzing, 1997), 1009–22

the modern orchestra

Hiao-Ts'iun Ma: La musique chinoise de style européen (Paris, 1941)

M. Pincherle: L'orchestre de chambre (Paris, 1948)

J.H. Mueller: The American Symphony Orchestra: a Social History of Musical Taste (Bloomington, IN, 1951/R)

H. Taubman: The Symphony Orchestra Abroad (Vienna, VA, 1970)

R.R. Faulkner: ‘Career Concerns and Mobility Motivations of Orchestra Musicians’, Sociological Quarterly, xiv (1973), 334–49

P. Hart: Orpheus in the New World: the Symphony Orchestra as an American Cultural Institution (New York, 1973)

K.H. Mueller: Twenty-Seven Major American Symphony Orchestras: a History and Analysis of their Repertoires, Seasons 1842–43 through 1969–70 (Bloomington, IN, 1973)

R.R. Faulkner: ‘Coming of Age in Organizations: a Comparative Study of Career Contingencies and Adult Socialization’, Sociology of Work and Occupations, i (1974), 131–73

D. Mark: Zur Bestandaufnahme des Wiener Orchesterrepertoires (Vienna, 1979)

W. Schulz: ‘Analysis of a Symphony Orchestra: Sociological and Sociopsychological Aspects’, Stress and Music: Medical, Psychological, Sociological and Legal Strain Factors in a Symphony-Orchestra Musician's Profession, ed. M. Piperek (Vienna, 1981), 35–56

R. Günther, ed.: Die Musikkulturen Lateinamerikas im 19. Jahrhundert (Regensburg, 1982)

S. Schwarz: ‘The Economics of the Performing Arts: a Case Study of the Major Orchestras’,Performers & Performances: the Social Organization of Artistic Work, ed. J.B. Kamerman and R. Martorella (New York, 1983), 269–79

J.P. Burkholder: ‘The Twentieth Century and the Orchestra as Museum’, The Orchestra: Origins and Transformations, ed. J. Peyser (New York, 1986), 409–33

R.R. Craven, ed.: Symphony Orchestras of the United States: Selected Profiles (New York, 1986)

C. Neuls-Bates: ‘Women's Orchestras in the United States, 1925–45’, Women Making Music: the Western Art Tradition, 1150–1950, ed. J. Bowers and J. Tick (Urbana, IL, and Chicago, 1986), 349–69

R.R. Craven: Symphony Orchestras of the World: Selected Profiles (New York, 1987) [incl. Y. Obata: ‘NHK Symphony Orchestra’, 226–30]

R.C. Kraus: Pianos and Politics in China: Middle-Class Ambitions and the Struggle over Western Music (New York, 1989)

R. Philip: Early Recordings and Musical Style (Cambridge, 1992)

X. Dupuis: Les musiciens professionnels d'orchestre: étude d'une profession artistique (Paris, 1993)

J.P. Kraft: ‘The “Pit” Musicians: Mechanization in the Movie Theaters, 1926–1934’, Labor History, xxxv (1994), 66–89

J. Allmendinger and J.R. Hackman: ‘The More, the Better? A Four-Nation Study of the Inclusion of Women in Symphony Orchestras’, Social Forces, lxxiv (1995), 423–60

R. Grotjahn: ‘Classiker und Novitäten: zur Entwicklung des Konzertrepertoires im 19. Jahrhundert’, Zwischen Wissenschaft und Kunst: Festgabe für Richard Jakoby, ed. P. Becker, A. Edler and B. Schneider (Mainz, 1995), 211–25

P.R. Judy: ‘The Uniqueness and Commonality of American Symphony Orchestra Organizations’, Harmony, no.1 (1995), 11–36

J. Allmendinger and J.R. Hackman: ‘Organizations in Changing Environments: the Case of East German Symphony Orchestras’, Administrative Science Quarterly, xl (1996), 337–69

J. Allmendinger, J.R.Hackman and E.V. Lehman: ‘Life and Work in Symphony Orchestras’, MQ, lxxx (1996), 194–219

S. Maitlis: ‘Decision Making in British Symphony Orchestras: Formal Structures, Informal Systems, and the Role of Players’, Harmony, no.4 (1997), 45–55

G. Schubert: ‘Zur Geschichte des Kammerorchesters im 20. Jahrhundert’, Festschrift Christoph-Hellmut Mahling, ed. A. Beer, K. Pfarr and W. Ruf (Tutzing, 1997), 1235–50

A. Willener: La pyramide symphonique: exècuter, créer? Une sociologie des instrumentises d’orchestres (Zürich, 1997)

E. John: ‘Orchester ohne Dirigent’, Das Orchester, xlv/11 (1997), 15–20; xlvi/1 (1998), 11–15

D. Mark: Wem gehört der Konzertsaal? Das Wiener Orchesterrepertoire im internationalen Vergleich: zur Frage des musikalischen Geschmacks bei John H. Mueller (Vienna, 1998)

Orchestral.

A prefix denoting an Organ stop of particularly imitative tone, found in many early 20th-century organs.

Orchestral chimes.

See Tubular bells.

Orchestra of St John’s, Smith Square.

London orchestra founded in 1967 and known as the Camden Chamber Orchestra until 1973. See London, §VII, 3.

Orchestra of the Age of Enlightenment.

British orchestra. Established in 1986, it has made a reputation as one of the world's leading period-instrument ensembles, with a repertory ranging from Purcell, Bach and Handel, through the Viennese classics to Brahms and Wagner. The OAE has performed and recorded frequently under such conductors as Frans Brüggen, Ton Koopman, Sigiswald Kuijken and Gustav Leonhardt. In 1992 Brüggen and Simon Rattle were appointed principal guest conductors, and the same year the OAE was invited to become associate orchestra at the South Bank Centre in London. It has appeared regularly with Rattle and William Christie at the Glyndebourne Festival since 1989, made its début at the Salzburg Festival in 1991, its Covent Garden début, in Verdi's Alzira under Mark Elder, in 1996, and its US début at the Mostly Mozart Festival in 1998. The orchestra opened its 1999–2000 season with a Beethoven cycle in London and Birmingham under five different conductors. Its many recordings include Bach's major orchestral works, Haydn's ‘Paris’ symphonies, Mozart's Don Giovanni and Così fan tutte, and a series of Schubert masses.

RICHARD WIGMORE

Orchestra of the Eighteenth Century [Orkest van de Achttiende Eeuw].

Period-instrument orchestra, founded in 1981 by Frans Brüggen. Its members, numbering up to about 45, are drawn from many different countries. Specializing in late Baroque and Classical repertory, it performs almost invariably with Brüggen, its artistic director and conductor. The orchestra, based in Amsterdam, tours internationally and has appeared at many of the leading European festivals. Its recordings include orchestral suites from Rameau’s operas and symphonies by Haydn, Mozart and Beethoven.

NICHOLAS ANDERSON

Orchestration.

See under Instrumentation and orchestration.

Orchestre de Chambre de la Société Radio-Canada.

Orchestra active in Quebec, 1954–88.

Orchestre de la Suisse Romande.

Orchestra founded in Geneva in 1918 by Ernest Ansermet.

Orchestrelle.

The trade name of a full-sized reed-playing Player organ made by the Aeolian Company of New York in the early 20th century.

Orchestre Philharmonique des Pays de la Loire.

Orchestra founded in France in 1971, based in Angers and Nantes.

Orchestre Révolutionnaire et Romantique.

British period instrument orchestra. Established in 1990, it has extended the concept of period-instrument performance to the 19th and early 20th centuries. Its founder, john eliot Gardiner, stresses its Romantic emphasis on colour and ‘the pervasive differences in the overall palate of sounds which composers such as Weber, Berlioz and Schumann were committed to reveal’. The orchestra’s many recordings include Berlioz’s Symphonie fantastique and an acclaimed Beethoven symphony cycle.

GEORGE PRATT

Orchestrion.

(1) The name given by Georg Joseph Vogler to a large, and, for its time, somewhat revolutionary organ that was first completed in Rotterdam in 1790 and first heard in public in Amsterdam on 24–6 November 1790. The organ, embodying the principles of his Simplification system, had four manuals, pedals and 63 stops, all fitted into a case 9' square. Some of the stops in this organ were free reeds, and these were under variable wind pressure. This, combined with the fact that the entire instrument was enclosed in a swell-box, gave the organ an unusually wide range of expression, possibly its most notable feature.

(2) A term, originally of German origin, widely used in the 19th and 20th centuries to denote a complex Mechanical instrument played by pinned barrels or perforated cards or paper rolls. Orchestrions are differentiated from the related street and fairground organs by the fact that they were intended only for indoor use, and for the performance of classical music and dances from the orchestral repertory. They were thus more sophisticated in their voicing, capabilities and design than their outdoor counterparts, and required lower wind pressures: otherwise they used similar technology.

An early example of the orchestrion was Maelzel’s Panharmonicon; another instrument of the orchestrion type was Winkel’s Componium. Martin Blessing (1774–1847), a maker of barrel organs in the Black Forest, is said to have been the father of the orchestrion industry in Germany. Among those trained in his workshop were Michael Welte (1807–80) of Freiburg, perhaps the most notable manufacturer of orchestrions, and the pair that went on to found their own business as Imhof & Mukle in 1850. A mechanical concert organ made by the Black Forest maker Georg Strasser in St Petersburg was bought by I.P. Tchaikovsky, father of the composer, and placed in the family home. Other makers included the Kaufmann family of Dresden, who toured England with their instruments in 1851, and such makers of barrel, street and fairground organs as Gavioli and Limonaire in Paris, Bruder and Ruth in Germany, Mortier in the Netherlands and Chiappa in London.

Orchestrions became increasingly popular in the mid-19th century as domestic entertainment for the wealthy and as a substitute for salon orchestras in hotels, restaurants and dance halls, reaching the peak of their popularity in the period between 1860 and 1880. The application of water or electrical power increased their practicality in the 1880s and 90s, and Emil Welte’s invention of pneumatic action in 1887 made possible greater mechanical complexity and a wider variety of effects. In addition to various types of imitative organ pipes and percussion devices, some large models also contained piano actions or chimes. Some instruments reversed this arrangement: known as piano orchestrions, they were self-playing pianos with organ pipes and other devices added. Early orchestrions were operated by pinned barrels (see ..\Frames/F000465.html Barrel organ, esp. fig.1), but by the end of the 19th century virtually all makers were using punched cards, which were hinged together and transferred from one folded stack to another as they passed through the playing mechanism; this resulted in easier changing, the playing of longer works and economy of space. For a fuller description of the playing mechanism, see Fairground organ.

At the height of its popularity and development, the orchestrion was capable of producing convincing performances of orchestral music, as proved by surviving examples in such collections as the Nationaal Museum van Speelklok tot Pierement in Utrecht. By the early 20th century the punched-card book was replaced by the perforated-paper roll pneumatic system that was developed for the fairground organ and the player piano. The piano orchestrion found a special niche in the cinema, where it was used to accompany silent films. Special types generally known as Photoplayers (a proprietary name that became a generic term), which combined piano, organ pipes, tubular bells and other percussion effects in a machine that could be played either with a keyboard or automatically using a music roll, were mainly an American innovation, but were also made by Hupfeld in Leipzig (see Sound effects, §1).

In the early 20th century smaller instruments gave way to less costly player pianos, which developed out of the same technology; the invention of electro-pneumatic organ action made possible full-scale self-playing residence organs which could reach considerable size. The orchestrion could not compete with these, and after the effects of World War I on the German musical instrument industry (particularly Welte) orchestrions were no longer made.

See also Kunz, Thomas Anton.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

K. Bormann: Orgel- und Spieluhrenbau (Zürich, 1968)

Q.D. Bowers: Encyclopedia of Automatic Musical Instruments (Vestal, NY, 1972)

A.W.J.G. Ord-Hume: Clockwork Music (London, 1973)

A.W.J.G. Ord-Hume: Barrel Organ (London, 1978)

A.W.J.G. Ord-Hume: Harmonium (Newton Abbot, 1986)

BARBARA OWEN, ARTHUR W.J.G. ORD-HUME

Ord, Boris [Bernhard]

(b Clifton, Bristol, 9 July 1897; d Cambridge, 30 Dec 1961). English organist and conductor. His mother, Johanna Anthes, came of a German family that numbered many musicians. Bernhard (he was later universally known as Boris), the youngest son, went to Cambridge in 1920 as organ scholar of Corpus Christi College. In 1923 King's College recognized his contribution to university life, in particular the foundation of the Cambridge University Madrigal Society, by electing him to a fellowship. A year on the staff of the Cologne Opera broadened his experience and in 1928 he returned to Cambridge to conduct a remarkable performance of Stravinsky's The Soldier's Tale with Lydia Lopakhova, Dennis Arundell and Michael Redgrave. Succeeding C.B. Rootham in 1936, he extended the repertory of the Cambridge University Musical Society and conducted many outstanding stage performances, especially Handel's Saul (1937) and Solomon (1948), and Vaughan Williams's The Pilgrim's Progress (1954). Ord's greatest achievement, however, was with the choir of King's College, which became internationally famous through its Christmas Eve broadcasts, European tours and recordings. From 1929 until his resignation in 1957 (except for four years in the Royal Air Force) he maintained a standard of excellence; he demanded of the choir the highest professionalism in matters of intonation, attack and sensitivity to styles ranging from Dunstaple to contemporary composers. The work of former organ and choral scholars such as David Willcocks, John Alldis, Louis Halsey and others shows his influence.

As a keyboard player Ord was much more progressive than many of his contemporaries, and in the early years of the Baroque revival in England he was an imaginative and resourceful harpsichordist. His annual performances from open score of Bach's Art of Fugue on the King's College organ were a tour de force. He published one carol, Adam lay y-bounden (London, 1957). He was made an honorary MusD of Durham University in 1955 and of Cambridge in 1960; in 1958 he was made a CBE.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

P. Radcliffe: Bernhard (Boris) Ord: a Memoir (Cambridge, 1962)

HUGH J. McLEAN

Ordinal

(from Lat. ordinarius, ordinale).

A liturgical book of the Western Church that describes the ritual practices of a specific cathedral, collegiate church, or monastery throughout the liturgical year. The medieval ordinal adapted Roman use to local customs. See Liturgy and liturgical books, §II, 4.

Ordinary chants

(from Lat. Ordinarium [missae et officii]).

Chants whose texts remain constant from day to day in the services of the Western Church, as distinct from those whose texts vary (Proper chants). Strictly the term applies to chants from both Mass and Office, but it is chiefly used to refer to the Kyrie, Gloria, Credo, Sanctus and Agnus Dei, the parts of the Mass Ordinary most frequently set polyphonically by composers from the second half of the 14th century onwards. The Ite missa est at the close of Mass, with choral response ‘Deo gratias’, has also been included in a few such settings (e.g. by Machaut). Although the texts of the chants do not vary, they have been influenced by the principle of variation for reasons of liturgical propriety, in that they are recommended, though not prescribed, to be sung to a small corpus of different melodies, each one for use on different occasions (double feasts, single feasts, feasts of the BVM etc.). In the Middle Ages, Ordinary chants for important feasts had trope texts which rendered them Proper in the liturgical sense.

For the transmission of Ordinary chants from the Middle Ages, see Kyriale, the name given to a collection of the chants. See also Mass, §I, 2, and separate articles on the chants mentioned above.

Ordines romani

(Lat., sing. Ordo romanus).

Liturgical manuals of the 8th century or earlier that describe liturgical practices (Mass, readings for the night Office, Holy Week, ordination etc.) of the city of Rome. Most often the texts, which transmit Roman and papal practice, have been adapted for/to Frankish use. See Liturgy and liturgical books, §II, 4.

Ordo

(Lat.).

SeeMedieval drama.

Ordo cantus missae.

The Latin chants appointed to be sung with the Roman Missal of 1970. The foundations for a general revision of the Roman Missal of 1570 were laid by the Second Vatican Council in its Constitution De sacra liturgia (22 November 1963). Paul VI promulgated the new missal in an Apostolic Constitution, Missale romanum, of 3 April 1969; three days later the new order of Mass was published by the Sacred Congregation Pro cultu divino, together with a first draft of the introduction to the new missal, the Institutio generalis missalis romani. The new missal itself was published in 1970 and necessitated some considerable revision of the gradual: the Ordo cantus missae (1972) was the result. The Ordo was followed in 1974 by a new edition of the Graduale romanum. All this work was achieved under the Consilium, a body made up of several hundred specialists divided into 30 study groups. The group chiefly responsible for the Ordo was no.XXV, ‘De libris cantus liturgici revisendis et edendis’, but the other groups also influenced the final draft.

The Ordo followed the revised rubrics and calendar and made provision for a daily sung liturgy in Latin. It appointed chants for the Proper of the Time and of the Saints, and many additional Mass chants for optional use. The Common chants were reorganized to include Masses for new categories of saints, such as religious, teachers, those who exercised works of mercy, and public leaders. A whole section was devoted to ritual Masses, another to Masses for special necessities, and a third to the customary votive Masses. Most of the chants in the new schemes were borrowed from existing Masses. The Ordinary chants include settings of the new or revised portions of the Mass, such as the introductory rites and the acclamations after the readings and after the consecration. Three tones are provided for the Lord’s Prayer, one being the so-called Mozarabic, stripped of its interjected Amens.

In their choice and redistribution of Proper chants, the editors aimed wherever possible to retain the most authentic pieces of the oldest layers of the chant. Some inferior compositions of more recent date were discarded. 20 additional pieces of authentic Gregorian chant were introduced and printed in full in the Ordo, such as the introit Memento nostri Domine (p.29) and the gradual Posuisti Domine (p.78); the texts of 11 of them are contained in the Antiphonale missarum sextuplex (Brussels, 1935/R), a comparative edition by R.-J. Herbert of six manuscripts dating from the 8th century to the 10th, and thus belong to an early layer of the chant. Most of the alleluias, such as the one with the verse Benedictus qui venit (p.34), are early adaptations or slightly later compositions.

The principles underlying the provision of musical settings for new or revised texts may be summarized as follows. If a new text already had a musical setting, this was automatically adopted. If no musical setting existed, the new text was adapted to a simple pre-existing tone, such as a collect tone or the Te Deum. Occasionally, following an ancient technique of chant composition, a new text was adapted to the music of another text that it closely resembled and that already had a musical setting. ‘Mortem tuam annuntiamus Domine et tuam resurrectionem’, for example, was cast into the same mould as ‘Crucem tuam adoramus Domine et sanctam resurrectionem tuam’ from the Good Friday liturgy; and the ending ‘donec venias’ was modelled on ‘donec veniam’ from the antiphon Hic est discipulus meus for St John the Evangelist (AM, p.256), following another time-honoured principle, that of centonization.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

De sacra liturgia (Rome, 1964; Eng. trans., 1967)

Constitutio apostolica Pauli PP VI ‘Missale romanum’ (Rome, 1969; Eng. trans., 1973)

L. Sheppard, ed.: The New Liturgy (London, 1970)

Missale romanum ex decreto sacrosancto oecumenici concilii vaticani II instauratum auctoritate Pauli PP VI promulgatum (Rome, 1971)

Ordo cantus missae (Rome, 1972)

Graduale romanum (Solesmes, 1974)

P. Ludwig: ‘Les sources des chants réintroduits dans l’“Ordo cantus missae”’, Notitiae, xci (1974), 92–4

MARY BERRY

Ordonez [Ordenitz, Ordoneez, Ordonetz, Ordonitz], (Johann) Karl (Rochus) von [Carlo d’]

(b Vienna, bap. 16 Aug 1734; d Vienna, 6 Sept 1786). Austrian composer and violinist. Although an entry in Count Karl von Zinzendorf’s diary (23 April 1775) describes him as the ‘fils naturel de M. de Buquoy’, the baptismal and other archival records describe him as the son of Johann Baptist Christoph von Ordonez – an infantry lieutenant and former owner of property in Neuschloss (now Nové Zámky), Moravia – and his wife Anna Maria Theresa. Ordonez spent the whole of his life in Vienna and, like his contemporary Karl Kohaut, served a dual career as civil servant and musician. His career with the Lower Austrian administration began in 1758 with appointment as an unpaid assistant in the regional court and culminated in 1780 with appointment as Registrant with a salary of 1000 gulden. As a violinist Ordonez took part in chamber music performances in the salons of the aristocracy (see Burney and Zinzendorf), and he was also connected with the court chamber music (described by Hiller), although salaried appointment to that body, at 250 gulden per year, did not come until 1779 when he succeeded Karl Huber. In 1784 he led the second violins in a revival of Haydn’s Il ritorno di Tobia by the Tonkünstler-Societät, which he had joined in 1771. Ordonez’s last three years were spent in sickness and poverty: illness forced his retirement on half salary from both his administrative and performing positions in 1783, at which time he had sole responsibility for his two children as his wife had died three years earlier from the disease which was to claim his own life, tuberculosis.

With composers such as F.L. Gassmann, Leopold Hofmann and G.C. Wagenseil, Ordonez helped to define the Viennese Classical style during the period from the 1750s to the 70s. His largest group of compositions consists of over 70 symphonies, most of which are in three movements (fast, slow, fast or minuet-style); less than a dozen are in the more ‘modern’ four-movement scheme with minuet and trio, and only three have slow introductions. A few may have been designed for liturgical use, including the seven-movement Sinfonia solenna (Brown D5) and an antiphonal work with two pairs of trumpets and drums (Brown C10). The most impressive features of the symphonies are their sonorities, textures and rhythms. The composer’s lifelong interest in concertante writing and energetic rhythms which propel the music forward recalls Haydn; imaginative thematic links between movements are also a feature; and several symphonies (notably Brown D5 and G7) end with contrapuntal movements which form climaxes to the works as a whole. Less impressive are the modulatory procedures, which are rarely imaginative and occasionally deficient. Of Ordonez’s 27 string quartets, the six published as op.1 by Guera of Lyons in 1777 were the most widely distributed. All begin with a slow movement, in the sonata da chiesa manner, and contain fugal procedures in either the second or the fourth and final movement, thereby linking them with works by Gassmann and Wagenseil which were designed to appeal to the conservative taste of Joseph II. Ordonez’s interest in thematic unity between movements is nowhere more apparent than here. The marionette opera Alceste, which was modelled on Gluck, was performed, and probably conducted by Ordonez, at Eszterháza in 1775, and achieved great popularity, as evidenced by the repeat performances at Eszterháza and Vienna (the last as late as 1795); Haydn thought sufficiently highly of it to borrow a minuet for the revised version (?1776) of his marionette opera Philemon und Baucis. Ordonez’s only other opera, the Singspiel Diesmal hat der Mann der Willen! (1778), was composed for Joseph II’s newly formed Nationaltheater but achieved a run of only seven performances.

WORKS

Thematic catalogue: A.P. Brown: Carlo d’Ordoñez, 1734–1786: a Thematic Catalog (Detroit, 1978)

stage

Musica della parodie d’Alceste (marionette op, J.K. von Pauersbach), Eszterháza, 30 Aug 1775, H-Bn

Diesmal hat der Mann den Willen! (Original Singspiel, 1, J.F. Schmidt), Vienna, Burg, 22 April 1778; A-Wn (abbreviated version)

cantata

Der alte wienerische Tandelmarkt, 1779, pubd lib, Wst

orchestral

74 syms. (2 doubtful), incl.: Sinfonie périodique no.26 (Paris, 1764); some in 3 symphonies del Signor Dune & Ordonne (Paris, 1769); Symphonia, C (Lyons, 1777), also in 3 Symphonies … par Mes.rs. Haydn & Ordoniz (Lyons, 1780s); 4 others, spurious; principal sources A-GÖ, LA, Wgm, Wn; B-Bc; CZ-Bm, BRnm, K, KRa, Pnm; D-Rtt, RUl; I-Fc, Gl, MOe; 7 ed. in The Symphony 1720–1840, ser. B, iv (New York, 1979)

Other: Pantomima, 1758, A-GÖ; Vn Conc., Wn; 12 menuetti, Wgm; Serenade, 31 wind insts, mentioned in Wienerisches Diarium, xliv (1779); Partita per la caccia, listed in Traeg catalogue (1799)

chamber

28 qts, 2 vn, va, b (1 doubtful), incl.: 6 quartetti, op.1 (Lyons, 1777), ed. A.P. Brown (Madison, WI, 1980); 2 in 6 Quat. no.1 a 6, listed in Westphal catalogue (1782); 10 others, spurious; principal sources A-GÖ, LA, M, Wgm, Wn, CZ-Bm, K, Pnm; D-Bsb; GB-Lbl, Lcm; H-Bn, KE; I-Gl

21 trios, 2 vn, b (1 other, spurious, also attrib. J. Haydn, hV:G4), A-M, B-Bc, CZ-Pnm, D-Bsb, I-Gl

Other: Octet, 2 ob, 2 eng hn, 2 hn, 2 bn, CS-K; Sextet, 2 vn, va, b, 2 hn, D-HR; Qnt, 2 vn, 2 va, b, A-Wn; [3] Gassatione, vn, va, b, 2 hn (Paris, 1768); 2 trios, vn, va, b (doubtful, 1 other, spurious), Wgm; 3 vn duos, listed in Traeg catalogue (1799); 2 sonatas, vn, b, Wgm

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BurneyGN

EitnerQ

GerberL

GerberNL

GroveO (A.P. Brown)

MGG1 (H.C.R. Landon)

WurzbachL

C. von Zinzendorf: Diaries (MS, 1761–1813, A-Whh)

J.A. Hiller, ed.: Wöchentliche Nachrichten und Anmerkungen die Musik betreffend, i (Leipzig, 1766/R), 99 only

Musikalischer Almanach auf das Jahr 1782 (Alethinopel [?Berlin], 1781)

J.N. Forkel: Musikalischer Almanach auf das Jahr 1783 (Leipzig, 1782), 54; 1784 (Leipzig, 1783/R), 108; 1789 (Leipzig, 1788/R), 86

H.C.R. Landon: ‘Haydn’s Marionette Operas and the Repertoire of the Marionette Theatre at Esterháza Castle’, Haydn Yearbook 1962, 111–99

W. Kirkendale: Fuge und Fugato in der Kammermusik des Rokoko und der Klassik (Tutzing, 1966; Eng. trans., enlarged, 1979)

A.P. Brown: ‘The Chamber Music with Strings of Carlos d’Ordoñez: a Bibliographic and Stylistic Study’, AcM, xlvi (1974), 222–72

D. Young: The Symphonies of Karl von Ordonez (1734–1786) (diss., U. of Liverpool, 1980)

A.P. Brown: ‘The Symphonies of Carlo d’Ordonez’, Haydn Yearbook 1981, 5–121

D. Young: ‘Karl von Ordonez (1734–1786): A Biographical Study’, RMARC, no.19 (1983–5), 31–56

D. Heartz: Haydn, Mozart and the Viennese School 1740–1780 (New York, London, 1995)

DAVID YOUNG (text, bibliography), A. PETER BROWN (work-list, bibliography)

Ordóñez, Pedro

(b Plasencia, c1510; d Palencia, 5 May 1585). Spanish singer and composer. He was a younger brother of Alonso Ordóñez (maestro de capilla of Santiago de Compostela Cathedral for six years and of Palencia Cathedral from 3 April 1536), and took orders in the diocese of Palencia. On 29 April 1539 he was admitted to the papal choir as a bass, remaining there until at least 1550. He was soon chosen to represent the Spanish papal singers in their business affairs, and on 11 January 1545 was elected abbas of the papal choir for one year. Ordóñez probably joined the Council of Trent soon after 27 January 1546, and in any case on 11 March 1548 was at Bologna (where the council was then in session) with four other papal singers. Suffering from sciatica, he was allowed sick leave from Bologna on 30 May 1549 to visit the baths at Padua, and on 17 November he returned from Bologna to Rome.

On 24 June 1551 he succeeded his brother Alonso as maestro di capilla at Palencia Cathedral, and on 4 December 1552 he competed unsuccessfully against three other candidates for the post of maestro de capilla at Toledo Cathedral; the Palencia cathedral authorities ordered him to give daily music lessons to all cathedral personnel and citizens who wanted to study music in November 1554. On 7 June 1577 the Palencia chapter urged him to care for the choirboys no less zealously than had his brother, and on 30 August 1577 named him a diocesan examiner in ‘ecclesiastical music’ of all the Palencia clergy. Two months later the chapter decided to engage an assistant, Tomé Cabeza, ‘on account of his age and infirmity’. Because of his ‘merits and his many years of service, as well as his age and sickness’ he was dismissed from his post as maestro and awarded a cathedral prebend on 9 April 1578.

Ordóñez's only known works are two sonetos printed in Esteban Daza's collection of vihuela music, El Parnasso (Valladolid, 1576): Ay mudo soy hablar non puedo and Ay fortuna cruel – Lebantaron muy alto. The first of these is a lover's lament, the second reproaches Fortune and Cupid.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

R. Casimiri: ‘I diarii sistini’, NA, x (1933), 326–43, esp. 329; xi (1934), 300–15, esp. 313

J. López-Calo: La música en la catedral de Palencia, i: Catálogo musical. Actas capitulares (1413–1684) (Palencia, 1980), esp. 465

J.M. Llorens Cisteró: ‘Cinco cantores españoles en la capilla pontificia’, AnM, xxxvi (1981), 89–90

M. Pérez Gutiérrez: ‘Pedro Ordóñez, cantor español de la capilla pontificia, no murió en 1550’, Nassarre: revista aragonesa de musicología, iv/1–2 (1988), 201–4

F. Reynaud: La polyphonie tolédane et son milieu des premiers témoignages aux environs de 1600 (Paris, 1996)

ROBERT STEVENSON

Ordre

(Fr.).

A term used by François Couperin (1713–30), François Dagincourt (1733), Philippe Veras (1740) and Coelestin Harst (1745) for a group of pieces in the same key. It is possible that for Couperin ordre meant something larger than a suite. In the preface to Les nations (1726), a collection of ensemble music, he explained that the sonades served as introductions to the suites; the whole complex was called an ordre. Four of the ordres of his first harpsichord book begin with suites of the late 17th-century type and continue with more up-to-date character-pieces. The later ordres, however, do not exhibit this dichotomy, and Couperin's imitators used the term as a synonym for ‘suite’. Brossard's dictionary definition of ordine, or ordre, makes no mention of sets of pieces; however, each suite in G.B. Brevi's Bizzarie armoniche (1693) is called an ordine.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

M. Reimann: Untersuchungen zur Formgeschichte der französischen Claviersuite (Regensburg, 1940/R)

O. Baumont: ‘L'ordre chez François Couperin’, François Couperin: Nouveaux regards: Villecroze 1995, 27–41

DAVID FULLER

Ore, Cecilie

(b Oslo, 19 July 1954). Norwegian composer. A piano student at the Norwegian State Academy of Music and in Paris (1974–81), Ore subsequently turned to composition studies at the Institute of Sonology in Utrecht and with Ton de Leeuw at the Sweelinck Conservatory in Amsterdam (1981–6). In the 1980s Ore won international recognition for several of her electro-acoustic works, receiving an honourable mention at the Concours International de Musique Electro-Acoustique Bourges 1985 for Im-Mobile, and both first and second prizes at the International Rostrum for Electro-Acoustic Music 1988 for Etapper (‘Stages’). In the same year she also received the Norwegian Society of Composers’ ‘Composition of the Year’ award for Porphyre, as well as the Norwegian State Guarantee Income for Artists. Towards the end of the decade Ore became increasingly involved with the problem of time in music, an involvement which resulted in the tetralogy Codex temporis (Praesens subitus, Erat erit est, Futurum exactum, Lex temporis). Another significant landmark is the orchestral work Nunc et nunc (1994), commissioned by the BBC SO. Ore frequently uses the computer as a compositional tool, and her music has a distinctly modernistic flavour due to its strict constructivism and austere sonorous universe.

WORKS

(selective list)

Orch: Porphyre, 1986; Nunc et nunc, 1994

Vocal, chbr and solo inst: Helices, wind qnt, 1984; Ex oculis, vocal qt, 1985; Contracanthus, db, 1987; Praesens subitus, amp str qt, 1989; Erat erit est, amp, chbr ens, 1991; Futurum exactum, amp str ens, 1992; Lex temporis, amp str qt, 1992; Ictus, 6 perc, 1997

El-ac: Etapper [Stages], 1988; Prologos, stage music, 1990; Festina Lente, 1996; In Situ, sound installation, 1996

Principal publishers: Norsk Musikforlag, Norwegian Music Information Centre

BIBLIOGRAPHY

C. Ore: ‘Tid, teknologi, tanke’, Ballade (1988), nos.2–3, pp.64–9

K. Skyllstad: ‘Time for Responsibility’, 25 Years of Contemporary Norwegian Music, ed. K. Skyllstad and K. Habbestad (Oslo, 1992), 183–7

B. Billing: ‘Cecilie Ore: a Matter of Time’, Listen to Norway, i/1 (1993), 24–5

R. Toop: ‘The Codex Temporis Cycle’, Aurora ACD 4989 (1995) [disc notes]

HALLGJERD AKSNES

Orefice [Arefece, Orefici], Antonio

(fl 1708–34).Italian composer. According to most sources he was trained as a lawyer, but his success as a composer suggests he also received expert instruction in music. His opera Patrò Calienno de la Costa was the first comic opera in Neapolitan dialect performed on a public stage, at the Fiorentini, Naples, on 1 October 1709. Its popularity led the Fiorentini management to promote further operas of this type, some of which were set by Orefice, and the success of these in turn made dialect comic opera as a genre the established form of popular entertainment at the Fiorentini and some other small theatres in Naples. Only one of Orefice’s comic operas, Il gemino amore (1718), is without roles in dialect. On 15 October 1724 his Lo Simmele was the first opera to be performed at the newly opened Teatro Nuovo in Naples.

Given Orefice's reputation, which can be gauged from the number of operas he wrote, it is surprising that so little of his music remains. His largest surviving work is the first half of Engelberta, performed at the Neapolitan royal palace just 34 days after the première of Patrò Calienno de la Costa; the closeness of the dates may explain why Orefice did not compose the whole work but only the first half of it (the manuscript score attributes the remainder of the music to Francesco Mancini). Orefice’s music in Engelberta seems to be modelled on that of leading contemporary Neapolitans, including Alessandro Scarlatti. It compares well with Mancini’s contribution from the point of view of technical competence and expressive quality, though Orefice’s style is a little less forceful than Mancini’s. The other remaining operatic music by Orefice is a group of seven arias from his Le fente zingare, the earliest surviving music from any comic opera in Neapolitan dialect (one aria has recently been transcribed and published by Pastore) and an invaluable guide to the development of the musical style adopted by the Neapolitans Vinci and Leo in their dialect operas of the 1720s.

According to Prota-Giurleo and Paduano, Anastasio Orefice, perhaps a son or brother of Antonio, had his own opera La Limpia performed in the Teatro Nuovo, Naples, at Carnival 1727; during the same season he was responsible for a revival of Vinci’s Lo cecato fauzo in the Teatro dei Fiorentini. La Limpia was revived as La zingara at the Teatro Fiorentini during Carnival 1728. Anastasio also (according to LaMusicaD) wrote a comic opera La Milla o puro Chi è la primmo vence, performed in Naples in 1726.

WORKS

operas

all first performed in Naples

NFI - Teatro dei Fiorentini

Il Maurizio (dramma per musica, N. Minato and A. Morselli, addns Abbé Papis), S Bartolomeo, 27 Dec 1708

Patrò Calienno de la Costa (ob, A. Mercotellis), NFI, 1 Oct 1709

Engelberta, ossia La forza dell'innocenza [Act 1 and part of Act 2] (dramma per musica, 3, A. Zeno and P. Pariati), Palazzo Reale, 4 Nov 1709, A-Wn (listed as Pimpinone), perf. with ints Pimpinone by T. Albinoni [Act 3 and part of Act 2 by F. Mancini]

La Camilla (ob), NFI, July 1710

La pastorella al soglio (dramma per musica, G.C. Corradi), S Bartolomeo, 4 Nov 1710

Circe delusa (drama, G.A. Falier), NFI, 7 Dec 1713

La Caligula delirante (dramma per musica, Gisberti), S Bartolomeo, 1713

Lo finto Armeneo (ob, F.A. Tulio), NFI, spr. 1717

Le fente zingare (ob, Tullio), NFI, 13 Oct 1717; arias I-MC, ed. in Pastore

La fenta pazza co la fenta malata (ob, Tullio), NFI, carn. 1718

Il gemino amore (ob, Tullio), NFI, aut. 1718

Chi la dura la vince (ob, M. del Zanca), NFI, Nov 1721

La Locinna (traggecommeddeja, Tullio), NFI, 4 Sept 1723

Lo Simmele (ob, B. Saddumene), Nuovo, 15 Oct 1724, perf. as La somiglianza with alterations by G. Fischetti, Rome, Capranica, 1729

L'annore resarciuto (ob, N. Gianni), NFI, 1727

La vecchia trammera (ob, Tullio), Nuovo, 1732, collab. L. Leo

La Rosilla (F. Oliva), Nuovo, aut. 1733, collab. L. Leo

La Finta pellegrina (ob, F. Lucano Cinnéo [F. Oliva]), Nuovo, carn. 1734, collab. D. Sarro

Psiche reintegrata nella grazia di venere (A. Birini), n.d. [for the wedding of Elena Tartaglione and Pietro Marchetti]

other works

Bellina e Lenno (int), Naples, S Bartolomeo, 27 Dec 1708

Velasco e Drusilla (int), Naples, S Bartolomeo, 4 Nov 1710

Sopra un verde colle (cant.), A, bc, Nc

BIBLIOGRAPHY

MGG1 (U. Prota-Giurleo and L. Paduano); SartoriL

M. Scherillo: L’opera buffa napoletana durante il Settecento: storia letteraria (Naples, 1883, 2/1916/R)

B. Croce: I teatri di Napoli, secolo XV–XVIII (Naples, 1891/R, 4/1947)

G.A. Pastore: ‘Le “arielle co’wioline” di Antonicco Arefece’, Studi salentini, no.20 (1965), 249–62

P. Weiss: ‘La diffusione del repertorio operistico nell'Italia del Settecento: il caso dell'opera buffa’, Civiltà teatrale e Settecento emiliano, ed. S. Davoli (Bologna, 1986), 241–56

F. Cotticelli and P. Maione: Onesto divertimento, ed allegria de' popoli: materiali per una storia dello spettacolo a Napoli nel primo Settecento (Milan, 1996)

MICHAEL F. ROBINSON (with PAOLOGIOVANNI MAIONE)

Orefice, Giacomo

(b Vicenza, 27 Aug 1865; d Milan, 22 Dec 1922). Italian composer and critic. He studied composition with Mancinelli and the piano with Busi at the Liceo Musicale in Bologna, graduating in 1885, presenting the short opera L’oasi as his final exercise. He was at first active as a pianist, mostly as a performer of his own works, but from the late 1890s he turned increasingly to opera. In 1896 he was placed third in the Steiner competition in Vienna with the one-act Il gladiatore, and in 1898 his Sinfonia del bosco was awarded a prize at the Turin Exhibition, where it was conducted by Toscanini. In 1901 his next opera, Chopin, loosely based on Chopin’s life and through-composed with quotations from his works, met with the audience’s approval at the Teatro Lirico in Milan, despite the conflicting opinions of critics; it was revived in Warsaw (1904) and Paris (1905). In 1905 his most highly regarded opera, Mosè, was performed successfully in Genoa, and in 1908 his ballet La soubrette was awarded a prize of the Société Musicale in Paris.

From 1909 until his death Orefice taught composition at the Milan Conservatory, where Nino Rota, Victor de Sabata and Lodovico Rocca were among his pupils. Meanwhile he was active as a lecturer and as a music critic, mostly for the Rivista musicale italiana and from 1920 for Il secolo (Milan). In this capacity, and as president of the Società degli Amici della Musica, which he founded in Milan in 1902, he played an active part in the city’s musical life. A cultured musician of broad interests, he emphasized in his writings the necessity of introducing greater historical awareness into technical and practical studies in the conservatory, and of bringing music to a wider public. He criticized certain provincial attitudes of Italy’s musical life at the time, inviting composers to go beyond mere imitation of foreigners and to rediscover the deeper roots of their own musical tradition. In this respect his transcriptions of Monteverdi’s Orfeo (Milan, 1909) and Rameau’s Platée, though philologically inaccurate, are of interest.

As an opera composer Orefice was stylistically eclectic: the strength of his dramatic technique, though rather static and conventional, lies in its effective orchestral images and the expressive qualities of the vocal lines, deliberately simple and sometimes archaic (as in Mosè). His choice of subjects was influenced by the veristic and historicizing tendencies of late 19th-century Italian theatre and literature (manifested in his vivid historical settings of the dramas of Pietro Cossa); later, in his most mature and refined works, Il pane altrui and Radda, he turned to the social realism of Turgenev and Gorky. His most famous opera, Chopin, was a case apart whose subject was inspired on the one hand by the cliché of the ‘artist’s life’ popular with the Italian Scapigliatura, and on the other by Orefice’s personal ideas about the importance of native and folk roots in musical inspiration.

His symphonic works present a skilful but rather light descriptivism (Sinfonia del bosco, Laudi francescane). His chamber compositions are more interesting, characterized by an austere sense of form and a noble and refined musical invention (for example, the piano quintet Riflessi ed ombre). In the series of short piano pieces (in particular in Quadri di Boecklin, Miraggi and Preludi del mare) his taste for arabesque, his colouristic use of harmony and his search for new sonorities is close to Impressionism.

WORKS

stage

all printed works published in vocal score in Milan

L’oasi (4 scenes, G. Dal Monte), Bologna, Liceo Musicale, 1885 (1886)

Mariska (op, 3, Orefice, after P. Cossa), Turin, Carignano, 19 Nov 1889 (1889)

Consuelo (commedia lirica, 3, Orefice, after G. Sand), Bologna, Comunale, 27 Nov 1895 (1895)

Il gladiatore (op, 1, Orefice, after Cossa: Messalina), Madrid, Real, 20 March 1898 (1898)

Chopin (op, 4, A. Orvieto), Milan, Lirico, 25 Nov 1901 (1901)

Cecilia (op, 4, after Cossa), Vicenza, Verdi, 16 Aug 1902

Mosè (op, 4, Orvieto), Genoa, Carlo Felice, 18 Feb 1905 (1905)

Il pane altrui (op, 1, Orvieto, after I.S. Turgenev: Chuzhoy khleb), Venice, Fenice, 12 Jan 1907 (1907)

Marcello Spada, 1909 (op, 3), unperf.

Radda (op, 3, C. Vallini, after M. Gorky: Makar Chudra), Milan, Lirico, 25 Oct 1912 (1912)

Ugo e Parisina, 1915 (op, 3, C. Raimondo, after Byron: Parisina), unperf.

Il castello del sogno, 1921 (op, 3, R. Simonini, after E.A. Butti), unperf.

other works

Songs (all pubd Milan): [6] Bozzetti veneziani (De Marchi) (1894); [12] Liriche (A. Orvieto) (1901); [4] Tanke giapponesi (1917); 4 liriche (G. Carducci, G. D’Annunzio, C. Rossi, P. Mastri) (1918); 7 canti (after R. Tagore), ed. (1955); other works

Orch: 2 syms., c, 1882–92, d, 1910; Sinfonia del bosco, 1898; La soubrette (ballet), Milan, 1907; Tempio greco, suite, vc, orch, 1914, arr. vc, pf (Milan, 1914); Anacreontiche, suite, 1915; Laudi francescane, suite, 1918, arr. pf duet (Milan, 1919)

Chbr: Sonata, e, vn, pf, 1908 (Bologna, n.d.); Sonata, D, vn/vc, pf, 1908 (Bologna, n.d.); Pf Trio, c1912 (Milan, 1918); Sonata, F, vc, pf, 1913 (Milan, 1918); Riflessi ed ombre da un tema, pf qnt, 1916 (Milan, 1918); other works

Pf (all pubd Milan): [6] Pagine d’album (1885); Sérénade allemande, valse caprice (1886); 2 concert studies: Ondine, 1886, Orde barbare, 1888 (1916); [3] Crepuscoli, 1904 (1916); [6] Quadri di Boecklin, 1905 (1916); Miraggi, 10 studi, 1906 (1916); [9] Preludi del mare, 1913 (1916); Preludio e fuga, on a theme by Meyerbeer (1919); other works

WRITINGS

‘La crisi del nazionalismo musicale’, RMI xxiv (1917), 300–15

‘Conservatorio o università musicale?’, RMI, xxv (1918), 461–80

Luigi Mancinelli (Rome, 1921)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

SchmidlD

‘Pan’: ‘Giacomo Orefice’, Musica d’oggi, v (1923), 10–11

A. Casella: ‘Orefice, Giacomo’, Cobbett’s Cyclopedic Survey of Chamber Music, ii (London, 1930, rev. 2/1963/R by C. Mason), 201

G. Mantese: Storia musicale vicentina (Vicenza, 1956)

A. Bassi: Giacomo Orefice: tradizione e avanguardia nel melodramma del primo ’900 (Padua, 1987)

ANDREA LANZA

Orejón y Aparicio, José de

(b Huacho, 1706; d Lima, between 7 and 21 May 1765). Peruvian composer and organist. The son of Esteban de Orejón and Victoria de Aparicio y Velasco, he showed such precocity that at the age of nine he was considered suitable to succeed an adult singer at Lima Cathedral who had died. On 2 December 1715 the Archbishop of Lima fixed his yearly salary until he ‘lost his voice’ at 100 pesos. In 1724 Orejón was still on the cathedral payroll, but as a ‘contraalto’ instead of a ‘tiple’. Probably Orejón studied with Tomás de Torrejón y Velasco, the Spanish-born director of music at Lima Cathedral, who was in office until 1728; he studied the organ with Juan de Peralta, the Lima Cathedral chief organist who died in 1725. But for his youth, Orejón might have been Peralta's successor; he served briefly as ‘interim’ organist, but the assistant organist Joseph de la Madre de Dios was appointed.

In 1728 Roque Ceruti, a native of Milan who had spent two decades in Peru, became maestro de capilla at Lima; an admirer of Corelli and contemporary Italians, Ceruti freshened the cathedral repertory with his brilliant violinistic music and imposed Italian taste on the younger cathedral personnel. In 1730 Orejón applied for an appointment outside Lima Cathedral, as sacristán mayor of the church at nearby Pisco, for which he was now eligible as he had just been ordained to the priesthood; but he was unsuccessful. However, the post of chief organist at Lima fell vacant in 1742 and no one ventured to compete with Orejón ‘because of his known superior ability’; the chapter tested him alone and on 9 October declared him elected. In response to his applications for salary increases, his starting salary of 500 pesos was raised to 550 in 1745 and to 630 ‘with the archbishop's consent’ in 1754. The cathedral canons particularly praised him for ‘his punctuality and for the great amount of work’ involved in playing cathedral services twice daily, morning and evening. In that same year his name appears for the first time prefaced with licenciado, indicating that he had received the licentiate degree from the University of S Marcos at Lima.

On Ceruti's death, Orejón was nominated maestro de capilla on 8 December 1760, while continuing as organist; shortage of funds because of rebuilding after the 1746 earthquake delayed his titular appointment (involving higher salary) until 9 April 1764. He did not live long to enjoy the fruits: he dictated his will on 24 September 1764 from the infirmary of the S Francisco monastery, but was unable to sign it ‘because of the severity of his accident’. The organist position was declared vacant ‘on account of the death of the licentiate Don Joseph de Aparicio’ on 21 May 1765.

His unprecedented talent gained him acclaim in print as early as 1736 (in P.J. Bermúdez de la Torre's Triunfos del Santo Oficio) and such favour from an archbishop as no previous cathedral organist had enjoyed; and after his death praise continued to be lavished on him. The Mercurio peruano of 16 February 1792 contained Toribio del Campo y Pando’s tribute:

My beloved Aparicio came back to the path from which Ceruti had strayed when he again emphasized melodic line. He exceeded all others, particularly in church music. Several of his hymns are still sung, various masses, psalms, and a canticle to the Sacrament beginning, ‘I adore Thee, Mystery Incomprehensible’. Until we heard the works of Terradellas and the immortal Pergolesi, none could compare with Aparicio.

That judgment can be verified by the study of his surviving works in the Lima archiepiscopal archive (subject to depredations in the late 1900s). The most ambitious is a Good Friday Passion composed for triple chorus with orchestra in 1750 (arranged for double chorus in 1810 by Melchor Tapia, cathedral organist). Among the other 18 extant items is a tenderly elegiac solo cantata ‘al SS Sacramento’ in E minor which, though not beginning with the same words as the cántico mentioned in the Mercurio peruano eulogy, displays as rare a melodic gift as any item in the Latin American colonial repertory. In the normal Baroque manner, it begins with a recitative accompanied by continuo, but then follows a grand da capo aria during which two violins weave in as moving a discourse against the solo voice as the violins in the ‘Et misericordia’ of Bach's Magnificat. Such works as this, or as his Copacabana duo A del dia, or his sacrament duos Enigma divino and Gilguerillo sonoro, bespeak the unique gifts that kept his music in the repertory for a half-century after his death.

Though in his lifetime his music seems not to have circulated in Spain, it was known and sung at least as far away as Sucre (Bolivia): in the archive of La Plata Cathedral (music now transferred to Archivo Nacional at Sucre) there survived as late as 1966 several concerted pieces showing how frequently his poignant bittersweet, mostly minor-key, music was in demand during the twilight years of the colonial regime.

WORKS

written in honour of the Blessed Sacrament, unless otherwise stated

Lima, Archivo Arzobispal: A del dia, Our Lady of Copacabana, 2 S, 2 vn, bc; A la mesa zagales, SSAT, 2 vn, org; A mecer de un Dios la cuna, SSST, 2 vn, bc; Contrapunto a 4º, Immaculate Conception BVM, SSAB [Hexachord cantus firmus]; Despertad canoras avecillas, SSAT, 2 vn, bc; De aquel globo, SSAT, 2 vn, bc; Dolores y gozos, TTB; En el dya festivo, Immaculate Conception BVM, SSAT, 2 vn, bc; Enigma divino, 2 S, 2 vn, bc; Gilguerillo sonoro, 2 S, 2 vn, bc; Ha dela esfera de Apolo, 2 S, 2 vn, bc; Ha del gozo, BVM, 2 S, 2 vn, bc; Ha del mundo, 2 S, 2 vn, tpt, bc; Ha del safir del mundo, BVM, ST, inc.; Lit, BVM, SSAT, TB, org; Mariposa de sus rayos, S, 2 vn, bc; Passion for Good Friday, double chorus, orch; Por besar de este fenis, SST, 2 vn, bc; Terrible dolor y espanto, St Joseph, 2 S, bc; Tres razionales, BVM, SAT, 2 vn, bc

Sucre, La Plata Cathedral (1966): Al resplandor de esa esfera, 2 S, 2 vn, bc; Cordero sagrado que estas entre nieve, 2 S, 2 vn, bc; Ha del mar, SSAT, 2 vn, org, bc; Luminosas esferas, BVM, SSAT, 2 vn, bc

BIBLIOGRAPHY

StevensonRB

R. Stevenson: The Music of Peru: Aboriginal and Viceroyal Epochs (Washington DC, 1960), 79, 85ff, 192

A. Sas: ‘Notas sobre José de Orejón y Aparicio, músico peruano del siglo XVIII’, Revista peruana de cultura, no.5 (1965), 116

C. García Muñoz: disc notes, Música de la Catedral de Lima, Qualiton SQ1 4068 (1975)

R. Stevenson: disc notes, Latin American Musical Treasures from the 16th, 17th and 18th Centuries, Eldorado 2 (1977)

G. Béhague: La música en América latina (una introducción) (Caracas, 1983), 73–81 [incl. excerpts from Good Friday Passion]

R. Stevenson: disc notes, Salve Regina, Eldorado 5 (1985)

J.C. Estenssoro: Música y sociedad coloniales (Lima, 1989), 36–7, 112, 115, 118, 121

ROBERT STEVENSON

Orel, Alfred

(b Vienna, 3 July 1889; d Vienna, 11 April 1967). Austrian musicologist. After receiving a degree in law at the University of Vienna in 1912 he worked in the Austrian Finance Ministry until 1918. He began studying musicology with Adler in Vienna in 1917 and earned the doctorate in 1919 with a dissertation on the Salve regina settings in the Trent manuscripts. From 1918 and 1938 he oversaw the music collection in the Vienna Stadtbibliothek and simultaneously continued to work at the University of Vienna until 1945, completing the Habilitation in 1922 with a work on rhythm in 15th-century polyphony; he was named reader in 1929 and supernumerary professor in 1939. Orel was also interim director of the Staatliche Akademie für Musik und Darstellende Kunst in 1938, and from 1940 to 1945 he was special consultant on Viennese music research for the Vienna office of cultural affairs. After the war he was barred from the university because of his membership in the Nazi party. Orel organized numerous exhibits on music in the 1920s and 30s and received medals of honour from the state in 1928 and 1959 for his services to the city of Vienna. He was also one of the founders and served on the board of directors of the Zentralinstitut für Mozart-Forschung in Salzburg.

Orel’s chief interest was Austrian music, particularly Bruckner; his Anton Bruckner: das Werk, der Künstler, die Zeit (1925) remains a standard work. He was responsible for the first complete edition of Bruckner’s Ninth Symphony, in which he not only restored the cuts omitted in Löwe’s 1903 edition and the original orchestration, but also included sketches for the finale. Orel’s other important work was on 15th-century polyphony and on composers associated with Vienna, particularly Mozart.

WRITINGS

Die Hauptstimme in den ‘Salve regina’ der Trienter Codices (diss., U. of Vienna, 1919; Tutzing, 1977 as Die Hauptstimme in den ‘Salve regime’ der Trienter Kodices)

‘Einige Grundformen der Motettkompositionen im XV. Jahrhundert’, SMw, vii (1920), 48–101

‘Beethovens Oktett Op.103 und seine Bearbeitung als Quintett Op.4’, ZMw, iii (1920–21), 159–79

Unbekannte Frühwerke Anton Bruckners (Vienna, 1921) [incl. edn of Overture in G minor]

ed.: Ein Wiener Beethoven Buch (Vienna, 1921) [incl. ‘Beethoven und seine Verleger’, 168–203]

‘Skizzen zu Johannes Brahms’ Haydn-Variationen’, ZMw, v (1922–3), 296–315

Über rhythmische Qualität in mehrstimmigen Tonsätzen des 15. Jahrhunderts (Habilitationsschrift, U. of Vienna, 1922); extracts in ZMw, vi (1923–4), 559–607

‘Die mehrstimmige geistliche (katholische) Musik von 1430–1600’, ‘Die katholische Kirchenmusik von 1600–1750’, ‘Die katholische Kirchenmusik seit 1750’, ‘Wiener Tanzmusik und Operette’, AdlerHM

Anton Bruckner: das Werk, der Künstler, die Zeit (Vienna, 1925)

‘Das Musikschaffen unserer Zeit’, Literarischer Handweiser, lxii (1925), 1–8

ed.: Wiener Musikerbriefe aus zwei Jahrhunderten (Vienna, 1925)

Bruckner: ein osterreichischer Meister der Tonkunst (Altötting, 1926, 2/1946)

Franz Schubert: ein Künstler, seiner Heimat (Altötting, 1926, 2/1946)

Beethoven (Vienna, 1927)

with R. Stöhr and H. Gál: Formenlehre der Musik (Leipzig, 1933, 2/1954)

‘Richard Wagner in Vienna’, MQ, xix (1933), 29–37

Das Werden der musikalischen Formen (Leipzig, 1933)

‘Sachliche Musik’, SMz, lxxiv (1934), 553–60, 581–6

Anton Bruckner, 1824–1896: sein Leben in Bildern (Leipzig, 1936)

Kirchenmusikalische Liturgik (Augsburg, 1936)

‘Original und Bearbeitung bei Anton Bruckner’, Deutsche Musikkultur, i (1936–7), 193–222

Johannes Brahms: sein Leben in Bildern (Leipzig, 1937)

Aufsätze und Vorträge (Vienna and Berlin, 1939)

Franz Schubert, 1797–1828: sein Leben in Bildern (Leipzig, 1939)

Ein Harmonielehrekolleg bei Anton Bruckner (Vienna, 1940)

Der junge Schubert (Vienna, 1940/R)

Mozarts deutscher Weg: eine Deutung aus Briefen (Vienna, 1941, 2/1943)

Grillparzer und Beethoven (Vienna, 1941)

Mozart in Wien (Vienna, 1944)

Hugo Wolf: ein Künstlerbildnis (Vienna, 1947)

Wiener Musik (Vienna, 1947)

Johannes Brahms: ein Meister und sein Weg (Olten, 1948)

Goethe als Operndirektor (Bregenz, 1949)

‘Die Legende um Mozarts “Bastien und Bastienne”’, SMz, xci (1951), 137–43

Bruckner Brevier: Briefe, Dokumente, Berichte (Vienna, 1953)

Musikstadt Wien (Vienna, 1953)

‘Die Wende zur “Neuen Musik” im historischen Aspekt’, SMz, xciv (1954), 1–9

Mozart: Gloria mundi (Salzburg, 1956)

‘Der Mesmerische Garten (ein Parergon zur Mozart-Forschung)’, MJb 1962–3, 82–95

Johannes Brahms und Julius Allgeyer: eine Künstlerfreundschaft in Briefen (Tutzing, 1964)

‘Österreichs Sendung in der abendländischen Musik’, IMSCR IX: Salzburg 1964, ii, 7–22

‘Mozarts Schicksalsweg zwischen den grossen Musiknationen’, MJb 1965–6, 61–7

Unpublished papers in A-Wu

Numerous articles in Acta Mozartiana, AMf, Deutsche Musikkuttur, Die Furche, Die Musik, Die Musikbote, Wiener Figaro, Österreichische Rundschau, MJb, SMz, Wiener Zeitung, ZMw, other periodicals, congress reports and Festschriften

EDITIONS

with R. von Ficker: Sechs Trienter Codices, DTÖ, liii, Jg.xxvii/1 (1920/R)

F. Raimund: Die Gesänge der Märchendramen in den ursprünglichen Vertonungen, Sämtliche Werke, vi (Vienna, 1924/R) [incl. music by Joseph Drechsler, Conradin Kreutzer, Wenzel Müller and Philipp Riotte for Raimund’s plays]

Joseph Lanner: Ländler und Walzer, DTÖ, lxv, Jg.xxxiii/2 (1926/R)

A. Bruckner: IX. Sinfonie in D-moll (Originalfassung): Partitur, Entwürfe und Skizzen, Sämtliche Werke, ix (Vienna, 1934); Vier Orchesterstücke (Vienna, 1934)

Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart: Neue Ausgabe sämtlicher Werke, II:5/i: Apollo und Hyacinth (Kassel, 1959); II:5/xix: Die Zauberflöte (Kassel, 1970) [with G. Gruber]

BIBLIOGRAPHY

H. Federhofer, ed.: Festschrift Alfred Orel zum 70. Geburtstag (Vienna and Wiesbaden, 1960) [incl. list of pubns, 9–19]

H. Federhofer: ‘Alfred Orel zum Gedächtnis’, Mf, xx (1967), 363–4

F. Racek: ‘Alfred Orel zum Gedenken’, ÖMz, xxii (1967), 347–8

W. Senn: ‘Alfred Orel (1889–1967)’, AcM, xl (1968), 5–6

G. Gruber: ‘Alfred Orel zum 100. Geburtstag’, MISM, xxxvii (1989), 1–4

J. Phillips: ‘The Finale of Brucker's Ninth Symphony: New Light on an Old Problem’, MMA, xvii (1990), 193–276

M. ELIZABETH C. BARTLET/PAMELA M. POTTER

Orel, Dobroslav

(b Ronov, Bohemia, 15 Dec 1870; d Prague, 18 Feb 1942). Czech musicologist. A Roman Catholic priest, he taught singing in a seminary in Hradec Králové and contributed to the practical reform of church music with his manual on plainchant (1899) and his numerous articles in Cyril, of which he later became editor (1909–19). While in Prague (1907–19) he became a lecturer in liturgical music at the conservatory and at the same time completed his own musical studies under Novák, Hostinský and Bezecný (palaeography) and later with Adler in Vienna, where he obtained the doctorate in 1914 with a dissertation on the Speciálník codex of Hradec Králové: publication of an edition (in DTÖ) was prevented by World War I.

In 1919 Orel was appointed to the proposed theological faculty of Bratislava University but when it failed to come into existence he took the chair of musicology instead (1921). Until his retirement in 1938 he held a number of high offices in the university, including that of rector (1931–2). In the new music faculty he trained the first generation of Slovak musicologists and stimulated musical interest in the region: he organized and conducted choral societies; he directed the collection and publication of folk music; he led the search for manuscripts and other musical sources in Slovakia. His own interests broadened to include Slovak music. He is however best remembered for his pioneering work on early Czech polyphony and hymnology, such as his book on the St Wenceslas tradition in music, which clarified the sources and development of the earliest Czech sacred songs. He also edited several hymnbooks, including Český kancionál [A Czech hymnbook] (Prague, 1921, 5/1936).

WRITINGS

AdlerHM (‘Tschechoslowaken’)

Theoreticko-praktická rukověť chorálu římského [A theoretical and practical manual of Roman plainsong] (Hradec Králové, 1899)

Der Mensuralkodex Speciálník: ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Mensuralmusik in Böhmen (diss., U. of Vienna, 1914)

Kancionál Franusův z roku 1505 [The Franus hymnbook from 1505] (Prague, 1922)

Počátky umělého vícehlasu v Čechách [The beginnings of polyphony in Bohemia] (Bratislava, 1922)

‘Antonín Dvořák a Alexander Erkel’, Prúdy, viii (1924), 570–78

Ján Levoslav Bella (Bratislava, 1924)

František Liszt a Bratislava (Bratislava, 1925)

‘Beethovenovy vztahy k Slovensku’ [Beethoven’s contacts with Slovakia], Hudební rozhledy, iii (1926–7), 98–101

‘Theorie o lidové písni slovenské’ [Theories on Slovak folksong], Prúdy, xii (1928), 557–62

Hudební památky františkánské knihovny v Bratislavě [Musical sources in the Franciscan library in Bratislava] (Bratislava, 1930)

‘Stilarten der Mehrstimmigkeit des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts in Böhmen’, Studien zur Musikgeschichte: Festschrift für Guido Adler (Vienna, 1930), 87–91

‘Jana Táborského prosa o mistru Janu z Husince’ [Jan Tábor’s sequence on Master Jan of Husinec], Bratislava, vi (1932), 196–237

Hudební prvky svatováclavské [St Wenceslas elements in music] (Prague, 1937)

ed. J. Potúček: Příspevky k dějinám slovenskej hudby [Contributions to the history of Slovak music] (Bratislava, 1968)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

ČSHS [incl. further list of writings and bibliography]

C. Sychra: ‘Prof. PhDr Dobroslav Orel’, Cyril, lxviii (1942), 49–61, 69–98

J. Potúček: Súpis slovenských hudobnoteoretických prác (Bratislava, 1955), 329 only [incl. further bibliography]

V. Lébl and I. Poledňák: Hudební věda [Musicology] (Prague, 1988), i, 214–15

M. Janek: ‘Hudobnovedný odkaz Dobroslava Orla’, OM, xxxi (1999), 20–31

JOHN TYRRELL

Orellana Castro, Andrés Gilberto

(b Santa Ana, 12 Dec 1938). Salvadoran composer and violinist. He began his musical studies with his father, the composer Gilberto Orellana, then studied at the National Conservatory and with John Donald Robb at the University of New Mexico, where he received an MA in composition. He was a violinist in the Salvadoran national orchestra (1960–66) and later was its conductor (1974–85); he has also been appointed conductor of the San Salvador National Youth Orchestra. He has won several competitions in the United States, Argentina and El Salvador. In his extensive output he has experimented with a variety of compositional approaches: free harmony in the violin and piano duet Cartas de mis padres (1971), serial technique in the String Trio (1962), and prepared piano in Mobile perpetuum (1973). His works are composed in various formats and include the electronic Variaciones sobre el tema de ‘Fantasía en el bosque’ (1970), Salmo 150 (1975) for mixed chorus and orchestra, and Amatepec (1977) which accompanies dance. His one symphony, Sinfonía Pipil (1980), draws on imagined pre-Columbian musical practices and is one of the few works that strive for a nationalist style. Beginning with Cristo la respuesta (1982), he has concentrated on religious compositions.

T.M. SCRUGGS

Orellana, I(gnatius) A(ntonio) de

(b St Helier, Jersey, c1860; d London, 19 March 1931). British conductor and orchestrator. He conducted and orchestrated many musical theatre scores of the Edwardian era, most particularly Miss Hook of Holland and other scores of Paul A. Rubens at the Prince of Wales Theatre. Eric Coates, who performed under him as a deputy, described his ‘remarkable sense of theatre’ and orchestrations ‘delicately finished and always in good taste … never [interfering] with a composer’s harmonic progressions’. His later work included orchestrations for Porter’s Wake Up and Dream (1929), Coward’s Bitter Sweet (1929) and Berners’s Luna Park (1930), and he was also musical director for Fraser-Simson’s Toad of Toad Hall (1929).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

GänzlBMT

F.M. Collinson: Orchestration for the Theatre (London, 1941)

E. Coates: Suite in Four Movements (London, 1953)

ANDREW LAMB

Orellana M., Joaquín

(b 5 Nov 1933). Guatemalan composer. He studied at the National Conservatory of Music and was violinist in the National SO for many years. He distinguished himself as an important new composer early in his career. In 1958 El jardín encantado was awarded first prize in the annual Central American Science, Letters and Fine Arts Competition. In 1965 his String Trio was commissioned by the Third Inter-American Music Festival and first performed there in Washington, DC. These earlier works were essentially tonal, the String Trio using pan-diatonicism. In the 1970s he began experimenting with flujos sonoro-sociales, recombinations on tape of ambient sound peculiar to the sonorous landscape of Guatemala. Two of his first and most successful compositions using this approach are Electroacústica and Imposible a la X: historia en redondo (1976), both presented in several international forums. An aleatory approach characterizes Híbrido a presión (1982) for two flutes, several specially created instruments and magnetic tape. He also investigated the sonorous possibilities of the Guatemalan marimba, considered the national instrument, by constructing new instruments from fragments of the marimba grande. These original instruments, which carry such names as ciclo-im, rastra-son and pandemarimbas, reproduce and expand certain aspects of the marimba's timbre, especially its percussive attack. Tzulumanachí (1974) features one of these, a sonarimba. Especially notable among these works is Evocación profunda y traslaciones de una marimba (1984), scored for marimba, narrator, mixed chorus, magnetic tape and several original marimba-derived instruments.

T.M. SCRUGGS

Øren, Jacob.

See Ørn, Jacob.

Oresme, Nicole

(b Normandy, c1320; d Lisieux, 1382). French philosopher and mathematician. He is recognized as the leading mathematician of his day. He studied at the University of Paris and took the MA in 1356. He served as Grand Master of the College of Navarre in Paris (1356–62) and held a series of ecclesiastical posts leading to his appointment as Bishop of Lisieux in 1377, a post he held until his death. He wrote on a wide range of topics, including theology, physics, magic and economics, frequently drawing from writers such as Plato, Aristotle, Boethius and Cassiodorus.

Oresme’s observations on music arose from his studies of mathematics and physics. Along with the mathematician Gersonides, Oresme expanded Plato’s series of ‘harmonic numbers’ (Timaeus, 35ff) to include two endless series of numbers based on multiples of two or three. He developed Gersonides’s theory, proposing that all proportions between the two series are ‘harmonic ratios’, although he acknowledged that only four proportions produce consonant intervals. In his commentary on Aristotle’s De caelo, written at the request of Charles V of France, Oresme arranged these numbers in a grid pattern (see illustration) and stated that ‘this figure is full of very great mysteries and from it we can draw extremely attractive and marvelous conclusions, for it contains virtually the whole formation of speculative music’ (Le livre du ciel et du monde, ii.18; Menut and Denomy, 478–81). He commented on harmonic numbers in several treatises, including his study of motion Tractatus de configurationibus qualitatum et motuum (ii.17) and his Algorismus proportionum (iii). Oresme wrote on other philosophical issues related to music, such as whether the movements of heavenly bodies produce sounds (Le livre du ciel et du monde, ii.18) and the relationship between sound and magic (Tractatus de configurationibus, ii.25). In his commentary on Aristotle’s Politics (viii.6–14) he set out his ideas of harmonic numbers and expounded on Aristotle’s views with quotations from the scriptures, Pythagoras, Boethius and other sources. The term ‘harmonic number’ is also found in Johannes Boen’s Musica. Oresme was in contact with the leading musical theorists and mathematicians of his day: he dedicated his Algorismus proportionum to Philippe de Vitry and discussed mathematical issues that were also of interest to Johannes de Muris.

WRITINGS

only those relating to music

Algorismus proportionum (MS, 1351–61); ed. E.L.W.M. Curtze (Berlin, 1868)

Tractatus de commensurabilitate vel incommensurabilitate motuum celi (MS, early 1350s); ed. and trans. E. Grant as Nicole Oresme and the Kinematics of Circular Motion (Madison, WI, 1971)

Tractatus de configurationibus qualitatum et motuum (MS, early 1350s); ed. and trans. M. Clagett as Nicole Oresme and the Medieval Geometry of Qualities and Motions (Madison, WI, 1968)

Le livre de politiques d’Aristote (MS, 1374); ed. A.D. Menut (Philadelphia, 1970)

Le livre du ciel et du monde (MS, 1377); ed. A.D. Menut and A.J. Denomy (Madison, WI, 1968)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

E.E. Lowinsky: ‘Music in the Culture of the Renaissance’, Journal of the History of Ideas, xv (1954), 509–53, esp. 543; repr. in Renaissance Essays, ed. P.O. Kristeller and P.P. Wiener (New York, 1968), 337–81

V.P. Zubov: ‘Nicole Oresme et la musique’, Mediaeval and Renaissance Studies, v (1961), 96–107

M. Clagett: ‘Oresme, Nicole’, Dictionary of Scientific Biography, ed. C.C. Gillispie (New York, 1970–80)

F. Della Stella: ‘Scienza e filosofia nella teoria musicale dell’Ars Nova in Francia’, NRMI, x (1976), 357–83

E. Grant: ‘Oresme, Nicole’, Dictionary of the Middle Ages, ed. J. Strayer (New York, 1982–9)

W. Frobenius: ‘Numeri armonici: die Zahlen der Timaios-Skala in der Musiktheorie des 14. Jahrhunderts’, Kontinuität und Transformation der Antike im Mittelalter: Freiburg 1987, ed. W. Erzgräber (Sigmaringen, 1989), 245–60, esp. 256–8

K. Chemla and S. Pahaut: ‘Remarques sur les ouvrages mathématiques de Gersonide’, Studies on Gersonides, ed. G. Freudenthal (Leiden, 1992), 149–91

C. MATTHEW BALENSUELA

Orff, Carl

(b Munich, 10 July 1895; d Munich, 29 March 1982). German composer and music educator. Drawing on ancient Greek tragedy and employing models of Baroque theatrum emblematicum, he established a musical theatre of impressive force permeated at times by Bavarian peasant life and Christian mystery.

ALBERTO FASSONE

1. Life.

Orff was born into a family of army officers given to scientific and historical studies, whose members were also great music lovers. He began to study the piano, the organ and the cello at the age of five. In Munich he attended the Ludwigsgymnasium (1905–7) and later the Wittelsbacher Gymnasium (1907–12). Dissatisfied with the teaching of Beer-Walbrunn at the Akademie der Tonkunst (1912–14), he discovered for himself not only the sound world of Debussy, a fascination that is readily apparent in the music drama Gisei, das Opfer (1913), but also the musical language of Schoenberg. His activity as Kapellmeister at the Munich Kammerspiele (1917), where he was introduced by his piano teacher Hermann Zilcher, was decisive for his musical development. There he collaborated with the director Otto Falckenberg. The first version of Orff’s stage music to Ein Sommernachtstraum dates from that year, although the music was never performed. Drafted into the army in 1917, he was wounded at the front, and having been declared unfit for active service, he saw out the rest of the war first at the Nationaltheater in Mannheim and then at the Hoftheater in Darmstadt. On his return to Munich in 1919, he devoted himself to studying the music of the 16th and 17th centuries, especially Monteverdi, to whom Curt Sachs had drawn his attention. Between 1920 and 1921 he continued his studies with Heinrich Kaminski. In 1924 he founded, along with Dorothee Günther, the Güntherschule in Munich, an educational centre for gymnastics, rhythmic movement, music and dance; it was within these surroundings that he developed his concept of elementare Musik, a synthesis of gesture, poetic language and music that was later to fertilize his personal musical style and from which his Schulwerk would eventually evolve. The first edition of Orff-Schulwerk: elementare Musikübung, published in collaboration with Gunild Keetman and Hans Bergese, appeared during the period 1932–5.

Orff’s realizations of several Monteverdi scores, beginning with Orpheus (first version, 1923–4, to a German text by Dorothée Günther), were of pioneering significance. Between 1932 and 1933, he directed the Munich Bachverein, a concert society for which he staged Schütz’s Auferstehungshistoria (1933) and conducted several concerts. With the advent of National Socialism, he resigned from his post as director of the Bachverein. His first success as a composer, albeit not an unqualified one, came with the première of Carmina burana in Frankfurt on 8 June 1937. After the war Orff, along with his publisher, was accused of having exerted too great an effort in promoting his works under Hitler’s dictatorship. Particularly controversial was the first performance in Frankfurt (1939) of the third version of the incidental music to Ein Sommernachtstraum. Against the background of the racial discrimination exercised by the Nazis towards Mendelssohn’s works, the composer may indeed have ‘overestimate[d] the scope of musical autonomy in a state committed to a particular Weltanschauung’ (Maier, 9). However, Orff was not a member of the party at any time and entertained towards it no feelings of ideological sympathy. Nor were there among his closest friends or collaborators any supporters of the Nazi regime’s ideology. The fact that Carmina burana had been torn to shreds by Herbert Gerigk, the influential critic of the Völkischer Beobachter, who referred to the ‘incomprehensibility of the language’ coloured by a ‘jazzy atmosphere’, caused many of Germany’s opera Intendanten to fear staging the work after its première.

From 1950 to 1960 Orff held a chair of composition at the Hochschule für Musik in Munich. In 1956 he became a member of the order Pour le mérite for science and art; he received an honorary doctorate from the University of Tübingen in 1959, and in 1972 a second from the University of Munich; that year he was also awarded the Grosses Verdienstkreuz der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, while in 1974 the Katholische Akademie of Bavaria bestowed on him the Guardini Prize. During the period 1972–81 he was occupied with his eight-volume publication Carl Orff und sein Werk: Dokumentation (Tutzing, 1975–83).

2. Works.

The first significant compositions by the young Orff were settings for voice and piano of texts by, among others, Friedrich Hölderlin, Heinrich Heine, Ludwig Uhland, Nikolaus Lenau, Richard Beer-Hofmann, Friedrich Nietzsche and Karl Stieler. But his first music to be published was the cycle Eliland, ein Sang vom Chiemsee (1911). Around the beginning of the 1980s Orff selected 14 of the early songs, including seven Werfel poems dating from 1920–21, for a collection that appeared as Frühe Lieder. This song sequence shows the composer distancing himself from late Romanticism and the Straussian tradition as well as the almost seductive language of Debussy, both of which had informed the orchestral tone poem Tanzende Faune (1914) and the Treibhauslieder (to texts by Maeterlinck). In the Werfel settings and the cantata Des Turmes Auferstehung (1920, rev. 1921, also to a Werfel text), some of the traits that were to characterize his mature style are already evident: a diatonic and linear approach, tectonic construction, employment of drones and ostinatos, as well as the central role of the word, the fundamental element in that matrix of musical gestures which subsequently found expression in an order of theatricality freed from the subjectivity of late Romanticism.

Orff’s development in the 1920s took two main paths: his experience gathered at the Güntherschule (see §3 below), and his exploration of Renaissance and Baroque music. His interest in antiquity and classical languages did not arise out of the contemporary penchant for neo-classicism: this hypothesis, still maintained by some, has created numerous misunderstandings that have affected the historical reception of Orff’s works. It should be recognized that Orff’s return to ancient sources, his ‘Abstieg zu den Müttern’ as he described it, was imbued with humanistic fervour and an untainted fascination with the word as both the vehicle of and the key to all theatrical experience. Such a recognition relativizes the difficulties encountered when considering his revitalization of musical language as an ‘absolute’ means of expression.

The most notable product of Orff’s free transcriptions is his Orpheus, Klage der Ariadne and Tanz der Spröden, reworked Monteverdi scores which in 1958 he grouped into the triptych Lamenti, and the Entrata after Byrd (1928, rev. 1940). It was this artistic activity that enabled him to broaden his search for a personal theatrical mode of expression. Also of great relevance in this respect were his dramatic realizations of Baroque oratorios. Along with Schütz’s Auferstehungshistoria, Orff staged the Lukaspassion, a work formerly attributed to J.S. Bach (bwv246), for the Vereinigung für zeitgenössische Musik in 1932. That performance was accompanied by slide projections of 15th-century Tyrolean woodcuts, creating an imaginative expansion of both visual and musical space, and anticipating the ‘imagines magicae’ that were to accompany Carmina burana. By exploiting his compositional experience accumulated thus far, Orff managed to write two cycles of choral pieces accompanied by piano and percussion. For the first cycle he drew once again on seven Werfel Lieder, as well as other texts; the second cycle is to words by Brecht. Here, Orff was able to experiment with pointillist effects by combining percussion instruments, and to further perfect a compositional technique based on stratified diatonic modes supported by drones and ostinatos.

His discovery during this period of the Latin language and poems by Catullus marked a caesura in his output. For Orff this was the beginning of an exploration of classical antiquity that subsequently led him back to the very roots of European culture. The graceful suppleness of the melodic lines in the two unaccompanied cycles Catulli carmina I and II (1930–31) is the most tangible result of this experience. The way was paved to the theatrical genre and those Carmina burana songs that Orff considered the point of departure for his mature dramatic and musical style. The 23 poems, in part chosen by Orff under the philological tutelage of Michel Hofmann from the late medieval goliardic repertory in the famous Benediktbeurn manuscript, bring to life a number of allegorical tableaux; their static quality relates back, as Werner Thomas has argued (1990, pp.113–35) to a late Renaissance and Baroque conception that has its correlate in the stasis of the musical structures, which are based on strophic form, the ostinato and the drone. The harmonic idiom used by Orff just manages to elude pure tonality by suspending its gravitational pull through the use of a proto-harmonic language tinged with modal procedures. With its concise style and rhythmic pregnancy, the music liberates the latent power of the texts to create their own images and comment on the imagines magicae being staged under the unsettling aegis of the goddess Fortuna. Orff’s own research into the area of Bavarian folksong, carried out with Kurt Huber, manifests itself in the form of alternating duple and triple dance rhythms modelled on the Zwiefacher and finds a place not only in this work but also in Der Mond.

In 1953 Orff grouped Carmina burana, Catulli carmina (1941–3) and Trionfo di Afrodite (1949–51) into the triptych Trionfi. In Catulli carmina he lends 11 poems by Catullus (including six earlier a cappella choruses) a musical and dramatic dimension. This unfolds within a scene which, in its reliance on a Rahmenspiel used to frame the action and devised by Orff himself to his own words, and the use of various groups of people acting the part of spectators, acquires in performance those emblematic qualities that had already characterized Carmina burana. The work is a parable of the power of Eros; above is the stage on which the dancers move, whereas the choir and the solo singers are placed in the orchestra pit. The actual songs of the Catulli carmina are performed a cappella, as if they were a commedia madrigalesca or some sort of play within a play. Furthermore, this Rahmenspiel is scored for percussion instruments and four pianos, heralding future explorations of the timbral possibilities of percussion instruments that would lead Orff to abandon the traditional orchestra.

In the Trionfo di Afrodite, the last panel of the triptych, the ecstatic and melismatic parts of the bride and bridegroom already exhibit signs of the style employed in Antigonae. Here, Orff makes use of the ancient Greek language for the first time. To texts by Sappho and Catullus (Epithalamia lxi and lxii) he evokes the atmosphere of an archaic wedding ceremony that culminates with the appearance of Aphrodite (verses 1268–81 of Hippolytus by Euripides). Such a manifestation of divinity is achieved by a chromatic filling out of the musical space, a procedure that marks the most complete distancing from the diatonic background and which Orff later adopted in the chordal agglomerates of the Tiresias episode in Oedipus (Zillig, 207).

With Der Mond and Die Kluge Orff made a most original contribution to the genre of fairy tale opera. In Der Mond (1936–8), designated ‘ein kleines Welttheater’, the reference to the enormous multi-dimensionality of the Baroque theatre is evident. The story unravels on three levels: the level of human action, that of the underworld, and that of the heavens. It is out of this final plane that Petrus, the guardian of the night and the heavens, descends at the end of the work to restore the moon to its properly assigned place above the earth. This subject, which originates in the mythical interpretation of the phenomenon of the phases of the moon, is based on the fable of the same name by the Grimm brothers. Orff traces this story back to its pre-Christian origins, wholly evident in the finale. Petrus is no longer the St Peter of the Grimms, but rather a wise, good-natured custodian of order in the world. In Orff’s setting the story unfolds through the voice of a narrator, and the scene acquires epic and evocative characteristics. Orff’s allusion to the Evangelist of the Baroque oratorio is clear: the formal structure is that of a Singspiel, its music bestowing occasionally a knowing wink at 19th-century operatic convention and exhibiting the immediacy of popular songs and dance tunes (as, for example, in the ‘Totenbacchanal’ scene). Orff considered the orchestra of Der Mond as his ‘last Romantic orchestra’, perhaps because of the magical tonal colours of the finale. It is not only the transparency of the score but also the fairy tale stylization of the characters that are novel, placing the work firmly in the domain of 20th century sensibility.

For his second fairy tale opera, Die Kluge: die Geschichte von dem König und der klugen Frau (1941–2), Orff drew on a fable common to countless cultures of East and West, taking as his starting point a version by the Cabila people as recorded by Leo Frobenius (Atlantis, 1921–8). The tale centres on the wisdom of a peasant girl who is married to the King after solving three riddles, then helps her husband achieve a fuller understanding of himself and the world. The multi-dimensionality evinced in Orff’s ‘Welttheater’, that of Der Mond, here contrasts with the centrality of humankind and its role in fable. The action takes place on two planes. The decision to introduce a subplot acted out by three mechanicals to accompany the main story is evidence of a Shakespearean influence in a theatrical sense, these Strolche (‘vagabonds’) wholly characteristic of Orff’s own idea of theatre. The treatment of the orchestra is characterized by an indulgence in harsh tonal colours far removed from any Romantic sound ideal. In terms of compositional techniques, here as elsewhere, the repetition of rhythmically incisive, brief melodic cells in increasingly abbreviated forms is significant, exemplified in the peasant lament with which the work opens.

From the 1940s onwards Orff delved increasingly into classical antiquity. The trilogy that he began with Antigonae (1941–9) resulted both in means and intention in his most radical contribution to modern music theatre, a salient moment in the 20th century’s attempts to harness ancient Attic tragedy. Antigonae itself marks a second turning point in Orff’s development, for it coincides with the implementation of an idea that had flashed through his mind in 1914. While listening to Strauss’s Elektra in a performance conducted by the composer, Orff became aware that this opera marked the end of a musical era and of a particular way of dealing with antiquity. In Hölderlin’s version of Antigonae he recognized a basis that could be used to restore to theatre a cultic status and would make it possible to reclaim the tragedies of Sophocles for the music theatre of his own times. As Stefan Kunze wrote (1985–90, p.201), according to Orff ‘the Antique is not a means to devise new forms of musical expression’, to ‘serve the composition’, but rather one by which ‘to appropriate antique tragedy as a real theatrical event’. To this corresponds the development of a singing style that takes as its starting point recitative in the manner of psalmody, the use of brittle, incisive instrumental sounds entrusted to six pianos, and a large battery of percussion, as well as choirs of wind instruments and nine double basses.

Hölderlin’s ‘Hesperic’ translation acts as a mediator, allowing us to glimpse the sacral nature of the Sophocles text: the ‘Sphinx-like rigidity’ of the ancient Greek is transformed into the ‘glowing magma’ that is ‘Western language’ (Georgiades, 192). This is counterbalanced by a strict musical stylization in which recitative on the recto tono builds up to the high pathos of Creon’s melismas and to ecstatic levels in the chromatic declamation of Tiresias. At the end of a long development, Orff’s style still admits a harmonic idiom that Wilhelm Keller (p.43) calls ‘personantisch’, by which he means ‘the simultaneous sounding of different elements within a clearly defined tonal field of reference’. In Antigonae, and in later tragedies too, the spoken word plays a central role. Out of the word are generated the rhythmic pulse and melodic line, while the orchestra sustains the declamation of the singers and, in erecting large, static blocks of sound, mirrors the architectonics of the tragedy. In his next work, Oedipus der Tyrann (1951–8), also based on a Hölderlin text, the word again becomes the pivot around which the musical drama is constructed, given the dialectic nature of a drama in which, according to Hölderlin, ‘the spoken word set against the spoken word is everything’. A highly graduated range of expressive nuances combines in various ways with the percussion instruments to produce new timbres. The central role of the Oedipus figure corresponds musically to a strictly uniform distribution of tonal areas.

In Prometheus desmotes (1963–7) it is the scene of the tragedy that becomes the world itself. And if in the ‘Osterspiel’ and ‘Weihnachtsspiel’ (i.e. the diptych Comoedia de Christi resurrectione and the Ludus de nato Infante mirificus which, together with Die Bernauerin and Astutuli, make up the ‘Bairisches Welttheater’) Orff had already attached to ancient Greek a weighty symbolic significance, the decision to resort to the original language in the case of Prometheus was fraught with problems. Orff applied to the quantitative scanning of the verse the same ‘musico-gestural speech ductus’ (Dokumentation, viii, 1985, p.10) that he had used in the previous tragedies, opting for a free declamatory rhythm. Orff’s theatre rejects any historicizing approach. It is the intention of the composer that the eloquence of the images and the preponderance of the visible – characteristics that Prometheus makes its own – compensate for the loss of a semantic dimension. By demanding an exotic array of percussion that calls for 15 to 18 players, the orchestra ensures that many world cultures are represented. And by incorporating cluster techniques and magnetic tape (Orff approaching, in this regard at least, the avant garde) the composer manages to evoke the archaic and cultic significance of this ancient myth.

In the four works comprising the ‘Bairisches Welttheater’ the entire theatrical experience relies once again on the spoken word. A tragic dimension seeps through Die Bernauerin (1944–6). It tells the story of a young Augsburg girl who, in 1432, is secretly married to the Duke, Albrecht III, before falling victim to a political conspiracy instigated by Albrecht’s father. By distancing himself from the work of the same name by Hebbel and following the example of Schmeller’s Bayerisches Wörterbuch (1827–37) and the 15th-century Liederbuch der Clara Hätzlerin, Orff pointed up the musicality of even the most recondite forms of the ancient Bavarian language. Brief passages of music are inserted and frame the spoken parts. Earthly events are driven by higher powers of which the witches constitute the demonic aspect. And it is only in the finale – where the action, thanks to the intervention of these invisible forces, receives a cathartic urge that pushes the drama into the sphere of tragedy and of mystery plays – that the orchestra supports the declamation without interruption. In Astutuli (1946–8), the satyr-like sibling of Die Bernauerin, Orff retraces his steps to the origins of European theatre, treading the bare boards on which the Roman comedian, or joculator, used to perform. The action is punctuated only by percussion instruments; the Bavarian language brims with images and mimetic power; and the only musical number in the traditional sense is the final ‘Dreher’ of the unrepentant and gullible fools, who were cheated and robbed by the Gagler, or itinerant confidence tricksters: ‘mundus vult decipi’.

The gestation of De temporum fine comoedia, which is the epitome of Orff’s theatrical work, began while he was working on Prometheus. The score to this ‘Spiel vom Ende der Zeiten’ was completed between 1970 and 1971, with texts taken from the Oracula sibyllina, an Orphic Hymn to Oneiros, and also from the Carmina burana collection. Orff lends to a theological idea a theatrical form that was already present in Des Turmes Auferstehung: Origene’s ‘apokatástasis pánton’, namely the idea that the world returns to God with the consequence that all guilt is temporally finite. The vastness of this eschatological scenario feeds the visionary quality of this modern mystery play. And in the vision invoked by the Anachoretes one participates in the repentance of Lucifer, announced symbolically in the music by open 5ths to a blare of trumpets. There follows a transfiguring dematerialization of all musical parameters, then a canon for four viols. This symbolic mandala representing ‘Tà pánta Noûs’ (‘Everything is Spirit’) and closing with a reference to Anaxagoras, signifies both the end of the comoedia and of Orff’s creative career.

3. ‘Schulwerk’.

The birth of the Güntherschule must be viewed against the historical backdrop of the Neue Tanzbewegung of the first few decades of the 20th century. This anti-academic movement was personified in Germany by Rudolf von Laban and Mary Wigman, both exponents of the so-called ‘Ausdruckstanz’, or expressive dance. In Über das Geistige in der Kunst (1912), Wassily Kandinsky had already written that future dance forms would arise whose expression would rely on the internalization of movement. Indeed, the very notion of the elementare (elemental), as applied by Orff to music and to verbal and bodily expression, evokes the kind of dissection of the figurative universe into its primary elements that Kandinsky had already theorized. Orff and Dorothee Günther intended to obviate the absence of adequate elemental music in the dance schools of, among others, Dalcroze and Bode by searching for a music that ‘begins in movement’. Of decisive importance was the work of Maja Lex at the Güntherschule from 1925 onwards. She managed to devise an elemental dance style that was free from the influence of Wigman’s expressionism. Starting in 1930, Maja Lex guided the dance group of the Güntherschule to national and international success. Only after 1948, as the Schulwerk spread through broadcasts by Bavarian Radio, was full attention also paid to the relationship between sound and word, whereby rhythm remained the fundamental kinetic element behind the improvisation process. The first volume of Musik für Kinder (1950–54, 5 vols.) takes as its starting point the simplest possible poetic material, such as children’s rhymes and singing games, all rich in mimetic and gestural elements. The 20 editions of the Schulwerk, issued from the 1950s onwards, include editions in many different languages, including African languages and Japanese, each of which draws for inspiration on the musical and literary cultural heritage of the culture in question.

In creating a body of suitable instruments, especially percussion and recorders, a vital role was played by Gunild Keetman (1904–90), Orff’s alter ego where his experimentation with new teaching methods was concerned. The highly differentiated and novel use of percussion instruments – true of course for all of Orff’s work – must be considered within the historical perspective of their emancipation during the 20th century. Also noteworthy in this respect was the contribution made by two instrument makers: Karl Maendler before World War II, and after 1945, Klaus Becker, the founder of Studio 49. It was in 1949 that the Schulwerk arrived at the Mozarteum, where, in 1961, the Orff-Institut was inaugurated. From the 1950s onwards the approach began to spread around the world.

Improvisation techniques represent the essence of all experimentation; they were the pivotal idea of the Schulwerk during the very early years, and before the introduction of the now obselete ideological constructs with which theoreticians in the 1930s sought to underpin the activities of the Güntherschule. Alien to all rigid methodology, the Schulwerk aims to support creativity in the child. This is effected by the assimilation, always on the basis of elemental, easily grasped structures, of the traditional musical forms that have arisen throughout history. Theoretical debate over the last few decades has pointed up the difficulties of arriving at a satisfactory definition of the elemental, while simultaneously demonstrating the term’s precarious and ephemeral philosophical quality. The concept of the elemental preserves a certain utility if one recognizes the historical origin of the models and the cultural preconditions of ‘elementare Musik’, irrespective of the traditions to which it refers. It is necessary to identify in the elemental structures not an original essence, but rather the expression of a ‘second-order naturalness’, one filtered by historical experience. Indeed, as Orff and Keetman worked on the progressive enlargement of the melodic range of the models and the internal ordering of the five volumes of Musik für Kinder, which cover all the major modes (books 2 and 3) and all minor ones (books 4 and 5) in the sequence Bordun–Stufen–Dominanten, he studiously avoided an evolutionary portrayal of the history of music.

The efficacy of the concept of elemental music presupposes a dimension of craftsmanship which has aesthetic autonomy and requires no simplification of complex artistic means of expression. Nonetheless, at the time the first edition appeared the models used in the Schulwerk were already being misunderstood as musical ‘texts’ rather than cues for improvisation. The difficulty of applying in a creative manner the methodological suggestions of Orff and his colleagues has not prevented the Schulwerk from demonstrating its incredible vitality and powers of regeneration within ever-changing social and cultural environments, a vigour that is also confirmed by the application of this approach with handicapped children and in the field of music therapy.

WORKS

stage

Gisei, das Opfer (music drama, after Jap. drama: Terakoya, trans. K. Florenz), 1913

Ein Sommernachtstraum (after W. Shakespeare, trans. A.W. Schlegel), 1917–62, final version, Stuttgart, 12 March 1964

Klage der Ariadne (after O. Rinuccini, Ger. trans. Orff), Mannheim, 16 April 1925, rev. Gera, 30 Nov 1940 [after C. Monteverdi]

Orpheus (3, after A. Striggio, Ger. trans. D. Günther), 1923–4, Mannheim, 17 April 1925; rev. Munich, 13 Oct 1929; rev. Dresden, 4 Oct 1940 [after Monteverdi]

Tanz der Spröden (Rinuccini, Ger. trans. Günther), Karlsruhe, 28 Dec 1925, rev. Gera, 30 Nov 1940 [after Monteverdi]

Carmina burana (cantiones profanae, 3 scenes, medieval Lat.), 1936, Frankfurt, 8 June 1937

Der Mond (kleines Welttheater, 1, Orff, after J.L. and W.C. Grimm), 1936–8, Munich, 5 Feb 1939, rev. 1970

Antigonae (Trauerspiel, 5, Sophocles, trans. F. Hölderlin), 1941–9, Salzburg, 9 Aug 1949

Catulli carmina (ludi scaenici, 3 acts and Exordium, Orff, after Catullus), 1941–3, Leipzig, 6 Nov 1943

Die Kluge: die Geschichte von dem König und der klugen Frau (12 scenes, Orff, after J.L. and W.C. Grimm), 1941–2, Frankfurt, 20 Feb 1943

Die Bernauerin (bairisches Stück, 7 scenes, Orff), 1944–6, Stuttgart, 15 June 1947

Astutuli (bairische Komödie, 1, Orff), 1946–8, Munich, 20 Oct 1953

Trionfo di Afrodite (concerto scenico, 7 scenes, Catullus, Sappho and Euripides), 1949–51, Milan, 13 Feb 1953

Oedipus der Tyrann (Trauerspiel, Sophocles, trans. Hölderlin), 1951–8, Stuttgart, 11 Dec 1959

Trionfi (trittico teatrale), Milan, 13 Feb 1953 [consisting of Carmina burana, Catulli carmina, Trionfo di Afrodite]

Comoedia de Christi resurrectione (Osterspiel, Orff), 1955, TV perf., Bayerischer Rundfunk, Munich, 31 March 1956, staged, Stuttgart, 21 April 1957

Lamenti (trittico teatrale), Schwetzingen, 15 May 1958 [consisting of Klage der Ariadne, Orpheus, Tanz der Spröden]

Ludus de nato Infante mirificus (Weihnachtsspiel, Orff), 1960, Stuttgart, 11 Dec 1960

Prometheus desmotes (1, Orff, after Aeschylus), 1963–7, Stuttgart, 24 March 1968

De temporum fine comoedia (Bühnenspiel, 3 pts, Orff), 1970–71, Salzburg, 20 Aug 1973, rev. 1979, final version, 1981, Ulm, 15 May 1994

other works

Vocal: Lieder (various), 1v, pf, 1911–21; Zarathustra, Bar, male vv, orch, 1911–12; 3 Lieder (R. Dehmel), T, orch, 1918–19; Des Turmes Auferstehung (cant., F. Werfel), 2 Bar, orch, org, 1920 [rev. male vv, orch, org, 1921]; Cantata (Werkbuch I) (Werfel), chorus, pf, perc, 1930–32, rev. 1968; Cantata (Werkbuch II) (B. Brecht), chorus, pf, perc, 1930–31, rev. 1968–73; Catulli carmina I, 1930; Catulli carmina II, 1931; Concento di voci, chorus, 1931–56: Sirmio; Laudes creatorum; Sunt lacrimae rerum; Cantus-Firmus Sätze, 2–4vv, opt. insts, 1932, rev. 1954 [from Orff-Schulwerk]; Dithyrambi (F. Schiller), chorus, insts, 1955–6, rev. 1981; Stücke, speaking chorus, 1969; Rota, chorus, insts, 1972 [after Sumer is icumen in]; Sprechstücke, spkr, speaking chorus, perc, 1976

Inst: Tanzende Faune, orch, 1914; Leonce und Lena (incid music, G. Büchner), orch, 1919; Kleines Konzert, wind, hpd, perc, 1927, rev. orch, 1937 [based on 16th-century themes]; Entrata, orch, org, 1928, rev. 1940 [after Byrd: The Bells]

Collections: Orff-Schulwerk: elementare Musikübung (Mainz, 1931–4), collab. G. Keetman; Musik für Kinder, 5 vols. (Mainz, 1950–54), collab. Keetman

Principal publisher: Schott

WRITINGS

Bairisches Welttheater (Munich, 1972) [texts of Die Bernauerin, Astutuli, Comoedia de Christi resurrectione, Ludus de nato Infante mirificus]

with W. Thomas and others: Carl Orff und sein Werk – Dokumentation, 8 vols. (Tutzing, 1975–83)

ed. H.J. Jans: Welttheater: Carl Orff und sein Bühnenwerk: Texte von Carl Orff aus der ‘Dokumentation’ (Tutzing, 1996)

IV. The classical and medieval organ

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Grove6 (H. Krellmann/J. Horton) [incl. further bibliography]

GroveO (E. Levi) [incl. further bibliography]

MGG1 (E. Laaff)

Riemann12 (W. Thomas)

T. Georgiades: ‘Zur Antigonae-Interpretation von Carl Orff’, ÖMz, iv (1949), 191–4

W. Zillig: ‘Carl Orff’, Variationen über Neue Musik (Munich, 1959), 199–215

W. Keller: ‘Carl Orff’, Stilporträts der Neuen Musik (Berlin, 1961), 42–55

G. Orff: Die Orff-Musiktherapie: aktive Förderung der Entwicklung des Kindes (Munich, 1974; Eng. trans., 1980)

G. Keetman: ‘Erinnerungen an die Güntherschule’, Orff-Schulwerk-Informationen, xxiii (1979), 5–12

L. Gersdorf: Carl Orff (Reinbek, 1980)

K. Pahlen: Carl Orff: Der Mond, Die Kluge (Mainz, 1981)

U. Klement: Das Musiktheater Carl Orffs (Leipzig, 1982)

H. Regner: Das Schulwerk Carl Orffs im Spiegel der Zeit (Bonn, 1982)

H. Leuchtmann, ed.: Carl Orff: ein Gedenkbuch (Tutzing, 1985)

S. Kunze: ‘Die Antike in der Musik des 20. Jahrhunderts’, Thyssen-Vorträge: Auseinandersetzung mit der Antike (Bamberg, 1985–90), 163–201

Symposion-Orff: Munich 1987

F. Dangel-Hoffman, ed.: Carl Orff-Michel Hofmann: Briefe zur Entstehung der Carmina burana (Tutzing, 1990)

S. Kunze: ‘Carl Orffs Tragödien-Bearbeitungen: Vision des Anfänglichen’, Antike Mythen im Musiktheater des 20. Jahrhunderts: gesammelte Vorträge des Salzburger Symposions 1989 (Salzburg, 1990), 259–79

W. Thomas: Das Rad der Fortuna: ausgewählte Aufsätze zu Werk und Wirkung Carl Orffs (Mainz, 1990)

U.E. Jungmair: Das Elementare: zur Musik- und Bewegungserziehung im Sinne Carl Orffs (Mainz, 1992)

A. Fassone: Carl Orff (Lucca, 1994)

H. Gassner: Carl Orff: Fotodokumente 1978–81 (Munich, 1994)

W. Thomas: Orffs Märchenstücke (Mainz, 1994)

H. Maier: Carl Orff in his Time (Mainz, 1995)

G. Möller: Das Schlagwerk bei Carl Orff: Aufführungspraxis der Bühnen-, Orchester- und Chorwerke (Mainz, 1995)

V. Greisenegger-Georgila and H.J. Jans: Was ist die Antike wert? Griechen und Römer auf der Bühne von Caspar Neher (Vienna, 1995)

F. Willnauer, ed.: Carmina Burana von Carl Orff: Entstehung, Wirkung, Text (Mainz, 1995)

H.J. Jans, ed.: Welttheater: Carl Orff und sein Bühnenwerk (Tutzing, 1996)

R.M. Camp: The Drama of Carl Orff from ‘unerwünscht’ to Post-modernity (diss, U. of Iowa, 1995)

W. Thomas: “Dem unbekannten Gott”: ein nicht ausgeführtes Chorwerk von Carl Orff (Mainz, 1997)

S. Kunze: ‘Orffs Tragödien-Bearbeitungen und die Moderne’, De musica (Tutzing, 1998)

M.H. Kater: Composers of the Nazi Era: Eight Portraits (New York, 2000)

Orford Quartet.

Canadian string quartet. It was formed in 1965 at the summer school of Les Jeunesses Musicales de Québec at Mount Orford by Andrew Dawes (b High River, AB, 7 Feb 1940), Kenneth Perkins, Terence Helmer and Marcel St-Cyr. The four were coached by Lorand Fenyves of the University of Toronto, former leader of the Orchestre de la Suisse Romande, with whom Dawes and Perkins had studied in Geneva. In 1968 the ensemble was given a residency at the university. Regarded as the leading quartet in Canada, it toured extensively in Europe and North America, playing the Classical and Romantic repertory as well as such contemporary works as those of George Crumb and Leon Kirchner. In 1972 it gave the première of Jacques Hetu's Quartet and in November 1974 it shared first prize in the EBU competition in Stockholm. In 1980 Denis Brott took over the cello chair and this formation of the quartet recorded a celebrated Beethoven cycle. Robert Levine became the viola player in 1986, to be succeeded the following year by Sophie Renshaw, and Desmond Hoebig replaced Brott in 1988. The ensemble was dissolved in 1992 but in 1995–6 Dawes made a comeback to fill in as leader of the Tokyo Quartet.

TULLY POTTER

Orgad, Ben-Zion

(b Gelsenkirchen, 21 Aug 1926). Israeli composer and teacher of German origin. In 1933 he moved to Palestine, where he studied the violin with P. Kimari (1934–42) and R. Bergman (1942–7), and composition with Ben-Haim (1941–6) and Tal, graduating from the Rubin Academy of Music, Jerusalem, in 1947. He went to the USA in 1949 to study with Copland at Tanglewood and to attend Kurt Sachs’s lectures at New York University. In 1950 his symphony Ha-sui Yisra’el (‘The Beauty of Israel’) was introduced by the Israel PO under Bernstein, and in 1950 his biblical cantata Sipur ha-meraglim (‘The Story of the Spies’) won him the International Koussevitzky Competition, enabling him to continue his studies at Tanglewood, where the work was first performed in 1952. He also studied under Fine, Shapero and Levi at Brandeis University (1960–61), receiving the MFA in musicology. In Israel he has worked as supervisor (1956–74) and chief supervisor (1975–88) of music education for the Ministry of Education and Culture, besides appearing widely as a lecturer on Israeli and contemporary music. In 1997 Orgad won the Israel Prize in music, the highest national award.

A defining aspect of Orgad’s music is its roots in the Hebrew language. Patterns of intonation and metrical values typical of biblical and modern Hebrew are expressed in extended modal tonalities, maqām and chromaticism, while the melos and melismas originating from the rich Eastern and Western traditions of chanted biblical tropes are also present. These are discussed in his article ‘The Musical Potential of the Hebrew Language and its Manifestation in Art Music’ (1978). Personal maqāmat are recognizable in early works, such as Out of the Dust (1956) and Monologue (1957), as well as in the seven Filigree works (1989–97). Since Mizmorim (‘Songs of Thanksgiving and Praise’) (1966–8) he has exploited simultaneity as a means of construction, employing diverse sound groupings, different texts in one or more languages, and varied spatial dispositions. His passion Ha-gzerot ha-yeshanot (‘The Old Decrees’) (1970) and the orchestral Ballade (1971) are further examples, while tonal gesture has become an additional element since Reshuyot in 1978. Orgad has used the term ‘tonescapes’ to indicate an intentional relation to ‘spiritual sites’, with Jerusalem the most common, from Hazon Yesha‘yahu (‘Isaiah’s Vision’) (1953) to Shtay Petikhot (‘Two Openings’) (1995), as well as Galilee in the seven Filigree works and Terezin in Makom Ishi (‘A Personal Place’) (1995). In Makom Ishi, Hityahadut shniyah [Individuations no.2] (1990) and Ha-gzerot ha-yeshanot, the use of German and Yiddish songs merges the ‘site’ into the simultaneous texture. Orgad has stressed the significance of collaboration with performers and how they are latent partners in his creative process. Many of his musical characteristics are also expressed in his three books of poetry, his translation of 40 of Paul Celan’s late poems (1987) and his prose works.

WORKS

(selective list)

vocal

Choral and orch: Sipur ha-meraglim [The Story of the Spies] (Bible: Numbers), 1951; Hazon Yesha‘yahu [Isaiah’s Vision], 1953; Ha-gzerot ha-yeshanot [The Old Decrees] (Passion MS from Darmstadt, 1096), S, Mez, T, Bar, vv, chbr orch, 1970; Sipuro shel halil [Story of a Pipe] (after S.Y. Agnon), S, Mez, Bar, vv, orch, 1972; Yisurei ge’ulah [Sufferings for Redemption] (S. Ibn Gabirol), Mez, female vv, orch, 1974; And this is the Blessing, 1993

Solo vocal and orch: Tfilah (Prayer), Bar, chbr orch, 1948; Ha-sui Yisra’el [The Beauty of Israel] (Bible: II Samuel), sym., Bar, orch, 1949; Mizmorim [Songs of Thanksgiving and Praise] (Bible, trad.), S, A, T, B, chbr orch, 1966–8; Shirim ba-boqer ba-boqer [Songs of an Early Morning] (A. Gilboa), (Mez, Bar)/Mez, chbr orch, 1968; Iltam Zumra [A Hymn to the Goddess] (Sumerian, Akkadian texts), Mez, Bar, chbr orch, 1989

Unacc. choral: Eikhah nissa [How Shall We Bear], SATB, 1947; Adonai adoneinu [O Lord, our Lord], motet, male vv, 1952; Nesi’at Kapayim [Blessing of the Priests], cant, 3 SATB, 1976; Songs of the Choshen Valley, 8 songs, SATB, 1981

Solo vocal with insts: Min he-‘afar [Out of the Dust] (E. Ur), Mez, fl, bn, va, vc, 1956; Death Came to the Wooden Horse Michael (N. Zach), 2 S/Mez, 9 insts, 1968, rev. 1977; Sha‘ar sha’ar [Gate], v, vn, va, vc, pf, 1977; Maqom Ishi [A Personal Place], Mez, fl, cl, bn, hn, tpt, perc, 2 vn, va, db, 1995

instrumental

Orch: Mar’ot [6 Movts], 1947; Choreographic Sketches, 1953; Bamot bonim la-melekh [Building a King’s Stage], 1957; Music, hn, orch, 1959; Kaleidoscope, 1961; Ashmoret rishonah [First Watch], str qt, str, 1969; Ballade, 1971; Ashmoret shniya [Second Watch], chbr orch, 1973, arr. sym. orch, 1982; Dialogues on the First Scroll, chbr orch, 1975; Ashmoret shlishit [A Vigil in Jerusalem: Third Watch], 1978; Hallel [Praise], 1978; Hityahadut [Individuations no.1], concertante, cl, chbr orch, 1981; Hityachadut shniyah [Individuations no.2], concertante, vn, vc, chbr orch, 1990; Toccata in a Galilean Maqam, 1994

Chbr: Fantasy, vc, pf, 1947; Septet, ww, str, 1959; Duo, vn, vc, 1960; Str Trio, 1961; Nofim [Landscapes], wind qnt, 1969; Songs without Words, 6 insts, 1970; She‘arim [Gates], brass ens, 1987; Filigree no.1, cl, 2 vn, va, vc, 1989–90; Filigree no.2, ob, 2 vn, va, vc, 1990; Filigree no.3, bn, 2 vn, va, vc, 1992; Filigree no.4, cl, bn, hn, vn, va, vc, 1992; Shtei petihot [Two Openings], nar, 3 hn, 3 tpt, 3 trbn, tuba, perc, 1995

Solo inst: Toccata, pf, 1946; Ballade, vn, 1947; Monologue, va, 1957; 2 Preludes in Impressionistic Mood, pf, 1960; 7 Variations on C, pf, 1961; Taqsim, hp, 1962; Reshuyot [Permissions], pf, 1978; Meheuvot [2 Gestures], pf, 1984; Monologue, ob, 1991; Toccata, pf, 1994; Tone Gestures no.1–3, pf, 1995

Incid music

Principal publishers: Education and Culture Centre of the General Federation of Labour ‘Histadrut’, Israeli Music Publications, Israel Music Institute

BIBLIOGRAPHY

B.-Z. Orgad: ‘Mizrah u-ma‘arav ba-yesirah ha-musiqalit be-Yisra'el’ [‘East and West in Israeli music’], Yesodot mizrahiyim u-ma'araviyim ba-musiqah be-Yiśra'el: Zikhron-Ya'aqov 1962, 44–9

S. Weich: Musical Works of Ben-Zion Orgad (Tel-Aviv, 1971)

Y.W. Cohen: Werden und Entwicklung der Musik in Israel (Kassel, 1976) [pt ii of rev. edn of M. Brod: Die Musik Israels]

W.Y. Elias: Ben-Zion Orgad (Tel-Aviv, 1978)

B.-Z. Orgad: ‘The Musical Potential of the Hebrew Language and its Manifestation in Art Music’, World Congress on Jewish Music: Jerusalem 1978, 21–47

A. Tischler: A Descriptive Bibliography of Art Music by Israeli Composers (Warren, MI, 1988)

Y. Cohen: The Heirs of the Psalmist: Israeli’s New Music (Tel-Aviv, 1990)

R. Fleisher: ‘Ben-Zion Orgad (b. 1926)’, Twenty Israeli Composers: Voices of a Culture (Detroit, 1997), 128–35

WILLIAM Y. ELIAS/NATHAN MISHORI

Organ

(Fr. orgue, orgues; Dutch, Ger. Orgel; It., Sp. organo; Dan. Orglet; from Gk. organon via Lat. organum).

A wind instrument consisting of one or more scale-like rows of individual pipes of graded size which are made to sound by air under pressure directed from a wind-raising device and admitted to the pipes by means of valves operated from a keyboard. Although this definition could include such instruments as the Regals, Portative, Positive and Claviorgan, this article is concerned with the larger organ proper.

The organ is, together with the clock, the most complex of all mechanical instruments developed before the Industrial Revolution. Among musical instruments its history is the most involved and wide-ranging, and its extant repertory the oldest and largest (see Keyboard music, §§I–II; see also Continuo). Despite its essentially indirect and therefore relatively inflexible production of sound, no other instrument has inspired such avowed respect as the organ, ‘that great triumph of human skill … the most perfect musical instrument’ (Grove1), ‘in my eyes and ears … the king of instruments’ (Mozart, letter to his father, 17–18 October 1777).

I. Word origin

II. Construction

III. Pipework

V. The organ, 1450–1800

VI. Some developments, 1800–1930

VII. The Organ Revival, 1930–70

VIII. The organ at the close of the 20th century

BARBARA OWEN, PETER WILLIAMS (I–IV, V; 1–7, 9–13; VI–VII), STEPHEN BICKNELL (V, 8)

I. Word origin

Plato (Laws) and Aristotle (Politics) both used the term ‘organon’ to denote a tool or instrument in a general sense: something with which to do a job of work (ergon, from root uerğ-; cf Werk, ‘work’). Plato (Republic) and later authors also used it to denote any kind or all kinds of musical instrument or contrivance. No Greek author used it to mean ‘pipe organ’, and even in the term ‘hydraulic organ’ (1st century ce) used by Hero of Alexandria ‘organ’ has the sense of tool, so that the whole term properly indicates ‘an aulos-like device or instrument, operated by water’. (In this context, moreover, ‘aulos’ may indicate not the musical wind instrument of that name but ‘pipe’, ‘conduit’ etc.; thus ‘hydraulic’ refers to the water and air conduits.) Classical and patristic Latin show a fairly clear evolution of the terms ‘organum’, ‘organa’, ‘organis’ from a general to a specific sense, and a musical connection is often clear from the context, more consistently so than in Greek. 9th- and 10th-century Arabic had its own versions of the Greek, for example hedhrula (‘hydraulis’) and urghanon (‘organon’). The use of ‘organum’ to denote a kind of polyphony is of course post-classical (see Organum).

In his commentary on Psalm cl St Augustine correctly explained the Vulgate word ‘organum’ as derived from ‘a Greek term’, and thought it unlikely to be correct in this psalm. He defined it as follows (the English translation is by John of Trevisa, 1398): ‘Organum is a generall name of all Instrumentes of Musyk: and is nethelesse specyally apropryte to the Instrument that is made of many pipes; and blowen wyth belowes’. In one sentence St Augustine used the singular organum and the plural organa for the same object, thus foreshadowing late medieval usage of the plural in English and in Old High German (Notker Labeo's diu organâ and orglun) and present-day usage in Slavonic languages, (varhany, orgány: plural). The English derivatives of ‘organ’ (‘organic’, ‘organize’) are mostly post-medieval terms, and are sometimes found first in the musical sense (i.e. ‘organic’: ‘like organs’), sometimes first in the non-musical sense: ‘organize’, ‘to give an orderly structure to’, appears in the 17th century, while ‘organize’, ‘to supply one or more sets of organ pipes to’ a harpsichord or piano, appears in the 18th century, probably from French usage (e.g. clavecin organisé). The plural ‘organs’ denoting a single object (e.g. orgues/ogres, Orgenen/Orgeln in 12th-century French and German verse) belongs to the musical use of the term. In some languages, notably French, the singular orgue seems much the later term, but documents are inconsistent (e.g. ‘money paied to the organe maker for the orgonis’, 14th century). A ‘pair of organs’ was a phrase used in 17th-century England generally to denote an organ of any size. During the 16th century, particularly in documents prepared by non-musicians, a ‘pair of organs or virginals’ may perhaps have indicated an instrument with longer than average compass, but more probably meant merely an ‘instrument of many pipes or strings’ (cf a ‘pair of stairs’ in 15th-century French and English). By 1613 the new two-manual organ of Worcester Cathedral was called ‘Double Organ’, and it is this kind of instrument that was normally meant both in 17th-century contracts (e.g. those of Durham, Wells and Canterbury, all 1662) and in the voluntaries for Double organ popular from around 1640. The agreement from Canterbury is explicit: ‘A Double Organ, viz a great Organ and a Chaire Organ’ (see Double organ). Biblical use of ‘organ’ in English translations is unreliable. Septuagint Greek uses organon most often in its general sense of ‘tool’; Old Testament Hebrew uses ûgab on four occasions, apparently to indicate some kind of wind instrument, perhaps a vertical flute; Vulgate Latin uses organum indiscriminately for both.

‘Organ’, ‘orgue’ and ‘organo’ are also used in the sense of Werk to denote individual manual or pedal departments of the whole instrument. Before about 1675 such terms applied only to departments built into separate organ cases. In England, Echoes and Swells were not usually called ‘Swell Organ’ before about 1800, although by about 1850 all departments of an organ were referred to as ‘organs’.

3. A positive (or chamber) organ action.

II. Construction

There are three main parts to the construction of an organ: the wind-raising device, the chest with its pipes, and the (keyboard and valve) mechanism admitting wind to the pipes. These three parts are common to any pipe organ; it is in their precise nature that essential differences lie – from the small hydraulic organ of the 3rd century bce; to the monster electric organ of the 1920s. At different points in history builders have tended to develop different parts of the instrument, while at other times (c1400 and c1850) all parts saw intense development.

1. Hydraulic organ.

2. A medieval chest.

4. Details of medieval and Renaissance chests.

5. Mechanical action.

6. A north European organ.

7. Barker-lever action.

8. Cone-chest

9. Tubular-pneumatic action.

10. Electric actions.

11. Wind supply.

1. Hydraulic organ.

Said to have been invented by the Alexandrian engineer Ctesibius, this most primitive form of organ, which was known from Greco-Roman times through numerous descriptions and iconography, differed from later versions in that the wind supply to the pipes was regulated by water-pressure rather than by weighted bellows. The number of pipes and compass of keys were small, and it was frequently used outdoors, and in various secular ceremonial functions. For a full discussion and illustrations of its construction, see Hydraulis and see also §IV, 1 below. It is not to be confused with the later Water organ, a normal pneumatic organ in which the bellows were operated by water power.

2. A medieval chest.

Fig.1 shows how in Theophilus's organ (11th century) the wind, raised by two or more bellows operated by the blowers' body-weight, is admitted to the several ranks of pipes when a perforated hand-slider is pulled out until its hole is aligned with the vertical channel between the wind-chest and the pipe-foot; to obtain a ‘clean’ sound, the slider must be operated as quickly as possible. To stop the sound, the slider is pushed back. The whole chest could be made of wood or moulded metal.

Other medieval chests differed significantly. According to the description in the Berne Codex (11th century), the wind did not pass to the two ranks of pipes from one duct but each pipe had its own duct from the wind-chamber below; thus the hand-slider required as many holes to be aligned as there were ranks. Also the ‘key’ was (like that of the hydraulis) a pivoted square which, when depressed, would push the slider into sounding position, while a spring pulled it back afterwards to its blocking position. Early medieval positives and portatives probably worked by one or other of such systems, which do not of themselves presuppose any particular size.

3. A positive (or chamber) organ action.

In the ‘pin action’ portrayed in fig.2, wind accumulated in the lower chamber or pallet box is admitted to each upper chamber or groove when the corresponding key depresses the hinged pallet. The new, crucial device in this system is the pallet and its groove or channel, both of unknown origin, although well established by the 14th century. The effectiveness and versatility of the resulting chest construction promoted the development of the Renaissance organ. In theory and (many organists and builders believe) in practice, the grooved or ‘barred’ chest facilitates tonal blend between the several pipes belonging to each key. Later medieval positives probably had a similar action, in most cases to fewer (and often sliderless) ranks of pipes; later medieval portatives also probably worked from a similar (though simpler and more compact) pin action, whatever the shape and size of the keys.

4. Details of medieval and Renaissance chests.

Fig.3a shows a medieval block-chest (or Blockwerk): the opened pallet admits wind to all the pipes on one groove or channel (i.e. all those belonging to one key) and the player is unable to separate the ranks of pipes. To obtain variety of sound some organs had grooves divided into two parts, each with its own pallet; each resulting ‘half-chest’ could have its wind blocked off with a valve somewhere between bellows and pallet box, though in practice the front half-chest (whose pipes were those of the case front or Open and perhaps Stopped Diapasons) played all the time. Each key in such a double chest operated two pallets. The reliability and wind-saving virtues of this system gave it some popularity in the Netherlands during the 15th century.

In the slider-chest (? late 15th century) shown in fig.3b, the opened pallet admits wind to each single or multi-rank ‘stop’ by means of a perforated slip of wood (‘slider’) running longitudinally in the board between the pipe-foot and the groove on the upper level of the chest. The slider can be aligned either to allow wind to pass through (‘stop drawn’) or to prevent it passing through (‘stop pushed in’). By means of rods, trundles and levers, the sliders can also be operated by a ‘stop-knob’ near the player (below and in front of the chest itself). Sliders were known first in small organs, perhaps as early as 1400, but were not much used in larger ones (or the larger departments of two-manual organs) until the 16th century.

Fig.3c shows a spring-chest (early 16th century) in which the opened pallet admits wind to each single or multi-rank stop by means of a secondary pallet or ‘groove-valve’ for each, which is operated by the stop-lever bar. The spring acting on the secondary pallet also causes the bar to spring back to the ‘off’ position unless prevented (i.e. unless the player notches the stop-lever at the keyboard into the ‘on’ position).

Other spring-chests differed significantly. Many Italian ones from the late 15th century onwards had their secondary pallets placed vertically rather than horizontally, with the result that the bar moved horizontally. Because brass springs lose their flexibility in time, some builders in 16th-century Italy and 17th-century Germany designed the chest so that all the secondary pallets belonging to one groove could on occasion be pulled out in one strip (looking like a long, narrow drawer) and the faulty spring replaced without dismantling the pallet box.

The spring-chest is troublesome to make, as 17th-century theorists such as Mersenne and Werckmeister noted; it also takes up more room than a slider-chest. But it is said that spring-chests last longer, and (although no results of controlled experiments have been published) cause the pipes to speak better. Since there could be no loss of wind through shrinking or warping of sliders, spring-chests probably contributed to greater stability of tuning, although their complexity would be likely to make them more sensitive to the extremes of humidity and dryness found in modern, centrally heated churches. While the spaciousness of the chests dictated by the spatial requirements of the ‘groove-valves’ makes pipes and action more accessible for tuning and repair, it also requires that the main key pallets be made larger, making the touch heavier and less sensitive than that of slider-chest organs. This may be why the spring-chest was abandoned in the north, where higher wind pressures complicated this situation.

5. Mechanical action.

Fig.4 depicts the side and front elevation of a single-manual organ with suspended action. Organs of this simple construction have been built since at least the 15th century; larger and more sophisticated instruments of this type were being built in Spain, Italy and Central America as late as the 19th century, and there was a revival in the use of this action during the late 20th century.

In this action, shown in exploded detail in fig.5, all motion is in the same (downward) direction. A tracker attached to the centre of a key which is hinged at the back end descends when the key is depressed. As the width of the chest is greater than that of the keyboard, the action is intercepted by a roller, which transfers the motion horizontally to another tracker, which in turn pulls down the pallet in the chest, admitting wind to the groove under the pipe. Very small or very primitive organs can be found in which the rollerboard is eliminated and the trackers simply fanned or splayed to correct the discrepancy between key-scale and chest-scale.

Fig.6 depicts the so-called balanced action which originated in north-western Europe in the 17th century, was adopted in England shortly before the beginning of the 18th century and was widely used in the 19th century. This action, which allows for more flexibility in the location and number of chests, involves a transfer of motion direction. Fig.6a illustrates how the key, when depressed, pushes up one end of the balanced backfall, causing the opposite end to descend, pulling down the tracker attached to the pallet; in this simple arrangement the backfalls must be splayed to compensate for the difference between key-scale and chest-scale, but it is also possible for them to remain key-scale and communicate with a rollerboard, as shown in fig.6b. Fig.6c shows another variant (illustrated here in the pedal department, although the mechanism may also be applied to the manuals) in which motion is transferred by means of a rocking square.

Regardless of the type of key action (suspended or balanced), the stop action usually operates in the manner depicted in fig.5. The stop-knob is attached to a rod which is attached either to a rotating trundle (as shown), or, by means of squares, to a rocking arm, which in turn draws or retires the slider associated with a particular rank of pipes on the chest.

6. A north European organ.

Fig.7 shows a four-manual instrument in cross-section; only a selection of pipe-ranks is indicated. In this design, the pedal-chests may be to the left and right of the main case or (with less immediacy of sound) behind it. The space between bench and Chair Organ was often enlarged in Roman Catholic countries to accommodate a choir and orchestra; special stops (cornet), chests (echo chests), and toy stops could be conducted off the main wind-trunks; one or more departments could be enclosed in a Swell box; Tremulants could be fixed in the main trunk, a subsidiary department trunk, or the trunk of an isolated stop (seeTremulant).

7. Barker-lever action.

Fig.8 illustrates the principles of a mechanism invented in the mid-19th century byCharles Spackman Barker and constantly redesigned and patented by countless other builders. When a key is depressed, air under pressure from the main bellows is admitted through a pallet-like valve to inflate small bellows (one for each key) which, in moving, travel sufficiently to pull a tracker connected with the pipe-chest pallet. On release the exhaust valve at the top allows the small bellows to deflate immediately. In this way, average light finger pressure on the key brings into play a wind-power sufficient to operate pallets at some distance from the player, especially those of large-scale pipes and on chests working under high wind pressure (e.g. Solo organ). The pneumatic unit, or ‘Barker lever’, is placed inside the organ, near the keyboard, at a point where the tracker rises vertically from the keys and merely intercepts an otherwise traditional mechanical action. Perhaps one of its most important applications is to inter-manual couplers, allowing additional manuals to be coupled to the main manual without significantly increasing key resistance. This type of assisted action was used extensively in France during the second half of the 19th century, and generally used for larger organs in the USA and Britain during the same period.

8. Cone-chest

(Kegellade). The cone-chest, or ventil-chest with cone-shaped valves, is found particularly in 19th-century German organs (fig.9 shows a mid-century example) and was one of several chests developed between 1775 and 1875 in the interests of mechanical reliability. Though bulky, the cone-chest avoided some of the faults to which a working slider-chest was subject, but was more inclined to be affected by extremes of humidity. In the cone-chest all the pipes belonging to a rank are mounted on one channel running the length of the chest; to the whole of this channel wind is admitted when the stop-knob is drawn. There are no lateral key-channels or grooves in such ‘barless chests’. Each key activates a series of cone-shaped valves, one for each pipe; thus although only one stop may be required by the organist, all the other valves move. The valves need not be cone-shaped; they may even be replaced by little discs operated by small bellows-like pneumatic motors.

9. Tubular-pneumatic action.

This type of action, shown in fig.10a and b, was developed in the late 19th century, and could be applied either to slider-chests or to the newer individual pipe-valve chests. Two forms of tubular-pneumatic action are illustrated here: in fig.10a, when a key is depressed, air under pressure in the touch-box above the key is admitted along the lead or copper tubing to the bellows-like ‘primary’ pneumatic motor which opens, forcing a valve to rise (hence the name ‘pressure-pneumatic action’). This in turn releases air from the pallet box that was held under a secondary motor. The secondary motor collapses under pressure from the wind in the pallet box, pulling open the pallet. ‘Exhaust-pneumatic action’ (shown in fig.10b) is that in which the air under pressure is contained in a box underneath the pipe-chest pallet box, pushing the pallet shut via the secondary motor when at rest; when depressed, the key opens a valve that allows this wind to escape along the lead tubing away from the pallet, collapsing the primary and secondary motors, thus pulling open the pallet. Pressure-pneumatic action never became popular in France, and in England and North America many builders preferred exhaust-pneumatic, believing it to be more prompt, silent and durable. Tubular-pneumatic action continued to be extensively used by builders in Australia and New Zealand until the 1940s.

10. Electric actions.

From the final years of the 19th century to the middle of the 20th century, electricity was used in a variety of ways by different organ builders and in different countries. The basic premise is that the key (or stop control) closes a switch which sends a low-voltage impulse to a mechanism in the chest. One of the simplest forms, utilizing the traditional slider-chest, is shown in fig.11. An electro-magnet is activated when the key is depressed and its circuit completed. The armature acts as a valve, rising to the magnet and thus allowing the wind to escape from the primary pneumatic motor (previously filled with wind from the pallet box) which in turn collapses, opening the port below the secondary pneumatic motor and thus allowing its wind to escape. On collapsing, the secondary motor pulls down the pallet. On the release of the key, the circuit is broken, the magnet drops the armature valve and wind is restored to the small pneumatic motor, while the external spring closes the port under the main pneumatic motor which inflates and, assisted by the pallet spring, pushes up the pallet.

Electric action is most commonly used in conjunction with various types of ‘individual pipe-valve’ chests, in which there is a separate valve for each pipe. An early type, also used in conjunction with tubular-pneumatic action, is the ventil chest (fig.12). In this chest, also called a ‘membrane chest’, channels isolate the stops, and a stop is activated by releasing wind into its channel. Felt and leather discs attched to thin leather pneumatic pouches replace the larger wedge-shaped pneumatic motors, since less effort is required to open a small pipe-valve. The electro-magnet is activated by an impulse from the key, exhausting a small channel to the primary pouch. This is pushed in by pressure in the action-box, pulling open a larger exhaust port; this in turn causes the valves under the pipes for a given note to be pulled open, admitting wind from the stop-channels into the pipes.

More complex but very efficient is the so-called ‘pitman’ chest, particularly popular in America, which uses a similar principle to open the pipe-valves. Other kinds of electric action include the Austin type, in which a trace attached to a single pneumatic motor opens all pipe-valves of a given note that have not been disengaged by the stop mechanism, and the ‘direct electric’ or ‘electro-mechanical’ type, in which each pipe-valve has its own magnet, directly energized by the key contact, and stop-control is by means of switching mechanisms. For detailed diagrams and descriptions of various chest actions and other electrical mechanisms, see Audsley (B1905), W. and T. Lewis (B1911), Whitworth (B1930) or W.H. Barnes (D(xxxv)1930). Electric actions allow divisions of the organ to be separated and the console to be placed at a distance from the pipes if required. Since electricity takes the place of a direct mechanical connection, however, control over pipe-speech is sacrificed.

11. Wind supply.

(i) A medieval bellows.

In fig.13, derived from Theophilus's organ (see §II, 2 above), air is fed in turn by three ‘feeder bellows’ through channels meeting inside the conflatorium to make one central duct (the inner construction is shown with dotted lines); before the channels meet, the wind passes through a copper valve which flaps open as the bellows send out air and flaps closed as soon as they are emptied. The collected wind is then directed along a trunk curving up to the pipe-chest. There may be more than one conflatorium, and the bellows can be in pairs or larger sets.

(ii) Wedge-bellows.

The late medieval bellows (Ger. Spanbalg) was wedge-shaped, consisting of upper (movable) and lower (fixed) boards hinged at one end, and wooden ribs hinged with leather. They could be of any size, depending on the size of the organ. They could be single-fold (fig.14a) or multifold (14b); during the 17th and 18th centuries the former was favoured in northern European countries, and the latter in France and southern European countries. The number of bellows in an organ varied with the size, from the small single-bellows portative to large cathedral organs with eight or more; the average church organ usually had two to four. Methods of operation varied, but all were based on the principle of mechanically raising the weighted upper board of the bellows and then allowing it to ‘rest on the wind’; by the time one bellows had been exhausted, another would have been filled, thus assuring a continuous supply. A system of one-way check-valves allowed only the filled bellows to deliver wind to the wind-chests of the organ.

The commonest means of filling the bellows were either by treading (hence the German term Balgetreter) on one end of a lever which pushed up the upper board (fig.14a), or by pulling down on a lever which pulled up the upper board (fig.14b). In some instrances, especially if the bellows were located above the organ, a system of ropes and pulleys was employed, but in all cases the motive power was the organ-blower's body weight and muscle. Small or medium-sized instruments could be blown by a single person, but larger ones often required several.

(iii) Reservoir and feeder-bellows.

The wedge-bellows system was universally in use until the 18th century. Although effective, it was bulky, because a minimum of two bellows was needed to provide an uninterrupted supply of wind to the chests of the organ, and even in quite small organs a separate person was required to operate them. Early in 18th-century England a more compact arrangement appeared, perhaps orginally devised for chamber organs, in which a single wedge-bellows affixed to the underside of a board fed wind into a second, weighted wedge-bellows above, which in turn delivered it to the wind-chest. Continuous operation of the lower (feeder) bellows assured that the upper (reservoir) bellows would always contain sufficient wind. In chamber organs, this allowed the player to provide the wind by operating a foot-lever connected to the feeder-bellows; when applied to larger organs, the feeder would still have to be operated by a second person.

An improvement on this system was the replacement, in the late 18th century, of the upper wedge (reservoir) with a horizontal reservoir having usually two sets of ribs with a floating-frame between, expandable on all four sides, which afforded greater capacity within the same space and allowed the entire wind-supply system to be located in the base of the organ-case (fig.15). This reservoir is continuously supplied with wind by two wedge-feeders below it, operated by a rocking lever which opened one while it closed the other. By this means a single person could supply adequate wind to a fairly large instrument, although as larger organs were built in the early 19th century, more than one reservoir (and thus more than one organ-blower) was required.

By the 19th century this system was in universal use in England and America, and was soon adopted in France and elsewhere. Early in the 19th century the English builder Benjamin Flight, noting that a slight pressure-rise occurred as the typical double-fold reservoir collapsed, reversed the fold of the upper set of ribs to help equalize the pressure (see fig.15). This system was widely used in England thereafter, although not adopted in America until the 1880s and rarely employed on the Continent save by the French who, following Cavaillé-Coll, devised complex wind systems involving multiple reservoirs of this type, often supplying differing wind pressures. In the 20th century, with the advent of the electric fan-blower, builders elsewhere often adopted this kind of multiple-reservoir, multiple wind-pressure system.

In the mid-20th century, some builders replaced the smaller regulating reservoirs with a spring-loaded ‘floating’ plate, attached by a rubber-cloth membrane to the bottom of the wind-box of the soundboard. While useful in saving space in small organs, these devices (called ‘Schwimmer’ by the German builders, a term also adopted by many English-speaking builders) often produced undesirable wind characteristics such as oscillation and pressure-drop unless carefully designed and adjusted.

(iv) Other types of bellows.

During the 17th century a type of square, multifold bellows appeared in France, called soufflets à lanterne because of their resemblance to multifold paper or parchment (‘Chinese’) lanterns. The weighted top board was raised by a rope and pulley and allowed to collapse, sending wind to the organ; as with the wedge-bellows, more than one was needed for a continuous supply. In 19th-century Germany, the box-bellows (Kastenbalg) appeared. It operated on the same principle as a gasometer, in that a weighted smaller box, fitting snugly into a larger one, was raised by a pulley and allowed to drop, forcing wind into the organ. Neither became widely accepted, probably because the former was more fragile than its wedge-shaped counterpart, and the latter, being made of wood, was liable to get out of order owing to atmospheric changes.

(v) Organ blowing.

Until the middle of the 19th century, manpower was the only means of operating the feeders, even in large organs, although in these one sometimes found alternative systems such as a crank-and-flywheel operating three feeders from a camshaft. During the second half of the 19th century, while manpower still sufficed for most smaller church organs, advancing technology offered alternatives for the larger ones. English builders such as Hill and Willis favoured steam power, by which steam-driven pistons supplied the wind in place of the feeders; such a system was employed in the Royal Albert Hall, London, from 1871 to 1920. In America, water power from the mains was preferred, especially by city churches, which were exempt from water taxes. These water motors were quite simple, the principle being a reciprocating piston which was attached to the lever operating the feeders. At the turn of the century, the electrically operated centrifugal fan blower came into use, eliminating the necessity of feeders, and is now almost universally employed.

With the advent of the unlimited mechanical wind supply brought by the fan blower and by the use of multiple small reservoirs, a fashion for ‘rock-steady’ wind supply emerged, particularly in connection with the ‘monster’ organs of the early 20th century. Study of the wind characteristics of pre-20th-century organs during the 1970s and 80s began to cast doubt on the musical efficacy of an inflexible wind system. Although this inevitably caused some controversy among both players and builders, by the end of the 20th century many had accepted that a wind system with a carefully calculated amount of natural ‘give’ is of musical value, especially in organs designed to emulate historical tonal principles. Many of these eschew modern wind systems for reproductions of older types, sometimes with both electric and manual blowing options.

4. Diaphones (valvular reeds).

III. Pipework

There are several classes of organ pipes, the two oldest and most integral to the development of the organ being flue pipes and reed pipes. More common by far, though not necessarily more varied, are flue pipes. Both types operate on the coupled-air system of sound production common to flutes, recorders, oboes, clarinets etc.

1. Flue pipes.

2. Reed pipes.

3. Free reeds.

1. Flue pipes.

Air under pressure from the chest passes through the foot-hole (bore) at the base of the pipe-foot (fig.16) and so through the flue or windway, to issue in a flat sheet of wind striking the edge of the upper lip; the refracted wind causes eddies to form at the mouth, first on one side of the upper lip, then on the other. The natural frequency of the pipe’s body is coupled to the note of the ‘edge tones’ produced at the upper lip and gives to the eddies a rate of production that becomes the frequency of the note produced. Thus the effective length of the pipe is the principal factor in the pitch of the note.

Pitch and timbre are affected by several other factors, few of which, however, are variable outside narrow limits. A narrow pipe, to produce a certain pitch, must be longer than a wide one; a conical one must likewise be longer if it narrows towards the top, but shorter if it tapers outwards. Such variations in shape, however, are generally more important for their effect on a pipe’s timbre than on its pitch. A cylindrical pipe stopped at the end will sound approximately an octave lower than if it were open; for a conical pipe the difference is not quite so great. A half-stopped cylindrical pipe (i.e. with its cap pierced and usually a tube passing through the hole) speaks at a somewhat higher pitch than a stopped pipe.

The narrower the mouth or the smaller the flue, then the smaller the volume of air (at any given pressure) striking the upper lip and the softer the sound; the higher the mouth in relation to its width (i.e. the greater the ‘cut-up’), then the rounder, duller or more flute-like the tone (hence the designation ‘flute stops’); the narrower the pipe as a whole, the richer the harmonic spectrum and the more string-like the tone (hence ‘string stops’). It was said at one time that the harder the metal, the richer the harmonic spectrum; or the more lead contained in the pipe-alloy, the ‘duller’ the sound. But Backus and Hundley (C1966) established from theoretical and experimental evidence that ‘the steady tone of a pipe does not depend on the material of the pipewall. The belief that the use of tin in constructing pipes gives a better tone appears to be a myth unsupported by the evidence’. Experienced voicers, however, will aver that the composition of pipe metal does affect tone quality, and that it is impossible to match exactly the tone quality of two otherwise identical pipes made of very different alloys. More to the point, perhaps, is that tin-lead alloys are easy to work and shape, thus allowing the builder a high degree of adjustment at the parts of the pipe crucial to voicing processes.

Most of these factors can be used only to a certain degree: a point is soon reached when a pipe will not speak at all, even when other factors are altered, e.g. increasing or decreasing the wind pressure. Consequently the various interrelated factors involved in voicing a pipe require pragmatic expertise in their manipulation.

In addition to its more general usage, the term ‘scale’ can refer to a pipe’s diameter in relation to a norm (‘wide’ or ‘narrow’ scale), and the relationship or ratio between one pipe’s diameter and that of its octave below in the same rank (3:5 etc.; see Scaling). One well-known norm is the Normprinzipal suggested at the German Organ Reform (Orgelbewegung) conferences in the 1920s; this norm is ‘one pipe larger’ than the Normalmensur promulgated by J.G. Töpfer about 1845 (thus the diameter of Töpfer’s C pipe is that of the Normprinzipal C). G.A. Sorge had been the first to use logarithms to find constant scalings for organ pipes (c1760), calculating pipe diameter, pipe length, mouth width and mouth height by this method. Other 17th- and 18th-century theorists (such as Mersenne and Bédos de Celles) suggested scaling-figures by means of tables culled from practical experience and from the empiricism of organ builders themselves. Only two generations after Sorge did Töpfer develop the idea of arithmetical calculation for pipes (with immense influence on builders of his time): he calculated the cross-sectional area of a pipe an octave higher than the given pipe by applying the ratio 1:√8. Thus a pipe with half the diameter of a given pipe is not an octave (12 pipes) above but 16 or 17 pipes above. Such a factor as 1:√8 was itself reasonable, and many older builders had worked more or less to it, though empirically and not rigidly; indeed, Töpfer’s formula can be deplored for the encouragement it gave to 19th-century ‘organ-factory builders’ who applied a constant scale irrespective of the acoustics of the church or indeed any other variable of importance to organ tone. The Orgelbewegung’s Normprinzipal was similarly abused by some of the less imaginative builders of the neo-Baroque era in the early 20th century.

Fig.17 shows some flue-pipe shapes and is scaled to indicate the relative sizes of different types all producing the same C. (The Normprinzipal diameter of the C pipe at a pitch standard of a' = 435 is 155·5 mm; at a pitch standard of a' = 440, the diameter for C would be reduced to 154·17 mm – a fine point of difference since variations in temperature will change the pitch this much). Most historic types of English Open Diapason, French Montre and Venetian Principale have been wider in scale than the Normprinzipal, and for many builders it remains merely one of the possible norms. It must also be remembered that the diagram does not refer to factors other than scaling, such as wind pressure. Mouth widths are usually expressed as proportions of the circumference, and those ordinarily used range from 2:7 down to 1:6, though 1:4 remains common for Principal pipes, and further extremes have been used for special effects. The cut-up is expressed as a fraction of the mouth width, ‘quarter cut-up’ indicating that the mouth is a quarter as high as it is wide.

Wooden pipes are either stopped (most commonly 8', then 16' and 4') or open (16', 8', 4', 2'); sometimes half-stopped wooden pipes (i.e. with a pierced stopper) of the Rohrflöte (Chimney Flute) type are found, especially in small organs. Metal or wood conical pipes narrowing towards the top have been found in the largest Dutch, German and Spanish organs since about 1540. Metal pipes with ‘pavilions’ or ‘bells’ (inverted conical caps) were made especially by French and English builders for about a century from about 1840, both on the flute and string side of tone-colour, as well as in Principals. Overblowing pipes have also been popular in large organs and in special instruments made for colourful secular use; the most common during the period c1600–1800 was the narrow-scaled, narrow-mouthed open cylindrical pipe, overblowing to the 2nd partial or ‘at the octave’ above. Such pipes require to be twice as long as the pitch length (8' for 4' pitch). Stopped pipes overblow to the 3rd partial or ‘at the 12th’ above, and require to be three times as long as the normal stopped length (6' for 4' pitch); they are fairly rare. Overblowing flute pipes (Flûte harmonique, etc.) became widely used after the middle of the 19th century, having been developed to a high degree in France. Such pipes are of double length but of the scale of a normal-length open flute, and are pierced at the node (approximately halfway up from the mouth) with one or two small holes. Given full wind, such pipes will overblow, giving a strong, sweet and rather fundamental tone not unlike that of the modern orchestral flute, but are not usually found below 13/5' e' in pitch, the lower part of the stop consisting of wide-scaled open pipes of normal length. Alternatively, to prevent overblowing in narrow-scaled string-toned pipes, or to aid tuning at the mouth of stopped pipes, ‘ears’ or ‘beards’ are often added: these are short metal plates or rods of metal or wood soldered or held to the sides of (and sometimes below) the mouth, protruding from it and helping to direct the vortices of wind on to the edge of the upper lip.

2. Reed pipes.

Air under pressure from the chest passes through the bore into the boot and so through the opening in the shallot (fig.18); in so doing the wind sets the thin, flexible brass reed-tongue into vibration against the shallot; this in turn sets the air column in the pipe or resonator into vibration, producing a coupled system. The frequency of the note produced is determined by the length of the air column in the resonator and by the length, mass and stiffness of the reed-tongue.

The pitch and tone of the pipe are affected by many factors; if all the factors are constant, then the longer the reed-tongue and shallot, the lower the pitch. To produce a required pitch in reed pipes with either cylindrical or conical resonators, the resonator must be shorter the longer the tongue. But in practice this property is used within only a small margin, as the tone is more immediately and strikingly affected by a change in the relationship between tongue length and resonator length. Natural ‘full-length’ (‘harmonic-length’) cylindrical resonators correspond roughly in length to stopped pipes of the same pitch; for natural ‘full-length’ conical resonators the ‘resonance length’ is as little as three-quarters of the pitch length (i.e. 6' or 7' for an 8' Trumpet). A reed pipe will speak (although weakly and without fundamental) without its resonator, whose purpose is to reinforce certain partials, to ‘give tone’ to the pipe. But in a reed with a resonator a point is soon reached, if the reed-resonator relationship is altered, when the pipe will either fly off its speech or not speak at all. This is particularly true of double-cone reeds such as Oboes and Schalmeys.

The thinner the tongue, the richer the harmonics in the tone it produces; the thicker the tongue, the smoother and more fundamental the tone. Wider resonators produce stronger tone; conical resonators have a ‘thicker’ partial-content than cylindrical ones. The resonator gives its air column its own natural frequency; when this is greater than that of the tongue (i.e. when the pipe is shorter than the tongue requires for both to respond naturally to the same pitch) the tone becomes brighter, richer in partials. The more open the shallot, the louder and richer the tone; to obtain brilliance from partly closed shallots, higher wind pressure is required; to obtain a rounder, more horn-like tone, 19th-century builders placed the opening higher on the face of the shallot, the curved tongue thus closing the opening before its travel was complete. As in the case of flue pipes, it has been established recently that the hardness of the resonator material (this can be, in order of decreasing hardness, brass, tin, lead or wood) is unlikely to influence the tone – tradition and hearsay notwithstanding. However, the hardness of the tongue material is a definite factor in tone quality. The commonest material used by modern builders is what is known as ‘half-hard’ brass, but soft brass, hard brass and even (the very hard) phosphor bronze are also used in certain instances. The thickness of the tongue likewise has an effect on tone.

Reeds with very short resonators (whatever their shape), and usually of small scale, are called Regal stops and were known from at least about 1475. In practice, most Regals are either predominantly conical in shape or predominantly cylindrical; they also exhibit an inconstant scale (i.e. relative to the reed-tongues, the resonators in the treble are progressively longer than in the bass). Reed stops with resonators of twice or even four times natural length were sometimes made in the later 19th century, especially by French and English builders, and became equivalent to overblowing flue pipes, although such overlength resonators are generally used only above the pitch of 2' c'. 19th-century builders, particularly in those two countries, very often placed their reeds on higher wind pressure than the flue stops (18 cm upwards) by means of divided windboxes and double pallets, in the chest. The desire to supply ‘carrying power’ by such means, particularly in the treble, had grown in France from about the second third of the 18th century onwards.

Fig.19 shows models of some of the more popular reeds of the early 17th century (PraetoriusSM, ii; fig.19a) and the late 19th (Audsley, B1905; fig.19b). A great deal depends on the use of various shapes and proportions of shallots, and these, like the tube, block and boot, may be made of wood (though this is more often a feature of low-pitched pedal reeds than a general alternative).

3. Free reeds.

Free reeds were developed in Europe (probably after the Asian sheng) towards the end of the 18th century in several areas around the Baltic (see Free reed), and offered the first radically different type of organ pipe since flues and reeds had been perfected. Instead of a shallot with an orifice against which the tongue beats when wind excites it, a thick, oblong plate of brass is perforated with a narrow opening through which vibrates the close-fitting brass tongue (fig.20). It swings freely, hence ‘free reed’. The boot needs to be larger than that of a corresponding reed stop to allow copious winding. When made by German builders about 1825 and French builders about 1850, free reeds had resonators of various types and tone-colour, thus being legitimate ranks of organ pipes. However, some stops, such as the Physharmonika, had instead of individual pipe-resonators one resonating chamber common to all notes of the rank, thus taking less room on the chest. It was such pipeless free reeds that led to the various kinds of harmonium, or Reed organ, of the 19th century. Free reeds could be mass-produced more easily than the so-called beating-reed stops, although in itself the workmanship was not inferior. The best builders by no means regarded them as easy alternatives to beating reeds, and the best examples, especially when used at 16' pitch in the pedal, could sound deceptively like beating reeds.

Though less incisive in articulation and weaker in volume than the beating reed, the free reed had a quality highly favoured by its period: it could be made ‘expressive’. On admitting more wind to a free reed, the amplitude, but not the frequency, of the swinging tongue is increased; it can thus produce a louder tone without rising in pitch, like a more or less excited tuning-fork but unlike a beating reed. When the free reed was a separate stop in a large organ, however, this property could not easily be exploited. Rarely outside the period 1810–1910, and then most often only in parts of northern France, central Germany and northern Italy, did the free reed achieve much popularity.

4. Diaphones (valvular reeds).

In 1894 Robert Hope-Jones took out a patent for a pipe, making use of the fact that any device allowing puffs of compressed air to be projected into a tube or resonating box (i.e. into a chamber holding a column of non-pressurized air) will create a sound if the frequency becomes audible (fig.21). On activation from the keyboard, air under pressure is admitted through the bore and sets the thin ‘vibrator’ into motion, whereupon the pallet-like disc attached to its free end admits a rapid and regular succession of puffs of air into the resonator (i.e. the pipe standing above). As with the free reed, the tone increases in volume but not in frequency as the wind pressure is increased; but, as is not the case with the free reed, greater wind pressure can make for much power. The tone itself is smooth and powerful, but always ‘unblending’ and useful only in organs (chiefly cinema organs) conceived on ideals current in a few areas of Europe and the USA between 1900 and 1930. The most enduring application of the diaphone principle has been fog-signalling, and many lighthouse diaphones were in regular use in the USA and elsewhere until late in the 20th century.

See also Organ stop.

1. Greek and Roman antiquity.

IV. The classical and medieval organ

Since the 3rd century bce it has been possible to regard the organ as an instrument composed of four elements: (i) a wind-raising device operated by lever, pulley or other mechanism, directing air under pressure to (ii) a ‘chest’ in which the wind is stored until admitted by (iii) a mechanism operated by some kind of keyboard to (iv) one or more rows of pipes (see Rank). The absence of any one of these elements prevents an instrument from being properly considered an organ. But other instruments could well have presented models or given ideas to early organ makers, particularly those in east Mediterranean countries. It is unlikely that at any single period the hydraulic organ was so firmly established that builders were indifferent to the influence of such wind instruments as the Syrinx, the Magrepha or the Bagpipe.

The most comprehensive recent surveys of archaeological and documentary evidence relating to classical and medieval organs are the studies by Jean Perrot (D(i)1965), K.-J. Sachs (C1970–80) and Peter Williams (D(i)1993).

2. The Byzantine organ.

3. The organ of the Arabs.

4. Early church organs.

5. Medieval organ theorists.

6. The church organ, 1100–1450.

7. The 15th-century positive and portative.

1. Greek and Roman antiquity.

No evidence, literary, iconographical, archaeological or even mythological, suggests that the pipe organ existed before the Hellenistic period or originated in any other than the Hellenistic sphere of influence. Later texts such as Athenaeus's The Sophists at Dinner (c200 ce) and Vitruvius's De a architectura (1st century ce) accredit the invention of the Hydraulis to one man, Ctesibius, an Alexandrian engineer and practical theoretician of the 3rd century bce. Curt Sachs's assessment (SachsH) of Ctesibius's achievement as uniting a mechanically raised and constant wind supply to a set of panpipes is not a totally unreasonable conjecture; but the surviving accounts of his work (written after his time) make it clear that he had also incorporated a wind-chest and even some kind of keyboard. Thus the hydraulis has the essential features of an organ. That Ctesibius was also said by Vitruvius to have invented a water clock offers an interesting parallel to the makers of organs and clocks in the medieval cathedrals of western Europe: such makers were, in effect, specialists in complex machinery. (See also Water organ.)

The principle of the water-pump is shown in..\Frames/F002781.html Hydraulis, fig.2. But forge bellows were known much earlier, and their power potential had already been described in the Iliad. Bellows could have provided wind either directly to a regulator-chest under a row of pipes, or indirectly via the cistern of a water organ. But there is no evidence that either of these was done before the 2nd century ce, and it is possible that the organ was indeed born as a kind of engineering model, demonstrating the efficiency of Ctesibius's wind-raising and wind-stabilizing equipment. Hero of Alexandria's account (in On Pneumatics) gives no details of the pipes (whether flue or reed, open or stopped) or what the material, size, compass, tuning, pitch or voicing were.

Vitruvius's musical interests are more obvious than Hero's. The ranks of his organ were made to play separately by means of a specially constructed chest in which a channel ran lengthways under each row of pipes, wind being admitted to the channel through a valve operated by an iron handle. The keys are returned to position by an iron spring. As the key was set immediately under its pipes, either the close-set pipes or (more likely) the keys may have been unequally spaced.

The oldest reference to organ playing is a century and a half after Ctesibius: the ‘Delphic inscription’ (90 bce), full of implication about the organ's fame. Cicero, Lucretius, Petronius and other authors also wrote of its powers. By the 2nd century ce the Roman organ was heard in some of the more important theatres, games, amphitheatres, circuses, banquets and perhaps processions; a 3rd-century Greek inscription at Rhodes even suggests that it was played in Dionysian festivals. But the cylinder-pump water organ had so many disadvantages – requiring precision engineering and good metal, yet difficult to maintain, move and keep from corrosion – that it is easy to imagine bellows being applied over the years. Eventually, they replaced both pump and cistern, but it is not known when, where and how. Even in the later Roman Empire, however, organs were to be heard, and such poets as Claudian (c400) show organ playing to have accompanied celebrations attending accessions to a consulate, weddings and banquets during a period when ‘the singer has thrust out the philosopher’ (Ammianus Marcellinus, c350). Inscriptions found in several provinces far from Rome (Arles, Colchester, Budapest, Asia Minor) make it clear that organ playing was heard in gladiator contests (fig.22).

The few 5th- and 6th-century references include one or two by early Church Fathers, particularly those on the south and east coasts of the Mediterranean. But whether it was from personal experience that such writers as Boethius wrote of hydraulic organs, or Cassiodorus of a bellows-organ with wooden keys, is not certain; nor has 20th-century research shown what music the organ played, much less whether it played polyphony. Much can be tentatively conjectured from the iconographical evidence (see Hydraulis, §§2 and 3).

Parts of two Roman organs are said still to exist: fragments from Pompeii (now in the Museo Nazionale, Naples) and major remnants of a small organ found in Aquincum, Hungary (now in the Aquincum Museum, Budapest; fig.23). But the Pompeii fragments, which seem to belong to two different instruments, may not be parts of an organ, although their pipes are of cast metal, like those of an organ. The Aquincum organ has a plaque dated 228 ce; its ‘reconstruction’ in 1959 somewhat hampers more recent study of its parts. It has four rows of 13 cast bronze pipes, one open and three stopped, and a wooden wind-chest, lined inside and out with bronze. Wooden keys operate perforated sliders rather than pallets. E.L. Szonntagh's analysis (D(xvii)1981) appears to confirm that, although the wind-raising mechanism is missing, the Aquincum organ was a hydraulis, rather than a bellows-blown organ. Each set of pipes can be played separately from the others, and Walcker-Mayer (D(i)1970) theorizes that the four ranks of pipes were tuned according to four separate modes. Further research on this theory is necessary, but if the four registers of the Aquincum organ did in fact produce modal scales based on different pitches, the knowledge will have significant impact upon the understanding of the later development of modes, scales and keyboards.

Reconstructions of the hydraulis suggest that it might have had a wind pressure anywhere between 7·5 cm and 30 cm; also unknown is whether the pipework was always flue and, if so, whether the diameters were constant. While written sources give no firm evidence, iconography seems to suggest that: the pipes were usually flue; their diameter was constant; the tuning (in the more complete examples) was probably multiple, providing a choice of modes for rather less than an octave; and multi-rank chests may have provided different timbres with or without octave and 5th-sounding ranks. But none of these conclusions is reliable. The Aquincum organ supports the case for flue pipes, contradicts the suggestion that the diameter was constant, and leaves the tuning and timbre uncertain.

2. The Byzantine organ.

By the end of the 5th century the new Roman Empire of the east, with its base at Constantinople, had achieved a character of its own, intellectually conservative and favouring a world of abstract thought far removed from the practical technology of ancient Alexandria and Rome. Although the old Greek treatises were preserved in Byzantine copies and hence known to the Arabs, engineering projects like organ making remained undeveloped for a millennium. But by the 8th century western Europe itself no longer knew such masterpieces of Roman engineering as the Vitruvian hydraulis. All the sources suggest that the European 9th- and 10th-century ‘organ revival’ came about because the instrument was reintroduced from Byzantium.

Despite some hints in the sources, the organ was certainly not used in the Byzantine Church itself (and indeed is still not except occasionally in churches in the USA). But at least two facts seem to be clear: that most references relate to bellows-organs, and that the instrument continued to be part of the secular, courtly pomp in the capital city. In the first connection, a 10th-century Arabic source suggests that three (or two) bellows fed air into a large reservoir below the pipe-chest; in the second, it was no doubt because of their use at banquets, chariot races, weddings, processions and the like that organs were decked out in gold and costly decoration. Both the ‘blue’ and ‘green’ factions at court had an organ, but the instrument otherwise remained a rarity. At his palace the emperor had both automata (the famous ‘golden tree’ with moving, whistling birds activated by bellows; fig.24) and true organs in which at least one emperor (Theophilus, 9th century) took an interest. Nothing is known of the pipework, sound, compass, precise function or repertory of the organ in the Great Reception Room, or indeed anywhere else, though one 9th-century source does refer to ‘60 copper pipes’ in what appears to have been a large table-organ.

Organs became objects of visual and aural show, eliciting wonder and respect as diplomatic gifts or signs of royal power. In 757 a famous diplomatic instrument was sent to Pepin, King of the Franks, at Compiègne. A monk of St Gallen (possibly Notker Balbulus) reported that the ‘King of Constantinople’ also sent an organ to Charlemagne in 812, with bronze pipes, ‘bellows of bull leather’ and three sound effects (rumbling thunder, trembling lyre, tinkling cymbali) possibly suggesting pleno, flutes and little bells; but the source is doubtful, the language being somewhat hyperbolic (or possibly psalmodic). In any case such instruments were not church organs but extravagant gifts, like the 13th-century organ of 90 pipes sent from one Arab court to the Emperor of China.

An event of evident importance in the 9th-century chronicles was the arrival at Aachen in 826 of Georgius, a Venetian priest who undertook to construct a hydraulis. According to a poem glorifying Charlemagne's son Louis, Georgius's organ was a kind of royal or national symbol of power: ‘The organ, not seen in France before, a subject of pride for the Greeks, the only reason the people of Constantinople felt themselves your master: even the organ is now represented in Aachen’. Its intricate technology must have been the justification for such respect. The Aachen organ was used for occasions of pomp, not for chapel services; the Utrecht Psalter (compiled in France, perhaps near Reims) depicts, with little understanding, a hydraulis taking part in an ensemble illustrating Psalm cxlix (see fig.25); this too has little to do with church services, being merely symbolic, or perhaps depicting some sort of ‘signalling’ organ.

3. The organ of the Arabs.

The high level of Arabic and Islamic culture from the 8th century to the 10th gave theorists and craftsmen the opportunity to work on bellows-organs; theorists in particular knew of such ‘instruments’ but seem rarely, if ever, to have seen one. A famous source, the Epistle to (or from) Muristus, describes two organs, one of which is a kind of siren or signal-organ; the sources containing Muristus's writings are also interesting in that two of them (in Beirut and in the British Library) show how a diagrammatic plan can become, under the scribe's hand, an unintelligible pattern of abstract design.

Nothing is known of Muristus, and the graphic similarity of his name in Arabic to Qatasibiyus (Ctesibius) was pointed out by Farmer (D(i)1931); Muristus appears to have been a Greek (or Byzantine), and in any case derived his descriptions of instruments directly from Ctesibius's Commentaries. But neither of them is a true organ. The first contains a chest of 12 pipes fed with wind from the lungs of four men blowing through tubes into a regulator; the weight of the pipes compresses the wind; the pipes themselves appear to be reeds, all of the same length but of varying diameter and requiring different volumes of wind; the wind is admitted to each pipe through a valve, presumably one worked by some kind of key. This seems to be the instrument of ‘formidable power’ referred to in the ‘Letter to Dardanus’ once attributed to St Jerome. The second or ‘Great’ organ is a signal-organ perhaps not unlike the (smaller) magrepha and containing a siren pipe or pipes blown at great pressure, used in battle by the Greeks, according to Muristus, or for similar purposes by other Middle Eastern peoples. The siren worked on the same principle as the hydraulis, four pumps or cylindrical bellows providing wind pressurized by water in a cistern.

There is no evidence that the organ became known again in western Europe through the cultural activities of the Arab caliphate of Córdoba in Spain. But the possibility that this might have been the case adds further importance to any work undertaken on this period in Iberian musical history, for links may perhaps be discovered between Spanish–Arab instrument making and 9th-century Benedictine musical life. In the eastern caliphates organs seem to have developed into mere ingenious automata; but even in that state the Eastern organ seems not to have survived the fall of Constantinople in 1453.

4. Early church organs.

The gift organs of the 8th and 9th centuries were Byzantine organs, called ‘organum’ in the chronicles and still perhaps regarded as an ‘engineering contrivance’ rather than musical instruments. The fanciful clock given to Charlemagne in 807 by an envoy of the Persian king was Arabic; the Venetian priest Georgius, sent to Aachen in 826, was possibly trained in Byzantium. Several Western writers from the 8th century to the 13th knew of the Greco-Roman organ but in most cases from vague written sources from which even the more astute authors got the impression that the pipes were made to sound by water rather than by air – an idea sustained by the Jesuit amateur physicists of a later century. The well-known picture in the Utrecht Psalter (fig.25) of a hydraulic organ with two players and four alternating pump blowers is also based on a misunderstanding of the Mediterranean hydraulis. Many of the early church writers refer to organs in such hyperbolic or apparently unreal terms that their sources of ‘information’ must have been in most cases literary. It is even possible that such references to organs with 100 pipes, like that of St Aldhelm, were mistaken allusions to hydra, the 100-headed monster whose name is the same as a documented abbreviation for the hydraulis. All ecclesiastical references to organs before the 10th century are to be treated with caution, and even scepticism.

All these organs were secular. One of the great unsolved puzzles of music history is how and why the organ came to be almost exclusively a church instrument in western Europe from about 900 to about 1200. The early church was subject to two particular influences against any instrument in church, and especially in the liturgy: the liturgy's origins in the Jewish synagogue, and Patristic resistance to anything of profane or luxurious association. By the 9th century, however, the intellectual and liturgical style of the church had changed. Like sung organum, the instrument owed a great deal to Benedictine cultural centres, not only in their literacy and scholarship but also in the opportunities which their large churches gave to the advancement of music. The monastic revival in the late 10th century must itself have been a factor in the appearance of organs, which had become ingenious objects for the use of the clergy, not the people. The organ was never officially approved or even acknowledged in any known papal or pontifical document despite the traditional legend that Pope Vitalian (657–72) introduced it. Nor, for one reason or another, are any of the references to organs placed or used in church before the 9th century at all reliable.

Organs, like tower bells later, were one of the irrelevances complained of by the new reformed order of the Cistercians, judging by remarks made by St Aelred, abbot of Rievaulx in 1166; his reference to the sound of the bellows, the tinkling of bells and the harmony of organ pipes is highly reminiscent of older reports. St Aelred also referred to the crowd of people watching this display as if in a theatre, ‘not a place of worship’, which suggests that organs were placed inside buildings, perhaps for example a large Benedictine church. But all this does not necessarily indicate that an organ was used during the service, nor even before or after the service. Perhaps it was rather an object of curiosity, like a cathedral almanac clock. Other 12th-century sources imply more clearly that an organ was used in some way during the services, perhaps for signalling purposes, like bells at the Elevation.

Whether organs were used liturgically is not clear from the many 9th- and 10th-century references to them. The notice describing the consecration in 972 of the Benedictine abbey of Bages, Spain, for example, makes it clear that an organ played near the entrance, ‘praising and blessing the Lord’; but to surmise more is conjecture. Much the same could be said for the archiepiscopal coronation at Cologne Cathedral in 950. Pope John VIII (872–82) wrote of an organ required ‘for the purpose of teaching the science of music’, for which it remained useful to scribes writing about and teaching musical proportions, for example at Benedictine centres such as Fleury and St Gallen. The practical function of organs set up by, or in memory of, great abbots or landowners is unknown; reference to organs used on feast days (e.g. in the Life of St Oswald, 925–92) suggests if anything that they were extra-liturgical, a kind of church carnival object. The Benedictine abbot Gerbert (Archbishop of Reims, 991–5) was said by William of Malmesbury to have had a hydraulic organ put into the cathedral: an object of mechanical ingenuity, once again coupled with a clock in the written account. Gerbert may have learnt the principles of the hydraulic organ from the Arabs in Córdoba, where he lived for a time, since Benedictine manuscripts of the period do not suggest any practical familiarity with the writings of Hero or Vitruvius. Nothing is known of other 10th-century organs, such as that set up in Halberstadt Cathedral under its Benedictine bishop Hildeward; nor are contemporary references such as those of Notker Balbulus (d 912) helpful towards an understanding of the nature and purpose of organs. So many of these writers were merely indulging in metaphor.

One detail of the Bages consecration of 972 was that the organ music ‘could be heard from afar’, which may or may not imply that the organ was outside the church. But a large number of references, second-hand or glossed though many must be, suggest that the organ was a loud instrument by standards of the day. Is it possible to see the famous late 10th-century organ in Winchester Cathedral as a signal-organ, used on feast days to summon the congregation or overawe them (perhaps before or after services)? This does not preclude its having keys and some musical potential; ‘signal-organ’ simply describes its loud tone. If the Winchester organ was placed near the west or south door (stone screens were not known until the next century, and at Winchester only the nave may have been capacious enough) its use could hardly have been liturgical. Nor is it easy to see how an organ could have been liturgical in a much partitioned church of the type known to the later Cistercians.

The Winchester organ was built by about 990, some decades after the Benedictines were fully established there and later than modern commentators have said. Details of it appear in a fanciful verse letter written shortly afterwards by the monk Wulfstan. Much quoted, much translated and much misunderstood, the poem speaks of 26 bellows and 400 pipes in ten ranks, with the 40 notes arranged as two sets of 20 keys played by ‘two brethren of concordant spirit’ (see BicknellH for an up-to-date interpretation). Each key was a perforated slider pushed in and probably pulled out – hence the need for two or more players. Clearly some kind of organ did exist; but there are good reasons for distrusting Wulfstan's account: despite the fanciful references by St Aldhelm to what appear to be 100- and 1000-pipe organs, there are no other firm details extant of such large organs, at Winchester or anywhere else; the numbers given for bellows, blowers (70), pipes, ranks and keys are not plausible, whatever the diameter of the pipes and however the wind was raised (even the number of players smacks of literary tradition or at least of the poorly drawn hydraulis in the Utrecht Psalter); the general style and character of Wulfstan's poem are those of an impressionable layman not concerned with technical accuracy (for further details see McKinnon, D(xii)1974).

Three 11th-century sources are rather more practical than many later medieval manuscripts (see §5 below). De diversis artibus, a large encyclopedia written in the first half of the century by the German monk Theophilus, describes techniques used in making church objects – glass blowing, painting, gilding, metal forging, bell casting and organ making. The sources of his treatise leave its authenticity uncertain, the last part of it probably being a later compilation. A second 11th-century treatise is the anonymous Berne Codex, a manuscript possibly originating at the Benedictine abbey of Fleury; a third is a note by Aribo on pipe making.

Theophilus's organ (see fig.1) could be mounted within a recess in an interior wall, presumably at gallery level, with only its chest and pipes visible from the church and these indeed covered by a cloth ‘tent’ when not in use. Later 13th-century screen organs would have been equally well placed, in some cases better placed, when they came to serve as alternatim instruments in the liturgy. Many details of Theophilus's organ are unclear, not least its function in the church. Theophilus first advised his reader to obtain a treatise on pipe measurement (lectio mensurae), which would presumably contain a table of concrete values or actual pipe-scales, rather than mere Pythagorean ratios. The copper for the pipes was first to be beaten very thin, then shaped around a gently conical mandrel, which suggests that foot and resonator would be all of one piece, having the shape of a modern Trumpet resonator; pipes of this shape are in fact depicted in some iconographic sources (see figs.26 and 27). The Berne Codex seems to suggest a more familiar type of pipe-foot, and gives ‘almost 4'’ as the longest pipe, but does not indicate the length of the foot unit. Theophilus's pipes are equal in diameter, which may not be unreasonable in an organ of less than two octaves. In the 1980s Louis Huivenaar and Jan de Bruijn constructed conical pipes of the kind described by Theophilus, placing them on a chest based on Zarlino's 1558 description of a chest from Grado, Venice, believed to date from the 11th century, having 15 keys, two ranks of pipes, and spade-shaped keys not unlike those in fig.27. This experiment suggests that the conical pipes had a strong and complex overtone content, producing an extraordinary vocal quality and seemingly well suited for playing a chant melody.

In his section on forging Theophilus described bellows, and from other sources of the period it seems that such bellows were large, capacious, and planned to compensate for leaks between feeder and pipe. The feeders direct wind into a conflatorium or receiver, shown in some 11th- or 12th-century miniatures such as the Harding Bible (fig.26) and Cambridge Psalter. In the Berne Codex the valve preventing the return of wind when the bellows are refilled is placed in the collector, while Theophilus's valve is in the head of each bellows. The main duct can be curved or straight (but perhaps not mitred) and is usually shown as generously proportioned. The keys of the Berne Codex organ closely resemble Hero's, consisting of a ‘square’ depressed at one end, pushing in a perforated slider (to which it is attached) at the other, and pulled back by a horn-spring to which it is tied. By the 13th century, according to a miniature in the Belvoir Castle Psalter (fig.27), organists were using their fingers separately (and rather elegantly) to depress the keys, which in this miniature were broader and more substantial than some reproductions of it suggest.

5. Medieval organ theorists.

In the absence of any known organ remains between the 3rd-century organ of Aquincum and the (?) late 14th-century positives of Sweden (see §6 below), historians must turn to the body of ‘medieval organ pipe theory’, readings of which have led to some misleading ideas about medieval organs. The many sources have been seen as ‘treatises on organ building’ (Frotscher, D(i), 1968; Mahrenholz, C1938; Fellerer, D(i)1929) or ‘treatises on pipe measurement’ (Perrot, D(i)1965); but after 1966 researches into the now completely collated texts (see K.-J. Sachs, C1970–80) have led to a new assessment of their purposes.

The texts, in some cases only a few sentences in clerical Latin, fall into three main categories. The largest group (about 30 texts in 155 sources from the 10th century onwards) are those concerned with the length of organ pipes calculated by ratios from an ‘initial’ pipe, itself of no specified length; most of the length measurements take account of End correction which, in the case of a row of pipes of the same width and mouth shape, is constant. A smaller group of texts (11, in 11 sources) is concerned with the width or diameter of organ pipes, ignoring end correction in calculating the length; some of these discuss the relationship of mouth width, cut-up and foot-hole to the pipe diameter; none dates from before the 14th century. Neither of these two groups covers the whole subject, since in fact variable pipe-widths and quasi-Pythagorean demonstration of end correction are mutually exclusive. The third group of texts (three only, all 11th-century) deals with technical pipe making. These texts are Theophilus's De diversis artibus (bk 3, pp.81ff), Cuprum purissimum (the Berne Codex), and the section ‘Sicut fistulae’ on pipe making from Aribo's De musica. Some aspects of the organs described in this last group of sources have received attention in §4 above.

The ‘pipe-length treatises’ rarely offer concrete usable measurements, nor do they outline any pattern of values in which practical experience may have had a hand. Instead, the scalings concern proportional values corresponding to the Pythagorean ratios known from monochord theory. On the one hand, it is obviously possible to make an organ without determining the acoustical phenomenon of pipes; on the other, no careful measuring of pipes leads to usable pitches without proper tuning. Many treatises so resemble the numerous scaling texts for the monochord and cymbala that the significance of their pipe-scalings should not be interpreted in isolation; for pipes, strings and bells might have been cited primarily as examples of Pythagorean ratios according to which a pipe approximately half as long as another will sound the octave above, one approximately two-thirds as long the 5th above, and so on. Comprehensive instruction treatises covering such matters include the works of Notker Labeo, Aribo, Engelbert of Admont, Hieronymus de Moravia, Walter Odington and Giorgio Anselmi; an important branch in the tradition was the widely known Scolica enchiriadis of the late 9th century. In no way were such sources recipes for making instruments; rather, they outlined the kind of number theory which theorists since Boethius had applied to music.

Both Theophilus and the writer of the Berne Codex were dependent on ancient accounts, namely those of Vitruvius and Hero. Aribo's account probably refers back to a manuscript tradition around the uncertain figure of Wilhelm of Hirsau, who seems indeed to have been concerned with actual pipe measurement. Most of the copies of a text ascribed to him are provided with drawings showing the scale of the first pipe (not unlike the measure line in Schlick's Spiegel, 1511). But in other writers, end correction, the very factor ‘disturbing’ the neat theory of Pythagorean ratios, was itself determined proportionally, calculated as a fraction of the diameter. For such calculation the diameter was assumed to be constant; hence the frequently repeated conclusion that the medieval organ builder made a rank of pipes all to the same diameter. Optimistically interpreted iconography has been seen to support this idea. But it should be remembered that the general medieval approach to making things (i.e. before print technology brought craftsmen gradually to depend on visual models) weighs against the practical significance of written-down treatises. Only two of the texts cover organ building as such, and they are partly derived or even (in the case of Theophilus) the result of a compilation. Moreover, practical details such as the remark in the Berne Codex that pipes follow the modern diatonic genus (‘si … sit diatonicum genus quo maxime decurrent moderne cantilene’) do not necessarily indicate an actual organ such as might be used in liturgical music. The Sélestat manuscript (11th century) and the Berne Codex describe pipe-chests of seven notes, and the former seems to make it clear that its three ranks are unison, octave, unison; at the same time, an 11th- or 12th-century miniature, in the Harding Bible, shows a keyboard of C, D, E, F, G, A, B, B, a set of keys showing one each of the known notes (see fig.26). But it is not known whether these treatises and miniatures reflect more than certain literate, second-hand and even non-empirical traditions passed on, perhaps indirectly, to their scribal ‘authors’.

6. The church organ, 1100–1450.

Rarely in music history is conjecture taken more confidently as fact than in this area. Despite bold and apparently plausible modern assertions that playing in 4ths and 5ths was known by 9th-century clerical organists, that alternatim chants were known in the Mass during the 11th century, or that large organs played the puncti organici (and even the quicker upper parts or voces organales) in the Île-de-France organa of the 13th century, there is no irrefutable evidence to support them. It may be reasonable to assume that in the larger Benedictine abbeys (St Gallen, Metz, Benevento) polyphony, organ playing and troping of plainchant were all linked; but it is not known during which century the more cosmopolitan of the abbeys may have begun to use the organ more integrally during Mass than they were ever to use their other expensive mechanical equipment such as bells or clocks. Nor are technical matters concerning the structure of organs any more certain. There is no evidence that, between the 10th and the 12th centuries, octave- and 5th-speaking ranks were used in abundance, or that reed and stopped pipes were also known, as more than one modern writer has claimed. Much later still, basic assumptions are unreliable. Iconography by no means establishes that organists had to use all of each hand to thump the keys, at this or any point in organ history. Nor are archives less equivocal; church accounts do not prove that the ‘little organs’ sometimes mentioned from about 1390 onwards were second manuals of large organs or that, if so, such manuals were placed together or had the same pitch. The use of multiple organs in large churches is well documented from this period onward, and the ‘little organs’ usually prove to be separate instruments from the ‘great organs’. Possibly the second keyboard, up until at least the time of the Innsbruck Hofkirche organ (1550; the oldest extant two-manual organ), should be seen rather as an extension to the compass of the first. Organ research from about 1960 has been directed towards a circumspect interpretation of the evidence, and a new period of re-examination concerning the evolution of the organ is inevitable.

Certainly the period 1100–1450 was one of great activity. During the 11th century more organs are known to have been in monastic churches throughout western Europe; they were played at ceremonies (probably outside the liturgy) and succumbed to the fires that frequently swept medieval cathedrals (Canterbury 1114, Freising 1158, Merseburg 1199) – which suggests perhaps that they were fixed in place. Some literary sources imply that the organ was played during Mass, for instance the Roman de brut (c1155, Normandy):

Quant li messe fu commensie …
Mout oissiés orgues sonner
Et clercs chanter et orguener

– but such references are vague and merely image-evoking; poets’ sources were usually other poets. More authentic sources of the 9th and 10th centuries suggest, however, that sequences as well as the Te Deum were the most open to polyphonic vocal treatment, just as later they were the movements most closely associated with the organ. A small portative and a psaltery are shown in a 12th-century miniature but no ecclesiastical function is implied, any more than for the portatives illustrating psalms in earlier psalters (e.g. the small organs hanging on willow trees at Psalm cxxxvii in the Stuttgart Psalter, 10th century). But by the 13th century all instruments other than the organ were excluded from various churches in Spain, Italy and France. The phrase ‘great organs’ is found in church documents (e.g. Erfurt Peterskirche, 1291), and by 1296 one French bishop referred to the organ sounding five times in connection with the Sanctus – perhaps as a signal rather than for music as such. There is no evidence that it played the tenor in Sanctus movements or in any motet following at that point during Mass. But by the end of the 13th century secular cathedrals from Exeter to Prague, Barcelona to Lübeck, were as likely to have organs as the larger abbey churches. Whether erected on screens (as in England) or hanging on an upper wall of nave or quire, the organs were usually located near the cantores, i.e. no longer near the west or south entrances nor specifically near the main altar. It is not known, however, when large organs were fixed in Theophilus's manner, and illustrations for psalm texts usually show much smaller organs in ensemble. The phenomenon of the smaller fixed organ attached to, associated with, and in some cases paid for by specially bequeathed chapels belongs to the 15th rather than the 13th century.

The large organ seems to have been an exclusively ecclesiastical instrument from the 9th-century Western Church to 17th-century Italy. Probably by the late 13th century the cathedral or abbey organ was occasionally used in alternatim music with the cantores, though presumably not with the congregation itself. Jovannes de Florentia referred (c1350) to performance ‘partim organo partim modulatis per concentum vocibus’. Early 15th-century keyboard repertory extant in the Faenza Codex (I-FZc 117; see Sources of keyboard music to 1660, §2(i)) complements such explicit references as the mid-15th-century Castilian rubric ‘the organs played one verse and the clerics sang the other’. 14th-century documents usually suggest that whatever the organ played, it did so on traditional church or local feast days, for example at Halberstadt Cathedral on Christmas Day, for Easter Week, Sunday after Easter, Kreuzerfindung, Reliques of St Stephen, Ascension, St Peter and St Paul, Dispersal of the Apostles, Mary Magdalene, St Stephen and St Sixtus, Assumption, Patron, Nativity of Mary, St Michael, St Gall, All Saints and 12 other feast days including Trinity and Annunciation. For three centuries organs were used only on feast days. But by the end of the 13th century some churches had decreed against other instruments (Milan, 1287); by the 14th, alternatim performances took place, especially in the Office; by the early 15th, many areas, such as the Upper Rhineland, north-central Germany, some English and Italian cities, and the stretch from Rouen to Utrecht, had organs in most of their larger churches, and the future of the instrument was completely assured.

It is impossible to trace this history step by step, despite a certain amount of archival, musical and iconographical evidence. But certain general points can be made about the 14th and early 15th centuries. Organs became known in cathedrals less as an exception and more as a norm; by 1425 the large positive (with front pipes arranged from left to right) was usually distinct from the fixed church organ (with front pipes in mitre form with a set of larger pipes to each side, thus requiring a rollerboard). All the evidence suggests that only open metal flue pipes were known, though some commentators have seen such references as ‘plom … per las horguenas’ (church of the Cordeliers, Avignon, 1372) as evidence that lead pipes were used for distinctive tone-colour; lead was in fact the most common pipe metal in all countries during this period. Larger organs in certain areas (Normandy and later the Netherlands, possibly England also) occasionally had Trompes during the period 1390–1450 (i.e. a set of ten or so large open metal Bourdon pipes, possibly played by a separate manual or pedal keyboard and placed to one side, or both sides, of the main organ). Presumably they also had a Blockwerk, although apart from the number of pipes in a few famous examples (e.g. 2000 at Amiens in 1429) little is known in this regard before 1450. Presumably the pitch of their compass, whether from (apparent) B or any other note, was roughly equivalent to men's voices, the total compass perhaps divided up and distributed over more than one keyboard. However, so many significant unknowns are raised by such summaries that describing the church organ before its more clearly defined types of 1450 is mostly a matter of citing facts about individual instruments.

The organ at Sion, Switzerland, is usually dated about 1380 (although it may in fact be later) and has been much rebuilt. Despite opinions expressed on its tone, and although some of the original pipework seems to be incorporated in the present organ, nothing is certain of its original sound, disposition, compass, pitch, voicing, pressure, bellows, position, purpose or provenance. Nevertheless, its case (fig.28) shows interesting elements: it has the typical shape for such instruments, with the central mitre lines (like Arnaut de Zwolle's organ at Salins); the castellated ‘towers’ to left and right overhang the sides; and the wings (painted and perhaps made about 1434–7) enclose the pipes completely. At Bartenstein in East Prussia parts of an organ dated about 1395 existed before World War II. The organ had a large chest for 27 keys (?FGA–a') with three divisions for a large chorus of nine (bass) to 21 (treble) ranks, case-pipes of 16', and Principals 8' + 4'. An ingenious reconstruction of the chest was sketched by Karl Bormann (D(xv)1966) but little is certain, particularly the stop mechanism whereby wind was admitted to chorus and principals at will; perhaps the device was made not in 1395 but one or two centuries later. The organ at Norrlanda (c1380), now pipeless and in the State Historical Museum, Stockholm, is a large positive with a putative Blockwerk of three to six ranks. A set of 12 rollers conveys not only both pedal and manual key-travel to the larger pipes held in small side towers but also the action of certain pairs of keys (C/c, D/d, F/f, G/g) to a single pallet. This is so sophisticated an arrangement, not least in its resulting chromatic keyboard of nearly two octaves (C–a or c–a'; fig.29; for a close-up view of the keyboard, see Keyboard, fig.1), that doubts too must arise about the age of the organ – which in any case appears to have case-work constructed out of panels from some older choir stalls. An organ of surprisingly similar appearance is depicted in the mid-15th-century stained glass of the Beauchamp Chapel, St Mary's, Warwick.

Extant 12th- and 13th-century church accounts merely record the presence of an organ; about many areas of Europe, curiously little is known. Only during the 15th century were the great Gothic churches of some areas constructed (e.g. in the Netherlands), but many were immediately provided with an organ as part of the regular furniture. The first real details of church organs occur in such documents as builders' contracts from about 1390 onwards, when for reference purposes the anonymous scribe would distinguish the ‘opus maius’ from the ‘parvum opus organum’ (Utrecht Cathedral, suggesting either two separate organs or an organ with a Rückpositiv) or the ‘principaulx’ pipes from the Bourdons (Rouen Cathedral, suggesting Trompes and other major Fourniture ranks), or even by 1420 ‘cinch tirants’, suggesting five separate stops in a large positive (Aragonese royal chapel). Otherwise it was enough for an organ to be entrusted to the craftsmen concerned, who had merely to see that it was ‘decent, good and to the honour’ of the church (S Giovanni Evangelista, Venice, 1430).

Henri Arnaut de Zwolle, writing in the 1440s, described several organs he knew, including those at Salins (c1400, Blockwerk of 6–15 ranks) and Dijon (c1350, 8–24 ranks); an account of his treatise is given below (§V, 1). The most famous 14th-century organ is that of Halberstadt Cathedral (c1361, rebuilt 1495), described in some detail by Praetorius (Syntagma musicum, 2/1619). The four keyboards were as follows: I, called Diskant by Praetorius, playing the plenum (case pipes + Hintersatz Mixture; see Full organ), B–c' (14 keys); II, also called Diskant, playing case pipes (Prinzipal) only, same compass; III, called Bassklavier, B–a (12 keys, long protruding levers perhaps worked by the knee, playing the 12 large bass pipes); IV, pedal keyboard, same compass as III, used with (perhaps pulling down the keys of) the top manual. The largest rank of pipes was at the equivalent of 32' pitch, the total number about 1192, from 16 ranks at pedal B to 56 at top manual a'.

Praetorius by no means understood the historical nature of such old organs, nor is it clear from his report what in the Halberstadt organ dated from 1361, what from 1495. But it is probable from his account that the Blockwerk had multiple ranks of octaves and 5ths such that the manual disposition was approximately as shown in Table 1. From the details given, the pitch level seems to have been a' = c505. Praetorius also described the sound of this Blockwerk (see Blockwerk). 20 bellows supplied the wind, all presumably needing to be operated for the plenum, though his drawing shows only two operators (see Keyboard, fig.2).

B-e	16.16.8.8.8.51/3.51/3.51/3.51/3.4.4.4.4.4.22/3.22/3.22/3.22/3.22/3.22/3.
		2.2.2.2.2.2.1.1.1.1.1.1
f-c'	16.16.8.8.8.8.51/3.51/3.51/3.51/3.51/3.4.4.4.4.4.4.22/3.22/3.22/3.22/3
		22/3.22/3.22/3.2.2.2.2.2.2.2.2.1.1.1.1.1.1.1.1.1.1
d'-a'	16.16.8.8.8.8.8.51/3.51/3.51/3.51/3.51/3.51/3.4.4.4.4.4.4.4.
		22/3.22/3.22/3.22/3.22/3.22/3.22/3.22/3.22/3.2.2.2.2.2.2.2.2.2.
		2.2.2.1.1.1.1.1.1.1.1.1.1.1.1.1.1

Praetorius gave other details about organs he described as old, and his suggestions could be the starting-point for organ historians. For example, he guessed that semitones appeared in keyboard compass from about 1200 and pedals from about 1220, that by 1450 only open pipes were known, but that spring-chests had been built by about 1400 and separate stops by about 1250. The first date is late by two centuries if it is a question of B only, perhaps a reasonable guess if intended to refer to the first ficta semitone (i.e. other than B), but early by at least one century if all five semitones were meant. The date for pedals must be about a century too early. The date for open pipes is probably correct, and that for spring-chests could be correct but is probably a little early. The date for separate stops seems early by at least two centuries if it refers to a full-size church Orgelwerk. Other details given by Praetorius are more certain, for example that some keys were as broad as about 60 mm, that some keyboards had a compass of B–f' or c–a' (diatonic only) and the curious-seeming statement that some early pedals played only the bass notes. Obvious though the last may appear, the large Bourdons or ‘teneurs’ (Notre Dame, Rouen, 1382) may in fact often have been operated by a keyboard played by the hands or even by the knees. The term ‘teneur’ is evocative, but what it signifies is uncertain; perhaps the keys played the long notes of a vocal composition or an Intavolierung; perhaps ‘teneurs’ meant merely large pipes as distinct from small (‘menus’ at Rouen, 1382, ‘Diskant’ in Praetorius). Certainly the playing of a cantus firmus en taille on the pedals is a later speciality of the 16th century. But whatever ‘teneurs’ was meant to imply, builders of the period knew well how to fashion pipes of various sizes and scale, according to Praetorius.

At the end of the 14th century, then, a large organ within the area Rouen–Utrecht–Magdeburg–Orvieto might be presumed to have had a Blockwerk of anything up to 80 or more ranks with open cylindrical pipes of metal, played by a broad-keyed manual of 16 to 22 notes, possibly with a further keyboard playing Trompes with or without their own chorus mixture, and exceptionally with a second smaller organ in some way connected with the first. Smaller but independent organs may have had, by custom, a longer compass, smaller keys, and a Blockwerk of fewer ranks. Not enough is yet known for generalizations to be made about the organ of about 1390 outside the region specified above.

7. The 15th-century positive and portative.

Although the Positive and the Portative each form virtually separate subjects, they offer a useful gloss on organ history at this point because each demonstrates a striking uniformity unknown to the larger fixed organ, and each demonstrates the limitations of iconographical evidence. Portatives were small portable organs blown by bellows (often single but sometimes a pair) operated by one of the player's hands (usually the left), and played by his other hand on a keyboard of up to two octaves, composed often of touch-buttons; the instrument would have one rank of pipes arranged in one or two (very rarely three) apparent rows. Such are the highly detailed and prettily finished portatives depicted by such painters as Memling (three examples, that at Bruges being the clearest: for illustration see Portative) and the Master of St Barthélemy (two examples). Positives were blown by a pair of larger bellows operated by a second person (fig.31), and were played by both of the organist’s hands on a more or less chromatic keyboard exceeding two octaves (usually beginning at B) and composed of short finger-keys; two rows of pipes would form one complete rank, often with Bourdon (or drone) pipes pitched in the bass, perhaps an octave below. Some portatives also had (shorter) Bourdon pipes. In all known cases the pipes were open and of metal; the scaling is progressive and the diameters diminish, at least in the better depictions; cut-ups often appear low and the scale narrow; unless chords of more than two notes were played, the wind supplied by the hand bellows must have been quite adequate, though presumably low in pressure.

That paintings always leave problems of interpretation may be demonstrated by one of the best-known of all organ paintings, the Van Eyck altarpiece at Ghent (1432). Despite the beauty and apparent precision of the picture, the pertinent section of which is reproduced in fig.32, there are several puzzles. The front pipes, though painted well, are not placed naturally; the tips of the feet rest right at the front of the chest top-board, while each pipe corpus, whatever its diameter, passes behind the supporting brace, itself, however, of constant thickness. The feet of the inner row of pipes are placed almost without depth of perspective, all exactly in the middle of those of the first row – despite the latter's perspective. Unless the keyboard ran no higher than appears (blocked by the player's hand and arm) the two rows of pipes must produce only one rank; yet if the keyboard continued up symmetrically (as far to the right as the bass goes to the left) the organ would have at least 35 keys, implying a unique pipework of two non-chromatic ranks. The line made by the pipe-tops corresponds neither quite to a diatonic nor to a chromatic tuning, and the pipes in the bass seem unnaturally narrow in scale. Apart from these problems of depiction, the painting gives no information at all on certain points, such as the purpose of the latch-key on the lower left; if it is for a Tremulant, one might expect other evidence of the period for such stops; if it is a stop mechanism operating a valve to the rear chest, one must assume that there are other pipes not seen but making up the second rank; if it is a key to operate Bourdon or drone pipes, the pipes should be in evidence. Such questions can be answered plausibly enough, but only by conjecture, for comparisons with other instruments are too distant to be useful.

1. The treatise of Henri Arnaut de Zwolle.

V. The organ, 1450–1800

While much research remains to be done for the beginning of this period, especially on developments in German organs of the area Mainz–Nuremberg–Innsbruck–Basle, a provisional historical sketch can be derived from Henri Arnaut’s treatise and from certain documents relating to church contracts concerning organs of about 1450. From the 17th century onwards much more complete documentation is available.

2. Developments, 1450–1500.

3. Arnolt Schlick’s ‘Spiegel der Orgelmacher’.

4. The new potential of the 16th century.

5. Structural developments c1600.

6. The Werkprinzip organ.

7. The French classical organ.

8. The English organ.

9. The Baroque organ in the Iberian Peninsula and Latin America.

10. The 18th-century Italian organ.

11. The organ of J.S. Bach.

12. Splendours of Europe, 1650–1800.

13. Organs in the Americas.

1. The treatise of Henri Arnaut de Zwolle.

Although concerned primarily with small organs, Arnaut’s treatise (F-Pn lat.7295; ed. and facs. in Le Cerf and Labande, B1932) throws much light on the potential which organs were seen to have by 1450. The treatise was written in Dijon between 1436 and 1454, partly by Arnaut, a Dutch polymath at the Burgundian court of Philip the Good, and partly by two other authors or scribes. It reflects a lively cultural exchange between Burgundy, Paris and the Low Countries. Arnaut’s remarks are more practical than those of any treatise since the 11th century. His description of an organ pipe is empirical and systematic; details suggest a scale some ten semitones narrower than Normalmensur at bass B but some seven semitones wider than Normalmensur at a hypothetical treble b''. The mouth width is about a quarter of the circumference (2/7 for bigger-toned pipes), the cut-up a quarter of the mouth width; the foot-hole diameter of a quarter of the pipe width was large, though easily reducible. From the measurements it is unclear whether Arnaut was working from two pitches of a' = c395 and a' = c435 or from a mean tonus cori of a' = c415. Two portative or positive chests (‘ciste portivorum’) are drawn and described. In one, a single rank of pipes for the compass b–g'''a''' is arranged ‘ad modum mitre episcopalis’ (i.e. like a bishop's mitre, tallest pipes in the middle); in the other, a rank for the compass b–f''' is arranged in the chromatic manner, tallest to left, shortest to right (‘ciste communis’ or ‘the usual chest’). Arnaut also drew the front of a standard larger organ of the Sion type, probably the instrument at Salins (Salin, formerly in Burgundy), whose 4' Blockwerk he later specified as B (6 ranks)–f'' (21 ranks).

On f.127 of Arnaut’s manuscript occurs the first incontrovertible reference in organ building to reed stops. On a page of scarcely 20 words (and ten figures) apropos the ‘scales … of the pipes in the church of the Dei custodientes’ occurs the phrase ‘l’anche de F’, which apparently refers to the reed and block of a reed pipe. Arnaut seems to be saying that a rank of such pipes from B to b' needs eight different sizes of block but gives no other details.

Of the organ of about 1350 in Notre Dame, Dijon, Arnaut noted that the pipes (B–a'') are already old and corroded; the pipe mouths were generally about half an octave too narrow, in his opinion. The Fourniture is mentioned, apparently the only separable part of the plenum. The total number of pipes in the organ was 768; the leather bellows (?c1350, ?c1440) had three folds and measured c160 cm by c70 cm. Arnaut also gave in tabular form the disposition of four different Blockwerke, one of F (8 ranks)–e''' (21 ranks), two of B'–f'' (6 to 21 and 6 to 15 ranks respectively) and one of B'(10 ranks)–a'b' (26 ranks). The first has three categories (Principal, Cymbale, Fourniture), suggesting ‘stops’ made to play separately by two manuals or perhaps by some mechanical device (possibly a divided chest operated by a Sperrventil). The Principal 8' has four ranks at the top and the Fourniture 14 (making 8.8.8.51/3.51/3.4.4.4.4.4.4.4.4.4); the Cymbale is nothing less than a three-rank Terzzimbel, indeed the first documented mixture containing a Tierce rank. The Cymbale repeats (i.e. breaks back to lower pitches), 29.31.33 at B, 8.10.15 at e'''.

One of the other three organs was apparently that at Salins, which had a long-compass 4' Blockwerk of:Even more important, perhaps, is that Arnaut’s Fourniture is not an accumulative Blockwerk but a Mixture that breaks back to lower pitches in the upper octaves.

Arnaut referred also to the 12 ‘fistula[e] tenoris’ at St Cyr (probably Nevers Cathedral), i.e. 12 Trompes or bass pipes, half as long again as the lowest ranks of the chorus. Unlike the other Principal pipes, these pipes had no accompanying Fourniture pipes of their own, and were thus presumably played from a separate keyboard and chests. At the church of the Cordeliers (?Dijon), the ten ‘subdupla tenoris’ pipes had a separate keyboard which could couple with that of the chorus, thus affording three effects: the usual chorus, the chorus + tenor or Bourdon pipes, or tenor pipes played by the left hand while the right hand played the chorus or discantus. It is unclear what Arnaut meant by ‘double Principals’ (‘duplicia principalia’); did this mean that only the 8' stop was doubled (two open ranks, or one open and one stopped rank), or that all ranks of the principal chorus were doubled? The reference to ‘double principals’ in the 1519 contract at All Hallows, Barking-by-the-Tower, London, is similarly obscure, although the recent discovery of two early 16th-century English soundboard fragments (analysed in BicknellH), strongly suggests the latter. If this is so, then ‘Principal’ in this context simply meant chorus or plenum – a hold-over from the earlier period when it referred to the Blockwerk (as at St Sebaldus, Nuremberg) – but with the exception of the ‘bassys or diapasons’ (corresponding to Arnaut's tenor, or the Flemish Trompes). The ‘simplicia principalia’ of the Dijon court chapel organ was described by Arnaut as ‘in duo divisa’, which may mean either one halved rank (with treble and bass stops) or the usual paired Principals separated off, perhaps by a slider. Two quints and an octave gave the organ a total of five registers, possibly with five push–pull slider-ends.

Further light is thrown on Chair organs (‘tergali positivo’). Arnaut described one with 195 pipes, FG–f'' at 4' pitch and a four- to seven-rank Blockwerk of octave ranks only. The front pipes were of tin, the others of lead; the measurements of neither the mouths nor the foot-holes were systematic or regular in the particular Chair organ Arnaut was referring to, and he was puzzled as to why it nevertheless sounded well.

Though never completed, and although it appears to be more indebted to earlier writings than was previously thought, Arnaut’s draft treatise stands as something unique in organ building, not least in its description of certain Blockwerk or plein jeu choruses. During the whole of the next century no source was to describe in such detail how an organ builder could plan his chorus. Contemporary documents, like modern histories, prefer to dwell on the new colour stops and other, essentially secondary, effects.

2. Developments, 1450–1500.

Not only do Arnaut’s remarks give a partial picture of the organ at this period, but contracts and other documents from other areas of Europe give corroborating details. Thus the organ at St Sebaldus, Nuremberg (by Heinrich Traxdorf, 1440–41), had Principal, Fourniture and Cymbale, perhaps of the type described by Arnaut. Such a division of the chorus became a kind of norm, not only at Nuremberg but also at the Florinskirche, Coblenz (1467), St Georges, Haguenau (1491), Weimar (1492), St Peter, Basle (1496), Leuven (1522) and in organs farther west. Yet it seems that the instrument of 1474–83 in S Petronio, Bologna, already had a large-scale, 50-note complement of nine single-rank stops (smaller in all respects than the organ as it now is), thus presenting a quite different tradition of organ building in the south.

Clearly the crucial questions are: how were stops separated, giving the organ different colours or effects, and why did builders of some areas give an organ several manuals while those in others concentrated on one manual? As to the second question, it can only be conjectured that southern builders learnt earlier than northern how to obtain musical variety from an organ with one keyboard, separate ranks and a long compass (e.g. the 53 or 54 notes at S Martino, Lucca, in 1473); and that northern builders, requiring only a few different effects (Diapasons alone, or the plenum), found that two or even three shorter or unequal keyboards with one or two registrations each were more useful and probably more powerful. Division of an organ into several chests was practical from the point of view of wind supply. As to the first question of how stops were separated, the situation is clearer. Several documents from the mid-15th century onwards refer to the varieties of sound achieved by a particular organ: Arnaut used ‘registra’; references in church archives include ‘registros’ (Treviso, 1436), ‘tirans’ (Aragon, 1420; Barcelona, 1480), ‘division de veus’ (Perpignan, 1516), ‘dreen gelueden’ (‘three sounds’, Grote Kerk, Zwolle, 1447) and even ‘a la moderna cum registri sei’ (‘with six stops in the modern manner’, Catarro, 1488). How were these varieties achieved? ‘Registers’ and ‘tirants’ (even five ‘registres sive tirans’ at Avignon in 1539) certainly suggest slider-chests (see fig.3b). After all, the Roman organ of Aquincum had latitudinal sliders, and its keys admitted wind to the pipes by these means. Longitudinal sliders running the whole length of a rank of pipes were different only in application, not in principle. However, when and where stop-sliders were first made is not known; no doubt they first appeared on small organs. A further system, the spring-chest (seefig.3c), was reintroduced in the Netherlands about 1520 to give greater reliability in larger organs, but was already known in Italy during the previous century: Orvieto Cathedral is said to have had an organ in 1480 with two spring-stops and two slider-stops. The most common 15th-century arrangement, particularly in the area from Rouen to Zwolle, was the ‘double chest’, useful especially for Chair organs. In such a chest the channels were divided into two parts, front (case pipes) and back (Mixture or Hintersatz), each with its wind box, the back one of which was provided with a shut-off valve allowing the Mixture to be taken off. Evidence for such chests is fairly clear from several Dutch contracts of the period (Zwolle, 1447; The Hague, 1487).

Much less clear is the origin of stopped pipes, although it is thought that the ‘double Principal’ of late 15th-century organs could imply an inner rank of stopped pipes sounding with the open case pipes, as well as multiple doubled ranks. ‘Coppel’ was a name used at first probably for case pipes (Limburg, 1471), later for stopped unison pipes (Bienne, Switzerland, 1517). Much the same may be said about the term ‘Flotwerck’ (Bassevelde, 1481). The ‘lead pipes’ for inner ranks referred to in contracts of many languages and areas have also often been assumed to be stopped pipes, but both documentary evidence and surviving Gothic pipework suggest that in many organs all interior pipework, including open pipes, was of lead. The Quintadena is a stopped metal rank sometimes referred to as Schallpfeifen early in the next century; it is possible that the emphasis on new organ colours at this later period was responsible for stopped pipes in general. Thus the stopped wooden Holpyp is authenticated from about 1500, but hardly before. Schlick (B1511) was still ambiguous about stopped pipes; even Flute stops at that period (e.g. Bordeaux, 1510) were open, as indeed they remained in Italian organs of a later century.

To sum up, in 1500 the average organ in northern Italy or southern France could be expected to have a chorus of ten or so separate stops, probably achieved with a spring-chest if the organ was somewhat large, with sliders if smaller; the upper ranks may have been duplicated here and there. Spain, at least in cities influenced by Flemish or ‘German’ builders (Barcelona, Valencia), followed more the transalpine organ. The bigger instruments of the Netherlands and Rhineland had two or even three manual departments, in most cases each with its own keyboard but all at the same (or octave) pitch. The English organ, judging by the All Hallows document of 1519–20 (see §8 below), was of the smaller Flemish kind: although it is possible that in secular or aristocratic circles Italian organs were known, all evidence points to the major influence in England being Flemish.

Some examples of organ schemes at their best before the turn of the century are shown inTables 1, 2 and3. That such schemes were distinctly regional can be seen in a 1000-pipe instrument built by the German Bernhard Dilmano at Milan in 1464–6, probably a large northern organ of Principal, Mixture, Zimbel etc. The instrument was updated in 1487 but still had only eight separate stop-levers in 1508. However, it is not known how many ranks of a native Italian organ of 1475 would be separate (as in later Italian organs). As to the sound of such organs, only conjectures can be made, even when much of the original material still exists, as it does at S Petronio, Bologna (conservatively restored in 1982). Although some contracts make it clear that specific sweetness or strength of tone was often required, much – perhaps too much – can be read into the use of words like ‘lieblich’ or ‘süss’ in early documentation.

3. Arnolt Schlick’s ‘Spiegel der Orgelmacher’.

Against the background of the special effects demanded of new organs and promised to their clients by the builders, for example the Schwiegel, Waldhorn, Quintadena (Scheelpipen), Trumpets, Shawms, Zinks, Rauschpipe, Drums and ‘other unusual stops’ promised by Hans Suys at Antwerp Cathedral in 1509, Arnolt Schlick wrote a splendid, forthright little book on organs, publishing it in 1511 under imperial auspices and indeed apparently intending it as a kind of standard code of practice for organ builders in Maximilian’s empire. Schlick lived in the central Palatinate court town of Heidelberg, and no doubt his influence was wide. The organ described in his Spiegel contained about 15 stops, ‘not too many of the same type’, as shown inTable 4. Schlick said that, in addition, the Hauptwerk might contain a Krummhorn and the pedal a Klein Octaff and Zymmel, but that the latter two do not belong there. All stops should be playable separately so that the pedal if required could take the cantus firmus. The Hintersatz should not contain the very low ranks of the ‘large Mixture’ (by which he may have meant the old Blockwerk), nor the ‘low-pitched 3rds and 5ths’ sometimes met with. There is little point in making separate 51/3' stops, while the addition of various little chests such as Brustwerke merely increases cost and produces ‘much sauce for little fish’. Reeds are not unreliable if properly made, and Schlick thought a competent organist could soon learn how to make the necessary minor adjustments to them. Stop-levers (preferably not push-pull) should be conveniently placed, not too long or too heavy to work from the keyboards.

Thus Schlick knew an organ of Principals, Mixtures, flutes and reeds; two manuals and pedal; probably a manual coupler; different open metal pipe scalings (circumference to length 1:5, 1:6 or 1:7); and conical metal pipes, but not, evidently, stopped pipes or wooden ones. He recommended a compass of F–a'' and a pitch level about a tone lower than that of today (his a' = c374–92, depending on the diameter of the pipe). The pipe metal was pure (or mostly pure) tin and the Principal was doubled (two open metal ranks of different scale). While recommending an irregular tuning with an A that could also serve (if ornamented) as G in a cadence on A, Schlick recognized that some preferred a regular mean-tone temperament (with major 3rds slightly larger than pure), but saw little use for split sharps as a means of dealing with problems of temperament.

Some of Schlick’s general attitudes to organs are informative. He felt that eight or nine stops in the Great were all that were needed; they should be clearly different in tone; and the second manual was to be regarded as a kind of small positive, in no sense a match for the Great. The organ was used in connection with the liturgy, he observed; the priest at the altar was given notes for most mass movements from the Gloria onwards. And since the organ had a particular part to play in such music as sequences, it was placed near the choir for convenience. The pedal may have been transmitted from the Great; certainly it should have stops of the same pitch as the main manual. The pedal must have separable stops like the Great; it should not be made up only of suboctave stops, as it then inverts the harmony. (This must presumably be a double reference to organs with extra large pedal pipes always sounded by the pedal keyboard, and to the practice, then probably rather new, of using the pedals to play inner tenor or cantus firmus lines.) Reed stops can be made well (some are mentioned that sounded new though nine years old). As to Mixtures, neither those consisting of 5ths and octaves nor those of 3rds and 5ths should contain low-pitched ranks. The full chorus should be able to play chords (that is, the 5th ranks in Mixtures should not produce too dissonant a sound when the 5th C–G or the 3rd C–E is played); at the same time, the precise number of ranks in a Mixture depends on the size of the church. Manual keys should not be too long or short, too wide or narrow, nor spaced too far or too near; the given measurements suggest relatively stubby keys with an octave span about the same as on modern instruments.

Some of Schlick’s own music in Tabulaturen etlicher Lobgesang (1512) is contrapuntal in a way that closely anticipates later organ chorales which use the theme imitatively in three or four parts; in such pieces the pedal took the tune when it appeared in the bass. Schlick also knew pedal playing in two, three and even four parts, as well as pedal runs; for none of these functions would the old Trompes have been useful. The inner-voice cantus firmus technique, however, apparently requiring pedals for music from the Buxheim Organbook onwards, should not necessarily be taken at face value: such organ ‘scores’ must often have been open to various interpretations or playing methods, and what appear to be third-staff pedal parts in the Buxheim Organbook may (at least in some instances) simply be an easy way of avoiding part-crossing problems.

The largest chapters of the Spiegel are concerned with tuning (see Temperaments, §3), the making of chests, and the bellows. Schlick’s advice is always very practical; for example, the wind must be generous (presumably for homophonic textures on full organ), the organ constantly played (even during Advent and Lent), and only the best and most experienced builders trusted. The little book thus surveys the whole field of organ activity – building, playing, composing – and even the long chapters on chests and tuning are full of good, pithy advice. For its size and single purpose, the Spiegel has never been bettered.

4. The new potential of the 16th century.

Soon after 1500 organs could produce a greater variety of colour and tonal effects than ever before because they had separate stops or several keyboards, or both. Many new stops (above all flutes and reeds) were invented, and one or two extant documents of the period indicate how they were used. About 1510 in both the Rhineland (Worms) and southern France (Bordeaux), such documents contained advice (perhaps from the builder) about registration. Plena were mentioned, of course, but more interesting in view of Baroque registration were the two- or three-stop combinations; the list inTable 5 can be inferred from the instruction pour le jeu d’orgue appended to the contract for an organ built by Loys Gaudet for St Michel, Bordeaux. This organ was a southern-style instrument of nine separate single-rank stops, and within a small spectrum such ranks would yield many combinations. More instructive still are the German registrations (St Andreas, Worms; Table 6), since they concern an organ with pedal and multi-rank stops. Schlick too wanted stops drawn in different combinations, and registrations changed.

Particularly important in the documents concerning such new organs as that of Daniel Van der Distelen in Antwerp Cathedral (1505) was the implied distribution of sounds into distinct groups: principals, flutes, reeds and mixtures. From then on, such families were to be paramount. Single-rank mutations, whether scaled as principals or flutes, belonged more to southern organs at that period; but at Antwerp there were at least four reeds, all for specific colour imitations (Cornett, Bagpipe-Regal, Trumpet and Krummhorn/Dulzian). Such imitations became so important during the 16th century that both reed pipes and combinations of flue stops were used to give the desired effects; often it is not clear from a document which of the two a certain Zink, Cornet, Nachthorn or Rauschpipe was. Trumpets and Krummhorns, however, were always imitated by reed stops. It is also unclear from the documents of about 1510 whether the many kinds of flute pipes mentioned were open or stopped. In most cases it could well be that they were open and that stopped pipes were reserved for special colour stops like the Quintadena or perhaps for the second ranks backing the Open Diapasons of the case front. In 1518 Sager promised in his contract with St Mary Magdalene, Basle, that ‘the stopped pipes shall be bold and sweet [tapferer und liblich] so that they are not too puerile [nit zu kindlich] but audible throughout the church’.

During the period from 1500 to 1550 Flemish, north German, north French and Spanish organs had much in common. The Netherlanders in particular developed a mature organ of archaic features, described in Vente’s Die Brabanter Orgel (D(xxi)1958). In 1510, however, the organ of the Upper Rhineland may have been the most advanced of Europe, having (in addition to principal and mixture stops) wide flutes, narrow stopped pipes, several reeds and smaller Brustwerk chests as at Bozen (1495). As so often, very little real connection between this type of organ and the music supposedly written for it can be demonstrated; it is even difficult to understand the relation between Schlick’s own music and the organ he prescribed. The connections seen by many modern writers between a south German organ of about 1520 and the group of south German tablature sources of the same period are only speculative. In fact there was in about 1510 so much international activity between builders that national types are difficult to distinguish. Flemish builders in particular could be found working throughout Europe during the 16th century.

The early 16th-century organ was full of colour: manual reeds, regals in the Positive departments (Rückpositiv, Brustwerk), pedal reeds; Gedackt, Quintadena, Rohrflöte stops (Alkmaar, Laurenskerk, small organ, 1511); Gemshorn and Hohlflöte; Sifflöte, Schwegel 11/3' and other flute mutations. The last are very significant, often uncertain in documents but usually associated with some special colour effect and even special etymology (‘Nasard’, ‘Larigot’). Tremulants, toy stops (drums, bird calls, bells) and moving statuary were known by the end of the 15th century. The structural developments were very important, particularly the Netherlands builders’ division of the Great organ into two departments (each often with its own manual): Principal chorus and trumpets on the Hauptwerk, or main manual, and flutes, Gedackts and mutations on the Oberwerk, or upper chest. This separation ensured good wind supply, greater freedom of registration, safer chest construction and better acoustical dispersal from shallower cases. The Oberwerk was to influence, even create, the special potential in the next century of the north German Werkprinzip organ, in which each ‘department’, or Werk (i.e. a keyboard with its chest or chests), had a separate structure. Some examples typifying the schemes of about 1550 at their best, organs to which the previous developments were leading, are given inTables 7, 8, 9 and10.

In the Iberian Peninsula, organs were generally built by Italians (e.g. Évora Cathedral, 1562) or Netherlanders (El Escorial, c1580); there were scarcely distinct Iberian characteristics. Yet Évora had more Mixtures than an Italian organ, and El Escorial had its secondary manual in the form of an internal Positive (Cadireta interior) rather than a Dutch-Flemish Rückpositiv. In England organs appear to have remained single-manual instruments until the late 16th or early 17th century, although some of these, particularly in large monastic foundations, may have reached a fairly good size before the Reformation. While early 17th-century English organs had the southern characteristic of single, individually available ranks at unison and quint pitches, early 16th-century organs were more Flemish in style and appear to have had the partly divided Blockwerk scheme of north-west continental organs of about 1500. Wooden pipes, and even organs with wooden pipes only, were known in the 16th century, but there is no evidence of reed pipes having been incorporated into large church organs until the late 17th century, although small regals containing both reed (short-length) and flue pipes were much in evidence and are described in some detail in an inventory of Henry VIII’s household furnishings (see §8 below). Early in the 16th century the English organ acquired a slightly larger key compass than the organs of northern Europe, a characteristic maintained into the 18th century. The double organ with Great and Chair (Rückpositiv) division is documented from the beginning of the 17th century, and inspired the writing of a type of voluntary in which solo passages were played by the left hand on the Great against an accompaniment on the Chair, both hands usually going to the Great in the final section – the so-called ‘double voluntary’.

As the 16th-century Italian organs in Innsbruck and Brescia still exist, various subjective descriptions of their tone have been made. At Brescia (see Table 9) the average to narrow scalings (apparently untransposed) and the low pressure give a mild tone, round, rich and singing. Low pressure may also explain the absence of reed stops in such organs, or vice versa. The downward compass of Italian organs varied with the size of the church: the larger the church, the lower the compass. The top note was almost always a'', the bottom c, G or F (positives), C, G', F' or even C' (full-size organs). The 15th-century organ at S Petronio, Bologna, went to F' or G' at 16' pitch (i.e. into the 32' octave). When pedal-boards were added later to such organs, they were thought of as mechanical conveniences for pulling down the bass keys; pedal parts (beyond pedal points and cadential chord roots) do not appear in Italian or Iberian music until the 19th century. As for the pipework, only open metal pipes were included. The ranks of the separated high stops break back no higher than the pipe sounding c'''''; that is the top treble of the compass has an accumulation of ranks usually no higher than Principale 2', resulting in a kind of circumscribed, if fully divided, Blockwerk. The lower ranks are sometimes divided between b and c'. Musically, such organs had a distinct function and character. Costanzo Antegnati’s rules for registration (1608) show timbre, musical style and liturgical function to have been intimately connected; for example, the ripieno or tutti was drawn for sustained music of the durezze e ligature style, which was itself applied to such pieces as toccatas at the end of the ‘Deo gratias’. Flute stops of all pitches were da concerto (i.e. ‘for solo use’), not for accompanying motets or filling out the ripieno. The undulating Fiffaro (or Voce umana), a principal-toned rank, was drawn with the Principale alone and played slow music ‘as smoothly and legato as possible’, often with melodic snatches in the right hand (as in Frescobaldi’s toccatas), and is frequently recommended for playing in the Elevation. Some useful combinations were those shown inTable 11. At the same time, as Diruta showed, some keys (i.e. ecclesiastical tones) were associated with particular moods and hence particular registrations. He recommended 16' with Flauto 8' for the mournfulness of E minor (Phrygian); but for D minor (Dorian, full and grave) he added as alternative suggestions 16.8 and 16.16. For F major (Lydian, moderately gay) he recommended 8.4 with Flauto 4; but for G major (Mixolydian, mild and lively), 8.4.2. Equally important is that three is the largest number of stops drawn in many such lists of registrations, apart from the various big ripieni used only once or twice in a service. It is never certain how far or wide such rules apply, but much Italian music of about 1620 can be seen in terms of the older Antegnati organ, more modest though the organs of Rome, Naples and elsewhere seem to have been. The greatest developments in Italian organ building between 1475 and 1575 were rather in the design of the cases (Gothic to Renaissance; see fig.33) than in the technical or musical sphere, where there is an unusual conformity.

The 1551–61 Ebert organ at Innsbruck (see Table 8 and fig.34) is very strong in tone, neither manual proving useful for accompanying a choir. The cases are shallow (Rückpositiv less than 50 cm), the chests spacious, the organs contained in resonant wooden boxes. Since all the Chair organ (Rückpositiv) stops have close equivalents in the Great organ (Hauptwerk), yet at only 4' pitch (as so often during the 16th century and the late 15th), the two manuals can be regarded partly as extensions of each other in different directions. Indeed, the Innsbruck organ puts in a new light the perennial question of the purpose of second manuals (a question rarely admitting of any obvious answer, despite common assumptions). The stopped pipes at Innsbruck are very strong in tone, with a big mouth and a tone-colour ranging from wide, vague flute sound in the bass to strong, breathy treble colour. The two Hörnli stops are very keen, repeating Terzzimbeln. Throughout the organ there is a distinct change of tone-quality from bass to treble, enabling the Hauptwerk bass keys to produce a different quality of sound from right-hand solo lines in the treble.

The organ of the Oude Kerk, Amsterdam (see Table 7) was that known to Sweelinck and shows the ‘Brabant organ’ at its most characteristic: big Principal chorus, large flute stops on an Oberwerk chest, smaller stops but yet greater variety in the Rückpositiv, and the pedals playing the Hauptwerk chorus for plenum registrations and also having a pair of high-pitched, strong-toned solo stops for (presumably) cantus firmus music. The sheer variety in the manuals would alone have encouraged variations on psalm tunes and folk melodies over the next century or so, even had there been no tradition for weekday organ recitals occasioned by the prohibition of the use of the organ in the Reformed liturgy until after the middle of the 17th century. From surviving examples of Niehoff pipework, it seems that the inner parts were of thick, hammered lead of good quality; the principals were narrow in the bass, wider in the treble; and the whole had a mild-voiced, singing quality quite different from the organ of the later Baroque period. Flutes were wide to very wide; reeds penetrating, particularly in the bass. The spring-chests were considered an advance on the slider-chests already known for smaller organs (Alkmaar small organ, extant slider-chest of 1511) or for the Chair organs of larger instruments; and in some areas (north Italy, Westphalia) spring-chests of different types remained popular for well-spaced, large-scaled organs after they had fallen out of fashion in the north. The Amsterdam organ was evidently of a very high class, and its concept and musical repertory were known in Brabant, the Netherlands, Cologne, Würzburg, Lüneburg and much further east. Some examples had big Pedal divisions, resulting during the period 1575–1600 in an organ type known from Groningen to Danzig, Frederiksborg to Prague, and passed on by a group of composers directly or indirectly under Sweelinck’s influence.

The musical position of the 1580 Barbier organ at Gisors (see Table 10) is less certain, as indeed is that of all French organs before about 1660. The French organ of 1520–75 often had a wide array of colour, whether of the Bordeaux-Italian type in the south, or the southern Flemish variety of reeds and compound stops in the north. Reeds of 16', 8' and 4' could be expected in a larger organ of about 1575; so could one or more Quint mutations; 8', 4' and possibly 16' ranks of stopped (often wooden) pipes; a few ‘obsolescent’ stops like the 1' Principal; and even a mounted Cornet, often called ‘Flemish horn’ (see Organ stop, under ‘Cornet’). In many respects the Gisors organ was Flemish: the Positiv construction (in French instruments the Chair organ had become temporarily uncommon), the spring-chests, the CD–c''' compass, the Quint flutes of 11/3', the 8' pedal stops, and the grand ravalement for the pedal reed. In sound, no doubt the instrument was nearer to the Netherlands organs of Niehoff than to the late classical French organs of F.-H. Clicquot.

5. Structural developments c1600.

From the many enormous and apparently amorphous organ specifications given by Praetorius it could be reasonably thought that many central German builders of the late 16th century did not have clear control of the organs that their technology enabled them to build. The number of stops and stop types listed by Praetorius is evidence of his attempt to give order to a somewhat embarrassing luxury of choice. The number of 4' solo Flutes alone, for instance – narrow, wide, open, stopped, chimney, spindle, narrow-stopped, narrow-conical and overblowing–narrow-stopped – contrasts strongly with the 17th- and 18th-century systematized French organ of average size, where there was probably only one plain Bourdon 8' or Flûte 4', and that with a very specific function. Some of the biggest organs, such as those in Prague and Danzig, are scarcely credible: the Týn Church in Prague appears to have had a four-manual, 70-stop organ built between 1556 and 1588, but it is possible that it was a conglomerate instrument, finished in part, but perhaps never all playable or ready at once.

More important was the potential opened up by new mechanical skill in disposing multiple chests – giving the Pedal, for example, a pair of back or side chests for the large pipes, using front chests for middle Principals and a Brustwerk chest or two for smaller-scaled solo stops. Each pedal key then connected with two or even three pallets. The first such ‘multiple action’ may have been built earlier in the century in the central Netherlands (Antwerp Cathedral, 1505; St Zwysen, Diest, 1523), but the evidence is inconclusive. By the end of the century extravagant court chapel organs were built with some of the richest mechanical layouts ever known before pneumatic action, allowing an immense array of stop combinations. If the simple organ of 1563 for the Dresden court chapel allowed 77 manual combinations with its 13 stops and Tremulant, as stated in a contemporary document, then hundreds were no doubt possible on the famous Groningen court chapel organ of 1592–6 (Table 12). Whether there was enough fish for all this sauce might have been doubted by Schlick.

Clearly the Groningen organ offered many colourful effects, particularly those of two or three stops only; indeed, the number of stops normally drawn at once by organists of that time cannot be assumed from modern practices. With the exception of three Principal choruses of four or five stops, the registrations at Dresden (referred to above) were all of three stops or less. Quite apart from what this fact might imply about the state of contemporary wind-raising techniques, it suggests that organs of the period were geared towards subtle colour and musical variety. As to the ‘multiple chests’ themselves, a very plausible attempt to describe their complex action, double pallets, transmission and extension system has been made by Bunjes (D(xv)1966). The most useful arrangement was the most traditional and long-lived, namely the multiple pedal division in which the biggest bass pipes would take one or two chests, and the cantus firmus and other high stops another chest. Wind could be prevented by a Sperrventil from entering any chest not immediately needed; and a low pressure could be the better sustained if no chest was above a certain size.

A circumspect reading of Praetorius reveals three main types of complex layout, two of them multiple action: (i) the double action enabling two or more chests to be played by one keyboard (e.g. Brustwerk and Oberwerk from Oberwerk keys only); (ii) the transmission chest (with two pallets), enabling one or more ranks of pipes to be played by two keyboards (usually the bigger stops of the Oberwerk played by pedal keys); (iii) octave and even quint transmission or ‘extension’, that is, a chest construction enabling a rank of pipes to be played at unison, quint or octave pitches. The third was very rare, but important in view of later developments. Since couplers were also much to the fore in organs using complex action, and since the Sperrventil increased the registration possibilities (by making drawn stops inoperative until required), it can be seen that an important musical aim was maximum variety for a given number of ranks. But such aids had the potentially bad effect of overemphasizing the main Oberwerk chest to the detriment of true secondary manuals, weakening the independence of the pedal, and encouraging the cultivation of intricate workmanship as an end in itself. But the Chair organ remained an independent department in the major organs, and as such helped to provide the right conditions for most idiomatic organ music of 17th-century Germany, as it also did in France, the Netherlands, Scandinavia and England.

6. The Werkprinzip organ.

The Chair organ was indeed the manual that supplied the true balanced chorus to the Great; but in areas or periods in which second manuals were required for simple echo effects or soft background colours (Spain and Italy during the whole period, France during the 16th century, England after 1700) or in smaller churches where expense had to be avoided, the Chair organ was dispensed with and smaller chests were incorporated in the main case.

The visual characteristics of the Werkprinzip organ (the term is a modern one, coined by the 20th-century reformers) – the single main case, the Chair organ, the separate pedal towers – were all known by the 15th century. But by the time of Praetorius, owing to the range of available organ colour and the widespread mechanical skill in making good actions, builders were able to develop a type of instrument using such features put to new, unified purpose. Scheidt’s remarks in his Tabulatura nova (1624) imply a sophisticated and codified practice for organs and their music, and show the instrument to have developed well along the lines laid down by Schlick and beyond recognition of those laid down by Arnaut. Indeed, it is a mistake to relate the Werkprinzip Chair organ and (even more so) its pedal towers to the organ of Arnaut’s period. It is often very uncertain whether in about 1450 the Chair organ of a large instrument had the same pitch as the Great or its keys aligned with it; nor was two-manual playing necessarily known outside Schlick’s area and period. Similarly, although side towers or trompes held bass pipes, they were not necessarily played by pedal keys; in any case, a vital function of Werkprinzip pedal towers is that they hold cantus firmus solo stops near the Protestant congregation in or below the gallery. No doubt the larger instruments of about 1550 might have had pedal towers combining both characteristics; but the Werkprinzip organ flourished many hundreds of kilometres north-east of the areas knowing the old trompes, and did not become fully developed until after the Reformation.

One of the attractions of the Werkprinzip was that an organ could be altered and its potential enlarged simply by adding a new department to the old. While the Totentanz organ of the Marienkirche, Lübeck (destroyed in 1942), is much less understood than modern references to it suggest, it is certain that its four departments expressed the ideals of four quite different periods: the Hauptwerk, the late 15th century; the Rückpositiv, the mid-16th century; the Brustwerk, the early 17th; and the completed Pedal organ, the early 18th. Many famous organs of this type in northern Europe (e.g. Jakobikirche, Lübeck; Johanniskirche, Lüneburg) are in fact composite instruments (quite apart from modern rebuilds), accumulations of Werke constantly altered in compass, specification, tuning and no doubt voicing by builder after builder. The smaller Jakobikirche organ, restored in the 1980s to the form given it in 1636 by Stellwagen, still contains part of its late 15th-century Principal chorus, the pipes made of nearly pure lead. The big organs of the Niehoffs, the Scherers, and the Compenius and Fritzsche families were like living organisms; except for the large chamber organ in the chapel of Frederiksborg Castle, Denmark, none remains in anything like its original state.

Organ historians are often tempted to trace the organ’s evolution in terms of the best-known builders. Frequently, however, contributions are attributed to a builder on the basis of mere conjecture or even fable. Probably not a single item in the list of innovations commonly attributed to Gottfried Fritzsche, for instance, is specifically his: inclusion of a fourth manual; more systematic use of 32' and 16' reeds to written C; introduction to north Germany of rare stops, both flue (Viol, Schwiegel, imitative flutes) and reed (Sordun, Ranket); contrast between narrow ‘male’ and wide ‘female’ stops (e.g. Nasat 22/3' and Quinte 22/3' on the same manual); reduction of the big Brabant Scharf Mixture to a high repeating two-rank Zimbel; greater use of tin in the pipe metal, and also of wooden pipes (reeds, flues, stopped, open); and systematic adherence to C compass, sometimes with split keys (d/e etc.). But they certainly belong to his period. Such a list, taken with the provincialisms running through Praetorius’s Syntagma musicum, ii (2/1619), does lead to a distinct kind of organ. The chief musical characteristics of the Werkprinzip thus emerging in a purer form in the north were: the contrast between a full, round Hauptwerk and a thin, piercing, more variable Rückpositiv; the versatile pedal; and the clarity of the whole in average parish churches with little reverberation. In most cases it was the Rückpositiv that was understood to be the ‘solo manual’, and as such it performed an important function in the chorale-based literature of the 17th century. The idiom was clearly defined for organists, who seem to have been in little need of registration hints either from composers or from builders. (Balanced contrast could easily be achieved between two manuals if the same number of stops was drawn in each.) Explicit and firm registration rules have been formulated only in areas and at periods in which organs were more uniform (e.g. in northern Italy c1600, France c1700 and England c1750).

The Hamburg Werkprinzip organ reached maturity and indeed satiation in the work of Arp Schnitger, famous in his day far and wide, the possessor of many privileges, and, with Gottfried Silbermann (whose organs were quite different in many ways), the inspiration for the German Organ Reform (Orgelbewegung) of the 1920s. Despite work in progress, surprisingly little is certain about Schnitger – how responsible he was for his individual instruments (his workshop was large and active), what his scaling policy was (scales vary hugely, depending on the church, the pitch, the value of the old pipework he re-used, etc.), what his pitch and temperament were, why he usually changed small multifold bellows to large single-fold bellows in his rebuilds, why he dropped the Rückpositiv in his late work around Berlin, who designed his cases (fig.35), etc. Research has established that his wind pressures varied between about 94 mm or higher (the large organs in Hamburg) and about 67 mm, an average being about 85 mm (Nikolaikirche, Flensburg).Table 13 gives the stop list of his first four-manual organ, in the Nikolaikirche, Hamburg (destroyed in 1842). Such very large organs give a kind of highest common factor of instruments known to such composers as Buxtehude, Lübeck and Bruhns and on which toccatas and chorales of the older composers (Scheidemann, Weckmann, Tunder and others) were still played. In some areas of the Netherlands, north Germany and Scandinavia, such an organ remained the model until 1850 or so, and the Werkprinzip can be recognized behind later organs very different in sound and appearance from the Hamburg Nikolaikirche.

7. The French classical organ.

In northern Italy the ‘classical Brescian organ’ of the late 16th century remained a norm to which the occasional 17th-century two-manual organ was an exception (and probably built by a foreign builder); it was only in the mid-17th century that the French organ achieved its classical form, intimately bound up with music of a distinct and well-characterized idiom. The very number of livres d’orgue published following the publication of the Caeremoniale parisiense (1662; see Organ mass) suggests a remarkably unified ‘organ school’. Every stop in a French organ of about 1700 came to have an appointed purpose, and the livres d'orgue from Nivers (1665) to Marchand (c1715) and beyond, several of which contain registration tables, give the impression that late 17th-century Paris had shaken off outside influences past and present.

But Flemish influence had originally been paramount in northern France as Italian and Spanish had been in parts of southern France. Titelouze’s plenum was much the same as that of a Dutch composer. Even the Cornet was Netherlandish, from the time of the organ in Antwerp (1565) onwards. Yet while many details in Mersenne’s Harmonie universelle (1636–7) may point to northern influences like Praetorius, important moves towards the organ of the livres d’orgue were made at this period, above all in Paris. Narrow- and wide-scaled Tierces soon became common (narrow at St Nicolas-des-Champs, 1618; wide at St Jacques-de-la-Boucherie, 1631) and with them a general change towards mutation colour (e.g. more 13/5' ranks, fewer 1'). Mersenne knew Tierces as ranks used both in the plein jeu and for solo combinations. More important still were the new short-compass keyboards of solo or quasi-solo character: the 25-note Cornet manual (i.e. a Récit) at St Séverin, Paris (1610), set a new fashion, though intended at first only as a little keyboard giving the raised Cornet chest a second row of keys. Were the little extra chest to be placed below the Grand orgue it would be called Echo and probably have a shorter keyboard and more ranks. By 1660 a large organ could be expected to have four manuals (including two treble halves): two supplying classical Great–Chair organ contrast (Grand orgue and Positiv) and two right-hand solo manuals (Echo and Récit) for music influenced by the monodic récit dramatique of the ballet de cour.

The organ played by Nicolas Lebègue (Table 14), one of the organists to Louis XIV, shows the French scheme of the period at its best. Rarely can an organ have been so closely related to the music of its period as such an instrument to the works of Lebègue, Raison, Grigny, Couperin and others. Standardization was one of the chief aims. To obtain the Plein jeu for those movements in the Mass that required it, for example, the organist drew the Principals 16', 8', 4', 2', then added the Fourniture, whose composition was probably something like: and then finally the Cymbale: which, if it was a large four-rank Cymbale, included the 26th as well. Such schemes were recorded by Bédos de Celles (B1766–78) at the end of the great period but can be taken as typical; thus, for instance, his specification of 1766 (for the case design, see fig.36) is almost indistinguishable from that of the 1674 organ at Le Petit Andely. Important points about the French chorus (which also, through his brother Johann Andreas in Alsace, influenced Gottfried Silbermann in Saxony) are that the Cymbale broke back more often than the Fourniture but generally duplicated the Fourniture in the treble; no rank is higher than 2' at c''' (i.e. 28 mm long); and doubled ranks did not occur in either Mixture. The plein jeu was rarely brilliant, never shrill; it was rather a further ‘colour’ of the organ.

Pitch, at least from about 1680, was about a semitone below a' = 440. Pipe metal was hammered, including the lead pipes for flute stops. The keyboards were always pivoted at the end, and the mechanism suspended from the chests above, trackers passing straight from the Grand orgue keyboard to the pallet box ranged vertically above the keys (fig.37). The Positif stickers connect with a lever which raises the pallet placed above the channel-end. Such systems were simple and logical, providing the player with a very sensitive action facilitating, among other things, the playing of ornaments.

To obtain the Grand jeu, the organist drew a varying combination of reeds, Cornet, Principals 8' and 4' and Tierces, but no mixtures. The reeds supplied volume and brilliance; the Cornet boosted the thin reed trebles; the Tierces encouraged the overtone level that gave prominence; and the Principal 4' strengthened the basic tone. Fugues were often played on such registrations, and other fugal colours, such as Tierce combinations with Tremulant, give an impression quite different from that of Italian or German fugues of the period 1650–1750. On larger organs, a pair of Trompettes on the Grand orgue after about 1750 gave a timbre peculiar to the bass depth and brilliance of French reeds. Late in the period a Trompette was also put on the Positif, and following the organ at Notre Dame, Paris (Thierry, 1730–33), Bombarde manuals were also very occasionally included – keyboards coupled to the Grand orgue and playing the large-scaled Bombarde 16', perhaps with other large reeds; at Notre Dame the Bombarde division could also be played from the Pedal. The chief purpose of this was to give the ranks their own chest and wind supply, which was often experimentally high by the end of the classical period. Similarly, it was the treble ‘boosting’ supplied by the Cornet that led eventually to higher pressures and double-length harmonic resonators during the next century. The reed basses, however, remained the chief glory, encouraging composers to write special basse de trompette music from about 1650 onwards. De grosse taille (‘of large scale’) is a phrase often applied in 17th-century contracts to the Trompette.

Even in plein jeu registrations (in which the mixtures replaced the reeds for brilliance), the French organ was not overdrawn. Only a handful of stops was involved in any of the characteristic French registrations, and all the codified ingenuity was geared towards clearly marked colours. Thus the texture of a piece marked Tierce en taille, one of the most beautiful effects known to organists, would consist of the following elements: (i) left hand on Positif, Bourdon 8' + Prestant 4' + Doublette 2' + Nasard + Tierce (perhaps + Larigot), playing a free, singing melody in the middle of the texture, gamba-like; (ii) right hand on Grand orgue, Bourdons 16' + 8' + 4' (jeux doux), playing accompaniment above or around the melody; and (iii) pedal playing the bass line on a Flûte 8' (or perhaps coupled to Grand orgue Bourdon 16' in later examples). There was some variety in such registrations: Bédos de Celles, for instance, did not like 16' manual stops in accompaniments. On the other hand, the Tierces were so characteristic of French organs that many combinations were possible: a right-hand Cornet line on the Grand orgue, for instance, could be accompanied in dialogue by a left hand Jeu de tierce registration on the Positif. From D’Anglebert (1689) onwards, Quatuors and Trios had been played using three different colours including pedal: indeed, the chief purpose of the pedal was ‘pour pouvoir jouer les trios’ (according to Joyeuse’s contract at Auch in 1688) and to play 8' and 16' cantus firmus in pieces built on a plainchant. The biggest drain on wind supply and narrow channels must have been the slower, sustained music written for concert de flûtes and fonds d’orgue registrations, comprising all available Montres, Prestants, open Flûtes and Bourdons. Such sounds became fashionable around the middle of the 18th century; but whatever the combination, no organist in the provinces need have been in doubt about how the Parisian composers expected their pieces to sound (see also Registration, §I, 5).

The splendid French organ at the eve of the Revolution (1789) may well have been far superior to the music written for it, as were the Dutch organ of 1700 and the English organ of 1850; but it is the very decadence of the music that best draws out the extravagant contrasts, brilliant reeds, round flutes, echoes, big choruses and immense colour potential available on such extant late instruments as those at St Maximin-en-Var (J.-E. Isnard, 1773) and Poitiers Cathedral (F.-H. Clicquot, 1787–90). The French organ received a serious setback when the Revolution disrupted life in the cities. It was ripe for development at the very moment when Clicquot’s sons became soldiers; but not until Cavaillé-Coll's organ for St Denis, completed in 1841, did Poitiers have a worthy successor.

8. The English organ.

Evidence for the late medieval organ in the British Isles is extremely sketchy, partly because of the protracted period of religious and political instability that lasted from the Dissolution of the Monasteries in 1536 until the Glorious Revolution of 1688, which wiped out a huge mass of material, and partly because the small instruments that were characteristic of this period warranted little in the way of extravagant description or fame. There is some evidence of connections with the European mainland. Despite Henry VIII’s leanings towards Italian culture, those connections (at least in organ building) seem to exist in greatest number and importance with Flanders. Most significant were the appearances in England of Flemish organ builders such as Michiel Langhedul at Salisbury Cathedral in 1530 and Jasper Blancart in London (1566–82), both from families of craftsmen well known on the Continent.

The nature of the organs associated with the great age of Tudor church music remained completely obscure until the late 20th century, when a number of significant finds were made. There may have been isolated large organs in Britain, such as the one built by Laurence Playssher for Exeter Cathedral in 1513 (for which bills survive), but all the remaining evidence suggests that the standard instrument used to accompany the choral liturgy was small. This evidence consists of large numbers of inventory records made after the Dissolution, a couple of early contracts, and, since 1995, two fragmentary remains of early 16th-century instruments preserved by chance. The most important of these, the ‘Wetheringsett fragment’ (an entire organ soundboard of about 1520 preserved as a door in a farm building in Suffolk fig.38), indicates the type of instrument typical of the school (Table 15), its size and scope directly confirmed by contemporary contracts at All Hallows, Barking-by-the-Tower, London (Antony Duddyngton, 1519–20), and Holy Trinity, Coventry (John Howe and John Clynmowe, 1526). In large buildings instruments of this type seem usually to have been multiplied in number, but not in size. At Durham Cathedral before the Dissolution, according to one account, there were five organs in various parts of the building, of which at least one had pipes of wood, each with its specific role in the liturgy and in the cycle of the church year. The largest instruments of this period may have been based on a full-compass Diapason of 10' pitch, though the Principal 5' was still regarded as the unison. The use of a long chromatic keyboard is characteristic of English instruments; the provision of the low accidentals, at a time when mean-tone tuning was probably universal, may be explained by the English love of ornamentation in keyboard music.

From around 1570 there is widespread evidence from all parts of the British Isles that, as a result of Puritan opposition, organs were removed and destroyed. With the revival of a High Church party in the early 17th century, led by William Laud, organs were returned to the cathedrals and collegiate churches, but not, it seems, to the parishes. The great majority of these new instruments, like the Worcester Cathedral organ of 1613 (Table 16), were built by members of the Dallam family. Many were ‘double organs’, i.e. of two manuals, for which the genre of organ music that became known as ‘double Voluntary’ was developed.

The Civil War of 1642 onwards brought an end to this activity, and organs across the land were again dismantled. The Catholic Dallam family sought refuge in Brittany, where they continued to ply their trade, adapting completely to the local style. After the Restoration in 1660, organs were restored or newly built at first on exactly the same pattern as before the war. However, new foreign influences soon promoted the arrival of a new style, and a further wave of rebuilding and new commissions. The post-Restoration English organ was partly the result of rivalry between two organ-building factions. In the aftermath of the Fire of London in 1666 the city was opened to all craftsmen in order to speed the rebuilding. One who came was Bernard Smith (c1630–1708), an organ builder then resident in the Netherlands (although probably German in origin), later to become known in affectionate recognition as ‘Father’ Smith. He established himself and gained a royal connection in the early 1670s, much to the chagrin of his rivals, the remaining members of the Dallam family and their in-laws the Harrises. Smith and Renatus Harris (c1652–1724) made a public exhibition of their rivalry in 1683–8, both building new organs for the Temple Church in London, a contest that became known as the ‘Battle of the Organs’. Smith's instrument (Table 17) was judged the better; Harris’s organ was removed.

Smith went on to build the organ for Wren’s new St Paul’s Cathedral, completed in 1697. This also had three manuals, the Great organ descending to low C', 16' pitch. Pull-down pedals to the Great organ were added in 1720. The split keys, used by Smith at the Temple and at Durham Cathedral (1686), allowed for some remoter keys to be used without any compromise to the mean-tone tuning.

Despite Smith’s success, Harris was ultimately just as busy. His own instruments (e.g. that for St Bride’s, Fleet Street; Table 18) showed some influence from the Dallam-Harris clan’s period of exile in France, and, given the continental background of these rival builders, the question might be asked as to why they did not introduce the conventional European C-compass or even independent Pedal organs. In fact Smith was working in the Netherlands at a time when the independent Pedal was only just becoming a feature of the largest new organs, and the depth of Harris’s debt to France was surely tempered by the fact that he was only eight years old when the family returned to England in 1660.

In the end it was the Harris style that succeeded into the 18th century, through the work of Renatus’s son John Harris and associated craftsmen such as Richard Bridge and John Byfield (i) and (ii). The standard three-manual instrument of the period, with its long-compass Great organ and (now) Choir organ (disposed as a Chair in some cathedral and collegiate instruments, but otherwise normally placed behind the Great), was enlivened by the conversion of the old short-compass Echo (where the pipes were entombed in a box of some kind) into an expressive Swell organ by fitting a movable front (operated by a pedal at the console) on to the box enclosing the pipes. The first example of this was introduced by the two Abraham Jordans, father and son, in their instrument at St Magnus the Martyr, London Bridge, in 1712 (and may have been derived by them from earlier Iberian examples). Even the most fully developed large instruments followed this established pattern, simply supplying stops of familiar name and type in more extravagant numbers. In the instruments of Bridge (Table 19 and fig.39) and the Byfields a superficial resemblance to the French type remains, right down to the occasional use of wide principal scales for the mutation stops. However, it is clear that English national taste exercised itself vigorously in excluding any blatant sounds or gross pitches, the emphasis being rather on sweetness, delicacy, and the accuracy of the imitative registers (Trumpet, Hautboy, French Horn, Bassoon, Vox humana and Flute). The extempore players of the 18th century, performing voluntaries perhaps slightly more complex than those which survive in printed form for the large semi-amateur market, would have exploited these imitative effects to the full. The Swell divisions, originally fitted with sliding sash fronts, but by 1800 with ‘Venetian’ shutters after the pattern of the familiar window blind, enhanced the expressivity of these effects.

Registration followed conventional patterns. Solo stops (the reeds, Cornet and Flute) might be heard on their own. Otherwise the combinations referred to most frequently are ‘Diapasons’ (Open Diapason plus Stopped Diapason, used for slow introductory movements) and ‘Full Organ’ (all Great organ stops except the Cornet). The latter combination would be given an agreeable nasal twang by the Trumpets and Clarions, and by the provision of third-sounding Tierce ranks in the mixtures in addition to the usual unisons and Quints. During the 18th century organs such as this became universal in cathedrals, collegiate churches, and the parish churches of wealthier towns. In the cathedrals and colleges they accompanied the choir; in the parish churches they accompanied the congregation in singing metrical versions of the psalms and were used for extempore voluntaries before, during and after the service.

The market for new organs in the 18th century was vigorous and competitive, encouraging indigenous and immigrant craftsmen, including the Swiss-born John Snetzler (1710–85), who settled in London around 1740 and adapted completely to the local style. Considerable demand was also developing for small instruments for secular use. There had been a tradition of chamber organs in England since early times (see Chamber organ and Positive), and several examples of small organs, often with pipes entirely of wood, survive from the second half of the 17th century. There was a considerable revival of interest in the second half of the 18th century contemporary with (and perhaps because of) the great popularity of Handel, who seems regularly to have used small or even portable organs when playing continuo and for the performance of organ concertos as interludes to larger works.

Later 18th-century builders, notably members of the England family and Samuel Green, continued to refine the basic recipe, adding only the Dulciana (a delicate string-toned stop first used in Britain by Snetzler) to the range of available voices, and never exceeding the size of instrument established by their immediate forebears. The only expansion in range came in the occasional provision of pull-down pedals to the Great organ, in larger and later examples operating a single rank of unison Pedal pipes also.

The national taste for subtlety and delicacy meant that English organs gradually became softer and prettier in sound as the century progressed. The importance of the art of voicing had been demonstrated by the rivalry of Smith and Harris. The Englands and Samuel Green became obsessed with tonal beauty. When Green built a new organ for Salisbury Cathedral in 1792 (Table 20), the building was closed to visitors for two weeks so that he could attend to the tuning and voicing in near silence. Green also provided an organ for the Handel Commemoration festival of 1784, an enormous event held at the west end of Westminster Abbey. Hoping to address such new demands, Green’s successors attempted to build much larger organs in the years immediately following 1800, but still adhered to the insular recipe of the English classical organ type, until at last abandoning it in the 1840s in favour of the ‘German system’ of uniform C-compass keyboards and independent pedal organ.

9. The Baroque organ in the Iberian Peninsula and Latin America.

The organ of the Iberian peninsula has many special characteristics. Yet Baroque organs of Spain and Portugal differ in detail from area to area, and while the visual parts of such instruments were indigenous and individual, their musical characteristics are founded in common European traditions. In 1500 Spanish organs stood at much the same point as those of northern France, the Netherlands and northern Germany, having separable stops of varying colours and pitches, though being more likely to have but a single keyboard. The influences were Flemish rather than Italian – a Pedro Flamench (‘Peter the Fleming’) was at work in Barcelona in 1540 – and even the term ‘Fleutes’ for Principals (a later term was Flautado) was Flemish. Principals and Mixtures (Mixtura, Forniment, Simbalet) were the stop-changes or mutaciones available on the new big organs of 1550, as they had been earlier in the north, although positives were already showing an array of slider-stops, including regals, reeds and wooden flues. Evidently Flemish builders brought Chimney Flutes and Quintadenas with them, and by the 1550s new large organs of splendid proportions could be expected to have large-scaled reed stops. Often these reeds had colourful names: Trompetas naturals a la tudesca (‘German or Dutch trumpet stops with natural-length resonators’), Clarins de mar (‘trumpets of the sea’, as used for naval signals) or Clarins de galera, molt sonoroses (‘gallery trumpets, very sonorous’) at Lérida in 1554. Although none of these was horizontal, the terms are evocative and probably played their part in the later evolution of the remarkable Iberian reed stops.

Just as Flemish singers were called to Felipe II’s court chapel in Madrid, so Flemish organ builders were commissioned (notably members of the Brebos family), putting into practice their up-to-date ideas at El Escorial. The Brebos organ had a large Hoofdwerk of two chests and big flue and reed choruses, as well as flute mutations; the pedal was similarly a large modern department. But the only other manual was a Brustwerk (though one of 12 stops), and indeed Chair organs were never to become important in Spanish organ building, although the Cadireta (both interior and exterior) was later to become a common secondary division. Barcelona seems to have been a centre for northern European builders, but registrations left at the monastery of Sant Joan de les Abadesses in 1613 show the stops to have been used in a traditional or old-fashioned way, and during the 17th century emphasis shifted south and west.

Regals may have been the first reed stops to be placed horizontally in Iberian organs (in the manner later known by the French term En chamade), but in 1659 the builder Echevarría placed a full-length Trumpet (Clarin) horizontally in the façade of his organ in Alcalá de Henares, boasting that he was the first to do this. Placing reeds horizontally in the case front was convenient for sound (penetrating in big churches where the organ did not face the congregation), accessibility (for quick tuning), reliability (gathering little dust), economy (replacing cathedral trumpeters) and appearance (fig.40). But the documents rarely specify whether reeds were horizontal or not, just as documents before the end of the 18th century rarely specify whether or not ‘Eco’ chests or interior Trumpets and Cornets were placed in a box. Reeds were plentiful: in addition to the Clarins (‘mounted like cannons’ in the cornice), Echevarría’s organ contained Trompetas reales (‘of which there can be three kinds’), Dulzainas, Orlos (resembling ‘the guitar and harpsichord’ (zitara y clavicordio)), Trompeta mayor (‘a stop found in few other organs’), Bajoncillos (‘also newly invented’), Voz humanas and Angeles o Serafines (angel statues blowing trumpets). By 1750 a large organ would have a huge battery of reeds, vertical and horizontal, many kinds of chorus, large Swell departments and even a pedal rank or two. The well-known organ of Granada (fig.41) can be taken as an example; its stop-list is given inTable 21. No large Spanish organ can be called fully ‘typical’. As in Italy during the next century, the larger the organ, the greater the variety of solo stops; the large organ of Toledo (1796), however, shows no advance on the concept of smaller organs built nearly a century earlier.

A few registration guides for Spanish Baroque organs have been found. One, for an instrument made at Segovia Cathedral about 1770, suggests the few staple requirements organists made of these extravagant creations. They comprise French-style ‘dialogues’ (two-part pieces with mutation stops or reeds in each hand), regal solos (e.g. Dulzaina in either hand), half-stops for each hand on the same manual, echo effects and manual contrasts for two- or three-part music, flutes contrasted with reeds (perhaps for use in homophonic music), inner vertical reeds with outer horizontal trumpets, cornets and reeds 8', 4' or 8', 2' combined. Because organs of this period contained many halved stops (medio registro), the right hand could produce a line lower than that of the left hand, or one very much higher, and this feature characterizes much of the music of the time. The Echo box is also mentioned, not for swelling but to mute the effect of certain registrations. Pedals are ignored.

Over the whole period, the bellows of the Iberian organ were usually multifold and operated by hand. Wind pressure was low (c50–60 mm), though up to 90 mm on larger instruments. The chests were always slider-chests, usually divided into bass and treble, either between B and C (usual in the south) or C and C (usual in the north). As in French organs, the pallets are directly above the keys (suspended action). The chest layout is often very complicated, each group of stops set on channelled-off subsidiary chests, terraced at different heights, easy to tune and reach, and often some way removed from the pallet. Neither bellows nor trunks and channels allow the families of stops to be combined, but the rigidity of registration enabled builders to include helpful accessories like knee-operated ‘shifting movements’ to aid stop-changes. Secondary divisions are often placed on the floor of the main case (Cadireta interior) and operated by a sticker action; if there is a Chair organ (Cadireta exterior), the pallets are below and directly in line with the lower keyboard, and the channels pass below the closely placed organist’s seat. A middle manual may operate pallets of a pair of chests placed in the rear case-front of the organ, facing the side aisle. There are no manual couplers. Pedal keys are short, sometimes mushroom-shaped, usually encompassing eight or ten notes, as in Italian organs; there may be a rank of wooden pipes but most pedals are pulldowns, presumably for organ points and cadences. The hinged lid of the Echo box – known to contain a Cornet by about 1675 but including reeds by about 1710 – was raised by a pulley and rope operated by a pedal-lever that needed to be kept down if the lid was to remain open.

The scaling of the Principal is often narrow, the tone restrained; flutes are gentle, and Cornets expansive but thinner than the French. The quiet flutes contrast greatly with the reeds, which were designed to fill the spaces of a large Spanish church outside the immediate intimacy of the quire or coro over which the organ looms. Reeds and regals, and divided stops in general, encouraged solo music, and Correa de Arauxo’s Libro de tientos y discursos (1626) shows a matured technique of left- or right-hand solos, a technique similar in effect to other 17th-century dialogue music such as the English double voluntary and certain French pieces (Basse de trompette). The reeds also played chords, not only for the celebrated batallas (battle-pieces) but also for imposing intradas on feast days.

At Zaragoza (extant case dated 1443; fig.42) organs were already placed between the pillars of the quire of the church. It was probably this position that encouraged large flat façades bearing little resemblance to the inner construction of the organ itself, indeed often giving it the appearance of having more chest levels than it has. The amount of empty space within a Spanish organ absorbs strong partials in the plenum and helps to produce the mild quality of the flue choruses.

No account of the Iberian type of organ would be complete without some mention of its manifestations in the New World. Imported organs, at first small, are recorded in Mexico not long after the Conquest, before the midpoint of the 16th century; by the end of the 17th century there are numerous records of organs being both built and played by native Mexicans who had been taught by Spanish priests. In 1624 it was recorded that ‘no Augustinian church lacked an organ’, and that promising youths from each village were being sent to Mexico City at community expense to study music and organ playing. From this period to the late 19th century virtually all organs in Mexico were locally built. One notable exception is the large Epistle organ in Mexico City Cathedral, built in 1693 by Jorge de Sesma of Spain and first used in 1695. Its main manual has over 30 divided stops, with smaller Cadereta and Positivo divisions playable from the secondary manual. In 1734 José Nassarre, a Mexican who had already constructed a sizable organ in Guadalajara Cathedral, enlarged the Cadereta, and the following year he completed an organ of similar size on the Gospel side of the quire, which had an additional 27-note Recitativo enclosed in an expression box. Both organs have survived neglect and fire, and were restored in 1978 by the Flentrop firm. Many Mexican builders of the 17th century are anonymous, but in 1738 the first of several generations of Castros established a workshop in Puebla, and significant work of this family survives in the area. In 1786 Manuel Dávila was advertising that he built organs tuned in equal temperament, and in the early 19th century José Antonio Sanchez and Manuel Suárez were active in the Taxco area. Even at the end of the 19th century, Mexican-built organs were conservative in nature, generally following the 18th-century Iberian pattern of a single-manual instrument with treble and bass stops, housed in ornate casework often of considerable artistic distinction. The late 19th and early 20th centuries saw the decline of the Mexican organ-building school and increased importation of German, Italian and, to a lesser extent, American and French instruments. Many native Mexican organs were allowed to go to ruin, but since the restoration of the Mexico City Cathedral organs funds have been made available through the Patrimonio and private foundations to make possible the restoration of a number of significant instruments. Although Mexican organs became well documented and studied in the final decades of the 20th century, little is still known about those elsewhere in Latin America other than that significant numbers of older organs have been reported, especially in Peru.

10. The 18th-century Italian organ.

The essentials of the Brescian classical organ were established by 1575 at the latest: large, shallow cases (somewhat altar-like in shape, open-spaced above the pipes), with one chest at the level of the case pipes (spring-chest, mortised with well-spaced channels often of equal size), and multifold bellows and low wind pressure. The compass would rise to a'' or c''', with all but case pipes of metal with a high lead content (thick-walled, principals relatively narrow in the bass, flutes wider with smaller mouths) and completely separate ranks (the upper of which break back an octave at regular intervals). The tuning would be some form of mean-tone temperament, but the general pitch level would vary from organ to organ (‘come si vuole’, as Antegnati remarked), as indeed it did throughout Europe. Sometimes there was an octave or so of pedal pulldowns (short keys sloping up slightly; ‘pedali a leggio’), and occasionally after about 1600 with thin-walled wooden Pedal Principals. Registration was standardized, and each combination suggested to the player a certain modal style to be played at a certain moment of the Mass (e.g. ‘Voce umana’ for the Elevation), as set forth by Banchieri (L’organo suonarino, 1605) and others.

Italian builders and organists remained faithful to these ideas, modifying them gradually but leaving them recognizable even in the large organs of the 1850s. Yet it could be that historians have overemphasized the Brescian organ, for each city or region had its own version of the general plan. The Flemish builder Vincenzo Quemar had already introduced stopped pipes (Flute 22/3'), Chimney Flute (2'), conical flute (12/3'), reeds (Tromboni 8') and regals (Voce umana 4') at Orvieto Cathedral by 1600, as well as a Tremulant and an aviary of toy stops. Less than a century later, another German (the Silesian Eugen Casparini) was introducing Mixtures and even Cornets in organs of the Tyrol, as well as confirming the trend towards the German-French C–c''' compass, and the Fleming Willem Hermans had a strong influence in Tuscany. But indirect Italian influences appear to have been strong elsewhere early in the 17th century, notably in Provence and Jesuit Poland (conventual churches). Second manuals remained the exception, and the one made by the Dalmatian builder Pietro Nacchini for S Antonio, Padua, in 1743–9 presented a character little different from that of S Maria in Aracoeli, Rome, in 1587: I Ripieno, Voce umana, two flutes, Tierce, regal; II Ripieno, Voce umana, one flute, Tierce, regal; Pedal 16'. As builders began collecting the upper Ripieno ranks on to one slider, a Mixture resulted that was not so different from a French Fourniture cymbalisée. A particular taste grew during the 18th century for Tierce or (as they were called) Cornetto ranks, but these had already been included in some two-manual registrations written down in Rome in 1666. Moreover, during the 18th century large, experimental organs were built on special commission, spreading new ideas from Bergamo to Sicily. Toy stops remained an important element in Italian organs. Although rivalry with the fine organs ‘at Marseilles, Trent and Hamburg’ may have been the motive behind the five-manual organ at S Stefano dei Cavalieri, Pisa (Azzolino Bernardino Della Ciaia, 1733–7), and elsewhere, the result was peculiarly unlike any of them. The 1730s may have seen a parting of the ways when builders throughout Europe were developing techniques beyond musical requirements; but the five-manual, three-console, 55-stop organ at Catania, Sicily (Duomo del Piano, 1755), though admired and even copied in the next century, was little more than an accumulation of several classical Italian organs, collected together, and it was decidedly atypical. The effect of Spanish rule on the Kingdom of Naples has yet to be explored from the point of view of organ building, but it seems doubtful whether Spanish influences ever went further east than the Balearics.

A characteristic and influential organ type of the later 18th century was the Venetian, brought to fruition by Nacchini and his pupil and successor Gaetano Callido. The Callido firm built hundreds of single-manual organs and many with two manuals (the pipes of the second being enclosed in an expression box from about 1785), all of excellent workmanship and summing up many of the 17th- and 18th-century trends, discarding the more extravagant elements, giving their organs a velvety, vocal tone far removed from Antegnati; indeed, in their wide-scaled Principals they influenced many a so-called Italienisch Prinzipal in modern German organs. The stop-list of an instrument by Callido is given inTable 22; for ease of tuning, the regal (Tromboncini) stops were placed in front, standing vertically before the Principale (as they did in other Italian organs of the period). Registrations provided by Callido elsewhere show orchestral imitations to have been important to organists of the period; there is no subtle play of two manuals, and in general swell shutters seem to have been used either quite open or quite closed, rather than expressively.

Research by Umberto Pineschi during the last two decades of the 20th century into the important Tuscan school and the influence of Willem Hermans thereon, together with the work of the state-sponsored restoration workshops at the Palazzo Pitti in Florence, has added to the knowledge of the Italian organ and to the preservation of its heritage.

11. The organ of J.S. Bach.

In many ways the organs of Bach’s main area of activity, Thuringia, Weimar and Leipzig, showed the same kind of influences as his music: a basic German traditionalism tempered with French colour and Italian fluency. Neither the organ nor the music was as local in origin or as independent of other regional ideas as was usually the case elsewhere, even in the mid-18th century. Bach himself is known to have been well acquainted with organ music of many countries and periods, as were such contemporaries as J.G. Walther; later colleagues, however, seem in some respects to have had less wide knowledge. C.P.E. Bach’s remark that his father registered stops ‘in his own manner’, ‘astounding’ other organists, might conceivably refer to either a French or a 17th-century north German approach to stop-combination, one not known to players of the younger generation, who thought that ‘the art died with him’; however, one must be careful not to read too much into this remark. On the other hand, J.S. Bach is said to have complained that Gottfried Silbermann’s mixtures were ‘over-weak’, with ‘not enough sharp penetration’, which might suggest that he did not appreciate that Silbermann’s French plein jeu was different in function from a north German organo pleno, being one of the many colours rather than a total chorus. Moreover, the period in which Bach worked was one of a changing aesthetic for organs, when the large west-end organ became increasingly associated with congregational hymn singing, requiring big chests, large bellows capacity, many 8' stops (including those of string tone), a powerful 16' pedal tone for ‘gravity’ and a range of sound characterized more by extremes of loud and soft than by a full array of equal, piquant colours.

Apart from the qualities of his music, then, the position of Bach in organ history is important, and can serve to show some of the currents affecting the flow of German organ music. In the course of two centuries, the area between Hanover and Breslau produced great builders (the Fritzsche and Compenius families, Casparini, Silbermann, Joachim Wagner, Engler, Hildebrandt, Trost and Schulze) and some even more influential theorists (Praetorius, Werckmeister, Adlung, Agricola, Marpurg, Sorge, Knecht, Seidel and Töpfer). Its composers included many who travelled to hear and see great organ traditions elsewhere (for example Bach, who went to Lübeck to hear Buxtehude and to Hamburg to prove his ability on a Schnitger organ) or who settled down in another part of Germany and formed schools of keyboard playing around them (Froberger, Pachelbel, C.P.E. Bach). Many details of the stop-lists of J.S. Bach’s organs at Arnstadt (1703–7), Mühlhausen (1707–8) and Weimar (1708–17) remain unclear, as do larger matters of registration and tonal effect; but fine restorations during the 20th century of organs by Trost and other builders contemporary with Bach, along with the increased accessibility of Thuringia and Saxony since 1989, has helped considerably in the understanding of these matters and in the dispelling of many Orgelbewegung misconceptions. The Arnstadt organ (Table 23) can be taken as typical, one known by the Pachelbel school as well as Bach’s family. The particular kind of second manual on this instrument, the pedal department, and the range of 8' manual colours had long been traditional in this part of Germany, and in style the Weimar court chapel organ followed much the same patterns.

TABLE 23


Bonifaciuskirche, Arnstadt
J.F.Wender, 1703

Hauptwerk (Oberwerk)		Brustwerk
	Quintadena*	?16			Stillgedackt	8
	Prinzipal	8			Hohlflöte** (g-d''')	8
	Viola da gamba	8			Prinzipal	4
	Gemshorn*	8			Nachthorn	4
	Grobgedackt	8			Quinte	2	2/3
	Quinte* (open)	5	1/3		Spitzflöte	2
	Oktave	4			Sesquialtera	?II
	Oktave	2			Mixtur	IV
	Mixtur	IV
	Zimbel	III		Pedal
	Trompete	8			Sub-Bass	16
						Violon Bass	16
						Prinzipal Bass	8
						Posaune	16

Compass: CDE-d'-d'''
Couplers: Hauptwerk to Pedal; (? Brustwerk to Pedal, Brustwerk
	to Hauptwerk); (? Hauptwerk to Pedal coupler stop later addition)
Two tuned Zimbelsterne (Glockenaccord, ?1703)
Tremulant (Hauptwerk)

* pitch length uncertain
** compass and manual uncertain

Larger church organs began to allow for new attitudes towards the plenum. When Bach was a student in Lüneburg in 1700 or visited Lübeck in 1706 organists there would not have ‘mixed the families’ of organ stops by drawing more than one rank of any given pitch even on the larger organs. As Werckmeister had written in 1698, organists should not draw two stops of the same pitch, because wind-supply and tuning problems would prevent them from being fully in tune together; but by 1721, shortly after Bach’s visit to Hamburg, Mattheson was suggesting an organo pleno of all stops except reeds – Principals, Bourdons, Salicionals, Flutes, Quintatöne, Octaves, Fifths, Mixtures, Tierce, Sesquialteras etc. The significance of any remark made by Mattheson, or its precise meaning, is often a matter of conjecture, but after the midpoint of the century Adlung and Agricola both seem to have supported the idea of mixed stops. Adlung thought that good modern bellows ought to allow an organist to draw Manual Prinzipal 8' + Gedackt 8' + Gemshorn 8' + Rohrflöte 8' with Pedal Contrabass 32' + Posaune 32' + Sub-Bass 16' + Violon 16' + Posaune 16' + Oktave 8' + Gedackt 8'; and composers such as Gronau drew Prinzipal 8' + Flute 8' + Oktave 4' + Flute 4' + Salicet 4' + Trompete 8' + Oboe 8' to bring out the melody of an organ chorale. Thus, during Bach’s lifetime, ideas about what constituted Full organ were in the process of changing, as were ideas about the number, kind and use of solo stops and combinations, as illustrated in Kauffmann’s Harmonische Seelenlust of 1733–6.

In Lüneburg, Lübeck and Hamburg Bach would have heard organs with Rückpositive, but after about 1710 such divisions were rare in new instruments of his own area and further south; some cities had not known them since about 1650. The Rückpositiv at Mühlhausen already had a stop-list (8.8.4.4.2.2.11/3.?II.III) quite different from the bright, colourful manual of Dutch and French organs, and, where gallery space was sufficient, builders preferred to hold such second-manual chests within the Great case, usually above the Great. The resulting Oberwerk was thus different in origin from that of Niehoff and Schnitger. At the same time pedals became progressively less able to provide solo colour for cantus firmus music, itself a dying genre; and organs took on a stereotyped character that varied only if the builder was sensitive to different voicing and scalings demanded by different church acoustics.

The privileged organ builder to the court of Saxony was Gottfried Silbermann, a native of Saxony who was apprenticed to his elder brother Andreas in Alsace and returned to make the friendship of such composers as Kuhnau and Bach. Silbermann’s early organ in Freiberg Cathedral, Lower Saxony (1710–14; now restored), already demonstrated many of these developments Table 24). Here was not a mass of clumsy auxiliary stops but a unique blend of Saxon and Alsatian-French elements, full of well-thought-out balance between the three manuals, and implying a mode of registration needing to be learnt carefully by the organist. Silbermann’s voicing is strong, particularly of the Principals; his smaller village organs have great power and energy. Wind pressure (as in Joachim Wagner’s organs) was c94 mm (manuals) and c104 mm (pedals) in later organs, about 10 mm higher than that of good large organs of about 1700.

There is little direct connection between any of Bach’s organ music and such instruments as that at Freiberg; but were the Trio Sonatas, for instance, known to the organist of such a church, he may well have drawn for lively movements the combination of stops noted by the local priest as having been recommended for Silbermann’s Fraureuth organ (1739–42) for jeu de tierce en dialogue (called Tertien-Zug zweystimmig): right hand Prinzipal 8' + Rohrflöte 8' + Oktave 4' + Quinte 22/3' + Prinzipal 2' + Tierce 13/5'; left hand Gedackt 8' + Rohrflöte 4' + Nasard 22/3' + Oktave 2' + Quinte 11/3' + Sifflöte 1'; and Pedal Sub-Bass 16' + Posaune 16'. Given a free choice, as he may have been in the design for Hildebrandt’s large organ at St Wenzel, Naumburg (1743–6; restored in the 1990s), Bach might well have chosen to combine the features of several organ types: three manuals including Rückpositiv, 53 stops including Cornet and solo pedal stops, and each manual designed as an entity with its own auxiliary stops (Viola, Fugara, Gamba, Unda maris, Weitpfeife, Spillflöte etc.). As in all organs frequently played by Bach, Naumburg had several string-toned stops, either narrow cylindrical or conical, and various sources, including Bach himself, suggest that they were used not only in chorale preludes, but in continuo work. Tierce ranks, alone or as constituents of the Sesquialtera-Cornet, were indispensable for solo melodic lines in an organ chorale. Manual reeds were never numerous (even at Naumburg they accounted for less than 10% of the manual stops) and were, except Vox humana and Krummhorn, for chorus purposes, although pedal reeds at 16', 8' or both are found even in organs of moderate size. The Mixtures at Naumburg were more in the bright German tradition than Silbermann’s pleins jeux, and the pedal reeds (32', 16', 8', 4') had something of Silbermann’s élan. A contemporary critic of one of Hildebrandt’s organs in Dresden thought its tone dull and heavy, owing to increased wind pressure, higher cut-ups, and new voicing methods in general which spoilt the Praetorian ‘Lieblichkeit der Harmonie’. But such factors were characteristic of the new mode of the 1730s and 1740s in general, and ‘gravity’ in an organ was praised by Bach and others.

In view of the cross-currents in German organ design from 1700 to 1750, it is not surprising that Bach should have left only a few registrations, and those only of a general nature. The published Schübler chorale preludes (c1746) make it clear whether the pedal is a 16' quasi-continuo bass line or a 4' cantus firmus melody line, but they do not specify colour. The manual Prinzipal 8' and pedal Trompete 8' registered in the autograph manuscript of the Orgelbüchlein prelude bwv600 are there as much to indicate that the canonic voices are to sound an octave apart as to suggest actual stops to be drawn. For a concerto or a prelude and fugue it is rarely clear on whose authority the manuals (and particularly the manual changes) have been specified in the manuscript copies. The subject is thus open to many solutions and suggestions. But on no single organ that Bach is known to have played would all his organ music have sounded at its best or been given a registration suitable to its carefully conceived style and genre.

12. Splendours of Europe, 1650–1800.

Between 1725 and 1750 a large number of important organs were built: the great organs of Haarlem, Gouda, Weingarten, Herzogenburg, Naumburg, Dresden, Breslau, Potsdam, Uppsala, Catania, Pisa, Tours, Paris (Notre Dame), Granada and Braga. All these and many other organs of their type were designed both to fill their churches with big sound and to tickle the ear with delicate effects. Neither purpose was known to the 16th-century builder. The very tendency to build organs exclusively at the west end of the church pinpoints this move towards extremes of sound, for apart from the large conventual churches, and larger French parish churches, the new west-end organ was the only instrument in the building, especially in Protestant countries, where the need for a smaller auxiliary organ in the liturgy had largely disappeared and choirs, if any, occupied the west gallery. The generation of builders who produced the even bigger, later organs of the 18th century (Toledo, Saint-Maximin-la-Sainte-Baume, Hamburg Michaeliskirche, Rostock Marienkirche, Arnhem, Nijmegen, Amorbach, St Florian and Oliwa) or theorists who planned yet bigger ones (Vogt, B1719, and Bédos de Celles, B1766–78) were mostly seeking to exploit the same extremes.

Earlier, however, characteristic national developments had frequently resulted in organs which, though conceived within classical limits and not, as it were, stepping outside idiomatic, traditional usage, nonetheless had greater potential than their composers seem to have been aware of, although improvisation was widely practised, an art of which we have little concrete knowledge in this period. Thus the problem with organs of 1650 to 1750 is to know for certain what they were meant to play and how they were meant to sound, whereas the problem with organs of 1750 to 1850 is that the music for which they were built, often with great ingenuity and unsurpassed technical skill, may be difficult to admire.

Two good examples of the northern organ about 1650 are at Klosterneuburg and Alkmaar; both retain many features of their originals in spite of extensive rebuilding. Much is still unknown, however, of the detail of the originals, and it is necessary to rely on the stop-lists, given in Table 25. At Klosterneuburg neither the Brustwerk nor even the Rückpositiv competes with the main chest (Hauptwerk and Pedal), either in sound or in appearance. The Hauptwerk dominates the ensemble, in the true 16th-century tradition of central Europe; perhaps it, not the pedal, was originally meant to take the 16' pipes in the case. The instrument should be seen not so much as a three-manual organ but as a group of three independent organs: Hauptwerk for postludes etc., Rückpositiv for interludes, solos and major accompaniments, Brustwerk for continuo. It is uncertain whether the organ originally had manual reeds, other than the Regal; but mutations are also few, and colours were obtained by a variety of 8' and 4' ranks. 8' colour stops were becoming very popular throughout the area Vienna–Ulm–Prague–Vienna, and on paper the main chests of such organs often appear misleadingly large. 14 out of 28 stops at the Týn Church, Prague (J.H. Mundt, 1671–3), were on the Hauptwerk, 16.8.8.8.8.8.4.4.22/3.2.11/3.1.VI.IV, but four of the 8' stops were colour changes, not chorus ranks. Salicional 8', Viola 8' and similar stops were characteristic of late 17th-century Habsburg Europe; Salicet 4', Fugara 4' and Dulciana 4' were common by the early 18th century; and reeds, except a pedal rank or two, gradually disappeared. Theorists like the Cistercian writer Vogt (B1719) emphasized 8' colour stops; and for such registration rules as those given by J.B. Samber (Manuductio ad organum, i, Salzburg, 1704), the conical Viola 8' was useful in many varied combinations: continuo playing, Viola 8'; fantasias, Viola 8' + Flöte 4'; fugues, Viola 8' + Mixtur III; versets, Viola 8' + Zimbel II.

Soon after the organ at Klosterneuburg, organ cases in the area became divided into a kind of Habsburg equivalent of the Werkprinzip design, with one case for the Hauptwerk, one for the Pedal and one for an Echo chest (Waldhausen, 1677). Such division led over the years to a rigorously applied design followed by most Austrian organs of the mid-18th century, with a half-case to one side of the west-end gallery (Hauptwerk), a second half-case to the other (Pedal) and a Rückpositiv in front, the total gallery being spacious enough to accommodate a considerable choir and orchestra for the Mass on feast days. By 1740 or so, the keyboards would be placed (in the form of a detached console) in a commanding position on the gallery floor, and the various parts of the case strewn around the west-end windows, as in the large monastery organs of Ochsenhausen, near Biberach, or Weingarten. In theory such an arrangement might encourage idiomatic, two-chorus organ music of the north German type, but in practice it did not.

Little is known about the music played on the great series of Dutch organs built between the death of Sweelinck (1621) and the vogue for Bach’s music two centuries later. But the array of mutations and flute and reed colours on the Laurentskerk instrument at Alkmaar would have made possible an immense variety in the settings of, and variations on, psalm tunes (probably improvised, as they are today). In the 1685 rebuild the Hauptwerk chest had to be lowered (fig.43), perhaps because by then the organist wished to be able to accompany the congregation during hymns (but such accompaniment was then still new). It is clear how the Alkmaar organ developed from the Brabant organ of Niehoff with its limited pedal, big Hauptwerk chorus, 8' Rückpositiv used for solo effects, and a quasi-Oberwerk (here placed below the main chest, however) with stops found on the main manual of other European organs. According to John Evelyn’s diary, such Dutch organs were used ‘only for show and to recreate the people before and after their Devotions, while the Burgomasters were walking and conferring about their affairs’. By association, then, the organs were secular, often indeed owned by the town council, who saw such magnificent creations as objects of rivalry. Hence the building of the organ at St Bavo, Haarlem, by Christian Müller (1735–8) is to be seen as a sign of competition with Zwolle (Grote Kerk; new organ by Schnitger’s sons, 1718–21), Alkmaar (rebuilt 1723–6), Amsterdam (Oude Kerk; Christian Vater, 1724–6), Gouda (Jean Moreau, 1733–6) and elsewhere. Moreau was from the south; but Müller, Vater and F.C. Schnitger were German, and from then the Dutch organ was dominated by German builders who imported new ideas (big pedals from Hamburg, heavy voicing from Westphalia), added them to Dutch features, and produced large, powerful instruments, but unfortunately often without either German brilliance or French éclat (thin reed trebles and a Cornet designed to outline the psalm-tune melody rather than to function in a grand jeu). Marcussen mistakenly tried to ‘correct’ the organ at Haarlem in 1961 with new pedal Mixtures and a new Great Mixture which attempted to convert the 16' to an 8' chorus and which was reversed in the 1980s. Although such tonal matters are subjective, the cases themselves can be more clearly seen to have lost their native Dutch characteristics, particularly the well-featured, classical designs of the 17th century, and to have begun to sprawl. It is true that, at Haarlem, Müller and his architect kept the traditional vertical emphasis and other essential details in the arrangement of towers and flats; but even there the classical pediment surmounting the best old Dutch cases gave way to an unstructural, Baroque coat-of-arms (fig.44).

Although the condition of the organs at Weingarten and Haarlem is nothing like as authentic as their fame leads admirers to assume, they do serve on paper (Table 26) as useful examples of their ‘schools’, being at once both traditional and exceptional, both formative and unapproachably ‘ideal’. The details of the Weingarten organ – the bells, the cherrywood stops, the ivory pipes, the doubled ranks, the undulating stops, the big Mixtures, the complex action – require a book to themselves, and it could be that a first-rate restoration of the instrument would fill out its tone. Nevertheless, the principles behind its dispensing of organ colours can be seen, and Gabler’s little quire organ in the same church contained an even clearer indication of his passion for 8' and 4' colour stops. Some writers have described the west-end organ as a ‘Rococo-Gothic conception’, but it is more like a southern European grotto organ. Three echo-like divisions (Oberwerk, Unterwerk, Kronpositiv) are bound to lead to a mocking of true organ tone, however logical an extension it may have been of current ideas in south Germany as a whole. Only the two Rückpositive offer well-balanced effects in the idiomatic north German manner; yet to an 18th-century organist visiting Weingarten after Salzburg Cathedral (organ by J.C. Egedacher, 1703–6) such Rückpositive must have seemed conservative and slightly puzzling. The original mechanical action must have been very troublesome to make, since even in this sprawling and unique case (fig.45) only eight of all the case pipes do not speak; clearly the detached console was the only practical arrangement. The influence of the whole instrument was wide and long-lasting; theory books (e.g. HawkinsH; Bédos de Celles, B1766–78) gave it notoriety, and it held a significant position between the colourful Renaissance organ of south Germany and the large factory organs of the 1830s.

Swabia also saw a remarkably good compromise organ during the 1760s: the larger instrument at Ottobeuren, built by K.J. Riepp (1761–8), incorporated French elements (learnt by its builder in Burgundy) and German ones (learnt in the vicinity of Lake Constance). Most major organs in both parish and conventual churches in Switzerland, Württemberg and Bavaria had such a mingling of organ cultures as to create distinct styles of their own; but the one at Ottobeuren was a simple amalgam. All the classical French registrations were possible on it, but so were German pedal music and hymn variations, from the evidence of its stop-list.

Such composite schemes were curiously rare in the 18th century. It was more characteristic of organ building in general that even adjacent areas (e.g. Carinthia and Veneto, or Saxony and Bohemia) had totally different organs, as if builders of one area or religious denomination were thoroughly opposed to the ideals of their neighbours. Some of the major religious orders, particularly the Cistercian and Augustinian, had something of an international style crossing political frontiers, but even this kind of uniformity was not conspicuous. It was regional style that carried the day, giving the organ at Klosterneuburg, for example, great influence over the one built nearby a century later by a foreign builder well versed in other organ types (Augustinerstift, Herzogenburg; J. Henke, 1747–52). It may well have been such provincialism, however, that helped to produce the good, conservative designs (Amorbach; Rot an der Rot), the late flowers of Baroque organ art that were able to resist the extremes of fashion.

The large organs of the late 18th century were individually distinctive, keeping regional characteristics despite the availability to organists of many printed sources of music from other countries. The Michaeliskirche in Hamburg had a 70-stop, three-manual organ by J.G. Hildebrandt (son of Silbermann’s pupil Zacharias Hildebrandt); although he took with him many Saxon colours (Cornet, Unda maris, Chalumeau etc.) and followed contemporary ideas common to many regions (no Rückpositiv, thickening Quints etc), the instrument remained a Hamburg organ, more complete and comprehensive than an organ could have been anywhere else. The massive case (for which Burney did not care) has an appearance that anticipated the 19th-century; the stop-list (Table 27) is typical of a large organ, but many writers who heard the instrument commented on its ‘noble power’, described by Burney as ‘more striking by its force and the richness of the harmony than by a clear and distinct melody’. Yet the organ was no mere sacrifice to fashion, which was then rather geared to imitations of orchestral families, of wind concertos, and the like. Theorists like Hess and Knecht encouraged particular imitations of string stops and in general helped to deceive organists into thinking they could duplicate orchestral effects. So did G.J. Vogler, who typifies the less reputable side of late 18th-century organ playing, and whose bizarre organ-concert programmes sometimes proved irresistible to popular audiences in large cities from London to Vienna. Vogler’sSimplification system, however, has received more attention than it merits historically, for the development of the organ would probably have been little different without him. More important was the impasse brought about at the end of the century by the technical perfection of the late Baroque organ. Quite apart from the Napoleonic disruption, the organ historian must feel that the multiplied colour stops of St Florian and Oliwa monastic churches (1770s), the reeds of Saint-Maximin-la-Sainte-Baume, Poitiers and Toledo, and the choruses of Hamburg and Rostock parish churches, all pushed the classical organ as far as it would go. A total rethinking was necessary early in the next century.

13. Organs in the Americas.

The first organs in the Americas were brought from Spain to Central America by Franciscan and Dominican missionaries in the mid-16th century. During the 17th century the use of organs – both imported and locally built – was widespread throughout Spanish colonial America: 17 small organs are reported as being in use in 1630 in what is now New Mexico. (See §V, 9, above.) By the early 19th century small organs were used in most mission outposts, including some in present-day California. In the northern French colonies, there was a church organ at Quebec City as early as 1657, and between 1698 and 1705 a two-manual organ was imported for Notre Dame, Montreal.

The first documented use of an organ in a church in the British or German colonies of the eastern seaboard dates from 1703. A small German religious colony had settled near Philadelphia in 1694, apparently bringing with it a small positive organ, and this was lent in 1703 for use at a Lutheran ordination ceremony in the ‘Old Swede’s’ Church, Philadelphia. In 1713 a four-stop chamber organ of the ‘Father’ Smith school was placed in King’s Chapel, Boston; it was mentioned as early as 1708 in connection with its original owner, Thomas Brattle, by the diarist Samuel Sewall, and it may have been imported before 1700.

English organs, including some significant examples of the work of Bridge, Jordan, Green, England and Snetzler, continued to be imported in increasing numbers to the eastern coastal colonies during the rest of the 18th century. The first person known to have built an organ in the colonies was Johann Gottlob Klemm, a Saxon who emigrated in 1733 and who built several organs, the largest of them a three-manual instrument completed for Trinity Church, New York, in 1741. His work was carried on by his apprentice, David Tannenberg, who built more than 40 organs between 1758 and his death in 1804, many for Moravian churches in a small area of Pennsylvania (fig.46). His largest instrument, however, was built in 1790 for Zion Lutheran Church in Philadelphia. Other German-born builders, notably Philip Feyring, were active around Philadelphia during the late 18th century.

Tannenberg’s work reflected the influence of the central German school, as transmitted by Klemm, but he also kept pace with newer European developments and was familiar with the writings of the theorist G.A. Sorge. Following in his footsteps were Conrad Doll and several generations of the Krauss and Dieffenbach families, who, culturally removed from the urban mainstream of East Coast organ building, continued to produce small organs in the ‘Pennsylvania Dutch’ tradition for rural churches well past 1850.

Puritan (Calvinist) objections to the use of instruments in worship prevailed throughout the northern colonies until the last decade of the 18th century, so that most of the early church organs were built for the Anglicans, Lutherans and Moravians. There is also evidence for a number of domestic chamber organs in this period. Most organs (of all types) were still imported, but after the mid-18th century a few American-built instruments began to appear in the colonies north of Pennsylvania.

The first true organ builder in Boston was Thomas Johnston, who, beginning about 1753, built a small number of church and chamber organs modelled after imported English instruments. Among his followers were Josiah Leavitt and Henry Pratt, both of whom built several small church and chamber organs, primarily for rural churches west and north of Boston. The prejudice against instruments began to break down in churches of the Puritan tradition by the 1790s, creating a new demand for church organs that was largely met by American builders.

These early New England builders were essentially self-taught and supported themselves only partly through organ building. New York and Philadelphia, however, attracted some English-trained builders during the final years of the 18th century. One of the earliest to arrive was Charles Tawse, who in 1786 advertised himself as a builder of ‘finger and barrel organs’ in New York. He later moved to Philadelphia, where he was joined in 1795 by John Lowe, trained in the workshop of Gray of London. The most notable emigrant, however, was John Geib, who shortly after his arrival in New York around 1798 built several substantial church organs, most of them for New York, although some went to other cities including Providence, Rhode Island.

1. General influences c1800.

VI. Some developments, 1800–1930

2. 19th-century technical advances.

3. Some influential organs.

4. Electricity and the organ.

5. The organ in the early 20th century.

1. General influences c1800.

A significant amount of rethinking did not occur until well into the first half of the 19th century. In some countries, notably Italy, England, the USA, the Netherlands and Scandinavia, no significant change in direction was evident until the second third of the century; the chief difference between an average organ of 1790 and 1840 in these countries was that the latter was bigger, and the builder had probably explored further the simple colour stops, Swell boxes and pedal departments. But colour stops were by nature foreign to Scandinavian organs, pedals to English and American, and Swell boxes to Dutch. In other countries, notably France, Spain, Austria, central and southern Germany and their neighbours (Bohemia, Poland etc.), events outside music not only caused organ building to stagnate in the late 18th century but ultimately gave to the revival of organs in the 1830s an impetus towards new techniques.

In Austria the reforms of church music undertaken by Joseph II during the 1780s encouraged simple organs in parish churches – instruments contrasting hugely with the large monastic creations of St Florian (1770) and Heiligenkreuz (1802). In countries occupied by the French in the wake of the Revolution, such as the Netherlands, Spain, south Germany, Austria, Prussia, Poland and Moravia, church services were often suspended. Only here and there were organs destroyed; more physical damage was done in France itself, where the Revolution was followed by a scarcity of funds and then, after 1815, an equally harmful overreaction: from 1792 a church may have been closed to Christian use but its organ was just as useful for ‘awakening and inspiring a holy love of the Fatherland’, as the new département administrators knew. But in southern Germany and Austria it was the dissolution of the monasteries (particularly after 1803) that changed organ tradition. In Spain and Portugal the organ suffered an eclipse, only partial in some areas but severely evident in others, taken in the wake of Wellington’s and Napoleon’s armies and by the reappropriation of church funds in 1830. Further north, Denmark kept its organ traditions largely undisturbed, but Sweden produced some advanced ideas in the 1820s, not least as a result of cultural ties with Saxony and central Germany.

Some of the important influences on organs and their music at the end of the 18th century were more directly musical. One was the theory of difference tones (see Difference tone), quite familiar to theorists since Tartini. Vogler’s ideas were based in part on the observation that the exploitation of harmonics might enable builders to dispense with large pipes, the combination of 16', 102/3' and 62/5' for instance, producing a 32' effect. But the idea is essentially naive, and Vogler must have had other assets to justify the respect with which he was held in Sweden and Salzburg.

A second major influence, or a symptom of the new emphases, was the idea propounded by J.H. Knecht (1795) and others that the organ was a kind of one-man orchestra, its three manuals having an orchestral spectrum of strings, brass and woodwind. To this end, Vogler’s specially made travelling organ, the Orchestrion (see Orchestrion (1)), was hawked all over Europe during the 1790s. There was of course nothing new either in stops imitating string instruments or in regarding the organ as a ‘compendium of all instruments whatsoever’ (Mersenne, 1636–7); nor were organ transcriptions new, being as old as written-down organ music itself. But by 1800 the orchestra itself was heavier, more stratified and conventionalized, and, most significantly, more expressive than it was in 1600, and imitations of it would therefore be further removed from the nature of the organ as then known.

A third factor was the general assumption that the hundreds of new parish church organs of average size required by about 1820 were to be built chiefly for the sake of accompanying the congregation, for which unison pitches, especially 8' stops, were the most useful. This may have been partly because mutations were less carefully made in a period of quickly built organs, partly because intelligent theorists like Wilke despised Voglerian claims about harmonic stops, and partly because Mixtures were difficult to justify in theory. Some of the ill-repute of Mixtures in the period may also have been due to their all-too-common Tierce rank (particularly ill-suited to equal temperament, which was coming into use in this period in all countries save England and the USA, where it was not accepted until the 1850s). Such an organ as that at Karlskrona, Sweden (P.Z. Strand, 1827), might have got its characteristic specification, whatever its voicing, in reaction to poorly made mutations and Mixtures too often met with at the time: ..\Frames/F922883.html

A further influence on the design of organs soon after 1820 was the more international scope of the repertory available to an average organist. In England, for example, such firms as Boosey imported an immense amount of German organ music of all kinds during the first few decades of the century, including a translation of Rinck’s popular tutor, Praktische Orgel-Schule (Eng. trans., 1825). These imports reached their culmination in the international Bach revival. Bach sonatas and other major works (‘Grand Preludes and Fugues’) were available shortly after 1800. Partly in response to this, many older English and French organs, and some Italian and Spanish, were being altered by 1840: pedals added, short-compass manuals completed, second choruses added. The result, however, was not that national organ types lost their identity but that they kept it in a less overt and certainly less charming manner. No doubt this situation was in part due to the ‘organ ethos’ of the period: a general anti-Baroque view of organs as sombre, solemn, ecclesiastical and ecclesiological objects whose music (as can be seen from Vincent Novello’s travel diaries) was expected to be more ‘elevated’ than the galanteries of the previous generation. But it prompted organists of different national schools to suppose that their organ alone was the best for Bach; countless English organists, for example, have resisted the idea that Bach did not write for the Swell pedal.

Apart from the details produced by such factors, several general observations can be made. There were strangely few magnificent organs built anywhere between 1800 and 1825, and the new big instruments of 1825–50 show a bigger break with the past than those of any other period in organ history. Casework as well underwent extreme changes in design and ornamental detail. While it is probably true that in 1830 churches spent less on their organs than they did in 1730, the later organs were in fact larger. The sounds the new organs on the Continent were expected to produce accorded with the sobriety and gloom of the post-Revolution church, although the organist had a more variegated repertory to choose from than at any previous period. Few great organ builders stand out between 1800 and 1825, and major practical and theoretical developments were left to the next generation. Some conservative areas, however, kept their traditions: the Brustwerk of 1898 at St Anders, Copenhagen, must be regarded as a survival rather than a revival.

In the USA, particularly in Boston and New York, a native school of builders was rapidly developing in the early 19th century to meet the demands of the many new churches in the expanding cities and prospering rural areas. These builders, notably Goodrich and Appleton in Boston, and Erben and Hall in New York, worked in the refined style inherited from 18th-century England and may be said to have brought it to its final fruition. Attractive as their instruments often were, both visually and tonally, their musical use rarely transcended the needs of a fairly simple church service, and the music of Bach was almost certainly not attempted by American organists until the second half of the century. By the 1850s the effect of continental developments, both tonal and mechanical, was being felt, and large factories (such as that of E. & G.G. Hook in Boston) began replacing the small workshops.

2. 19th-century technical advances.

Audsley’s monument to the Romantic organ, The Art of Organ-Building (B1905), shows that the organ builder of about 1900 had a vast array of pipework to choose from; he also had many types of chest, action, bellows, gadgets and case designs at his disposal. On the whole Audsley was describing a high-quality instrument, but the profusion of elements he described affected the smallest and cheapest builder. Similarly, the organist’s repertory was in theory immense, although in practice quite restricted, save in the case of the recitalist. It was towards these two positions of technical and musical profusion, of embarrassing choice for both builder and player, that the organ gradually moved during the 19th century.

Different areas of Europe exercised major influence at different periods, and often an individual builder advanced concepts or techniques without which the overall development would have been different. Publicity for a new idea became increasingly easy (particularly from such concourses as the Great Exhibition at London, 1851, and the Centennial Exposition in Philadelphia, 1876); builders travelled far to view developments, published (and read) papers or became associated with well-known theorists, and began to take commissions farther from home than they had been used to doing. New and rare stops were introduced into such foreign organs, perhaps sometimes for ostentation (e.g. Schulze’s three-sided and cylindrical wooden pipes at Doncaster, 1862). An advanced organ of 1825 anywhere in Europe would at any rate have features gathered from various sources: from changing taste (multiple string stops), theory book notions of harmonics, quick factory methods, foreign influences (e.g. English Swells) and new visual ideas. 40 years later the amalgam was yet richer, and large organs produced in the factories of Walcker, Sauer, Willis, Hill and Cavaillé-Coll were taken all over the world.

Thus the developments about 1825 in central Germany had an influence throughout Europe, not least because English and French organs of the period were particularly susceptible to new ideas. The theorists Wolfram (B1815), Seidel (B1843) and above all Töpfer (B1833, B1843, B1855) were better known in Hamburg, Paris and London than Praetorius had been. Töpfer’s new scientific description of the techniques of building (with tables and technical details for pipe-scales, wind-chambers, pallets, bellows, action etc.) were immensely useful to every new builder. His ratio for pipe-scales (Normalmensur, known in English as Normal Scale or Diapason Norm) was a theoretical model, not honed to the particular conditions of any church or local tradition; but it was adopted by builders of cheaper, commercial organs. Better builders such as J.F. Schulze also found it useful, and in itself it is not far removed from what had been customary in central Germany.

Töpfer’s calculation was that the area of the cross-section of a Principal pipe was √8 multiplied by the area of the cross-section of a pipe an octave higher. Pipe diameters therefore halved at the 17th inclusive pipe (i.e. eight whole tones above), as they had for many an organ before Töpfer (see §III, 1, above). Such a simple constant was convenient at the workbench, as were Töpfer’s other formulae for calculating the wind consumption and the height of the pipe mouth. Meanwhile the improved bellows and reservoirs of his period not only allowed copious wind and constant pressure but encouraged builders to experiment with higher pressure for the pipes or with pipes scaled to either extreme. Since organists now demanded to be able to play with thicker registrations, these other formulae were at least as important as constant scalings.

Many of the experiments were short-lived. Free reeds were popular in central Germany and Alsace from about 1780 to 1850 but not often elsewhere, although Gray and Davidson used 32' free reeds at the Crystal Palace (1857) and Leeds Town Hall (1859), and they were sporadically used as a novelty stop in large American organs as late as the 1870s. New materials, such as the cast-iron case and zinc pipes at Hohenofen (1818), became associated with poorer instruments once the novelty had worn off, and only zinc, useful for larger pipes, has stood the test of time. Solo manuals were reserved for the largest instruments, and double pedal-boards were used by Walcker in a few of his largest organs, but octave couplers and detached consoles never lost popularity once they had gained it soon after 1830. In England, Swell boxes were constantly improved, most often with a view to reducing the closed box to a true pp (Hodges of Bristol, 1824), and their influence soon spread to France. In Germany, J. Wilke wrote major articles during the 1820s in the Allgemeine musikalische Zeitung listing experimental devices for producing Swell effects such as triple touch, operating couplers or bringing on more stops as the key was depressed; lowered wind pressure brought about by a net curtain in the wind-trunk (Vogler); ‘roof swells’, devices for raising the lid of Swell boxes; and ‘door swells’ or ‘jalousie swells’, the English systems of (horizontal) Venetian shutters, perhaps encasing a complete organ. For most of the century, the Swell box mechanism remained simple: horizontal shutters were controlled by a wooden or metal foot-lever to the right of the pedal keys, which had to be notched into position if the box was to remain open. With such pedals, gradual crescendo or diminuendo was impractical, and had to await the development of vertical balanced shutters towards the end of the century. Only occasionally were other systems experimented with, such as Bryceson’s hydraulic system of about 1865 in which water was communicated along a lead pipe from the pedal to the Swell mechanism, but remote control of the Swell shutters did not become practical until the development of pneumatic mechanisms, and even then the French continued to favour a mechanical connection.

The resulting organ of about 1840 was usually a compromise between old and new. At Halberstadt Cathedral, for example, J.F. Schulze built a four-manual organ in which three manuals and pedal were of the large, standard classical type familiar in the later 18th century, and couplers and accessories were conventional, even to a Zimbelstern; but the fourth manual, its purpose very unclassical, played new stops in a high Echo chest: ..\Frames/F922884.html

Such Echo organs were a luxury, like apse organs in a few English cathedrals a century later. More popular in the advanced organ of 1850 were the Solo organ, often on higher wind pressure, and the full Swell organ with its characteristic 16' reed and bright Mixture (Henry Willis, 1855). In Germany, Swells of the distant Echowerk type remained popular with builders such as König (St Maximilian, Düsseldorf, 1855).

It was E.F. Walcker who is said to have invented (or improved) the cone-chest (Kegellade, see fig.9), which he patented in 1842. Cavaillé-Coll, Willis and other great builders rejected it, as did American builders after a brief experimental attempt by the avant-garde Boston builder Simmons in his organ for Harvard University (1859). In America, cone-chests were briefly attempted a decade later (again unsuccessfully, owing to the adverse effects of the climate) by the immigrant Moritz Baumgarten, who had trained with Walcker. But Walcker’s output was immense, and certainly the boom in north European organ building meant that the more systematic a builder’s concepts (and hence his workshop), the bigger part he could play in providing organs for the hundreds of new parish churches of that period. Metal-planing machines, for examples, were drawn by Töpfer and manufactured by Walcker; such machine tools provided pipe metal of great precision and uniformity, obviating all capricious and ‘imperfect’ elements in pipe manufacture. The Walcker firm moved to Ludwigsburg in 1820 and was able from there to command a vast area of central Europe, and eventually to export worldwide. Its organ for the Paulskirche, Frankfurt (1827–33), was highly influential, with its 74 stops on three manuals and two pedal-boards; but it too was a compromise. The 14-stop Swell was a large Echo organ, with free reeds and Dulcianas; the action was mechanical, the chests slider-chests, the couplers standard. However, the Swell mechanism was balanced, and once the free reeds were replaced by long-resonator reed stops, the specification became standard. Indeed, the whole Walcker style had great influence, from the Rhine to the Black Sea. But in 1849 (Ulm Minster) and 1863 (Music Hall, Boston, USA), Walcker monster organs still had not outgrown compromise; more thoroughly modern designs were achieved by builders less set in their ways, such as A.W. Gottschalg whose large organ for Cologne Cathedral was influenced by Cavaillé-Coll. The influence of the Walcker instrument in Boston on American organ building, already well established in its own conventions, has been much overrated. The cone-chest had already been tried and rejected, Americans continued to develop their own scaling and voicing systems (although influenced by Töpfer and other theorists and by general European trends), and the only real novelty, the free-reed stops, enjoyed but limited vogue. The importation of the Walcker organ was, in truth, an aberration, for in the period in which it was built the major American builders could and did produce large, well-engineered and tonally sophisticated Romantic organs for large churches, cathedrals and concert halls (Mechanics Hall, Worcester, Massachusetts: Hook, 1864).

In France much important work was done during the 1820s and 1830s before Cavaillé-Coll began to dominate the scene. The Englishman John Abbey went to France (at the instigation of Erard) to work in the late 1820s, taking with him the improved English horizontal bellows, Venetian Swell, balanced action and refined voicing, and rebuilding organs from Reims to Caen. His Swell at Amiens in 1833, for example, resembled a typical English Echo organ of 1750: 8.8.4.V.8.8. Further east, Daublaine & Callinet came under the Walcker influence with their free reeds, double pedal-boards and general specifications in a few large organs, but essentially Callinet and his fellow-Alsatian Stiehr remained conservative. Their small and average-size church organs retained the basic classical physical and tonal layout in the mid-19th century, but with some suppression of upperwork and introduction of Gambas and Harmonic Flutes, and with the use of free reeds with resonators, primarily in the Pedal. By 1841 Cavaillé-Coll was making overblowing stops, both flue and reed. His new scheme that year for the organ of St Denis is discussed in §3 below.

High pressure was applied to reeds in England by the late 1830s, the first well-known example being Hill’s Tuba mirabilis at Birmingham Town Hall (1840). But although by 1855 Hopkins could write that ‘stops of this kind are now made by nearly all the English organ-builders’, no real technical details are known of these early stops. On the analogy of wood and brass wind-instrument playing in general, treble pipes in the reed ranks were also put on higher pressure in larger organs from the organ of St Denis onwards. This of itself was a major advance, as can be readily seen by comparing a Trumpet at St Sulpice with one at Haarlem. For centuries French builders had appreciated that reed trebles needed ‘boosting’ if the splendid bass was not to peter out above g' or so: hence one of the functions of the mounted Cornet in the 18th century. Cavaillé-Coll’s overblowing double-length flue and reed pipes were thus new not in principle but in character. A Flûte harmonique or Trompette harmonique is so made for bigger, rounder tone and, unlike the narrow-scaled overblowing flutes of the 17th century, always requires strong, copious wind. The formation of nodes in overblowing flue pipes is helped by a small hole piercing the pipe rather less than halfway along from the mouth, the exact position affecting the overtone content of the pipe. In reeds, the hole is not necessary. The tone of neither flue nor reed harmonic pipes blends idiomatically with the Principal chorus; 17th-century builders therefore reserved such flutes for solo colour. Reed and flue harmonic stops show the desire felt in the 1840s for smooth reeds that stay in tune, and precisely voiced flue stops with no initial ‘chiff’ (a puff of wind articulating the start of each note) or articulation. Full- or double-length resonators gave smoothness to the reeds, while in flue pipes the chiff was eliminated by a heavier nicking of the languid, by ‘ears and beard’ (see §III, 1, above) and by roller-beards (dowels, circular in section, placed between the ears near the windway), all aiding prompt, smooth speech.

Further technical advances made between 1825 and 1845 concern the action. Many 19th-century builders were ingenious with purely mechanical devices for such accessories as double Venetian swells (H. Willis, Gloucester Cathedral, 1847), stop-combinations (Ladegast, Sauer, Roosevelt), crescendo pedals (Haas) and various couplers. Improved bellows-with-reservoir, greater application of two or even more wind pressures in an organ, improved slider-chests (and eventually cone-chests) were all at the skilled builder’s disposal by 1845. So was the ‘Barker lever’ or mechanical-pneumatic action (see fig.8). By 1833, Booth in England and Hamilton in Scotland had constructed such actions. C.S. Barker worked on power pneumatics and compressed air, offering an apparatus to York Minster (1833), Birmingham Town Hall (1834–5) and, in France, to Cavaillé-Coll (1837). The pneumatic principle could also be applied to sliders and to such accessories as ‘thumb-pistons’ (H. Willis, 1851). Barker’s French patent was taken out in 1839, and he applied his action to the organ under construction at St Denis by Cavaillé-Coll, whose high-pressure stops were indeed said to have been unplayable without this key-action. It was probably also in France that the first fully pneumatic action was made, in which all the tracker’s backfalls, squares, rollers etc. were replaced by one pneumatic tube from key to pallet. The system is accredited to P.-A. Moitessier (1845), and was later modified with a partly mechanical action (Fermis, 1866) and adopted by such major builders as Willis (the divided organ at St Paul’s Cathedral, 1872). Although Walcker applied this so-called tubular-pneumatic action to his cone-chests in 1889, the action gained only a minor success outside England (and, to some extent, the USA) because the action was sluggish when the keys were too far removed from the chests, although it was used extensively in Australia and New Zealand until well into the 20th century. As for the chests themselves, English, American and French builders preferred improved slider-chests to barless chests, often modifying the larger pallets with a secondary mechanism allowing them to be opened without undue key-pressure (Willis patent dated 1861, etc.). Audsley was witness to much American activity in designing ‘pneumatic chests’ in the late 19th century. Around the turn of the century, American builders such as Estey developed a reliable tubular-pneumatic action using ventil-chests, which they employed quite extensively, as did Möller and some of the Midwestern builders, and Steere obtained the rights to the system developed by the German builder Weigle. But other builders, such as Hook & Hastings, Hutchings and, in Canada, Casavant, went almost directly from Barker-machine mechanical to electro-pneumatic actions.

Electric actions were devised during the same period in England (Wilkinson 1826, Gauntlett 1852, Goundry 1863) and France (Du Moncel, Barker, Stein & fils), but these early experiments were incapable of reliable practical application. Electro-pneumatic action (see fig.11) overcomes the difficulty of directly opening a pallet by electro-magnets in that the magnet opens instead the smaller valve of a pneumatic motor which then opens the pallet. One such system is usually accredited to Albert Peschard (c1860); as a result of his work Barker took out a patent in 1868, and in turn licensed Bryceson to build such an action in the Theatre Royal, Drury Lane (1868). According to Hopkins, an electrification for the organ at Gloucester Cathedral for the Three Choirs Festival of 1868 allowed the keyboards to be placed nearer the conductor, far from the pipes, an obvious and updated version of the ‘long movements’ of the tracker-action organ used in the 1784 Commemoration of Handel in Westminster Abbey. A decade or more before the end of the century Walcker in Germany, Merklin in France, Roosevelt in the USA, Casavant in Canada and Willis in England were all producing reliable electric actions which allowed them to build detached consoles some way away from the organs high up at the west end or in a triforium gallery of the quire. The stop mechanism could also be operated electrically (Bryceson patent, 1868). Particularly in the USA, many electric actions and individual pipe-valve chests (‘barless’ chests) were patented and improved during the 1890s, becoming a norm shortly after 1900, some 25 years before the Willis firm, for example, turned exclusively to electro-pneumatic action. During the first half of the 20th century, most important organ builders throughout the world devised one or other type of electro-pneumatic action (see Whitworth, B1930). Clearly electric systems could serve accessories such as stop-combinations (whereby a button or switch of some kind could bring on pre-selected stops), or Swell pedals operating shutters around part or all of the pipework. Much of the ingenuity exercised on such accessories belongs to the early 20th century rather than the 19th.

The old-fashioned unequal temperament at Liverpool, applied on the advice of S.S. Wesley, was changed in 1867 (although the old G' compass was not changed to C until 1898). The wind pressure of the solo reeds was raised to 48·5 cm in the bass and 62 cm in the treble. Along with greater power went the demand for apparatus to control it. In 1857 Willis had patented a crescendo pedal – a foot-lever rotating a cylinder that activated pneumatic motors at the ends of the sliders. There were many other such devices, including one by Walcker (copied briefly by Hook & Hastings), in which a horizontal sliding metal bar was substituted for the foot-lever. In later organs, Willis took his schemes to a logical end by ousting the Choir organ for a Solo organ in certain three-manual instruments (e.g. Sheldonian Theatre, Oxford, 1877); already at Gloucester (1847) the Swell had been made nearly three times as large as the Choir.

3. Some influential organs.

Reference has already been made to Walcker’s organ for the Paulskirche, Frankfurt, and Schulze’s for Halberstadt Cathedral. Walcker’s habitual scheme was close to such later 18th-century organs as that at the Michaeliskirche, Hamburg, with a large, heavy Great organ (often 32') and a Pedal booming and powerful yet removed from true chorus purposes. Other German firms such as Schulze and Ladegast seem often to have made a brighter sound, with large-scale Mixtures and a tonal chorus brash yet recognizably in a tradition. Schulze’s influence in England was considerable as his large, full-sounding Diapasons caught the taste of the time and influenced the work of builders such as Lewis for some decades after the Great Exhibition of 1851. Even his little colour stop, the narrow-scaled Lieblich Gedackt, became standard in English organs for the next 100 years. Such builders had a high standard of workmanship and the mass of ‘good solid pipework’ of foundational pitches in an influential organ like Sauer’s for the Thomaskirche, Leipzig, was seen as a great advance on earlier organs with their greater percentage of higher-pitched stops. The craftsmanship and materials in a major Cavaillé-Coll organ are immensely impressive, as are the spaciousness (allowing pipes ‘room to speak’) and complicated actions and the careful planning of several chest levels. The drawings of the various elevations, tiers and cross-sections of the St Sulpice organ, for example, are witness to one of the great engineering masterpieces of the 19th century.

The St Denis organ has a well-known position in organ history, and its restoration in 1987–8 enabled players and builders to evaluate it for the youthful masterpiece that it is. The casework had already been designed when several builders tendered for the work, and Cavaillé-Coll’s two plans of 1833 and 1841 show the great changes in organ building during that crucial decade. Flutes and mutations were reduced, overblowing stops were introduced, string stops added harmonic complexity, Barker’s action allowed new arrangements of the chests, and the wind supply was increased and improved. Despite its ancestry in Bédos de Celles’ scheme for a large 32' organ, the instrument at St Denis (Table 28) was a great step along the 19th-century path. The Bombarde and Pedal departments became an ideal for hundreds of French or French-inspired organs over the next century or so; the scaling throughout became wider than classical French, and the voicing, as well as the wind pressure, stronger. It is not always clear how Cavaillé-Coll intended his organs to be registered, but since such stops as the Flûte harmonique are simply new versions of the auxiliary 8' ranks drawn in old fonds d’orgue combinations, it is likely that he expected them to be used in choruses as well as solos (an interesting characteristic of the Flûte harmonique is that the upper range has a stronger, smoother character than the lower octaves, and one can play both solo and accompaniment on the same stop). Much the same could be said for the string stops (with tuning-slots at the top of the pipe) and the thick, stopped Bourdons. Nicking of languids was generally severe, at least in later organs of this builder; this, added to the slots cut into even the smallest Mixture pipes, aided smooth, constant tone. Conical and narrow-scaled stopped pipes were not conspicuous, and Cavaillé-Coll’s spectrum of pipe forms was not particularly great. The foundation stops (jeux de fonds) of one manual were placed on one wind-chest, the reeds and (sometimes) flute mutations (jeux de combinaison) were placed on another. Each chest could have its own wind pressure and each could be controlled by a valve (‘ventil’) that admitted wind only when required, thus allowing a registration to be prepared in advance, but not brought on until needed. The Grand orgue was never underbuilt in relation to the Swell, as it often was in England, nor did the reeds lose their brilliance. Feeder and reservoir bellows were generous, and the pneumatic action somewhat cumbersome in the space it took. As with Schulze organs, soundboards were ample in size for the boldly treated pipework. But neither electric actions nor general crescendo gadgets were found on Cavaillé-Coll’s organs; indeed, he is recorded as saying that he could see no advantage in the use of electricity. (His showroom is illustrated in Cavaillé-Coll, Aristide.)

In Italy, Serassi, like his French and English colleagues, ‘extended’ local traditions and made many quite large and impressive-sounding organs of a curious Venetian compromise. The main manual would control 20 or more stops, including 16' or even 32' Principale and flutes and Violas of 8' and 4'; most chorus stops were divided; the highest ranks were collected into Mixtures; and solo and chorus reeds were strong in tone. One or two subsidiary manuals, of six to ten halved stops often in a Swell box, provided echo effects but no true chorus. The compass was long (frequently from C'); the pedal organ had six to eight bass stops; and there were many accessories, both sounding (bells, thunder, drum) and mechanical (composition pedals, couplers, including octave and suboctave). Some flamboyant music was written for organs of this type, by V.A. Petrali, Giacomo Davide and others.

In Spain, organ building came to something of a standstill; with the exception of a two-rank Voz celeste, the stop-list of Pedro Roques’s 1870 organ for Cadiz Cathedral could have been written a century or more earlier. The farther cities of eastern Europe were completely conquered by central German and Bohemian organ building, organ repertory and organ players by the 19th century. The outposts of German organ art in east Prussia and Silesia had long known large instruments (both Protestant and Roman Catholic) and the new techniques led to wide dissemination of ideas. Occasionally a builder would try something new, such as Buchholz’s solo organ: 16.8.8.8.8.8.4, in the ‘Black’ Church (1839) at Kronstadt (now Braşov, Romania); but on the whole builders were more anxious to improve action, accessories, bellows and chests of the more conventional organs.

In many ways the country best able to develop its organ was England, where a new awareness of foreign designs and repertory coincided with favourable economic conditions and the growing popularity of organs in secular concert halls and large nonconformist churches. While much work remains to be done on the position of the organ in France and Italy during the period 1830–50, the general picture of the English organ is clear enough. During the 1820s, the Choir organ was superseded by the Swell as the major secondary division; pedals came to be regarded as normal (though at first only with a rank or two of large-scaled wooden pipes); the compass generally remained at G'; and organists did as well as they could with the newly favoured music of J.S. Bach – Das wohltemperirte Clavier being as much played as the true organ music. Much of the newness of the British organ before Henry Willis’s influential instrument for the 1851 Exhibition has been accredited to the friendship between H.J. Gauntlett, the composer and organist, and William Hill, organ builder and former partner in the firm of Elliot. About 1833 Gauntlett visited Haarlem, apparently on the advice of Samuel Wesley, and there are various hints throughout Gauntlett’s career as an adviser on organs that such instruments were in his mind. His personal library too shows him to have been a good example of the outward-looking early Victorian musician. Of the dozen or so organs built by Hill under Gauntlett’s influence, the one at Great George Street Chapel, Liverpool (1841), was the most indicative of things to come. Like Hopkins, Gauntlett knew enough German organ music to see the C compass as most useful for manuals, while S.S. Wesley favoured G' compass even on the new Willis masterpiece of St George’s Hall, Liverpool. Much the same reason lay behind Gauntlett’s scheme for the pedal departments of larger organs, for example the one at Christ Church, Newgate Street, London (a 1690 Harris instrument extensively rebuilt by Hill 1827–38); such a scheme (Table 29) presupposed ‘continental scaling’ and not the large open-wood pedal scales described by Hopkins as more than twice too large.

Cavaillé-Coll visited Hill’s workshops in 1844, as he did others at that period, and the influence they may have had on each other deserves closer study. The French, German and Italian stop names of many Hill-Gauntlett organs suggest at least paper knowledge of and interest in foreign organs; as late as 1871, Willis’s new organ for the Royal Albert Hall can be related closely to Cavaillé-Coll’s for St Sulpice. Hill’s Liverpool organ was a compromise between traditional English and new continental styles, with a 16-stop Swell (including 16' reed), a small Choir organ of flutes, a high-pressure Tuba played from the Swell, six couplers, five composition pedals, and a complete compass of C–d'–f'''. Hill also designed a new kind of pallet that slid open and admitted high-pressure wind without increasing the touch-resistance. Neither he nor Gauntlett felt obliged to give up the long-established tradition of combining many international features: their organ at St Olave, Southwark (1846), for instance, was almost Serassian in its big Great and its solo Swell. It was left to Willis’s organ for St George’s Hall, Liverpool (1855), to establish fully the ‘first modern British organ’ (Table 30), which remained an ideal throughout the British Empire at its apogee. Less opulent instruments by Willis and the builders he influenced would merely have had fewer choices of 8' and 4' colour. Large though such organs were, their priority was not necessarily traditional organ repertory; rather they encouraged even further the age-old regard for large organs per se, useful for transcriptions of orchestral and vocal music and impressive as engineering projects with such innovations as inclined stop-jambs, pneumatic thumb-pistons, concave and radiating pedal-board (perfected by Willis soon after 1851 but not adopted in America until the 1890s, and even later on the continent), Barker levers to each department, varied wind pressures, new wind-raising devices, pneumatic couplers and a Swell pedal. The Swell alone was a good example of the general attitude. Of the ‘double Venetian front’ at Gloucester Cathedral (1847), Willis himself observed that ‘the pianissimo was simply astounding’ but gave no reason why he thought this a desirable aim.

It is clear from the lists of specifications given by Hopkins and Rimbault, as it is in earlier lists by Seidel, Hamilton and others, that each major firm about 1850 had its hallmarks. Each introduced into many organs a characteristic stop (e.g. Hill’s Octave Clarion 2') or principle of construction or occasional foible (e.g. Cavaillé-Coll’s Septième ranks); each had its own patented action, chest and wind-raising device; and each had a known attitude towards such major developments as harmonic reeds, either exploiting or rejecting them. Major German organs built about 1860 were in general either less inventive or more traditional than in England and France, and this difference was reflected in those organs of the USA and the British Empire that followed the foreign models favoured by their respective builders. St George’s Hall, Liverpool, had the ideal town-hall organ, a far cry from such modest concert organs as Elliot’s in the Hanover Square Rooms, London (1804, 12 stops). It was the secular organ (Exeter Hall, London, and Birmingham Town Hall, both 1849) that first saw the application of the pneumatic lever to key action and one of Hill’s secular organs in London (the Panopticon, 1853) that first had pneumatically operated sliders, as well as higher pressure for treble pipes and a reversible crescendo pedal pushing out the organ stops one by one. The Solo organ or fourth manual, whether enclosed (Leeds, 1859) or not, also had its origins in the town-hall organ. The emphasis behind such contemporary designs as, say, Willis’s organ for St Paul’s Cathedral (1872) and Hill’s for Melbourne Town Hall (1870) reflects their contrasting ecclesiastical and secular natures: one would expect the latter to have bigger Solo manuals, smaller Choir manuals, perhaps a bigger compass, and certainly a larger array of unusual tone-effects.

It was the crescendo and diminuendo of a British town-hall organ (Glasgow; T.C. Lewis, 1877) that led Hans von Bülow to write to the local newspaper and claim never to have ‘met with an organ so good in Germany’. Indeed, by comparison the German organ may well have seemed a dreary instrument, with little ability to blend or offer the organist much delight in its tone, touch or expressive musical potential. It can hardly be assumed, however, that the tone of new German organs did not occasionally delight; organists may well have liked the sounds produced by Schulze’s highly differentiated voicing in a small two-manual like that at Etzelbech (1869). Such an organ (Table 31) was utterly typical in its day, although in some ways Schulze was old-fashioned (e.g. with his diagonal bellows at Doncaster, 1862).

Much German organ music of the late 19th century was written for a large, sombre-voiced instrument which depended for effect more on weight and dynamic extremes than on the sort of colour provided by, for instance, Cavaillé-Coll’s Bombarde manual or Willis’s Swell. Indeed, the very size and gravity of such instruments is their chief musical attribute, and Liszt, Reubke, Reger and others capitalized impressively on these qualities. Specifications were often much more classical in appearance than their voicing and general tone justify. Extremes of timbre in the form of harmonic reed choruses were not much favoured, and it is not always easy to see exactly why a German organ, even in its various neo-classical guises, needed a third or fourth manual. The large instrument in Magdeburg Cathedral (Table 32), built by the firm of Reubke, expresses the potential sought by such composers as its scion Julius Reubke (1834–58). Walcker’s organ of 1886 for the Stephansdom, Vienna, was even less systematic, with an ordinary Pedal but a huge Great organ manual of 35 stops strewn over the west end, and two further manuals, yet only one stop was in a Swell box. Similarly, not until 1857 at Ulm did Walcker use the Barker lever and not until 1890 a fully pneumatic action. A lack of inventiveness was also evident in the stop-lists themselves: Sauer’s two organs in Leipzig both with about 60 stops (the Peterskirche, 1885, and the Thomaskirche, 1889) had almost identical specifications, both full of heavy 8' stops. Such were the instruments played by Reger and Straube, and for which registrations were fairly standardized. Thus 8' ranks were mixed freely, according to choice, but a 4' stop aided their blend, particularly a wide 4' above a narrow 8'. An organ that cannot provide an accompaniment of Gedackt 8' + Voix céleste 8' + Spitzflöte 4' voiced on late 19th-century principles cannot provide the sounds intended by Reger in his quieter movements.

For such music it is also vital to be able to change stops quickly. Accessories became a priority, and by 1900 a German organ of 12 speaking stops could have as many as 12 ‘aids’. This was in addition to the Swell, which by then usually took the form of a cylinder rolled by the foot (Walze) and operating horizontal shutters. Other aids were the manual coupler, pedal coupler, octave and suboctave couplers, several pre-set combinations (labelled p, mf, pp etc.), one or more free combinations (set as required), General Crescendo (likewise operated by a foot cylinder or Rollschweller) and so on. But it is a mistake to assume that such composers as Reger necessarily required a General Crescendo or fixed combinations. The free combination, which requires good precision work on the builder’s part, is more useful, whether mechanical or pneumatic. Similarly, the high-pressure reeds and large-mouth flues (called Seraphon) made by Weigle between 1890 and 1940 needed careful engineering, ‘hard’ though the tone undeniably sounded even at the time (as is shown by Schweitzer’s opinion of the Stuttgart Liederhalle organ built in 1894–5).

Although the best of the 19th-century organs may now deserve the status of historical monuments, little musical sense can be made of such mature Romantic organs as Weigle’s at Lauterbach (1906), whose stop-list is given in Table 33. Such organs were not so much ‘Romantic’ as perversions of a legitimate ideal current from Gabler to Walcker; it is hard to see them being fashionable again. Weigle’s Stuttgart organ was criticized by Audsley (B1905) for making ‘absolutely no attempt to place at the disposal of the virtuoso the ready means of producing complicated orchestral effects or of massing special tone-colours’, which indeed was a high priority with performers of the day, who praised builders such as E.M. Skinner for providing such means.

As an example of a true Romantic organ close to the music of a lively, century-long tradition, Ladegast’s organ for Merseburg Cathedral (completed 1855 in a classical case by Thayssner), for which Liszt wrote his Prelude and Fugue on B–A–C–H, would serve, although it is of interest that this large organ possesses no enclosed divisions, nor playing aids beyond a few couplers and Sperrventile; so would Cavaillé-Coll’s for Ste Clotilde, Paris, where César Franck was organist from 1859 to 1890, and which he could yet describe as ‘an orchestra’: The superiority of Cavaillé-Coll’s voicing, particularly of the reeds, would have given Franck a more musical instrument than Weigle’s at Lauterbach. The several 8' stops are there for variety, and registrations still more or less followed traditional ideas of plein jeu, grand jeu, fonds d’orgue etc., for which the pédales de combinaison were essential. In general the principles behind the specification at Ste Clotilde were quite different from those of Weigle, and exercised a subtle influence on the repertory from Franck to Messiaen. French builders remained faithful to slider-chests in both practice and theory (cf J. Guédon: Nouveau manuel, 1903), and eschewed dull, foundational reed stops.

As an example of fin de siècle development beyond the demands of organ music, the Great organ manual of Walcker’s Paulskirche organ, Frankfurt (1827), can be compared with its rebuild by the same firm 72 years later. The stop-list alone makes clear the change of taste and the manner in which the revision destroyed the early 19th-century monument: ..\Frames/F922886.html

From the mid-19th century organs in the USA broke from the older English pattern with increasing use of European innovations (often demanded by organists who had studied in Europe). Gambas and Harmonic Flutes (the latter usually at 4' pitch) assumed a permanent place in the stop-lists of even small organs, and Solo divisions and high-pressure or harmonic-length reeds appeared in larger ones. The Barker machine was commonly used in large organs from about 1860 onwards, and early experiments (Roosevelt, 1869) were made with electric actions. Immigrant builders, mainly from Germany, began to do significant work in the Midwest (Pfeffer, Kilgen, Koehnken etc.) but appear not to have had significant influence on the large eastern builders. Little distinction was made between church and secular organs: Hook’s large organs in Mechanics Hall, Worcester, Massachusetts (1864), and Immaculate Conception Church, Boston (1863), were very similar in size, stop-list and voicing, and were indeed expected to play much the same repertory, yet by the time Hook & Hastings’s 70-stop organ was built for Boston’s Holy Cross Cathedral in 1875, a distinct type of American Romantic organ had emerged, different in many respects from those of England and the Continent.

The instruments of Robert Hope-Jones and his lesser imitators are considered the most extreme of a highly experimental period, both tonally and mechanically. In the latter they broke new ground, but in tonal matters they extend the principles behind such organs as that at Lauterbach by omitting all ranks above a wide flute 2', resulting in such schemes as the following for the Great organ manual at Worcester Cathedral (1896): 16.8.8.8.8.8.4.4.2.16.8 plus ten couplers to Great and seven composition keys. The tone was characterized by a corresponding smoothing out of acoustic ‘interest’ and a princely indifference to traditional chorus-blending; yet the 1904 instrument at St John’s, Newfoundland, was described in a contemporary account as having ‘wonderfully powerful and delightfully neat tone’. Ignored by French and German organ historians, Hope-Jones built few instruments himself and had only limited business success in Britain and the USA; but his influence was significant in the early decades of the 20th century.

4. Electricity and the organ.

During the 25 years from 1889 to 1914 Hope-Jones contributed two major innovations: to key-action (electric, with stop-switches for registration, ‘double touch’ for keys and accessories), and to pipework and specification (large harmonic Trombas, very narrow Trumpets, heavy-pressure Diapasons with ‘leathered’ lips – i.e. with thin leather glued round the edge of the lip to reduce brightness, very narrow and keen-sounding string stops and wide-scaled open flutes). His diaphone pipe of 1893 was itself a new departure (see fig.21). Though no doubt more effective as a foghorn (an earlier version was accepted as such by the Canadian government, and diaphones were used as lighthouse fog-signals as late as the 1960s by the US Coast Guard), the diaphone is a good guide to the tone required by some musicians about 1900. Hope-Jones’s actions were too finely designed for organs (they were more effective in telephone exchanges), but the period was one of experiment in electrical technology and his contributions are important. So many devices or facilities, such as those enabling the organist to ‘prepare’ stops which remained silent until required, or to open Swell shutters one by one, were made much easier with electricity; so was ‘borrowing’ stops, still disapproved of by Audsley (B1905) but in principle leading to ‘unit-chests’, ‘extension organs’ and other systems using one rank of pipes for several purposes. Hope-Jones thus typifies a movement that led to such extraordinary achievements for their time as the stadium organ in Chicago (Barton, 1929) where 44 ranks of pipes and various percussion effects produced an organ of six manuals (hanging in lofts above an auditorium of 25,000 seats) controlled by a movable console of 884 stop-controls and accessories, and blown by pressures of 40 to 140 cm, the latter for the diaphones. The extension organ of 1938 in the Civic Hall, Wolverhampton, was more modest and typical (Table 34).

Electricity has been used to replace key-pallet action (see fig.11), operate stop-mechanisms and accessories (couplers, combinations, tremulant, Swell shutters etc.), drive a motor for raising the wind and replace older chest types. The design of such mechanisms requires great skill and was perfected only during the 20th century. Certain sophisticated gadgets like Willis’s ‘infinite speed and gradation Swell’ (where the amount by which the pedal is pushed forward is a measure of the speed at which the shutters open) date from the 1930s. In 1905 Audsley was still justifying the ‘incomplete’ nature of his discussion of electro-pneumatic actions by ‘the tentative state of that branch of organ construction at this time’. By then, however, knowledge of such actions was advanced enough for E.M. Skinner’s system to be applied at St Bartholomew, New York, to a console playing two organs, one at each end of the church. Skinner was perhaps America’s most innovatory designer of actions; his ‘pitman chest’ (see below), still widely used in the USA, was first developed during his employment with Hutchings in the 1890s and was a radical departure from other systems then in use which were, with the exception of Austin’s equally original ‘Universal Air Chest’, largely electrified adaptations of the older slider-, ventil-, or cone-chests.

Perhaps the most radical application of electricity to organ building was that enabling any key to be connected to any pipe: as in other forms of individual note-valve chests, each pipe stands over its own individual valve on the so-called unit-chest, but through the use of switching mechanisms such unit-chests can be used for one or more stops of an organ. A 2' pipe could be c' of a nominal 8' stop, c of a 4' stop, F of a 22/3' stop, etc., and the row of pipes ‘extended’ to allow complete compass at all levels. The principle of ‘extension’ was known to Praetorius for a little table positive, and Marcussen applied it to six of his Hauptwerk stops at Siseby in 1819; an ‘extension organ’ is merely one taking the idea of such ‘duplexed ranks’ to a logical conclusion. Electric actions made such systems much easier to use. That the idea is basically inimical to true organ tone, since no consistently scaled rank will serve two purposes, did not escape the attention of the better builders. At Wolverhampton, for example, the principle is applied very discreetly, and builders such as Skinner and Austin avoided it almost entirely except in the Pedal department. But extended ranks cannot provide as much power and variety as their stop-knobs promise, and some builders compensated by coarsening the tonal quality of the pipes concerned: the pressure was raised, languids sharp-angled, upper lips leathered, scaling enlarged or narrowed excessively, perhaps with a double languid (drawing in air from outside) or double mouth (two sides of a square pipe provided with a mouth, as in the Doppelflöte of the late 18th century and the 19th), reed-tongues ‘weighted’ to encourage stronger foundational tone, cheaper metal used, and sometimes (in the pedals) a diaphone resorted to. Many of the orchestral colours imitated by builders and recommended by influential writers were themselves ephemeral (e.g. the euphonium). New chests, particularly the Anglo-American pitman chest (E.M. Skinner), were devised in which the key and drawstop had equal access to the valve below the pipe, sounding it only when both were activated – a rather ingenious and efficient system that has stood the test of time.

Builders of the period 1840–1940 often disagreed with one another’s taste in details. Hope-Jones’s diaphones were not made (or were only briefly employed) by most builders, nor Cavaillé-Coll’s type of slotted reed pipes outside France, nor English leathered Diapasons beyond a certain period in England and the USA, nor the unit-chest by most of the better builders of church organs. The origin of many voicing techniques, such as leathering the lips of flue pipes and weighting reed-tongues with brass or lead, is obscure; so many had their origins in earlier periods that only the extremes of various kinds (high pressure, diaphone pipes, electro-pneumatic action etc.) can be dated from the late 19th century. It was these extremes that led to the Cinema organ about 1911. A large-looking Wurlitzer organ of this period contained only a few ranks of pipes voiced to either extreme and ‘extended’ to provide many stops available at every pitch on every manual: a reductio ad absurdum of the principle of ‘floating’ chests. With its percussion traps and effects and omnipresent tremulants, its high-pressure pipework enclosed in grille-fronted chambers, its movable console operating electric actions and swell shutters, the cinema organ can be seen not only following on from the ‘serious’ organs of Hope-Jones, Compton, Pendlebury, Franklin Lloyd and others, but as an updated version of Vogler’s orchestrion. Again it was not the church organ but the secular that demonstrated an idea taken to its logical end.

The ‘post-Romantic’ organ of the early 20th century has been criticized on numerous counts, most of them to a greater or lesser extent legitimate. At its most mediocre, it was the ‘factory organ’ that roused the ire of Albert Schweitzer (B1906; see §VII, 1, below); it was also this organ that, sinking ever deeper into its makers’ and players’ preoccupations with the imitation of orchestral sounds, vast ranges of dynamic expression, and ingenious console gadgetry, threatened for a time to make a large part of the corpus of organ literature from Scheidt to Franck either obsolete or unintelligible. What is perhaps surprising is that at no other time in history has the organ been so ubiquitous: organs of all sizes were to be found not only in churches, chapels, cathedrals and concert halls, but also in auditoriums, cinemas, residences, hospitals, museums, hotels, spas, restaurants, ballrooms, skating-rinks, department stores and schools of all kinds. According to statistics from the US Census Bureau, more organs were built in that country in 1927 than in any year before or since. Eight years later, this figure had dropped to its lowest point before World War II (which interrupted organ building everywhere). The pattern was similar in Europe.

5. The organ in the early 20th century.

The early decades of the 20th century saw more than one short-lived phenomenon. The heyday of the cinema organ lasted only until the introduction of soundtracks to moving pictures around 1930 (and a little later in Britain). Many such organs were ultimately removed from cinemas, some destroyed, and others moved to churches (where they were eventually found to be so inappropriate that they were replaced); but in the second half of the century some that survived in situ were restored, and, in America, others have been rebuilt and installed in ‘pizza and beer’ restaurants, where they continue their intended mission of providing entertainment. Another such development was the domestic self-playing organ (see Player organ), created by manufacturers such as Welte & Söhn of Freiburg and the Aeolian Company of New York, who each adapted their already successful electro-pneumatic roll-playing mechanisms for the Reproducing piano to the pipe organ. As seen from surviving player-roll libraries, the greater part of the repertory of these instruments consisted of orchestral and operatic transcriptions, and their tonal resources were geared to this music. However, legitimate organ music was also recorded, and some of these rolls now have considerable historical interest in that they preserve the performances of some notable turn-of-the-century organ virtuosos. The player organ enjoyed a worldwide market until a combination of the Depression and new fashions such as the radio and the gramophone set it into a near terminal decline in the 1930s.

At its worst, the organ of this period was dull and uninspired, most of the small to medium-size instruments being virtually mass-produced and only shop-voiced. The use of extension and unification principles was rampant, resulting in a thinness and blandness of sound in the majority of smaller church organs. Some unfortunate architectural trends were also promulgated in this period. Since electric action removed all limitations from the placement of the console and the layout of the pipes, more and more organs were divided and placed in sound-smothering chambers that were often deep and without adequate openings, and the consoles (as well as Echo divisions with little historical connection) could be located almost anywhere, even at the opposite end of the church from the pipes. What such placements of organs may have gained in visual and physical convenience, they suffered from in musical inconvenience, and, once established, this fashion – perhaps most greatly abused in English-speaking countries – has been unfortunately difficult to reverse.

At its best, however, the early 20th-century organ was a triumph of technology and the possessor of sometimes surprisingly impressive musical qualities when allowed to do what it was designed for. A virtuoso cinema organist playing a good Wurlitzer, Barton or Compton can bring life and drama to a silent film; a suavely voiced Aeolian or Welte playing from a well-made orchestral roll can delight all but the most hardened purist. Similarly, in some of the larger ‘symphonic’ instruments, most often located in secular concert halls, one can discern the qualities that attracted such extraordinarily gifted and internationally recognized recitalists as Eddy, Guilmant, Courboin, Lemare, Cunningham and Farnam. Marcel Dupré was inspired to compose his monumental Symphonie-Passion (1924) while improvising on the monster organ in Philadelphia’s Wanamaker store in 1921, later stating that he ‘played in a state of exaltation that [he had] seldom known’. Such builders as Skinner, Kimball, Casavant, Willis, Harrison, Mutin or Steinmeyer could produce large instruments which could not only flood with sound a large building – whether a reverberant European cathedral or a dry American concert hall – but also perform transcriptions to perfection and do some justice to much of the legitimate organ literature, as well as serve as a foil to an orchestra or an accompaniment to a choir. When certain conservative and knowledgeable advisers (George Dixon in England, Emerson Richards in the USA, etc.) were involved, the stop-lists, at least on paper, could appear quite balanced. What were lacking were smaller instruments well enough designed and voiced to live up to the expectations generated by the large organs, and this lack may have been one of the many factors which helped to give impetus to the forthcoming Organ Reform movement.

‘Organ Revival’ is a term used increasingly often as an English equivalent to Orgelbewegung (coined about 1930 as a simplified form of Gurlitt’s Orgel-Erneuerungsbewegung proposed at the Freiburg congress, B1926). The movement was concerned with ‘reviving’ some of the ‘historic principles’ of the organ, because it was thought in German musicological circles of the 1920s that the ‘true purpose and nature’ of the organ had ‘declined’ and required ‘regeneration’. Although such words were much used in Germany, considerable activity also occurred in other countries, notably the Netherlands, Denmark and Switzerland.

VII. The Organ Revival, 1930–70

During the 1920s, not least in the light of current political movements, many aspects of German cultural life were re-examined, and before 1933 there were more or less formulated movements in folk music, youth music, church music, and the music of particular composers (e.g. the Schützbewegung). These movements had certain aims or assumptions in common, for their followers:

(i) reacted negatively to a previous period. In the Orgelbewegung this was done in the form of a protest against the thick, loud sonorities of the orchestral organ, the factory organ, the ‘expressive’ or symphonic organ, the organ as an engineered machine rather than an apparatus or ‘tool of music’. As such, reacting against late 19th-century organ ideals is equivalent to reacting against late 19th-century music, and insufficient explanation has been given for why an organ of Sauer is less worthy of revival than, say, Wagner’s Parsifal.

(ii) assumed that criteria could be determined. In 1906 Schweitzer’s test for an organ, ‘the best and sole’ standard, was its fitness for playing J.S. Bach’s music. Unfortunately, that ideal in the 1820s had already deflected the French and English organs from the better features of their native paths; and it is not per se a reliable criterion, since not only do opinions differ as to the ‘nature of Bach’s organ’ but the composer himself played organs of quite opposing aims. To the reformers, the ‘Bach organ’ was more a generic term, merely signifying instruments built and voiced ‘in the Baroque manner’. Schweitzer’s rallying-cry was perhaps not to be taken too literally, although several builders in Alsace and south Germany met under its banner and adopted stop-lists (if nothing else) conducive to Bach registration. The resulting ‘Alsatian Organ Reform’ has been seen as the precursor of the Organ Revival.

(iii) attempted in general to lead to standardization. Schweitzer’s views expressed at the Vienna Congress of the IMS in 1909 and at the Third Organ Conference at Freiberg, Lower Saxony in 1927 aimed at a general return to old ideals. Although in 1909 it may have been reasonable to equate tonschön with alt, a blanket equation of the two leads to over-uniformity and a kind of lazy norm often to be heard as simple anonymity in the tone of hundreds of neo-Baroque organs built in Germany and elsewhere since the mid-1930s.

1. Early indications.

2. German developments in the 1920s.

3. Old organs.

4. Scandinavian and Dutch organs.

5. The Organ Revival in the USA.

6. England, France and Italy.

7. Some German developments since World War II.

Schweitzer’s book J.S. Bach, le musicien-poète (1905) and his pamphlet Deutsche und französische Orgelbaukunst (B1906) were highly formative, and still influential in some quarters at the end of the 20th century. A precursor in the workings of the Alsatian Organ Reform has been seen in Emil Rupp, for whom Walcker built a ‘reformed organ’ at St Paul, Strasbourg, in 1907. But equally indicative of the inevitable change in direction were works of more general musical scholarship. For example, Guilmant’s series of old French organ music (begun in 1901 under the title Archives des Maîtres de l’Orgue) was much in advance of Karl Straube’s ‘editions’ of old German composers (1904) with their anachronistic expression marks and improbable registrations. Also important was the pioneering work in the interpretation of old music published by Arnold Dolmetsch and others. Dolmetsch no doubt owed much to a favourable musical climate in England where Charles Salaman, Carl Engel and A.J. Hipkins had already reintroduced the harpsichord to public music-making. But, as in France and Germany, renewed interest in harpsichords did not necessarily lead to enlightenment with regard to organs. Nevertheless what Dolmetsch wrote in 1915 reflected his views over the past decades and summed up the situation admirably for anyone wishing to heed them:

1. Early indications.

Church organs had that power based on sweetness which constitutes majesty. The change came on, and for the sake of louder tone, pressure of wind was doubled and trebled. The same pressure acting on the valves which let the wind into the pipes made them too heavy for the fingers to move through the keys. A machine was then invented which did the work at second hand [and] the music of the organ dragged on after the player’s fingers as best it could. Personal touch, which did so much for phrasing and expression, was destroyed.
Then fashion decreed that the organ should be an imitation of the orchestra. … The organist, if he is clever, can give a chromo-lithograph of the Meistersinger Prelude; but he has not the right tone with which to play a chorale, if his organ is up-to-date. Modern compositions are intended for this machine, and all is well with them; but it is a revelation to hear Handel’s or Bach’s music on a well-preserved old organ.

There is nothing here about ‘the Baroque organ’, and the word was only later taken over from art historians to evoke an organ type more imaginary than real.

In England practice did not reflect enlightened theory. The ideas of organ advisers like Thomas Casson (1842–1910) and, during a particularly critical period, George Dixon (1870–1950) kept early 20th-century organs from the worst excesses; but they were still only insular compromises. As with so many English writers of the period 1875–1975, their emphasis on stop-lists and imaginary ‘ideal organs’ was not basic enough to lead to radical rethinking. Factions in organ building are common, and in France the polarization of conservative ‘Romanticists’ versus German-influenced ‘Reformers’ meant that a modern organ could have one of two totally opposed characters depending on what the builder and his adviser favoured. But in England, many organists had only a compromise instrument of mixed lineage going back to William Hill and taking in a few non-establishment influences from Hope-Jones on one hand and later continental ‘reform’ builders such as D.A. Flentrop on the other. Grove5 (‘Organ’) gives the specifications of several such organs, often built well and at great expense. Until the 1930s the situation in the USA was much the same as in England, although Willis’s influence on Ernest Skinner prompted him to reintroduce the Great principal chorus in some of his organs in the 1920s. The increasing interest in Bach’s music (as shown in the popularity of W. Lynnwood Farnam’s recitals of the complete organ works of Bach in 1929) was an early sign of coming change.

A practical step was taken in 1921 when Oscar Walcker, with the collaboration of Wilibald Gurlitt, designed and built the Freiburg Praetorius-Orgel, inaugrated by Karl Straube. This was the first attempt at reconstructing the tonal character of a so-called Baroque organ according to some of the details given by Praetorius in De organographia (Syntagma musicum, ii).

2. German developments in the 1920s.

Compromises were evident: suitable casework was not made, the stop-list was modified, the pipes were placed not on a slider-chest but a ‘stop-channel chest’, wind was supplied by an electric blower and the action was electro-pneumatic. Nonetheless, the organ was significant, not least in the publicity it gained during the organ conference held at Freiburg in 1926 before 600 members. The instrument was destroyed in 1944, and a second, less compromising one was made in 1954–5. The change in approach indicates clearly how German organ thinking had developed over 30 or so years: Gurlitt was still the adviser, but the organ was built by Walcker-Mayer with the collaboration of acoustic and technical experts (Lottermoser, E.K. Rössler) and closely modelled on the first specification in Praetorius’s De organographia, with data taken from extant pipework by Praetorius’s friend Esaias Compenius, and with mean-tone tuning, a slider-chest, mechanical action and a thorough Werkprinzip structure; the stop-lists is given in Table 35. Were a third ‘Praetorius’ organ to be built, one could expect that all compromises away from his specification would be dropped and an early 17th-century casework and wind system incorporated, being integral parts of the total sound-production.

TABLE 35


Freiburg University, ‘Praetorius’ organ II
W. Walcker-Mayer, 1954–5

Oberwerk		Rückpositiv
	Principal	8	Principal	4
	Gedackt	8	Quintadena	8
	Oktave	4	Hohlflöte	4
	Gemshorn	4	Nachthorn (wood)	4
	Gedackt (wood)	4	Blockflöte	2
	Nasat	22/3	Oktave	2
	Scharfquinta	4 (?11/3)	Quinta	11/3
	Superoktave	2	Zimbel
	Mixtur III	2	Schalmei	8

Brustpositiv		Pedal
	Krummhorn (wood)	8	Untersatz (open wood)	16
	Quintetz	11/3 (?4)	Posaune (Sordun)	16
	Zimbel	II	Dolcan	8
	Sifflöte	1	Bauerflötlein	1
			Singend Cornet	2
Zimbelstern
Tremulants (Oberwerk, Rückpositiv)
Couplers: Rückpositiv to Oberwerk; Oberwerk to Pedal;
	Rückpositiv to Pedal

Although both Schweitzer’s and Gurlitt’s views were directed towards certain music – that of J.S. Bach on the one hand and that of Scheidt and Schütz on the other – results were seen only gradually in organ building. After Rupp and Walcker visited Mutin, Cavaillé-Coll’s successor, one or two organs were built with the express purpose of combining the musical potential of the German and French organ. One such instrument was at the Reinoldikirche, Dortmund, inaugrated in 1909 by Schweitzer and attracting the attention of Reger, for whom a festival was held at Dortmund in 1910. The dual polyphonic-homophonic nature of Reger’s mature style would in theory gain much from the character of an Alsatian Reform organ. The type of eclecticism aimed at in such organs was considerably ahead of its time and not fully understood; but it led to giant organs such as that at Passau Cathedral (Steinmeyer, 1930; 208 stops) in which one section serves as a ‘German Romantic organ’, another has a ‘French character’ (reeds, Cornet), and yet another provides a ‘Baroque department’. While in north Germany such firms as Ott and Kemper remained closer to a single orderly tradition, the influence of Steinmeyer was wide, and a harbinger of things to come.

Yet returning to full Werkprinzip design was also only gradual. Like the 1921 Praetorius-Orgel, the influential organ of the Marienkirche, Göttingen (Furtwängler & Hammer, 1925), was a compromise with pneumatic action, but in its specification and scalings, prepared by Christhard Mahrenholz, it pointed the way to future development:

Less recognized is the broader Swiss approach, as expressed in Jacque Hanschin’s paper in Tagung für deutsche Orgelkunst: Freiburg, Lower Saxony, 1927, and Kuhn’s French-influenced Rückpositiv at Berne Minster (1930). The ‘Hindemith organ’ – that thought ideal for the performance of his sonatas – was itself a mean between extremes, and in fact revelatory of the real meaning of the movement to many, including ‘neo-Baroque’ composers such as Distler and Pepping. But important work was begun on technical aspects of organ building, and a climate of opinion was being created with regard to acoustics (Akustische Zeitschrift, 1936; AMf, 1939), slider-chest and their influence on tone (H.H. Jahnn: Der Einfluss der Schleifenwindlade, 1931), pallets (ZI, 1933), casework (W. Supper: Architekt und Orgelbau, 1934) and scaling (Mahrenholz, C1938). In Italy questions concerning old organs had been discussed for many years (e.g. Musica sacra, 1901–3), and even large electric organs like that in the Pontificio Istituto di Musica Sacra (Rome, 1933) had never shaken off certain traditional features. But in France technical achievement lagged behind historical research: the documents and archives published by Raugel and Dufourcq led to the discovery of many old organs, as a result of which almost all were rebuilt over the next few decades, and many altered beyond recognition in an effort to make them suitable for German Baroque music.

The position of surviving old organs in the Organ Reform was a difficult one. Important though the Schnitger organ in the Jacobikirche, Hamburg, or the Lübeck Totentanzorgel were to a writer like H.H. Jahnn (Deutsche Musikgesellschaft: Kongress I: Leipzig 1925), or the Silbermann in Freiberg, Lower Saxony, to E. Flade (Tagung für deutsche Orgelkunst III: Freiberg, Lower Saxony, 1927), in practice they were, obviously, not suitable for all the organ repertory. They would not allow, for instance, the gradual crescendo demanded by Reger and obtained on one manual by piling up three or four 8' stops before the first 4' was added. Oversimplified claims were often made – for instance, that ventil-chests are by nature ‘bad’. It is probably true that, compass apart, an organ of 1700 is in certain respects more versatile than one of 1900; but no valid doctrine can be formed on the basis of such a generalization.

3. Old organs.

Nevertheless, the beauty of the Freiberg Cathedral Silbermann organ was not questioned, and the publication in facsimile of treatises by Werckmeister, Praetorius, Bédos de Celles, Mattheson, Adlung and Schlick heightened interest in the few extant remains of organs they described. One result, however, was that much-altered instruments were over-respected, and an organ like that at Amorbach (1774–82) or the Totentanzorgel gave, over the years, many misleading impressions, due, at least in part, to imperfect analysis. Enlightened opinion may no longer claim that ‘it is the large Schnitger organ that best corresponds to the demands made by J.S. Bach’s music’ (Klotz, D(i)1934), but it is still almost impossible to be sure what kind of sound Schnitger was aiming at, since none of his instruments remain in wholly unaltered condition.

As examples of ill-conceived restorations, many organs in England, Ireland, France, Spain and Germany could be described, and as much damage was done during the 30 years following World War II as at any other period. The organ of Herzogenburg Abbey, Austria, can serve as an example. By 1964 most of its original character had either survived or was fairly easily ascertainable; but the ‘restoration’ of that year resulted in major changes based on unhistorical or oversimplified concepts. The main chests were enlarged to give a modern compass of C–f'–g''', thus discarding the original short octaves, the incomplete (but characteristic) pedals and most of the original chests; the action was discarded and newly made; manual and pedal Mixtures were changed in content; new ranks and stops of a kind unsuitable to an Austrian organ of 1749 were made; the instrument was revoiced throughout; and the original detached console was discarded and replaced by a new oak console. This organ would need a radical rebuild if it were ever again to give an organist anything like a true impression of the instruments known to Mozart.

By 1971, however, certain builders were attempting closer historical accuracy in their restorations, as is shown in a second Austrian organ, that of the Hofkirche, Innsbruck (see Table 8 and fig.34). Here the original wind-trunk was preserved, the wind pressure ascertained and voicing recovered; the original short C–a'' compass was restored (though the keys perhaps date from the 18th century); the original pitch level (a' = 445), case, chests etc. were restored; and the instrument was tuned in an unequal temperament. Were the modern bellows to be replaced by one more characteristic of the period, the organ would represent better the late 20th-century ideals of restoration.

Almost wholly overlooked until the 1960s, however, were many noteworthy 19th-century organs in all countries. After World War II large numbers of these continued to be ruthlessly rebuilt or electrified, or, ironically, tonally ruined in misguided attempts to make them conform to neo-Baroque ideals.

A more radical rethinking of the organ appears to have been achieved in Scandinavia, but it is more likely that national organ types had been less extremely developed there during the crucial period 1870–1910. It is thus perhaps less a question of revival than of survival of old organ design. On the whole the Swedish organ had become more ‘decadent’ than the Danish, but interest in such things as mutations survived here and there. Naturally, German ventil-chests were found in Scandinavia, and Theodor Frobenius, a German-born builder who settled in Copenhagen, made the first Danish electric action. But the ideas aired by the Alsatian Organ Reform soon became respected in Denmark.

4. Scandinavian and Dutch organs.

Simpler than the organ at St Mary, Göttingen, yet put in a very imposing contemporary case by builders alert to correct acoustical placing, was the quire organ of the extraordinary Grundtvig Church, Copenhagen (1940), built by Marcussen. In 1920 the head of this firm was Sybrand Zachariassen, who was joined a little later by P.G. Andersen; by the late 1930s the firm was producing almost nothing but mechanical-action organs and doing good formative work in restoration (Sorø Cathedral, 1942). The Grundtvig Churh organ was quite uneclectic ( Table 36).

In the same year (1940) a Rückpositiv was added by Frobenius to the early 16th-century Hauptwerk from St Petri, Malmö, now in Malmö Museum, showing that builders were aware of the practical convenience of Werkprinzip elements. By 1944 the new organ of Jaegersborg, near Copenhagen, had three uncompromising Werkprinzip manuals complete with a Trumpet en chamade, so placed for power rather than for imitations of Spanish tone. (This has remained true of Orgelbewegung reeds en chamade.) Important too were the smaller organs made by the new builders after the war, especially in view of the lacklustre quality of most small organs built in the pre-war period. Flentrop’s eight-stop organ at Schoondijke (1951) was in its way even more influential than his Werkprinzip organ at Doetinchem (1952), which soon became a model for the design of Hauptwerk + Rückpositiv + Pedal towers. (The stop-lists of both are given in Table 37.) Open-toe voicing, mechanical action and encased departments were by now standard among the younger builders, although the importance of wind supply was still not understood. Such instruments went far beyond the theories of the Orgelbewegung, and it is a mistake to regard them as mere 17th- or 18th-century pastiche – they were in fact a new genre. Frequently they serve as practical demonstration of intricate theory and knowledge. Frobenius and Ingerslev’s paper on end correction, for example (C1947), is the most important theoretical work by an organ builder in this field since Cavaillé-Coll.

Many North American builders were willing to consult advisers who had practical or theoretical knowledge of historic organ types of Europe; at its best the collaboration is highly successful. Flentrop’s organ of 1958 for the Busch-Reisinger Museum at Harvard reflects a further element: the strength of taste developed by players (in this instance E. Power Biggs) experienced in European organs. In North America, Flentrop, Metzler, Beckerath, Ahrend & Brunzema and others went on to build important instruments of great beauty, and from the late 1960s other influences became evident, such as the French elements in the stop-list and voicing at the Memorial Church, Harvard University (C.B. Fisk, 1967), or the pseudo-Italian elements in the large electric-action organ of the First Congregational Church, Los Angeles (Schlicker, 1969). It is true that neither instrument demonstrates a thorough understanding of its models, but such attempts were important stepping-stones towards stricter historical copies – a trend also followed by American harpsichord makers in the same period and one leading to less compromising organs (see §VIII below). The specific influence of the German-orientated Orgelbewegung has waned considerably in the USA and Canada since the 1970s; like the new organ terminology sometimes attempted, it was too artificial a graft to bear much fruit, and other, more attractive and more historically informed influences have taken its place in the thinking of builders and players.

5. The Organ Revival in the USA.

The main innovators of the early revival in USA were Walter Holtkamp of Cleveland and G.D. Harrison, an Englishman working for the Skinner Organ Co. In 1933 Holtkamp had been contracted to add a Rückpositiv to the large Romantic organ of the Cleveland Museum of Art, but the slider-chest had a multiple-valve system which was later abandoned in his work. Harrison’s influence on tonal design was more important than the structural reforms; he had applied low pressure to a fairly large organ contracted for at Groton School in 1935, but structurally and mechanically it was otherwise no different from other electro-pneumatic organs built by the firm. This organ, like the slightly smaller but more coherent instrument built a year earlier for the Church of the Advent in Boston, was one of the first attempts in the USA at a large, classically influenced eclectic instrument, although its voicing hardly follows classical principles and its general effect lacks articulation. More successful, and certainly more influential, was the small, unencased, two-manual organ built in 1937 as an experiment, and installed in the Germanic (now Busch-Reisinger) Museum at Harvard University, which was heard by a vast audience through the broadcasts and recordings of E. Power Biggs, an early champion of the Reform movement. These and other isolated instruments of the period testify to a growing interest in historic European principles among some American organists and builders, Cavaillé-Coll and Silbermann being especially admired. Such organs, for all their drawbacks of voicing, pitman chests and electric action, possessed greater clarity than had been heard from American organs for some decades, and they made their point musically. Partly because of Holtkamp’s efforts, many of these organs were free-standing rather than installed in the all-too-common chambers (fig.48), but the musical importance of casework was as yet unrealized, and only low wind pressures and gentle voicing curbed the tendency of ‘pipes-in-the-open’ to sound raw and unblending, especially in acoustically dry surroundings.

Soon after World War II the reform movement revived with renewed vigour. Academic and musicological writers leant heavily on 17th-century German literature and indeed tried to create a more rational (if sometimes contrived) language of organ terms (Bunjes, D(xv)1966). Organists and organ students, especially American, became much influenced by the various historic organs of France and Germany, although the relative inaccessibility of East German organs until the late 1980s, notably those of Silbermann, affected American-European organ design. European builders exported small but important organs to the USA (Rieger about 1952, Flentrop in 1954), and Beckerath consolidated the trend by building a 44-stop four-manual organ for Trinity Lutheran Church, Cleveland, in 1957. American firms were bound to be influenced by such instruments, and while Flentrop secured many prestigious American contracts (e.g. St Mark’s Cathedral, Seattle), and Beckerath went on to build several equally important organs in Canada (e.g. St Joseph’s Oratory, Montreal), other builders like Charles Fisk of Massachusetts and Casavant Frères of Quebec soon produced their own versions of the new styles. Casavant’s organ of 1963 in Acadia University, Wolfville, Nova Scotia (Table 38) is a typical small organ of the kind inspired by such builders as Beckerath, and Fisk’s organ in Mt Calvary Church, Baltimore, was influenced by Flentrop. From the point of view of the Organ Revival, such instruments were far in advance of the huge unencased organs made by the larger firms (e.g. Möller’s paired organs in the Shrine of the Immaculate Conception, Washington DC, 1970), although it is fair to point out that inventive and contemporary visual effects can often be achieved by a good designer with unencased chests.

As in America, imported organs (e.g. The Queen’s College, Oxford: Frobenius, 1965) played their part in promulgating the new tonal and mechanical ideals, which began to be taken up by such builders as Collins, Mander, and Grant, Degens & Bradbeer (New College, Oxford, 1969). Later in the 20th century some younger builders (e.g. Goetze & Gwynn, Drake and Collins) found inspiration closer to home, particularly in 18th-century English organs.

6. England, France and Italy.

Although perceptive English organ enthusiasts such as Cecil Clutton were praising European ‘reform’ organs in print by around 1950, it seems to be true that the Organ Revival in England ‘really took root only with the opening of the organ for the Royal Festival Hall, London, in 1954’ (Clutton and Niland, D(xii)1963; fig.49). Despite careful planning by the adviser (Ralph Downes) and meticulous workmanship by the builders (Harrison & Harrison), the composite nature of the organ made it little more than a quickly dated compromise. Its 103 stops give the impression of immense adaptability, and the German flutes, Anglo-German chorus and French reeds allow many types of organ music to be given reasonable performance; but the very size (quite apart from the semi-unencased construction and the electro-pneumatic action) make true sympathy with most musical styles impossible. Although admired by many players in both England and the USA, the instrument has had curiously few successors: new designs did not immediately appear, despite an awareness of continental organs (e.g. the Organ Club’s visit to Frobenius in 1958) and the obvious qualities of tracker action (St Vedast-alias-Foster, London, built in 1961 by Noel Mander, using an 18th-century case and much antique pipework). J.W. Walker’s organ of 1959 in the Italian Church, London, showed a rather confused scheme, but it helped to open the path to ‘Baroque’ influences: ..\Frames/F922887.html

The French organ has developed on rather similar lines, ‘neo-classical’ indicating a frenchified composite organ designed with both Grigny and Bach, both Franck and Messiaen in mind. Most major French churches have such organs, many made by Gonzalez with the advice of Norbert Dufourcq, a collaboration which also unfortunately engineered the rebuilding of many intact classical and Romantic organs in a hybrid quasi-Germanic mould, with the stated aim of making them better fitted for the playing of Bach. Since the late 1960s closer imitations of old French styles have been attempted, for example the partial copy of a Bédos de Celles organ (complete with low pitch) by J.-G. Koenig at Sarre-Union (1968). In particular, the importance of the traditional French classical form of ‘suspended’ action has been recognized and such actions, notable for their sensitivity, have since successfully been made by American, Dutch and German builders as well as the French. In both England and France, ‘restoration’ of old organs had been, with a few significant exceptions (Poitiers Cathedral, restored by Boisseau), as detrimental as in Germany. The typically French classical 1693/1832 pedal department (Flutes 8' and 4' (C–e), Trompette 8' and Clairon 4' (ravalement F'–e)) at Auch Cathedral was altered in 1959 to a more ‘correct’ Reform stop-list (Principal 16', Sub-Bass 16', Bourdon 8', Flûte 8', Flûte 4', Bombarde 16', Trompette 8', Clairon 4'). Only towards the end of the 20th century did builders in England or France show enlightened attitudes towards the subtler historical problems of pitch and voicing. In France the journal Connaissance de l’orgue has helped propagate sounder ideas, as have the British Institute of Organ Studies and the Organ Yearbook in England, and the Organ Historical Society in the USA.

In Italy the late 1960s saw a movement towards a kind of modified Werkprinzip organ but with characteristic Italian choruses and even at times Italian reeds. The organ at S Maria Assunta (B. Formentelli, 1967–8) has a grand’organo of 8.4.2.11/3.1.2/3.½.1/3 + 1/4.8.4.22/3.2.13/5.8.4, the last of them reeds. Large three-manual organs such as that at the Chiesa dei Servi, Bologna (Tamburini), united an Italian chorus, German mutations, Spanish Trumpet, Italian compass, mechanical action and general Werkprinzip relationships between the manuals. Other larger firms such as Ruffatti, on the other hand, seem to have been strongly affected by the ‘American classic’ movement, and, while they have produced some smaller mechanical-action organs, have concentrated more on large multi-purpose electric-action instruments, many of them built for export. Smaller organs too have attempted comprehensiveness; the instrument at S Severino, Bologna (G. Zanin & Figlio, 1968), has the following scheme: Apart from some restoration work by builders such as Amezua, and a few modern positive organs, the Iberian peninsula has been only slightly affected by the organ reform.

Before 1973 German builders rarely developed good designs for organ cases, relying on simple geometric Bauhaus-influenced shapes that are pleasing but repetitive and often careless. Some imagination has been shown here and there in designing a sinuous front with ‘modern’ motifs (Marktkirche, Hanover; Beckerath, 1954, fig.50) and the square or rectangular box sometimes conforms with its surroundings (Gedächtniskirche, Berlin; Schuke, 1962). Non-German builders more often tend to look at old models, as witness the influence of the Perpignan organ-case on that at Linz Cathedral (Marcussen and Andersen, 1968). Swells, either as enclosed Oberwerk or enclosed Brustwerk, were fairly common in Germany, but it is often not possible to view them as anything more than ambiguous in nature and limited in conviction, although they were seen as an acceptable compromise in America. Standard German practice in making mechanical action has done little but good, and German builders are correct to point out that ‘organ music (such as Ligeti’s Volumina) with its note-clusters, requires mechanical action. … The cluster technique shows complex flutter beats; the foreign nature of untempered, non-harmonic sound-elements can be produced only by mechanical action and its associated voicing’ (ISO Information, viii, 1972, p.45). On the other hand, the widespread use of Schwimmer wind regulators, producing an inflexible and often jittery wind response, cannot in any way be regarded as a positive influence.

7. Some German developments since World War II.

An important factor in postwar Germany was the prominence and high standard of many new and small firms, while the older and larger ones faded into the background. The appointment of organ advisers for each of the districts of Germany encouraged smaller builders as it also encouraged local variety and enterprise. From the early 1950s Beckerath of Hamburg and the two Schuke firms of Berlin (East and West) produced organs of strong character, often influenced by old instruments they had rebuilt (Schnitger organs rebuilt by Beckerath, Joachim Wagner organs by Alexander Schuke); as noted above, Beckerath also exported instruments to the USA and, in 1970, a smaller example to Britain (Clare College, Cambridge). Ahrend and his former partner Brunzema (pupils of Paul Ott) continued the trend towards strong-toned organs, omitting most mutations and relying on highly coloured flue and reed stops (usually made of hammered metal); old instruments restored by the firm (e.g. at Westerhusen) have a natural, unforced but startlingly powerful, breathy tone. The organ at Westerhusen, like Metzler’s restoration at Nieuw Scheemda, Führer’s at Hohenkirchen and Ahrend’s in Stade, is a revelation of the musical colour open to a 17th-century organist of Friesland and Groningen, and these instruments have exercised an increasingly positive influence on the work of other north German builders as well as Americans such as John Brombaugh, Taylor & Boody and P.B. Fritts. The stop-lists seem nondescript; an example by Ahrend & Brunzema (Bremen-Oberneuland, 1966) is: ..\Frames/F922889.htmlBut the sound is far from nondescript, and the idiosyncratic tone of such instruments is well removed from the top-heavy neo-Baroque anonymity typical of so many organs of the 1950s.

During the last three decades of the 20th century such terms as ‘Organ Reform’ and ‘neo-Baroque’ ceased to be truly applicable. The original thrust of these movements was as much anti-Romantic as it was pro-Baroque. From the bottom-heavy, widely expressive, remote-controlled ‘symphonic’ organ of the 1920s (lacking a coherent chorus and deriving its colour from a variety of unison reeds, flutes and strings), to the top-heavy, inexpressive, mechanically controlled ‘neo-Baroque’ organ of the 1950s (with dogmatically dictated choruses, no strings, and deriving its colour from mutations and antique reed forms), the pendulum of taste in the organ world has swung between extremes unmatched in any other musical area save possibly that of popular music. There have always been exceptions, of course. The French made gestures in the neo-classic direction, but could never entirely shake off the influence of the Romantic organ on their music. Builders in the ‘American classic’ style, encouraged by the work of some of the more conservative English builders, strove, if somewhat haphazardly, to amalgamate elements of several periods into a multi-purpose instrument that had influence as far away as Italy. Only in Germany and northern Europe did the neo-Baroque aesthetic hold almost total sway at the mid-century, but the influence on the composers of those countries, and on organ building in other countries, was considerable

VIII. The organ at the close of the 20th century

During the late 1960s and early 70s, a new spirit of inquiry began challenging some of the dogmas of the Reform movement while taking a closer look at the historic instruments that purported to be its models. Why, for instance, did a well-preserved 17th- or 18th-century Principal pipe speak with a full ‘bloom’ and just the smallest amount of ‘chiff’ when its neo-Baroque counterpart coughed prominently before settling into a rather thin and sizzly tone? Both had similar scales and cut-ups, open toe-holes and a seeming absence of nicking, but on closer inspection the historic pipe was found to have not the chisel-edged languid of the modern pipe but one with its leading edge blunted rather roughly with a counterface, and it had a more open windway; even closer inspection revealed details of metal composition (trace elements) and treatment (hammering or scraping) which had gone unnoticed or unheeded before. During the 1970s builders such as Wolff in Canada, Brombaugh, Fisk, Noack, Bedient, and Taylor & Boody in the USA, and Ahrend in Germany began experimenting with principals and flutes made more closely to historical models. Reeds soon followed, as analysis of various historical shallot forms (including French styles and those faced with leather), tongue brass, and tongue curvatures revealed why using standardized shallots and modern tongue materials such as phosphor-bronze did not produce a desired result. The results of these inquiries found favour with many organists concerned with the requirements and interpretation of various schools of organ literature.

If the historical research of the Reform movement in the 1930s concentrated at first on stop-lists and scales, by the 1950s, as understanding of traditional instruments developed, the value of mechanical action and free-standing casework was recognized. In 1968 an article by Charles Fisk concerning wind supply was published in The Diapason which generated considerable controversy internationally over most of the succeeding decade. When this had finally died down, the role of flexible wind supply, with all that it implies relative to the size and form of bellows and wind-trunks (and even tremulants), had been accepted along with pipe metal composition and non-equal temperaments (Werckmeister, Kirnberger, Chaumont, Vallotti, Young, Fisk, van Biezen) among the last major pieces in the puzzle of the ‘historically informed’ organ, and many builders abandoned the inflexible modern Schwimmer system of wind regulation (see §II, 11(iii, v), above), that had been so much a part of the neo-Baroque organ. By the 1980s builders on the Continent (Ahrend, Flentrop, Riel, Garnier, Führer, Metzler) and in America (Fisk, Noack, Brombaugh, Bedient, Moore, Fritts, Taylor & Boody) were building organs where the wind could optionally be raised either manually or electrically. In 1981 instruments built in the 17th-century north European style by Fisk (Wellesley College, Massachusetts; fig.52) and Brombaugh (Oberlin College, Ohio) helped to confirm the validity not only of flexible wind but of mean-tone tuning and sub-semitones (split keys) in the performance of music of that period.

The early Organ Reform school concentrated on its interpretation of one particular style of organ, that of the north German Baroque. By the end of the 20th century organists and organ builders had come to a deeper understanding not only of that particular model, but of myriad other styles. Foremost among these were the French classical (Clicquot) and Romantic (Cavaillé-Coll) styles, and by the 1990s a number of organs wholly or largely patterned on both were being built; in the Netherlands, the Van den Heuvel firm specialized not in classical Dutch but Romantic French instruments. The organs of Silbermann and other central German builders also began to find emulators: Fisk and Bozeman each built a Silbermann copy in the 1980s, as did Ahrend (Jesuit church, Porrentruy, Switzerland, 1985). The south German work of Riepp has inspired at least one new instrument by Hubert Sandtner (St Andreas, Babenhausen, 1987). The unification of Germany in 1989 and the restoration in the same period of important 18th-century organs such as those in Altenburg (Trost) and Naumburg (Hildebrandt) focussed attention on the typical central German organ, resulting in instruments such as that built by Noack for Christ the King Lutheran Church in Houston, Texas (1995). A few builders made smaller organs in the Italian (Wilhelm, Hradetzky, Tsuji) and Iberian (Rosales, Harrold) styles during the 1990s.

In the 1980s and 90s England and America witnessed a re-evaluation of a national heritage overlooked during many years of seeking inspiration from the Continent. Although the Mander firm played an important part in the preservation of numerous 18th- and 19th-century English organs during the postwar years, the influence of these instruments did not really begin to be strongly felt in the firm’s new work until the 1980s (Pembroke College, Cambridge, 1980), when other English builders such as Martin Renshaw, William Drake, and Goetze & Gwynn likewise began to concentrate on models from the Restoration and Georgian periods; in 1989 Mander built an organ for St Andrew’s, Holborn, London, largely based on early Victorian models. In the USA many 19th-century organs have been sympathetically restored, and 18th- and 19th-century American builders such as Tannenberg, Erben, Appleton and Hook have had both visual and tonal influence on work by Andover, Bozeman, Dobson, Fisk, Moore and Noack, while renewed interest in organs of the early 20th century led Schoenstein to build organs in the Skinner style (e.g. St Paul’s Church, Washington DC, 1996). As ‘neo-Baroque’ organs also became regarded as ‘historic’, the whole gamut of organ history became open to emulation.

The proliferation of these exercises in emulating so many earlier styles led inevitably to differences in opinion among organists, and perhaps indirectly to situations where two very different organs co-exist in certain large buildings, especially in the USA. An increasing number of builders (also probably in North America at first) began cautiously combining various styles to create a new kind of ‘historically informed’ eclectic instrument. One of the first examples was Fisk’s large 1979 instrument for the House of Hope Church, St Paul. Its Brustwerk division is a virtual copy of a similar 17th-century division in Lüneburg, and the Rückpositiv is also largely German, with a hint of classical French. The Great, Swell and Pedal divisions are, however, carefully chosen eclectic mixtures of 18th- and 19th-century German and French styles (including both German and French Trumpets). Music from several periods and places can be played stylistically on this organ, but players must have a clear understanding of the registrational needs of any particular piece, as also with Brombaugh’s similar 1986 instrument at Southern Adventist University, Collegedale, Tennessee. A 1985 Fisk (Mt Holyoke College, Massachusetts) blended German and Italian Baroque elements; a very different blending of 18th-century German, 19th-century French and 20th-century American elements characterizes Manuel Rosales’s 1987 organ in Trinity Church, Portland, Oregon; and Mander’s large organ at St Ignatius Loyola, New York (1992), successfully melds classical elements with later French and English colours. Such instruments succeed, not because they purport to play all music indiscriminately (they do not), but because they are carefully designed and large enough to do ample justice to more than one school or period.

In the 1990s this kind of historically informed eclecticism proliferated not only in the USA but in Britain, the Netherlands, Switzerland, Germany and even the former hotbed of neo-Baroque design, Scandinavia. That decade also saw a renewal of interest in concert hall organs which led to the restoration of older ones (the town halls at Birmingham, West Bromwich and Sydney; City Hall, Portland, Maine) and to the building of new ones largely in the new eclectic style (Meyerson Symphony Center, Dallas, Texas; Fisk, 1991). Mechanical key action became the choice of many of the younger builders and some of the older ones, but in the larger instruments of all builders the stop and combination actions were almost universally electric or electro-pneumatic, and often equipped with solid-state memory systems, MIDI capability, or both. Small organs of excellent quality (usually all-mechanical) were being built, but tended to differ tonally from similarly sized instruments of the 1950s and 60s in that they more often included an 8' Principal on the main (or only) manual, tended to have a smaller proportion of Pedal stops to manual stops, and, if they had an enclosed division, it was more likely to be a proper interior Swell rather than simply a Brustwerk with shutters. Casework of organs of all sizes tended to be classical in proportion and decoration, but a few younger builders, such as the Austrian Caspar Clatter-Götz, remained committed to exploring more contemporary visual designs.

Organ-building firms became greater in number but smaller in size. In the USA two of the largest firms (Aeolian-Skinner and Möller) closed after 1970, and the only remaining firms of comparable size were Schantz, Reuter, Austin and Wicks, all makers of electric-action organs; in England the large Hill, Norman & Beard firm closed in the 1990s. Large European firms such as Klais, Schuke and Ruffatti diversified, offering organs in many styles, sizes and action types, and east European builders such as Jehmlich and Rieger-Kloss began to compete for export trade. Other older firms retrenched, including Willis, Walker, and Harrison in England, Walcker in Germany, Casavant in Canada and Rieger in Austria. Medium-size firms (30–40 employees) began to execute the large and prestigious contracts that would once have been the province of the larger factories, and some important instruments were commissioned from even smaller and younger firms, such as Fritts in the USA, Wolff and Letourneau in Canada and Jones in Ireland.

The last decades of the 20th century also saw the growth of organ-building establishments outside Europe and the Americas. Despite a large number of imports, mainly British, organs have been built since the middle of the 19th century in Australia and New Zealand by builders such as Fincham, Hobday, Richardson, Fuller, Dodds, Jones, Pogson and South Island, but it was not until Ronald Sharp built a mammoth five-manual organ in 1979 for the new Sydney Opera House that an Australian-born organ builder gained prominence. A Western-inspired organ culture also took root in Asia. Ever since the 19th century small numbers of organs have been exported to Hong Kong, Korea and China, but Japan emerged as the major Asian organ centre. During the final three decades of the 20th century a large number of organs of all sizes, chiefly all-mechanical or with mechanical key action, were exported by European and North American builders to Japanese colleges, concert halls, private houses, Christian churches and Buddhist temples. Organ playing began to be taught in many colleges and conservatories, organ recitals were well attended, and an active Japan Organ Society founded a scholarly journal. Excellent organs began to be constructed in Japan by several native builders, among whom Hiroshi Tsuji and Tetsuo Kusakari were the earliest to establish workshops.

Late 20th-century developments in organ research and design did much to further understanding of the repertory of all times and places. But the ‘historically informed’ organ also attracted the attention of a growing number of composers who, unlike many in the previous generation, were more interested in exploring its potential as a musical medium than in treating it as a sound-effects machine. Other trends, however, were more disturbing to some and challenging to others, especially the encroachments of electronic technology. Solid-state switching gained widespread acceptance in larger organs as a compact and reliable alternative to all-electric or electro-pneumatic systems, and computerized ‘memory’ in combination actions was welcomed with enthusiasm by organists. MIDI can be applied to most organs, even those with mechanical key action, and offers access to synthesizer effects for some kinds of contemporary music, as well as playback options (in which it is simply duplicating the function of the early 20th-century roll-players). More controversial to many players and builders has been the incorporation of electronically produced tone into otherwise traditional organs, although some builders had already been doing this in order to add 32' Pedal tone in situations where finances or space precluded using real pipes. By the end of the century, however, whole divisions were being added electronically: an organ might have one or two divisions of (mostly) pipes, a second or third of electronic tone-generators, and a Pedal division combining both. The greatest appeal of such frankly hybrid instruments is to smaller churches with limited space and funds, although a few larger ones have been manufactured. Developments such as this have, predictably, encouraged polarization between the proponents of historically influenced traditional organs on the one hand, and those who regard organs more from a technological and commercial standpoint on the other. However, the long history of the organs tells us that this ‘large wind instrument’ (as the builder Metzler has described it) has faced many other cultural and technological challenges in past centuries, and all that is certain is that yet more intriguing chapters in its continuing saga will open as the future unfolds.

c: organ pipes: scaling, voicing and tuning

BIBLIOGRAPHY

a: bibliographies

b: construction

d: history

a: bibliographies

J.W. Warman: The Organ: Writings and Other Utterances on its Structure, History, Procural, Capabilities, etc. (London, 1898–1904)

J.H. Burn: ‘Bibliography of the Organ’, Dictionary of Organs and Organists, ed. F.W. Thonsby (London, 1912, 2/1921)

R. Fallou and N. Dufourcq: Essai d’une bibliographie de l’histoire de l’orgue en France (Paris, 1929)

B. Weigl: Handbuch der Orgelliteratur (Leipzig, 1931)

G.A.C. de Graaf: Literatuur over het orgel (Amsterdam, 1957)

B. Matthews: Index to The Organ [1921–1970] (Bournemouth, 1970)

W.M. Liebenow: Rank on Rank: a Bibliography of the History and Construction of Organs (Minneapolis, 1973)

R. Reuter: Bibliographie der Orgel (Kassel, 1973)

U. Czubatinski: Bibliographie zur Geschichte der Orgel in Berlin-Brandenburg (Berlin, 1993)

F. Friedrich: Orgelbau in Thüringen: Bibliographie (Kleinblittersdorf, 1994)

F. Friedrich: Orgelbau in Sachsen: Bibliographie (Kleinblittersdorf, 1995)

b: construction

MersenneHU; PraetoriusSM, ii; VirdungMG

A. Schlick: Spiegel der Orgelmacher und Organisten (Speyer, 1511/R); ed. E. Flade (Mainz, 1932); Eng. trans. in Bibliotheca organologica, cxiii (Buren, 1980)

C. Antegnati: L’arte organica (Brescia, 1608/R); ed. R. Lunelli (Mainz, 1938, 2/1958)

A. Werckmeister: Orgel-Probe (Frankfurt and Leipzig, 1681, 2/1698/R as Erweiterte und verbesserte Orgel-Probe, 5/1783; Eng. trans., 1976)

J.P. Bendeler: Organopoeia (Frankfurt and Leipzig, c1690/R, 2/1739 as Orgel-Bau-Kunst, oder Unterweisung)

P.M. Vogt: Conclave thesauri magnae artis musicae (Prague, 1719)

F. Bédos de Celles: L’art du facteur d’orgues (Paris, 1766–78/R; Eng. trans., 1977); ed. C. Mahrenholz (Kassel, 1934–6, 2/1963–6)

J. Adlung: Musica mechanica organoedi, ed. J.L. Albrecht (Berlin, 1768/R); ed. C. Mahrenholz (Kassel, 1931)

J.S. Halle: Die Kunst des Orgelbaues, theoretisch und praktisch (Brandenburg, 1779/R)

F.-H. Clicquot: Théorie-pratique de la facture de l’orgue (MS, 1789; facs. with appx, Kassel and New York, 1968; Eng. and Ger. trans., 1985)

G.C.F. Schlimbach: Ueber die Structur, Erhaltung, Stimmung, Prüfung etc. der Orgel (Leipzig, 1801/R)

J. van Heurn: De orgelmaaker (Dordrecht, 1804–5/R)

J.C. Wolfram: Anleitung zur Kenntniss, Beurtheilung und Erhaltung der Orgeln (Gotha, 1815/R)

G. Serassi: Sugli organi: lettere a G.S. Mayr, P. Bontichi e C. Bigatti (Bergamo, 1816/R)

T. Faulkner: Designs for Organs: the Organ Builder’s Assistant (London, 1823, 2/1838)

J. Wilke and F. Kaufmann: ‘Ueber die Crescendo- und Diminuendo-Züge an Orgeln’, AMZ, xxv (1823), 113–22

J.G. Töpfer: Die Orgelbau-Kunst (Weimar, 1833, suppl. 1834)

C. Kützing: Theoretisch-praktisches Handbuch der Orgelbaukunst (Berne, 1836, 2/1843)

J. Done: A Complete Treatise on the Organ (London, 1837)

J.A. Hamilton: Catechism of the Organ (London, 1842, enlarged 3/1865/R)

J.J. Seidel: Die Orgel und ihr Bau (Breslau, 1843/R, enlarged 4/1887 by B. Kothe; Eng. trans., 1852/R)

J.G. Töpfer: Die Orgel (Erfurt, 1843, 2/1862)

M.-P. Hamel: Nouveau manuel complet du facteur d’orgues (Paris, 1849, 2/1903)

J.G. Töpfer: Lehrbuch der Orgelbaukunst (Weimar, 1855, rev. 3/1936–9 and later edns by P. Smets)

J.G. Heinrich: Orgellehre: Structur und Erhaltung der Orgel (Glogau, 1861)

A. Le D. de Pontécoulant: Organographie: essai sur la facture instrumentale, art, industrie et commerce (Paris, 1861/R)

F.H. Sutton: Church Organs: their Position and Construction (London, 1872, 3/1883)

M. Tafall y Miguel: Arte completo del constructor de órganos, o sea guía manual del organero (Santiago, 1872–6)

W.H. Clarke: An Outline of the Structu re of the Pipe Organ (Boston, 1877)

W.E. Dickson: Practical Organ-Building (London, 1881, 2/1882)

C.A. Edwards: Organs and Organ Building (London, 1881)

T. Casson: The Modern Organ (Denbigh, 1883)

J. Merklin: Notice sur l’électricité appliquée aux grandes orgues (Lyons, 1887)

M. Wicks: Organ Building for Amateurs (London, 1887, 2/1898/R)

F.E. Robertson: A Practical Treatise on Organ-Building (London, 1897/R)

J.W. Hinton: Organ Construction (London, 1900, 3/1910/R)

G.A. Audsley: The Art of Organ-Building (New York, 1905/R)

T. Casson: Lecture … on the Pedal Organ: its History, Design and Control (London, 1905)

O.C. Faust: A Treatise on the Construction, Repairing, and Tuning of the Organ (Boston, 1905, 3/1949)

A. Schweitzer: Deutsche und französische Orgelbaukunst und Orgelkunst (Leipzig, 1906, 2/1927)

W.E. Ehrenhofer: Taschenbuch des Orgelbau-Revisors (Graz and Vienna, 1909/R)

C.F. Lewis: Improvements in and relating to Pneumatic Organs (Bristol, 1910)

W. and T. Lewis: Modern Organ Building (London, 1911/R, 3/1939/R)

J. Broadhouse: The Organ Viewed from Within (London, 1914/R)

E.M. Skinner: The Modern Organ (New York, 1917, 6/1945)

J. Matthews: The Restoration of Organs (London, 1918, 3/1936/R)

G.A. Audsley: The Organ of the Twentieth Century (New York, 1919/R)

H.F. Milne: How to Build a Small Two-Manual Chamber Pipe Organ (London, 1925/R)

Deutsche Orgelkunst [I]: Freiburg 1926

T. Telman: Het orgel: een hand- en leerboek der orgelbouwkunst (Enschede, 1926, 3/1929)

E. Rupp: Die Entwicklungsgeschichte der Orgelbaukunst (Einsiedeln, 1929/R)

R. Whitworth: The Electric Organ (London, 1930, enlarged 3/1948/R)

G. Le Cerf and E.-R. Labande, eds.: Instruments de musique du XVe siècle: les traités d’Henri-Arnaut de Zwolle et de divers anonymes (Paris, 1932/R)

A.P. Oosterhof and A. Bouman: Orgelbouwkunde (Amsterdam, 1934, 4/1971)

W. Kaufmann: Der Orgelprospekt in stilgeschichtlicher Entwicklung (Mainz, 1935, 3/1949)

P. de Bree: Moderne orgelbouwkunst in Nederland (Tilburg, 1936)

W. Ellerhorst: Handbuch der Orgelkunde (Einsiedeln, 1936/R)

H. Klotz: Das Buch von der Orgel: über Wesen und Aufbau des Orgelwerkes, Orgelpflege und Orgelspiel (Kassel, 1938, 9/1979; Eng. trans., 1969, as The Organ Handbook)

A. Rougier: Initiation à la facture d’orgue (Lyons, 1946)

W. Adelung: Einführung in den Orgelbau (Leipzig, 1955, 2/1972, enlarged 1991)

M. Lange: Kleine Orgelkunde: Bau und Funktion der Orgel (Kassel, 1955)

P.G. Andersen: Orgelbogen (Copenhagen, 1956; Eng. trans., 1969)

J.E. Blanton: The Organ in Church Design (Albany, TX, 1957)

H. Grabner: Die Kunst des Orgelbaues (Berlin, 1958)

K. Bormann: Orgel- und Spieluhrenbau (Zürich, 1968)

C.B. Fisk: ‘The Organ’s Breath of Life: Some Thoughts about Wind Supply’, The Diapason, lx/10 (1968–9), 18–19

L. Aubeux: L’orgue: sa facture (Angers, 1971)

K. Bormann: Heimorgelbau (Berlin, 1972)

A.J. Gierveld: Inleiding tot de orgelbouw (Zaandam, 1979, 4/1983)

G. Huybens, ed.: Complete Theoretical Works of A. Cavaillé-Coll (Buren, 1979) [facs.]

E.M. and R.H. Skinner: The Composition of the Organ (Ann Arbor, 1981)

P.V. Picerno: ‘Antonio Barcotti’s “Regula e breve raccordo”: a Translation and Commentary’, Organ Yearbook, xvi (1985), 47–70

P. Williams: ‘Considerations in the Designing of a House-Organ’, The Organbuilder, iii (1985), 2–5

H.G. Klais: ‘Organ-Building between Reconstruction and New Construction’, JBIOS, xii (1988), 31–50

A. Reichling: ‘Problems in the Preservation and Restoration of Organs’, JBIOS, xii (1988), 4–12

E. Lieb: Der Bau von Haus- und Übungsorgeln in Theorie und Praxis (Frankfurt, 1991)

P.-M. Guérity: ‘Réflexions et observations sur les souffleries’, ISO Yearbook (1992), 64–91

J. Schmidt: ‘Organ Case Design’, ISO Yearbook (1993), 6–15

U. Pape, ed.: Restaurierung pneumatischer Orgeln (Berlin, 1995)

M. Jurine: Barker Machines in the 19th Century French Organ (Leuven, 1997)

J. Jongepier: Toegang tot het orgel (Utrecht, 1998)

M. Kares: Kleinorgeln: Geschichte – Typen – Technik (Karlsruhe, 1998)

R.E. Coleberd: ‘The Economics of Pipe Organ Building’, The Diapason, xc/1 (1999), 14–17

c: organ pipes: scaling, voicing and tuning

G.A. Sorge: Anweisung zur Stimmung und Temperatur sowohl der Orgelwerke, als auch anderer Instrumente sonderlich des Claviers (Hamburg, 1744)

G.A. Sorge: Die geheim gehaltene Kunst von Mensuration von Orgel-Pfeiffen (MS, c1760); ed. and Eng. trans. in Bibliotheca organologica, xxxiii (Buren, 1977)

B. Asioli: Osservazioni sul temperamento proprio degl’istromenti stabili (Milan, 1816)

R. Willis: ‘On the Vowel Sounds, and on Reed Organ-Pipes’, Transactions of the Cambridge Philosophical Society, iii (1830), 231–68; pubd separately (Cambridge, 1829)

B. Flight: Flight’s Practical Tuner for the Organ or the Pianoforte (London, 1830, 3/c1880)

E. Gripon: Recherches sur les tuyaux d’orgue à cheminée (Angers, 1864)

R. Gerhardt: Die Rohrflöte, ein Pfeifenregister der Orgel (Halle, 1884)

W. Brockmann: Beobachten an Orgelpfeifen (Berlin, 1886)

W.C.L. van Schaik: Ueber die Tonerregung in Labialpfeifen (Rotterdam, 1891)

T. Elliston: Organs and Tuning (London, 1894, enlarged 3/1898, repr. with addenda 1903, 1911, 1916, 1924)

A. Cavaillé-Coll: Etudes expérimentales sur les tuyaux d’orgues (Paris, 1895) [paper presented at the Académie des sciences, 24 Feb 1840, suppl., 23 Jan 1860]

H. Smith: Modern Organ Tuning: the How and Why? (London, 1902)

W.H. Boyle: The Art of Pipe Organ Tuning (Syracuse, NY, 1916)

H.H. Jahnn: ‘Die Orgel und die Mixtur ihres Klanges’, Kleine Veröffentlichungen der Glaubensgemeinde Ugrino, iv (Klecken Kreis Harburg, 1922), 37–68

A. Hemstock: On Tuning the Organ (London, 1924)

N. Bonavia-Hunt: ‘The Art of Reed Voicing’, The Organ, ix (1929–30), 101–8

N.A. Bonavia-Hunt: Modern Studies in Organ Tone (London, 1933)

C. Mahrenholz: Die Berechnung der Orgelpfeifen-Mensuren vom Mittelalter bis zur Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts (Kassel, 1938/R, 2/1968; Eng. trans., 1975)

N. Frobenius and F. Ingerslev: Some Measurements of the End-Corrections and Acoustic Spectra of Cylindrical Open Flue Organ Pipes (Copenhagen, 1947)

N.A. Bonavia-Hunt and H.W. Homer: The Organ Reed (New York, 1950)

J. Backus and T.C. Hundley: ‘Wall Vibrations in Flue Organ Pipes and their Effect on Tone’, JASA, xxxix (1966), 936–45

W. Lottermoser and J. Meyer: Orgelakustik in Einzeldarstellungen (Frankfurt, 1966, 2/1983)

J. Goebel: Theorie und Praxis des Orgelpfeifenklanges (Frankfurt, 1967, 2/1975)

K.-J. Sachs: Mensura fistularum: die Mensurierung der Orgelpfeifen im Mittelalter (Stuttgart, 1970–80)

H.D. Blanchard: ‘Pipe Scales and Scale Data’, The Tracker, xxiii/2 (1978–9), 13–17

A.C.N. Mackenzie of Ord: ‘The Well-Tuned Organ’, JBIOS, iii (1979), 46–72

W. Kluge: ‘Die statische Festigkeit von Orgelpfeifen’, Acta organologica, xiv (1980), 251–62

L.G. Monette and C. Stevens: Organ Tonal Finishing and Fine Tuning (Baton Rouge, LA, 1981)

A. Reichling: ‘Zink als Material für Orgelpfeifen in Geschichte und Gegenwart’, Beitrag zur Geschichte und Ästhetik der Orgel, ed. H.G. Klais (Bonn, 1983), 67–139

H. Greunke: ‘The Structural Stability of Lead-Tin Alloys Used in Organpipes’, Organ Yearbook, xv (1984), 108–14

B. Owen: ‘Pitch and Tuning in Eighteenth and Nineteenth-Century American Organs’, Organ Yearbook, xv (1984), 54–9

C. Padgham: The Well-Tempered Organ (Oxford, 1987)

K. Wegschneider and H. Schütz: Orgeltemperatur: ein Beitrag zum Problem der Rekonstruktion historischer Stimmungsarten bei Orgelrestaurierungen (Michaelstein, 1988)

C. Kent: ‘Tuning & Temperament and the British Organ 1750–1850’, JBIOS, xiv (1990), 21–34

P. Chéron: ‘French Reeds’, ISO Yearbook (1991), 65–115

D. Frostick: ‘English Romantic Reeds’, ISO Yearbook (1992), 92–107

L.G. Monette: The Art of Organ Voicing (Kalamazoo, MI, 1992)

H.L. and W.P. Huestis: ‘Scaling Organ Pipes – with a Computer’, The Diapason, lxxxiv/7 (1993), 11–13

P. Pelto: ‘Four Voicing Techniques: Analysing the Perception of Sound’, Organ Yearbook, xxv (1995), 101–22

(v) Baltic States (Estonia, Lithuania, Latvia)

d: history

(x) Czechoslovakia/Czech Republic, Slovakia

(xi) Denmark

(xii) England, Ireland, Scotland, Wales

(xxx) South and Central America (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Guatemala, Peru, Uruguay, Venezuela)

(i) General

HawkinsH

Hopkins-RimbaultO

WilliamsNH

A.A. Hülphers: Historisk afhandling om musik och instrumenter (Västerås, 1773/R)

J. Norbury: The Box of Whistles (London, 1877)

D. Buck: The Influence of the Organ in History (London, 1882/R)

A.G. Hill: The Organ-Cases and Organs of the Middle Ages and Renaissance (London, 1883–91/R)

C.F.A. Williams: The Story of the Organ (London, 1903/R, 2/1916)

H. Degering: Die Orgel: ihre Erfindung und ihre Geschichte bis zur Karolingerzeit (Münster, 1905)

G.C. Bedwell: The Evolution of the Organ (London, 1907)

J.I. Wedgwood: Some Continental Organs and their Makers (London, 1910)

G.L. Miller: The Recent Revolution in Organ Building (New York, 1913/R)

M.E. Bossi: Storia dell’organo (Milan, 1919)

L. de Bondt and R. Lyr: Histoire de l’orgue (Brussels, 1924)

G. Frotscher: Die Orgel (Leipzig, 1927)

C.W. Pearce: The Evolution of the Pedal Organ (London, 1927)

K.G. Fellerer: Orgel und Orgelmusik: ihre Geschichte (Augsburg, 1929)

H.G. Farmer: The Organ of the Ancients from Eastern Sources, Hebrew, Syriac and Arabic (London, 1931)

A. Cellier and H. Bachelin: L’orgue: ses éléments, son histoire, son esthétique (Paris, 1933)

H. Klotz: Über die Orgelkunst der Gotik, der Renaissance und des Barock (Kassel, 1934, 3/1986)

F.W. Galpin: A Textbook of European Musical Instruments (London, 1937, 3/1956/R)

W. Apel: ‘The Early History of the Organ’, Speculum, xxiii (1948), 191–216

W.L. Sumner: The Organ: its Evolution, Principles of Construction and Use (London, 1952, enlarged 4/1973)

W. Haacke: Orgeln in aller Welt (Königstein, 1953)

S. dalla Libera: L’organo (Milan, 1956)

J. Perrot: L’orgue de ses origines hellénistiques à la fin du XIIIe siècle (Paris, 1965; Eng. trans., abridged, 1971)

P. Hardouin: ‘De l’orgue de Pépin à l’orgue médiéval’, RdM, iii (1966), 21–54

H. and H.J. Norman: The Organ Today (London, 1966, 2/1980)

P. Williams: The European Organ 1450–1850 (London, 1966)

H.H. Eggebrecht: Die Orgelbewegung (Stuttgart, 1967)

G. Frotscher: Orgeln (Karlsruhe, 1968)

P. Hardouin, P. Williams and H. Klotz: ‘Pour une histoire du plein-jeu’, Renaissance de l’orgue, no.1 (1968), 21–4; no.2 (1969), 6–11; no.3 (1969), 3–9; no.4 (1969), 6–8; nos.5–6 (1970), 31–4; no.7 (1970), 9–11; no.8 (1970), 17–20; Connaissance de l’orgue, no.1 (1971), 4–7; nos.2–3 (1971), 6–11; no.4 (1971), 8–13

W. Walcker-Mayer: Die römische Orgel von Aquincum (Stuttgart, 1970; Eng. trans., 1972)

L. Elvin: Organ Blowing: its History and Development (Lincoln, 1971)

N. Meeùs: La naissance de l’octave courte et ses différentes formes au 16e siècle (diss., U. of Leuven, 1971)

Orgel und Orgelspiel im 16. Jahrhundert: Innsbruck 1977

D.R. Bruch: The Early Development of Organ Pedals in Northern Europe (diss., U. of Kansas, 1979)

M.I. Wilson: Organ Cases of Western Europe (London, 1979)

F. Brouwer: Orgelbewegung und Orgelgegenbewegung (Utrecht, 1981)

H.G. Klais, ed.: Beiträge zur Geschichte und Ästhetik der Orgel (Bonn, 1983)

B. Sonnaillon: King of Instruments: a History of the Organ (New York, 1985)

C. Wolff, ed.: Orgel, Orgelmusik und Orgelspiel: Festschrift Michael Schneider zum 75. Geburtstag (Kassel, 1985)

K. Marshall: Iconographical Evidence for the Late-Medieval Organ in French, Flemish and English Manuscripts (New York, 1989)

P. Williams: The Organ in Western Culture, 750–1250 (Cambridge, 1993)

U. and U. Rüge: Berühmte Orgeln in Europa (Munich, 1994)

A. Reichling, ed.: Aspekte der Orgelbewegung (Berlin, 1995)

(ii) Africa

M.G. Hallowes: ‘Organs in Africa’, The Organ, vii (1927–8), 115–22

Z.C. Codner: ‘The Organs of the Groote Kerk, Cape Town’, The Organ, xxxix (1959–60), 93–8

J.L. Dixon: ‘Organs in Uganda’, The Organ, lv (1975–6), 30–40

J.L. Dixon: ‘Some Organs in Kenya’, The Organ, lv (1975–6), 137–45

A. Troskie: Pyporgels in Suid-Afrika (Pretoria, 1992)

(iii) Australia

H. Snow: ‘The Organs at Melbourne Town Hall’, The Organ, ix (1929–30), 26–35

E.N. Matthews: Colonial Organs and Organ Builders (Melbourne, 1969)

J.R. Maidment: Gazetteer of Victorian Pipe Organs (Melbourne, 1970)

J.R. Maidment: Gazetteer of Tasmanian Pipe Organs (Melbourne, 1971)

J.R. Elms: Gazetteer of West Australian Pipe Organs (Melbourne, 1972)

B.A. Clark and J.M. Johnson: Pipe Organs of Tasmania: a Brief History (Hobart, 1974, 2/1981)

B. Naylor: Gazetteer of South Australian Pipe Organs (Melbourne, 1974)

J.R. Maidment: ‘Imported Organs in Australia: a 150-Year Tradition’, Organ Yearbook, vi (1975), 64–86

G. Cox: Gazetteer of Queensland Pipe Organs (Melbourne, 1976)

G. Cox: ‘Nineteenth-Century English Organs in Queensland, Australia’, The Organ, lv (1976–7), 64–73

D. Kinsela: ‘The Restoration of the Organ in Sydney Town Hall’, JBIOS, ii (1978), 87–102

J. Stiller: ‘Historic Organs of South Australia’, OHTA News, iv/2 (1980), 15–40

G.D. Rushworth: Historic Organs of New South Wales (Sydney, 1988)

J. Maidment: ‘Australia’s Multi-Cultural Organ Heritage’, JBIOS, xiii (1989), 79–86

J. Grant, ed.: The Organs and Organists of St. Paul’s Cathedral, Melbourne (Melbourne, 1991)

M. Brightman: The Organ and Organists of St. Luke’s Anglican Church, Toowoomba (Toowoomba, 1995)

B. Owen: ‘Organ Preservation “Down Under”’, The Tracker, xxxix/3 (1995), 18–23

M. Lutz: The Work Praises the Man: Organbuilders in the Barossa Valley (Nariootpa, 1996)

B. Jefferson: Steve Laurie, Organ Builder: his Life and Works (Somers, 1998)

(iv) Austria

R. Quoika: Die Altösterreichische Orgel (Kassel, 1953)

O. Eberstaller: Orgeln und Orgelbauer in Österreich (Graz, 1955)

R. Quoika: Altösterreichische Hornwerke: ein Beitrag zur Frühgeschichte der Orgelbaukunst (Berlin, 1959)

K. Schütz: Der Wiener Orgelbau in der zweiten Hälfte des 18. Jahrhunderts (Vienna, 1969)

G. Bozeman: ‘The Haydn Organs of Eisenstadt’, Art of the Organ, i (1971), no.1, pp.39–48; no.2, pp.33–40; no.3, pp.41–5

H. Haselböck: Barocker Orgelschatz in Niederösterreich (Vienna, 1972)

A. Forer: Orgeln in Österreich (Vienna and Munich, 1973, 2/1983)

E. Krauss: Die Orgeln Innsbrucks (Innsbruck, 1977)

E. Krauss: ‘Orgeln der Renaissancezeit in Tirol’, Visitatio organorum: feestbundel voor Maarten Albert Vente, ed. A. Dunning (Buren, 1980), 399–418

A. Forer: Orgeln in Österreich (Vienna, 1983)

R.G. Frieberger: Der Orgelbau in Oberösterreich im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert (Innsbruck, 1984)

H. Nadler: Orgelbau in Vorarlberg und Liechtenstein (Dornbirn, 1987)

G. Lade: Orgeln in Wien (Vienna, 1990)

P. Tenhaef: ‘Neue Hinweise zu den Salzburger Domorgeln- und Emporen im 17. Jahrhundert’, Acta organologica, xxiii (1992), 113–22

(v) Baltic States (Estonia, Lithuania, Latvia)

L.I. Royzman: Organnaya kul'tura Estonii (Moscow, 1960)

C.R. Whitney: ‘Riga Cathedral’s Walcker Organ’, American Organist, xv/1 (1981), 46 only

I. Grauzdina: Tukstos melem ergeles spele (Riga, 1987)

A. Uibo and J. Kuuskemaa, eds.: Historische estnische Kirchenorgeln (Lilienthal, 1994)

A. McCrea: ‘Toward a History of Organ-Building in the Baltic States’, Organ Yearbook, xxv (1995), 1–32

(vi) Belgium

E.G.J. Gregoir: Historique de la facture et des facteurs d’orgue (Antwerp, 1865/R)

J. Kreps: ‘De Belgische orgelmakers, 13e tot 19e eeuw’, Musica sacra [Bruges], xxxix (1932), 231

G. Moortgat: Oude orgels in Vlaanderen (Antwerp, 1964–5)

J.-P. Félix: Inventaire des orgues de Bruxelles (Brussels, 1969, 2/1994)

‘Het Rococo-orgel in Vlaanderen’, Vlaanderen, xxi (1972) [organ issue]

G. Potvlieghe: Het historisch orgel in Vlaanderen (Brussels, 1974)

J.-P. Félix: Les orgues historiques de Flône (Brussels, 1978)

J.-P. Félix: Mélange d’organologie (Brussels, 1979–97)

J. Ferrard: Orgues du Brabant wallon (Brussels, 1981)

G. Persoons: De orgels en de organisten van de Onze Lieve Vrouwkerk te Antwerpen van 1500 tot 1650 (Brussels, 1981)

J.-P. Félix and G. Huybens: Leuvense orgelgids (Lok, 1985)

L. Lannoo and P. Peeters: Orgeln in der alten Grafschaft Flandern (Berlin, 1985)

M. Haine and N. Meeùs: Dictionnaire des facteurs d’instruments de musique en Wallonie et à Bruxelles du 9e siècle à nos jours (Liège, 1986)

K. D’Hooghe: ‘Aspecten van het orgelonderricht in Vlaanderen’, Orgelkunst, x/1 (1987), 7–19

J. Lambrechts-Douillez: Orgelbouwers te Antwerpen in de 16de eeuw (Antwerp, 1987)

G. Spiessens: ‘Antwerpse documenten over orgelbouwer Jean-Baptiste Forceville’, Brussels Museum of Musical Instruments Bulletin, xv (1987), 125–49

A. Fauconnier: ‘The Restoration of the 1692 Peter Goltfuss Organ in the Begijnhofkerk, Leuven’, Organ Yearbook, xix (1988), 38–52

A. Fauconnier and P. Roose: Orgels van Vlaanderen (Brussels, 1991)

J. Lambrechts-Douillez: Orgels in Antwerpse kerken (Antwerp, 1991)

G. Duquesne, J.-P. Felix and L. Kerremans: L’orgue monumental de l’église Saint-Servais à Schaerbeek (Brussels, 1993)

L. Lannoo and K. D’Hooghe: West-Vlaamse orgelklanken (Bruges, 1997)

E. Mairlot: Orgues en Wallonie et à Bruxelles (Lyons, 1997)

(vii) Canada

C. Chapais: ‘La construction des orgues par les Canadiens français’, Congrès de la langue française au Canada II: Quebec 1937, 547–56

D. Mackey: The Organ in Christ Church Cathedral, Montreal (London, 1950)

The Organs of Christ Church Cathedral, Victoria, B.C., 1856–1958 (Victoria, BC, 1958)

H. Kallmann: ‘From the Archives: Organs and Organ Players in Canada’, Canadian Music Journal, iii/3 (1958–9), 41–8

A. Bouchard: ‘Evolution de la facture d’orgue au Canada entre 1960 et 1975’, Organ Yearbook, ix (1978), 70–82

H.D. McKellar: ‘Canadians and their Organs, 1660–1815’, American Organist, xii/6 (1978), 44–7

P. Grandmaison: ‘Les orgues de la Basilique Notre-Dame de Montréal’, American Organist, xviii/12 (1984), 78–80

H.D. McKellar: ‘A History of the Two Elliot Organs in Québec Cathedral’, The Tracker, xxx/3 (1985–6), 29–33

E. Morin: Le livre d’orgue de Montréal (Paris, 1988)

K.J. Raudsepp: Organs of Montreal, i (Quebec, 1993)

E. Hanbury: ‘The Organnes of the New Founde Lande’, American Organist, xxxi/5 (1997), 60–65

J.B. Hartman: The Organ in Manitoba (Winnipeg, MB, 1997)

K. Raudsepp: ‘The Warrens’, The Tracker, xli/1 (1999)

(viii) China

D.F. Urrows: ‘China, Churches, and Organs’, American Organist, xxvii (1993), no.4, pp.54–9; no.7, pp.50–55; no.12, pp.58–62

J. Welch: ‘China Update: an Organ Tour of Taiwan and Mainland China’, The Diapason, lxxxiv/8 (1993), 14–15

(ix) Croatia

L. Saban: ‘The Organs of Ivan Juraj Eisl in Croatia’, Organ Yearbook, iii (1972), 41–51

J. Meder and N. Vranic: Orgulje u Hrvatskoj [Organs in Croatia] (Zagreb, 1992)

(x) Czechoslovakia/Czech Republic, Slovakia

V. Němec: Pražské varhany [Prague organs] (Prague, 1944)

R. Quoika: Der Orgelbau in Böhmen und Mähren (Mainz, 1966)

J. Bate: ‘Developments in Czechoslovakia’, Organists Review, lx (1975), 15–17

J. Sehnal: Varhanáři na Moravě 1500–1800 [Organ makers in Moravia] (Brno, 1979)

J. Sehnal: ‘Die Orgeln der Olmützer Kathedrale’, Acta organologica, xv (1981), 37–75

O. Gergelyi and K. Wurm: Historické organy na Slovensku/Historische Orgeln in der Slowakei (Bratislava, 1982)

O. Gergelyi and K. Wurm: ‘Historische Orgeln und Gehäuse in der Ostslowakei’, Acta organologica, xxii (1991), 13–104

D. Hollick: ‘Organs in the New Czech Republic’, Choir & Organ, iii/3 (1995), 10–14

Z. Fridrich and K. Fridrichová: ‘The Restoration of the Baroque Organ in the Cathedral of the Virgin Mary in the Snow, Olomouc’, The Diapason, lxxxvii/6 (1996), 12–14

P. Czerný: ‘Orgels en orgelmakers in Praag: een historisch oversicht’, Het orgel, xciii/3 (1997), 17–28

(xi) Denmark

A. Hammerich: Et historisk orgel paa Frederiksborg slot (Copenhagen, 1897/R)

J. Foss: Kirkorglar i Danmark (Copenhagen, 1909)

J. Foss: Forslag til orgel-dispositionen (Copenhagen, 1910)

J. Wörsching: Die Compenius-Orgel auf Schloss Frederiksborg (Mainz, 1946)

N. Friis: Orgelbygning i Danmark: Renaissance, Barok og Rokoko (Copenhagen, 1949, 2/1971)

M. Manthorpe: ‘Some Organs in Denmark’, The Organ, xxxv (1955–6), 92–8

J. Johnsen: Organister og orgler i Agder Bispedømme (Trykkeri, 1962)

N. Friis: Helsingør Domkirke: Sct. Olai kirkes orgel, 1559–1969 (Elsinore, 1969)

M. Kjersgaard: Renaissance-orglet i Dronning Dorotheas Kapel på Sønderborg Slot (Valby, 1976)

O. Olesen: ‘The New Organ Revival in Denmark’, JBIOS, iii (1979), 46–55

A. Nørfelt: ‘Orgelbyggerne Frederik og Emil Nielsen’, Dansk orgelårbog, (1981–2), 35–59

P.K. Frandsen, S. Prip and C. Røllum-Larsen, eds.: Dansk orgelkultur (Copenhagen, 1997)

(xii) England, Ireland, Scotland, Wales

BicknellH

J. Sutton: A Short Account of Organs Built in England from the Reign of King Charles the Second to the Present Time (London, 1847/R)

J. Baron: Scudamore Organs (London, 1858)

E.F. Rimbault: The Early English Organ Builders and their Works (London, 1865/R)

E.J. Hopkins: ‘The English Medieval Church Organ’, Archaeological Journal, xlv (1888), 120–57, 423–40; pubd separately (Exeter, 1888)

A.P. Purey-Cust: Organs and Organists of York Minster (York, 1899)

F.W. Galpin: Old English Instruments of Music (London, 1910/R, rev. 4/1965/R by T. Dart)

A. Freeman: ‘Records of British Organ-Builders, 940–1660’, Dictionary of Organs and Organists (London, 1912, 2/1921), 7–72

C.W. Pearce: Notes on English Organs of the Period 1800–1810 (London, 1912)

A. Freeman: English Organ-Cases (London, 1921)

A. Freeman: ‘Records of British Organ Builders, Second Series’, MO, xlv (1921–2), 874–5, 963, 1058–9; xlvi (1922–3), 53–4, 153, 257–8, 462, 561–2, 665–6, 859, 958, 1051, 1154; xlvii (1923–4), 63, 175, 284–5, 505, 608, 714–15, 811, 915–16, 1010, 1101, 1203–4; xlviii (1924–5), 61, 172–3, 288, 399, 508–9, 616, 729, 835, 935–6, 1033, 1128–9, 1228–9; xlix (1925–6), 61–2, 278–80

J. Perkins: The Organs and Bells of Westminster Abbey (London, 1937)

N.A. Bonavia-Hunt: The Modern British Organ (London, 1947)

L.S. Barnard: The Organs of Bangor Cathedral (Bedford, 1955)

H.J. Steele: English Organs and Organ Music from 1500 to 1650 (diss., U. of Cambridge, 1959)

B.J. Maslen: ‘The Earliest English Organ Pedals’, MT, ci (1960), 578–9, 717–18; cii (1961), 107–9, 248–9

B. Matthews: The Organs and Organists of Salisbury Cathedral (Salisbury, 1961, 4/1989)

W. Shewring: ‘Quel che fu l’organo per gli inglesi’, L’organo, iii (1962), 59–75

C. Clutton and A. Niland: The British Organ (London, 1963, 2/1982)

P. Williams: English Organ Music and the English Organ under the First Four Georges (diss., U. of Cambridge, 1963)

R.L. Henley: The Snetzler Organ in St. Peter’s Church, Drogheda (Drogheda, 1965)

M. Wilson: The English Chamber Organ: History and Development, 1650–1850 (Oxford, 1968)

C. Eden: Organs Past and Present in Durham Cathedral (Durham, 1970)

J.T. Fesperman: A Snetzler Chamber Organ of 1761 (Washington DC, 1970)

J. Uhlworm: Beziehungen zwischen Chorgestühl und Orgelprospekt in England vom 16. Jahrhundert bis zur Gegenwart (Berlin, 1973)

J.B. Clark: Transposition in Seventeenth Century English Organ Accompaniments and the Transposing Organ (Detroit, 1974)

D. Dawe: ‘The Mysterious Pyke, Organ Builder’, MT, cxv (1974), 68–70

J. McKinnon: ‘The 10th Century Organ at Winchester’, Organ Yearbook, v (1974), 4–19

J.P. Rowntree and J.F. Brennan: The Classical Organ in Britain (Oxford, 1975–9)

W. Shaw: The Organists and Organs of Hereford Cathedral (Hereford, 1976, 2/1988)

N. Thistlethwaite: ‘E pur si muove: English Organ-Building 1820–1851’, Organ Yearbook, vii (1976), 101–24

P.R.W. Blewett and H.C. Thompson: Antony Duddington, Organ-Maker: the Duddyngton Manuscripts at All Hallows-by-the-Tower (South Croydon, 1977)

N. Thistlethwaite: ‘Organo pneumatico’, JBIOS, ii (1978), 31–62

N. Temperley: ‘Organs in English Parish Churches 1660–1830’, Organ Yearbook, x (1979), 83–100

B. Owen: ‘The Evidence for Trompes in the 16th-Century English Organ’, Visitatio organorum: feestbundel voor Maarten Albert Vente, ed. A. Dunning (Buren, 1980), 489–98

R. Pacey: The Organs of Oxford (Oxford, 1980)

S. Bicknell: ‘English Organ-Building 1642–1685’, JBIOS, v (1981), 5–32

V. Butcher: The Organs and Music of Worcester Cathedral (Worcester, 1981)

W. Barry: ‘The Keyboard Instruments of King Henry VIII’, Organ Yearbook, xii (1982), 31–45

R. Francis and P. Klein: The Organs and Organists of Ludlow Parish Church (Ludlow, 1982)

J. Boeringer: Organa britannica: Organs in Great Britain 1660–1860 (London and Lewisburg, PA, 1983–9)

R. Downes: Baroque Tricks: Adventures with Organ Builders (Oxford, 1983)

N. Thistlethwaite: The Organs of Cambridge (Oxford, 1983)

M. Gillingham: ‘Sources of Form and Decoration in Old English Organ Cases’, The Organbuilder, ii (1984), 10–13

J. Norman: The Organs of Britain: an Appreciation and Gazetteer (Newton Abbot, 1984)

N. Thistlethwaite: A History of the Birmingham Town Hall Organ (Birmingham, 1984)

S. Bicknell: ‘The Organ in Britain Before 1600’, JBIOS, ix (1985), 28–41

D. Gwynn: ‘Organ Pitch in 17th Century England’, JBIOS, ix (1985), 65–78

C. Clutton: ‘The British School of Organ Building Considered in its Historical Context’, The Organ Club Diamond Jubilee (London, 1986), 53–66

L. Elvin: Family Enterprise: the Story of some North Country Organ Builders (Lincoln, 1986)

S. Jeans: ‘The English Chaire Organ from its Origins to the Civil War’, The Organ, lxv (1986), 49–55

B. Owen: ‘Towards a Definition of the English Renaissance Organ’, Early Keyboard Studies Newsletter, iii (1986), 1–7

M. Forsyth-Grant: Twenty-One Years of Organ-Building (Oxford, 1987)

W. Stegtmeyer: Die englische Kirchenorgel (Münster, 1987)

B. Owen: ‘The Early Seventeenth-Century Organ in St. Nicholas, Stanford-on-Avon’, Organ Yearbook, xix (1988), 5–30

N. Plumley and J. Lees: The Organs and Organists of Chichester Cathedral (Chichester, 1988)

P. Hale: The Organs of Rochester Cathedral (Rochester, 1989)

R. Williamson: The Organs of Cheltenham, 1791–1989 (Cheltenham, 1989)

A. Barnes: Historic Organs in Historic Places: the Eighteenth-Century Chamber Organ in Kedleston Hall, Derbyshire (Atherstone, 1990)

D. Gwynn: ‘The Development of Bellows Systems in British Organs c.990–1790’, JBIOS, xiv (1990), 35–47

N. Thistlethwaite: The Making of the Victorian Organ (Cambridge, 1990)

W.H. Grindle: The Organ and Music of St. Patrick’s Cathedral (Dublin, 1991)

R. Hird and J. Lancelot: Durham Cathedral Organs (Durham, 1991)

J. Inglis: ‘The Builders of Scotland’s Organs: a Survey’, JBIOS, xv (1991), 50–58

J. Inglis: The Organ in Scotland Before 1700 (Schagen, 1991)

C. Kent: ‘The Harris Organ of Bristol Cathedral: Some Recent Investigations’, Organ Yearbook, xxii (1991), 69–95

D.A. Stewart: Organs in Edinburgh (Edinburgh, 1991)

R. Tomkins: Organs of Derby Cathedral (Derby, 1991)

R. Williamson: The Organs of Gloucester, Tewkesbury and Cirencester from the XVth Century (Cheltenham, 1991)

J. Harper: ‘The Origins of the Historic Organ at Stanford-on-Avon’, Organ Yearbook, xxiii (1992–3), 37–69

A. Abbott and J. Whittle: The Organs and Organists of St. Mary’s Church, Nottingham (Nottingham, 1993)

D. Gwynn: ‘The Development of English Key Actions up to 1800’, JBIOS, xvii (1993), 18–31

G. Verloop: ‘Een orgelreis naar Scotland’, De mixtuur, no.74 (1993), 714–41

G. Sumner: ‘The French Influence in High Victorian Lancashire’, JBIOS, xviii (1994), 108–25

T. Easton and S. Bicknell: ‘Two Pre-Reformation Organ Soundboards’, Proceedings of the Suffolk Institute of Archaeology and History, xxxviii (1995), 268–95

L. Elvin: Pipes and Actions: Some Organ Builders in the Midlands and Beyond (Lincoln, 1995)

D. Gwynn: ‘The Development of English Reeds from Robert Dallam to John Gray’, JBIOS, xix (1995), 123–41

R. Tomkins: Pipe Organs in Churches and Chapels of the Derbyshire Derwent and Ecclesbourne Valleys (Cromford, 1995)

De Gwynn: ‘Two English Pre-Reformation Sound boards’, Organ Yearbook, xxvi (1996), 1–27

P. Hale: ‘Englische Kathedralorgeln’, Ars organi, xliv/2 (1996), 67–88

P. Hale: The Organs of Southwell Minster (Southwell, 1996)

A. Mumford and D. Simpson: The Organs of St. Mary’s Parish Church, Twickenham (Twickenham, 1996)

N.M. Plumley: The Organs of the City of London (Oxford, 1996)

N. Thistlethwaite, ed.: Fanfare for an Organ-Builder: Essays Presented to Noel Mander (Oxford, 1996)

B. Owen: ‘A Payer of Organs and a Voyall’, The Tracker, xli/2 (1997), 4–11

R. Pacey and M. Popkin: The Organs of Oxford (Oxford, 1997)

R. Tomkins: Historic Organs in Derbyshire (Cromford, 1998)

(xiii) Finland

P. Pelto: Urkujen käyttäjän käskijira (Helsinki, 1989)

‘Urkujenrakennus Suomessa (Organbuilding in Finland)’, ISO News, i (1991), 24–5, 28–33

J. Martikainen: Orglar i Finland från tiden 1600–1800 (Helsinki, 1997)

(xiv) France

J.-B. Labat: Les orgues monumentales de la facture ancienne et de la facture moderne (Bordeaux, 1877)

L. Bony: Une excursion dans l’orgue (Paris, 1892)

A. Jacquot: Essai de répertoire des artistes Lorrains: les facteurs d’orgues et de claveçins Lorrains (Paris, 1910)

A. Cellier: L’orgue moderne (Paris, 1913/R)

W. Goodrich: The Organ in France (Boston, 1917/R)

A. Gastoué: L’orgue en France, de l’antiquité au début de la période classique (Paris, 1921)

F.B. Stiven: In the Organ Lofts of Paris (Boston, 1923)

F. Raugel: Recherches sur quelques maîtres de l’ancienne facture d’orgue française (Paris, 1924)

P. de Fleury: Dictionnaire biographique des facteurs d’orgues nés ou ayant travaillé en France (Paris, 1926)

F. Raugel: Les grandes orgues des églises de Paris et du département de la Seine (Paris, 1927)

F. Raugel: Les anciens buffets d’orgues du département de Seine-et-Marne (Paris, 1928, 2/1972)

P. Brunold: Le grand orgue de St. Gervais à Paris (Paris, 1934)

N. Dufourcq: Documents inédits relatifs à l’orgue français (Paris, 1934–5)

N. Dufourcq: Esquisse d’une histoire de l’orgue en France du XIIIe au XVIIIe siècle (Paris, 1935)

F.X. Mathias: Les orgues de la cathédrale de Strasbourg (Strasbourg, 1937)

E. Martinot: Orgues et organistes des églises du diocèse de Troyes (Troyes, 1939)

P. Hardouin: Le grand orgue de Saint Gervais à Paris (Paris, 1949, 3/1975)

J. Fellot: L’orgue classique français (Paris, 1963, 2/1993)

P. Meyer-Siat: Die Callinet-Orgel zu Masevaux (Mulhouse, 1963)

P. Sicard: Les orgues du diocèse de Bayonne (Lyons, 1963)

F. Douglass: The Language of the Classical French Organ (New Haven, CT, 1969, rev. 1995)

N. Dufourcq: Le livre de l’orgue français, 1589–1789 (Paris, 1969–82)

J. Martinod: Répertoire des travaux des facteurs d’orgues (Paris, 1970–76)

C. Noisette de Crauzat: ‘Les orgues de la cathédrale de Bayeux’, Art de Basse-Normandie, lix (1972), 8–37

P.J. Hardouin: Le grand orgue de Notre-Dame de Paris (Tours, 1973)

O. Mischiati and L.F. Tagliavini, eds.: ‘Un anonimo trattato francese d’arte organaria del XVIII secolo’, L’organo, xi (1973), 3–98

J.M. Dieuaide: Le grand orgue Cavaillé-Coll de la cathédrale de Luçon (Luçon, 1974)

J.-M. Baffert: ‘Les orgues de Lyon du XVIe au XVIIIe siècle’, Cahiers et mémoires de l’orgue, no.1 (1974–5); see also L’orgue, no.214 (1990), 10–14

K. Lueders: ‘Amours, délices et grandes orgues’, Music: the AGO and RCCO Magazine, ix (1975), no.10, pp.26–31; no.12, pp.34–8; x (1976), no.4, pp.34–8; no.5, pp.34–7; no.9, pp.42–5

G. Cantagrel and H. Halbreich: Le livre d’or de l’orgue français (Paris, 1976)

J. Happel: ‘Les orgues en Alsace au XVIe siècle’, Cahiers et mémoires de l’orgue, nos.15–16 (1976) [whole issue]

‘L’orgue français’, ReM, nos.295–6 (1977) [whole issue]

L. Souberbielle: Le plein-jeu de l’orgue français à l’époque classique (1660–1740), i (Montoire-sur-le-Loir, 1977) [incl. facs. of J. Sauveur: Application des sons harmoniques à la composition des jeux d’orgues, Paris, 1704]

J. Guillou: L’orgue: souvenir et avenir (Paris, 1978)

P. Salies and others, eds.: L’orgue de l’insigne Basilique Saint-Sernin de Toulouse (Toulouse, 1979)

P. Hardouin: ‘Les grandes orgues de la Basilique de St. Denis en France’, Connaissance de l’orgue (1979–80) [special issue]

C.-W. Lindow: Historic Organs in France (Delaware, OH, 1980) [Eng. trans. of orig. Fr. MS]

P.-Y. Asselin: ‘Le tempérament en France au XVIIIe siècle’, L’orgue à notre époque: Montreal 1981, 45–69

M. Cocheril: Les orgues de Bretagne (Rennes, 1981)

D. Fuller: ‘Zenith and Nadir: the Organ versus its Music in Late 18th-Century France’, L’orgue à notre époque: Montreal 1981, 129–48

G. Klein: ‘Le grand orgue de St. Sulpice’, Flûte harmonique, no.20 (1981) [whole issue]

Fédération francophone des amis de l’orgue: 1984– [series of annual congresses, each devoted to a region of France]

S. May: ‘St-Michel, Bordeaux Reconsidered’, Organ Yearbook, xv (1984), 13–20

R. Davy: Les grandes orgues de l’abbatiale St. Etienne de Caen (Schwarzach, 1985)

H. Steinhaus: ‘Orgues à Toulouse et dans la région’, ISO Information, no.25 (1985), 31–64

P. Meyer-Siat and others: Orgues en Alsace (Strasbourg, 1985–6)

C. Noisette de Crauzat: L’orgue français (Paris, 1986)

R. Saorgin, R. and X. Sant: Les orgues historiques du pays niçois (Briel-sur-Roya, 1986)

T.G. Spelle: ‘The Organ of Transition in France (1785–1835)’, American Organist, xxi/4 (1987), 68–70

J. Burg: ‘Charles-Marie Widor und Louis Vierne in ihrer Begegnung mit dem Orgelbau’, Acta organologica, xx (1988), 319–61

Orgues de l’Ile-de-France (Paris, 1988–99)

Orgues en Aquitaine (Aix-en-Provence, 1988–9)

F. Sabatier, ed.: Pour une histoire des orgues de France pendant la Révolution 1789–1802 (Paris, 1989)

Orgues de Normandie (Paris, 1990)

J. Fellot: L’orgue classique français (Aix-en-Provence, 1991)

P. van Dijk: Orgels in de Elzas: orgelcultuur tussen Frankrijk en Duitsland (Kampen, 1992)

M. Le Moël, ed.: Les orgues de Paris (Paris, 1992)

D. Roth and G. Lade: Die Cavaillé-Coll-Mutin-Orgel der Basilika Sacré-Coeur in Paris (Langen bei Bregenz, 1992) [rev. trans. of D. Roth: Le grand orgue du Sacré-Coeur de Montmartre à Paris, 1985]

J. Eschbach: ‘St. Sulpice Restored’, American Organist, xxviii/1 (1994), 56–60

N.R. Fairbank: ‘The Romantic Organ in France and its Influence on 19th-Century French Literature’, American Organist, xxviii/6 (1994), 75–7

P.-M. Guéritey: Le grand orgue de la cathédrale St.-Bénigne de Dijon, 1745–1995 (Dijon, 1995)

M. Cocheril and J. Ourvois: Orgues en Bretagne (Lyons, 1996)

G. Lade: Die Orgel der Kathedrale Notre-Dame in Paris (Lochau, 1997)

(xv) Germany

A. Werckmeister: Organum gruningense redivivum, oder Kurtze Beschreibung des in der grüningischen Schlos-Kirchen berühmten Orgel-Wercks (Quedlinburg and Aschersleben, 1705); ed. P. Smets (Mainz, 1932)

J.H. Biermann: Organographia hildesiensis specialis (Hildesheim, 1738); ed. E. Palandt (Kassel, 1930)

C.G. Meyer: Sammlung einiger Nachrichten von berühmten Orgel-Werken in Teutschland (Breslau, 1757)

J. Massmann: Die Orgelbauten des Grossherzogthums Mecklenburg-Schwerin, i: Die Orgelbauten der Residenzstatdt Schwerin (Wismar, 1875/R)

G. Bohnert: Die Ludwigsburger Orgelbauindustrie in hundertjähriger Entwicklung (diss., U. of Heidelberg, 1920)

L. Burgemeister: Der Orgelbau in Schlesien (Strasbourg, 1925, rev. 2/1973 by J. Hermann, D.G. Busch and R. Walter)

P. Smets, ed.: Orgeldispositionen (Kassel, 1931)

W. Haacke: Die Entwicklungsgeschichte des Orgelbaus im Lande Mecklenburg-Schwerin (Wolfenbüttel, 1935)

F. Blume: Michael Praetorius und Esaias Compenius: Orgeln Verdingnis (Wolfenbüttel, 1936)

G. Fock: ‘Hamburgs Anteil am Orgelbau im niederdeutschen Kulturgebeit’, Zeitschrift des Vereins für hamburgische Geschichte, xxviii (1939), 289–373

G. Frotscher: Deutsche Orgeldispositionen aus fünf Jahrhunderten (Wolfenbüttel, 1939)

I. Rücker: Die deutsche Orgel am Oberrhein um 1500 (Freiburg, 1940)

W. Supper and H. Meyer: Barockorgeln in Oberschwaben (Kassel, 1941)

Der Barock, seine Orgeln und seine Musik in Oberschwaben: Ochsenhausen 1951

W. David: Johann Sebastian Bachs Orgeln (Berlin, 1951)

U. Dähnert: Die Orgeln Gottfried Silbermanns in Mitteldeutschland (Leipzig, 1953/R)

P. Rubardt: Die Silbermannorgeln in Rötha (Leipzig, 1953)

T. Peine: Der Orgelbau in Frankfurt am Main und Umgebung von den Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart (Frankfurt, 1956)

W.L. Sumner: ‘The Organ of Bach’, HMYB, viii (1956), 14–135

W. Kaufmann: Die Orgeln des alten Herzogtums Oldenburg (Oldenburg, 1962)

K.M. Fruth: Die deutsche Orgelbewegung und ihre Einflüsse an die heutige Orgelklangwelt (Ludwigsburg, 1964)

W. Metzler: Romantischer Orgelbau in Deutschland (Ludwigsburg, 1965)

R. Reuter: Orgeln in Westfalen (Kassel, 1965)

K. Bormann: ‘Die gotische Orgel von Bartenstein’, Ars organi, xxix (1966), 989–1009

K. Bormann: Die gotische Orgel zu Halberstadt (Berlin, 1966)

P. Bunjes: The Praetorius Organ (St Louis, 1966)

F. Bösken: Quellen und Forschungen zur Orgelgeschichte des Mittelrheins, i: Mainz und Vororte (Mainz, 1967)

K.-L. Schuke: ‘Deutsche Orgellandschaft zwischen Elbe, Stralsund, und Görlitz’, Acta organologica, i (1967), 28–37

W. Kaufmann: Die Orgeln Ostfrieslands: Orgeltopographie (Aurich, 1968)

G. Vedder: Der Orgelbau in den Kreisen Iserlohn und Unna vor 1800 (Cologne, 1970)

W. Adelung: Orgeln der Gegenwart (Kassel, 1972)

E. Schäfer: Laudatio organi: eine Orgelfahrt (Leipzig, 1972, 7/1992)

U. Pape: Die Orgeln der Stadt Wolfenbüttel (Berlin, 1973)

O. Schumann: Orgelbau im Herzogtum Schleswig vor 1800 (Munich, 1973)

U. Pape: ‘Philipp Furtwängler (1800–1867)’, ISO Information, no.11 (1974), 777–98

G. Beer: Orgelbau Ibach Barmen ( 1794–1904) (Cologne, 1975)

W. Schlepphorst: Der Orgelbau im westlichen Niedersachsen (Kassel, 1975)

Frühromantischer Orgelbau in Niedersachsen: Hildesheim 1976

B. Billeter: ‘Albert Schweitzer und sein Orgelbauer’, Acta organologica, xi (1977), 173–225

H. Winter and C. Edskes: Orgelstudien, ii: Cappel (Hamburg, 1977); i: Stade (Hamburg, 1979)

G. Brenninger: Orgeln in Altbayern (Munich, 1978, 2/1982)

H.J. Busch: ‘Zwischen Tradition und Fortschritt: zu Orgelbau, Orgelspiel und Orgelkomposition in Deutschland im 19. Jahrhundert’, Mundus organorum: Festschrift Walter Supper, ed. A. Reichling (Berlin, 1978), 63–91

Die kleine Orgel in St. Jakobi zu Lübeck (Lübeck, 1978)

C.H. Edskes: ‘Der Orgelbau im Ems-Dollart-Gebiet in Gotik und Renaissance’, Ostfriesland, ii (1978), 29

U. Pape: Der Orgeln der Kreises Fulda ausser Kernstadt Fulda (Berlin, 1978)

U. Pape and others: Monographien historischer Orgeln, i: Geversdorf und Altenhagen (Berlin, 1978); iii: Hohenkirchen (Berlin, 1980); iv: Cadenberge (Berlin, 1984)

H.M. Balz and R. Menger: Alte Orgeln in Hessen-Nassau (Berlin, 1979)

U. Dähnert: ‘Geschichte der Schlosskirchen-Orgel in Altenburg’, Organ Yearbook, x (1979), 48–62

U. Dähnert: Historische Orgeln in Sachsen: ein Orgelinventar (Frankfurt, 1980)

J.S. Hettrick: ‘The German Organ of the Early Renaissance’, The Diapason, lxxi/11 (1980), 1, 6–8

G. Seggermann and W. Weidenbach: Denkmalorgeln zwischen Weser und Ems (Berlin, 1980)

B. Sulzmann: Historische Orgeln in Baden, 1690–1890 (Munich, 1980)

W. Hüttel: ‘Zwei Meisterwerke der sächsisch-thüringischen Orgelbaukunst im 18. Jahrhundert’, Acta organologica, xv (1981), 76–87

H. Vogel: Kleine Orgelkunde (Wilhelmshaven, 1981)

O.G. Blarr and T. Kersken: Orgelstadt Düsseldorf (Düsseldorf, 1982)

P. Golon: Historische Orgeln in Landkreis Stade (Stade, 1983)

W. Kalipp: Die westfälische Orgelbauerfamilie Vorenweg-Kersting ( 1784–1879) (Kassel, 1984)

G.K. Ommer: Neue Orgeln im Ruhrgebiet (Duisburg, 1984)

W. Renkewitz and J. Janca: Geschichte der Orgelbaukunst in Ost- und Westpreussen von 1333 bis 1944 (Würzburg, 1984–)

W. Walcker-Meyer and R. Raue: ‘German Organ Building in the Nineteenth Century’, JBIOS, viii (1984), 82–95

H.H. Wickel: Auswärtige Orgelbauer in Westfalen (Kassel, 1984)

H.D. Blanchard: The Bach Organ Book (Delaware, OH, 1985)

W. Haacke and R. Jaehn: ‘Paul Schmidt und Mecklenburgs Orgelbau im 18. Jahrhundert’, Acta organologica, xviii (1985), 44–265

S. Jeans: ‘August Wilhelm Bach und sein Lehrbuch für Orgel’, Orgel, Orgelmusik, und Orgelspiel: Festschrift Michael Schneider zum 75. Geburtstag (Kassel, 1985), 65–77

Orgellandschaft Rheinland: Steinfeld 1986

G. Brenninger: Orgeln in Schwaben (Munich, 1986)

H. Fischer: Die Orgeln des Landkreises Bad Kissingen (Bad Kissingen, 1986)

G.B. Stauffer and E. May, eds.: J.S. Bach as Organist: his Instruments, Music, and Performance Practices (London and Bloomington, IN, 1986)

H. Völkl, W. Rehfeldt and G. Rehm: Orgeln in Württemberg (Stuttgart, 1986)

S. Jeans: ‘The Organ Builders J.S. and C.A. Buchholz of Berlin’, Organists Review, lxxii (1987), 207–10

K.J. Snyder: ‘Buxtehude’s Organs’, American Organist, xxi/5 (1987), 75–80

F. Jakob: ‘Die Gabler-Orgel zu Weingarten’, Organ Yearbook, xix (1988), 67–79

W. Bergelt: Die Mark Brandenburg: eine wiederentdeckte Orgellandschaft (Berlin, 1989)

B.H. Bonkhoff: Denkmalorgeln in der Pfalz (Speyer, 1990)

B. Schwarz, ed.: 500 Jahre Orgeln in Berliner evangelischen Kirchen (Berlin, 1991)

L. Edwards: ‘The Thuringian Organ, 1702–1720’, Organ Yearbook, xxii (1991), 119–50

F. Friedrich: Orgeln in Altenburg (Altenburg, 1991)

K. Lueders: ‘German Organbuilding in Europe’, ISO Yearbook (1991), 126–47

H. Fischer and T. Wohnhaas: Die Augsburger Domorgeln (Sigmaringen, 1992)

K. Könner: Der süddeutsche Orgelprospekt des 18. Jahrhunderts (Tübingen, 1992)

H.J. Busch: ‘Die Orgeln Mendelssohns, Liszts und Brahms’, International Organ Academy: Göteborg 1994, 235–49

H. Fischer and T. Wohnhaas: Lexikon süddeutscher Orgelbauer (Wilhelmshaven, 1994)

F.-H. Gress: Die Orgeln der Frauenkirche zu Dresden (Freiburg, 1994)

F. Oehme: Handbuch über die Orgelwerke in der Kreishauptmannschaft Leipzig, 1905 (Berlin, 1994)

K. Döhring: Der Orgelbau in Kreis Warendorf (Warendorf, 1995)

F. Friedrich and D. Albrecht: Orgeln im Altenburger Land (Altenburg, 1995)

H. Haupt: Orgeln in Ost- und Südthüringen (Leipzig, 1995)

W. Manecke and J. Mayr: Historische Orgeln in Oberschwaben (Regensburg, 1995)

R. Nickles: Orgelinventar der Krummhörn und der Stadt Emden (Bremen, 1995)

H. Reinitzer, ed.: Die Arp Schnitger-Orgel der Hauptkirche St. Jacobi in Hamburg (Hamburg, 1995)

H. Reuter, ed.: Barocke Orgelkunst in Westfalen (Soest, 1995)

H. Vogel, R. Ruge and R. Noah: Orgellandschaft Ostfriesland (Norden, 1995, 2/1997)

D. Prost: Stralsunds Orgeln (Lauffen, 1996)

M.G. Kaufmann: Orgel und Nationalsozialismus: die Ideologische Vereinnahmung des Instrument im ‘Dritten Reich’ (Kleinblittersdorf, 1997)

G. Seggermann: Die Orgeln in Hamburg (Hamburg, 1997)

H. Vogel, G. Lade and N. Borger-Keweloh: Orgeln in Niedersachsen (Bremen, 1997)

K.-H. Göttert and E. Isenberg: Orgelführer Deutschland (Kassel, 1998)

K.-H. Göttert and E. Isenberg: Orgeln in Köln: ein Rundgang zu 70 Instrumenten (Köln, 1998)

U. Pape and W. Topp: Orgeln und Orgelbauer in Bremen (Berlin, 1998)

(xvi) Hungary

L. Zolnay: ‘Ungarische Orgelbauer und Organisten im 14.–16. Jahrhundert’, SMH, xiv (1972), 385–400

K. Szigeti: Régi magyar orgonák: Köszeg [An old Hungarian organ: Köszeg] (Budapest, 1974)

E.L. Szonntagh: ‘Is the Pipe Organ Discovered at Aquincum a Water Organ?’ Scientific Honeyweller, ii/4 (1981), 54–60

K. Szigeti: ‘Az orgonaépités története Magyarországon Budavár elestéig, 1541-ig’, [The history of organ building in Hungary up to the fall of the Castle of Buda in 1541], Magyar zenetörténeti tanulmányok Zoltán Kodály, ed. F. Bónis (Budapest, 1977), 263–86

K. Szigeti: ‘Das Wirken österreichischer Orgelbauer in Ungarn’, Organa austriaca, iii (1982), 133–58

I. David: Műemlék organák Erdélyben [Listed organs in Transylvania] (Budapest, 1996)

F. Metz: ‘Orgelbau im Banat’, Ars organi, xlv/3 (1997), 150–72

(xvii) Israel

‘Jerusalem is Blest with Organ Music’, The Diapason, xxv/11 (1933–4), 9–10

L. Jacobs, W. Oberlinger and P.M. Scholl: Die neue Oberlinger-Orgel in der Basilika der Dormition-Abbey in Jerusalem (Windesheim, 1982)

B.L. Leach: ‘Organs of Israel’, American Organist, xxv/4 (1991), 62–4

(xviii) Italy

A. Angelucci: Notizie sugli organi italiani (Turin, 1865)

A. Bonuzzi: Saggio di una storia dell’arte organaria in Italia nei tempi moderni (Milan, 1889/R)

D. di Pasquale: L’organo in Sicilia dal sec. XIII al sec. XX (Palermo, 1929/R)

R. Lunelli: Organari stranieri in Italia (Rome, 1938)

W. Shewring: ‘Notes on the Organ in Italy’, The Organ, xxx (1950–51), 42–51, 124–38

L. Salamina: Organina tradizionale italiana (Lodi, 1952)

C. Moretti: L’organo italiano (Milan, 1955, 2/1973)

W. Shewring: ‘Organs in Italy: Brescia and Verona’, The Organ, xxxv (1955–6), 161–70

R. Lunelli: Der Orgelbau in Italien in seinen Meisterwerken vom 14. Jahrhundert bis zur Gegenwart (Mainz, 1956)

R. Lunelli: Die Orgelwerke von S. Petronio zu Bologna (Mainz, 1956)

R. Lunelli: L’arte organaria del Rinascimento in Roma e gli organi di S. Pietro in Vaticano, dalle origini a tutto il periodo fresco baldiano (Florence, 1958)

C. Triani: Organari bergamaschi (Bergamo, 1958)

L.F. Tagliavini: ‘Mezzo secolo di storia organaria’, L’organo, i (1960), 70

S. dalla Libera: L’arte degli organi a Venezia (Venice, 1962)

L.F. Tagliavini: ‘Nuove vie dell’arte organaria italiana’, L’organo, iii/3 (1962), 77–113

S. dalla Libera: L’arte degli organi nel Veneto: la diocesi di Céneda (Venice, 1966)

E. Girardi: Gli organi della città di Verona (Alba, 1968)

O. Mischiati: L’organo della chiesa del Carmine di Lugo di Romagna (Bologna, 1968)

F. de Angelis: Organi e organisti de S. Maria in Aracoeli (Rome, 1969)

G. Radole: L’arte organaria in Istria (Bologna, 1969)

G. Radole: L’arte organaria a Trieste (Bologna, 1975)

U. Pineschi: ‘L’organo della pieve di Lizzano Pistoiese’, L’organo, xv (1977), 3–39

E. Selfridge-Field: ‘Gabrieli and the Organ’, Organ Yearbook, viii (1977), 2–19

O. Mischiati: L’organo di Santa Maria di Campagna a Piacenza (Piacenza, 1980)

S. Romano: L’arte organaria a Napoli dalla origini al secolo XIX (Naples, 1980)

M. Bruschi and P.P. Donati: L’organo della chiesa di Treppio (Pistoia, 1981)

O. Mischiati: L’organo della cattedrale di Feltre (Bologna, 1981)

F. Baggiani: Gli organi nella cattedrale di Pistoia (Pisa, 1984)

O. Mischiati: L’organo Serassi della chiesa di S. Liborio a Colorno e il suo restauro (Parma, 1985)

M. Manzin: La tradizione organaria nel territorio varesino (Gavirate, 1987)

P. van Dijk: Historische orgels in Noord-Italie (Hilversum, 1988)

K. Sadko: Gli organi storici della provincia di Pistoia (Pisa, 1988)

G.D. Zaccaria: Organi e organari in Sicilia dal ’400 al ’900 (Palermo, 1988)

F. Baggiani, A. Picchi and M. Tarrini: La riforma dell’organo italiano (Pisa, 1990)

C. Loizzo: Organi e organari in Calabria (dal XVII al XX secolo) (Cosenza, 1990)

C. Giovannini: Antichi organi italiani: la provincia di Modena (Modena, 1991)

M. Bernard: ‘Zwischen Tradition und Modernismus: die norditalienische Orgel zur Zeit der Wende vom 18. zum 19. Jahrhundert’, Acta organologica, xxiii (1992), 9–48

E. Martinelli: Gli antichi organi di terra d’Otranto (Lecce, 1992)

G. Giacomelli and E. Settesoldi: Gli organi di S. Maria del Fiore di Firenze (Florence, 1993)

O. Mischiati and S. Beretta: Organi antichi del sottoceneri (Lugano, 1993)

M. Tarrini: La fabbrica d’organi di William George Trice a Genova (1881–1897) (Savona, 1993)

G. Battistelli and others: Organi e cantorie nelle chiese di Roma (Rome, 1994)

R. Giorgetti: Antichi organi del Chianti (Chianti, 1994)

M. Cantini and R. Giorgetti: Antichi organi del Mugello (Florence, 1995)

A. Cesana: Gli organi in Valsassina (Barzio, 1995)

M. Manzin: Arte organaria nella cattedrale di Cremona (Cremona, 1995)

P. Peretti and M. Canti: Organi storici delle Marche: gli strumenti restaurati, 1974–1992 (Fiesole, 1995)

(xix) Japan

B. Owen: ‘The Organ in Japan’, The Diapason, lxviii/9 (1976–7), 1, 12–14

L.F. Tagliavini: ‘L’organo in Giappone’, L’organo, xv (1977), 127–33

J. Kaneko: ‘The Dawn of Japanese Organ History 1868–1947’, Organ-kenkyu, viii (1980), 61–74

Organs in Japan, i–ii (Tokyo, 1985–92); iii (forthcoming) [pubn of Japan Association of Organists]

H. Tsuji: ‘Italian Style Organs in Japan’, Informazione organistica, i/1 (1989), 17–22

R. Akai: ‘Aspects of the Organ History in Meiji Era’, Organ-kenkyu, xviii (1990), 1–17

D.A. Skerman: ‘Three Pipe Organs in Hiroshima’, Organ Club Journal (1992), no.5, pp.88–90

(xx) Mexico

D.W. Hinshaw: ‘Four Centuries of Mexican Organs’, Music, iii (1969)

J.T. Fesperman: ‘Two Important Mexican Organs’, The Organ, xlix (1969–70), 179–83

J.E. Blanton: ‘The Valenciana Organ’, Art of the Organ, ii/4 (1972), 31–50

J.T. Fesperman and D.W. Hinshaw: ‘New Light on America’s Oldest Organs’, Organ Yearbook, iii (1972), 52–63

J. Velazco: ‘Organos barrocos mexicanos’, Anales del Instituto de investigaciones estéticas, no.44 (1975), 83–102

J. Fesperman: Organs in Mexico (Raleigh, NC, 1980)

D.A. Flentrop: ‘De orgels in de kathedraal van Mexico-City’, Visitatio organorum: feestbundel voor Maarten Albert Vente, ed. A. Dunning (Buren, 1980), 189–245; Eng. trans. pubd separately (Washington DC, 1986)

M. Drewes: ‘The Organs of the Cathedral of Mexico City’, Organ Yearbook, xiii (1982), 123–30

E. Castro Morales, ed.: Música y angeles: los organos de la Catedral de Mexico (Mexico City, 1983)

M. Drewes: ‘Further Notes on Mexican Organs of the 18th and 19th Centuries’, Organ Yearbook, xiv (1983), 23–43

S. Tattershall: ‘Organ Restoration in Mexico’, The Diapason, lxxiv/1 (1983), 8–9

J. Fesperman: ‘The Mexican Legacy of Organs’, MT, cxxv (1984), 107–9

S. Tattershall: ‘The Organs of Mexico City Cathedral’, The Tracker, xxi/1 (1987), 4–10

M. Drewes: ‘The Positive at San Jerónimo’, Organ Yearbook, xix (1988), 31–7

Voces del arte: inventario de organos tubulares (Mexico City, 1989)

M.T. Suárez: La caja de órgano en Nueva España durante el Barroco (Mexico City, 1991)

G. Bovet: ‘Les orgues au Mexique’, Tribune de l’orgue, xlv (1993), no.2, pp.18–23; no.3, pp.20–24; no.4, pp.5–11; xlvi (1994), no.2, pp.3–12; no.3, pp.3–11; no.4, pp.9–17; xlvii (1995), no.1, pp.10–17; no.2, pp.12–19; no.3, pp.3–10; no.4, pp.19–23

J. Gastellou and G. Mauléon: Catalogo de organos tubulares historicos del Estado de Puebla (Puebla, 1997)

(xxi) Netherlands

Beschryving van het groot en uttmuntend orgel, in de St. Jans Kerk te Gouda (Gouda, 1764/R)

J. Hess: Dispositien der merkwaardigste kerk-orgelen, welken in de zeven Verëenigde provincien als mede in Duytsland en elders aangetroffen worden (Gouda, 1774/R)

J. Radeker: Korte beschryving van het beroemde en prachtige orgel in de groote of St. Bavoos-kerk te Haerlem (Haarlem, 1775/R)

N.A. Knock: Dispositien der merckwaardigste kerk-orgelen, welken in de provincie Friesland, Groningen en elders aangetroffen worden (Groningen, 1788/R)

J. Hess: Dispositien van kerk-orgelen, welken in Nederland worden aangetroffen (MS, c1815); ed. J.W. Enschedé (Amsterdam, 1906)

M.H. van ’t Kruijs: Verzameling van disposities der verschillende orgels in Nederland (Rotterdam, 1885/R)

F. van der Mueren: Het orgel in de Nederlanden (Brussels and Amsterdam, 1931)

H. Schouten: Onze oude orgels (Baarn, 1939)

M.A. Vente: Bouwstoffen tot de geschiedenis van het Nederlandse orgel in de 16de eeuw (Amsterdam, 1942)

A. Bouman: Orgels in Nederland (Amsterdam, 1944, 3/1956)

H. Schouten: Nederlandsche orgels en organisten (The Hague, 1944)

B. Bijtelaar: Het orgel van de Oude Kerk te Amsterdam (Amsterdam, 1953/R)

M.A. Vente: Proeve van een repertorium van de archivalia betrekking hebbende op het Nederlandse orgel en zijn makers tot omstreeks 1630 (Brussels, 1956)

M.A. Vente: Die Brabanter Orgel: zur Geschichte der Orgelkunst in Belgien und Holland im Zeitalter der Gotik und der Renaissance (Amsterdam, 1958, enlarged 2/1963)

P.H. Kriek and H.S.J. Zandt: Organum novum: orgelbeweging in Nederland sedert 1945 (Sneek, 1964, rev. 1981 by P.H. Kriek as Organum novum redivivum)

M. Seijbel: Orgels in Overijssel (Sneek, 1965)

M. Hoving: Het orgel in Nederland (Amsterdam, 1966)

G. Quaedvlieg: Maastricht orgelstad (Maastricht, 1968)

J. Jongepier: Frieslands orgelpracht (Sneek, 1970)

F. Peeters and M.A. Vente: De orgelkunst in de Nederlanden van de 16de tot de 18de eeuw (Antwerp, 1971; Eng. trans., 1971)

M.A. Vente: Vijf eeuwen Zwolse orgels 1447–1971 (Amsterdam, 1971)

J.H. Kluiver: Historische orgels in Zeeland (Sneek, 1972–6)

M. Seijbel: Zes eeuwen Veluwse orgels (Zaltbommel, 1975)

M.A. Vente: Orgels en organisten van de Dom te Utrecht van de 14e eeuw tot heden (Utrecht, 1975)

A.C.M. Luteijn: De orgelpijp uit (Baarn, 1976)

A.J. Gierveld: Het Nederlandse huisorgel in de 17de en 18de eeuw (Utrecht, 1977) [summaries in Eng., Ger.]

J. Jongepier and others: Langs Nederlandse orgels (Baarn, 1977–9)

G. Verloop: Small Organs in Holland (Schagen, 1978)

K. Bolt: De historie en samenstelling van het Haarlemse Müller-Orgel (Amsterdam, 1979/R)

T. Brouwer: Sleutelstad – orgelstad (Zutphen, 1979)

L. van Dijck: ‘’s-Hertogenbosch, orgelstad in de 16e eeuw’, Visitatio organorum: feestbundel voor Maarten Albert Vente, ed. A. Dunning (Buren, 1980), 117–29

J.W.P. Peeters and others: 250 jaars orgelmakers Vermeulen (1730–1980) (Weert, 1980)

B. Wisgerhof: Orgeln in den Niederlanden (Kassel, 1981, 2/1992)

A.J. Gierveld: 250 jaar Hinsz-orgel te Leens (1733–1983) (n.p., n.d.)

A.J. Gierveld: Antieke nederlandse huisorgels uit het bezit van Dirk Andries Flentrop/The Flentrop Collection of Antique Dutch Chamber Organs (Raleigh, NC, 1983)

M. Seijbel: Orgels rond het IJsselmeer (Houten, 1984)

J. Jongepier: Het van Hagerbeer/Schnitger-orgel in de Grote- of St. Laurenskerk te Alkmaar (Alkmaar, 1987)

H. van Nieuwkoop: Haarlemse orgelkunst van 1400 tot heden (Utrecht, 1988)

M.A. Vente: Utrechtse orgelhistorische verkenningen (Utrecht, 1989)

J. Jongepier and K. Walton: ‘The Restoration of Historic Organs in the Netherlands’, JBIOS, xv (1991), 80–89

P. van Dijk: Orgels in de stad Utrecht (Utrecht, 1992)

J. Jongepier: Orgelbouwers in Friesland (Leeuwarden, 1992)

J. Brouwer and others: Het Groninger orgelbezit van Adorp tot Zijldijk (Groningen, 1994–8)

J. van Biezen: Het Nederlandse orgel in de Renaissance en de Barok (Utrecht, 1995)

W.D. van der Kleij and W.H. Zwart: Orgels en organisten in Kampen (Kampen, 1995)

S. Tuinstra: ‘Groningen, Province of Organs’, Organ Yearbook, xxv (1995), 49–100

J. Jongepier, H. Nieuwkoop and W. Poot: Orgels in Noord-Holland (Schorl, 1996)

J. de Bloeme: De geschiedenis van de Waalse Kerk en haar orgels (Alphen aan den Rijn, 1997)

A.J. Gierveld and W.R.C. Adriaansz: Het Garrels-orgel in de Oude-Katholieke Kerk in Den Haag (The Hague, 1997)

Het historische orgel in Nederland (Amsterdam, 1997–)

H. Donga and P. van Dijk: Monumentale orgels van Luthers Amsterdam (Zoetermeer, 1998)

C. van Gestel: Luisterrijk: Nederlandse kerkorgels in beeld (Alphen aan den Rijn, 1998)

W.J. Cevaal, ed.: Een Hollands stadsorgel uit de Gouden Eeuw: het Van Hagerbeer-orgel in de Pieterskerk te Leiden (Zutphen, 1999)

(xxii) New Zealand

A. Mainwaring: ‘Some Organs in New Zealand’, MO, xxi (1897–8), 609 only, 750–51; xxii (1898–9), 111–12

J.E. Stiller: ‘Summary Report of Pipe Organs Documented in New Zealand, September 1981 – March 1982’, OHTA News, vii (1983), no.2, pp.3–14; no.3; pp.10–20; no.4, pp.10–21; viii (1984), no.1, pp.26–32

B. Matthews: ‘Organs in Far Away Places’, The Organ, lxiv (1985), 82–7

M. Cox: ‘A Heritage in Perspective: a Study of New Zealand’s Historic Pipe Organs’, JBIOS, x (1986), 88

R.G. Newton: Organa cantuariensia: Organs in Canterbury, New Zealand, 1850–1885 (Christchurch, 1992)

Gazetteer of New Zealand Pipe Organs (Christchurch, 1996–7)

(xxiii) Norway

J. Sjögren: Orgelverken i Västerås stift: en historisk översikt 1952 (Stockholm, 1952)

T. Gamble: ‘The Organs of Arendal, Norway’, The Organ, lxiv (1985), 28–37

S.J. Kolnes: Norsk orgelkultur (Oslo, 1987)

S.J. Kolnes: Norsk orgelregister, 1328–1992 (Førdesfjorden, 1993)

P.A. Kjeldsberg, ed.: Barokkorgelet i Nidarosdomen/Die Barockorgel im Dom zu Trondheim (Trondheim, 1995)

R. Morgan: ‘The Organ in Norway’, American Organist, xxix/12 (1995), 59–61

G. Seggermann: ‘Hollenbach-Orgeln in Norwegen’, Ars organi, xlv/1 (1997), 20–25

(xxiv) Philippines

H.G. Klais and H. Steinhaus: The Bamboo Organ in the Catholic Parish Church of St. Joseph at Las Piñas (Delaware, OH, 1977)

H.G. Klais: ‘Philippinische Orgeln aus dem 18. und 19. Jahrhundert’, Acta organologica, xiii (1979), 75–123

(xxv) Poland

L. Burgemeister: Der Orgelbau in Schlesien (Strasbourg, 1925)

M. Odyniec: Organy oliwskie (Gdańsk, 1958)

T. Gablenz: ‘Organ Building in Poland’, The Diapason, liii (1961–2), no.6, pp.8–9, 28–9; no.7, pp.36–7

J. Golos: ‘Note di storia organaria polacca’, L’organo, v (1964–7), 31–62

J. Golos and E. Smulikowska: Polske organy i muzyka organowa (Warsaw, 1972; Eng. trans., 1993, as The Polish Organ)

J. Golos: ‘Portable Organs in Poland’, Organ Yearbook, iii (1972), 36–40

M.-L. Jaquet: ‘Quelques aperçus de la vie organistique en Pologne’, L’orgue, no.156 (1975), 97–100

J. Golos: ‘An Historical Survey of Organ-Building in Poland until 1900’, The Diapason, lxvii/5 (1975–6), 1, 3–5

J. Golos: ‘Some Rare Technical Features Found in the Historical Organs of Poland’, Organ Yearbook, x (1979), 34–47

R. Perucki: ‘The Organs of the Church of the Virgin Mary, Gdańsk, Poland’, The Diapason, lxxviii/8 (1987), 12–15

H.H. Eggebrecht, ed.: Die Orgel in Ostdeutschland und in Polen (Kleinblittersdorf, 1993)

E. Smulikowska: Organ-Cases in Poland as Works of Art (Warsaw, 1993)

W.J. Wyrembelski: ‘A Survey of Organ Building and Organ Music in Poland’, Reflections 1947–1997 (Ann Arbor, 1997), 79–96

(xxvi) Portugal

M.A. Vente and W. Kok: ‘Organs in Spain and Portugal’, The Organ, xxxiv (1954–5), 193–9; xxxv (1955–6), 57–65, 136–42; xxxvi (1956–7), 155–64, 203; xxxvii (1957–8), 37–43

C. de Azevedo: Baroque Organ-Cases of Portugal (Amsterdam, 1972)

L.A.E. Pereira: ‘A organaria portuguesa no secolo XVIII’, Bracara Augusta, xxviii (1974), 492–504

G. Doderer: Orgelmusik und Orgelbau im Portugal des 17. Jahrhunderts (Tutzing, 1978)

L.A. Esteves Pereira: ‘Two More Arp Schnitgers in Portugal?’, Organ Yearbook, xiv (1983), 17–22

W.D. Jordan: ‘The Renaissance Organ of Evora Cathedral: New Facts concerning its Origin and Construction’, Organ Yearbook, xiv (1983), 5–16

M. Valença: O órgão do Bom Jesus, Braga (Braga, 1985)

W.D. Jordan: ‘The Organ in Portugal’, The Organ, lxv (1986), 163–85

M. Valença: O órgão na história e na arte (Braga, 1987)

M. Valença: A arte organística em Portugal (c. 1326–1750) (Braga, 1990)

(xxvii) Romania

K. Szigeti: Régi magyar orgonák: Szeged (Budapest, 1982)

J.-M. Cicchero: ‘Organs and Organbuilders in Transylvania, Rumenia’, ISO News, no.5 (1993), 28–32

U. Pape: Die Buchholz-Orgel in der Stadtkirche zu Kronstadt (Berlin, 1998)

(xxviii) Russia/USSR

B. Matthews: ‘A History of the Organ in Russia’, The Organ, lii (1972–3), 76–81; liii (1973–4), 11–18

L. Royzman: Organ v istorii russkoy muzïkal'noy kul'turï [The organ in the history of Russian musical culture] (Moscow, 1979)

H.H. Eggebrecht, ed.: Orgelbau und Orgelmusik in Russland (Kleinblittersdorf, 1991)

A. Fiseiskyi: ‘Die Geschichte der Orgel in Russland und der Sowjetunion’, Österreichisches Orgelforum (1992), no.1, pp.295–300

M. Velimirović: ‘The First Organ Builder in Russia’, Literary and Musical Notes: a Festschrift for Wm.A. Little, ed. G.C. Orth (Berne, 1995)

W. Lindner: Neuzeitliche Orgeln in Russland und der GuS (Lilienthal, 1996)

J. Sotov: ‘Russischer Orgelbau kurz vor der Jahrtausendwende’, Ars organi, xliv/4 (1996), 204–11

P. Kravchun and V. Shlyapnikov: Organs of St. Petersburg and the Leningrad Region (Moscow, 1998)

S. Roberts: ‘An American Organist in Russia’, American Organist, xxxiii (1999), no.2, pp.55–8; no.6, pp.62–5

(xxix) Slovenia

M. Bizjak and E. Skulj: Orgle na Slovenskem (Ljubljana, 1985; Eng. and Ger. trans., 1985)

E. Skulj: Orgle v Ljubljani (Celje, 1994)

(xxx) South and Central America (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Guatemala, Peru, Uruguay, Venezuela)

R. Stevenson: ‘Cathedral Organs in the Capitals of Argentina, Brazil, and Chile’, The Organ, xli (1961–2), 48–52

M. Castillo Didier and G. Bourligueux: L’orgue au Chili (Paris, 1978)

M. Castillo Didier: Caracas y el instrumento rey (Caracas, 1979)

J. Welch: ‘The Organ in Brazil’, American Organist, xviii/12 (1984), 54–9

A. Bonet Correa: ‘Tres cajas de órganos en Guatemala’, Estudios del Reino de Guatemala: homenaje al profesor S.D. Markman, ed. D. Kinkead (Seville, 1985), 195–201

G. Bovet: ‘Tampering with Historical Instruments: Three Brazilian Examples’, American Organist, xxii/3 (1988), 59 only

S.S. Budelli and M. Tarrini: ‘Un organo italiano a Canelones, Uruguay’, Informazione organistica, i/1 (1989), 7–9; ii/1 (1990), 16–18

M. Castillo Didier: 100 anos del organo Cavaillé-Coll: parroquia de San José (Caracas, 1989)

E.G. Rimoldi and C.A. Lalli Aliaga: ‘Il Serassi della chiesa di Montserrat di Buenos Aires, Argentina’, Informazione organistica, i/1 (1989), 4–6

H. van Gemert: Organos históricos del Perú/Historic Organs of Peru (Hillbrow, South Africa, c1990)

U. Pineschi: ‘Fasti e nefasti di un monumento’, Informazione organistica, ii/3 (1990), 15–20

E.G. Rimoldi and C.A. Lalli Aliaga: ‘Un organo Locatelli a Mar del Plata, Argentina’, Informazione organistica, ii/2 (1990), 11–14

J.M. Brown: The Organ in Brazil: a Cultural and Musical Perpsective (diss., Northwestern U., 1993)

M.P. Juárez: Censo y estudio de los órganos de la República Argentina (Buenos Aires, 1996)

(xxxi) Spain

A. Merklin: Aus Spaniens altem Orgelbau (Mainz, 1939)

F. Baldelló: ‘Organos y organeros en Barcelona (siglos XIII–XIX)’, AnM, i (1946), 195–237

J.M. Madurell: ‘Documentos para la historia del órgano en España’, AnM, ii (1947), 203–16

D. Shanks: The Evolution of the Organ … in the Major Cathedrals and Collegiate Churches of Spain from the 15th Century to the Present (diss., U. of Oxford, 1958)

R. Reuter: Organos españoles (Madrid, 1963)

R.G. de Amezua y Noriega: Perspectivas para la historia del órgano español (Madrid, 1970)

J. Wyly: ‘17th Century Spanish Trumpets by the Echevarrías’, Art of the Organ, ii/4 (1972), 7–25

J. Wyly: ‘Historical Notes on Spanish Façade Trumpets’, Organ Yearbook, viii (1977), 41–55

G.A.C. de Graaf: ‘The Gothic Organ in the Chapel of St. Bartholomew in Salamanca’, ISO Information, no.22 (1982), 9

A. Howell: ‘Organos, organeros, and organistas of Spain during the Scarlatti Years’, American Organist, xix/10 (1985), 91–7

R. Reuter: Orgeln in Spanien (Kassel, 1986)

J.-M. García Llovera: De organo vetere hispanico (St Ottilien, 1987)

L. Jambou, ed.: Compendio de el arte de organaría (Madrid, 1987)

L. Jambou: Evolución del órgano español: siglos XVI–XVIII (Oviedo, 1988)

Els orgues de Catalunya (Barcelona, 1990)

A. Marco Martinez: El órgano histórico en la provincia de Guadalajara (Guadalajara, 1990)

J.G. Lopez and A. Orleans, eds.: Organos históricos restaurados, Monasterio de Veruela, 21 May – 25 Aug 1991 (Zaragoza, 1991) [exhibition catalogue]

G. Albarracin: Los órganos de la Catedral de Almería: 500 años de historia (Almería, 1992)

J.E. Ayarra Jarne: History of the Organ in Seville Cathedral, City and Province (Omaha, NE, 1992)

M. Salaberria Salaberria: Bizkaiko organuak/Organos de Bizkaia (Bizkaia, 1992)

A. Cea Galan and I. Chia Trigos: Organos en la provincia de Cádiz (Granada, 1995)

J.A. de la Lama: El órgano barrocco español (Valladolid, 1995)

E. Landart: Les orgues Cavaillé-Coll en Gipuzkoa et leur répertoire (Paris, 1995)

J. Ruiz Jiménez: Organería en la diócesis de Granada (1492–1625) (Granada, 1995)

S. Platt: ‘Contemporary Organ Design in Spain’, JBIOS, xx (1996), 126–41

J.M. Azkue, E. Elizondo and J.M. Zapirain: Gipuzkoako organoak/Organos de Gipuzkoa (San Sebastián, 1998)

(xxxii) Sweden

C.F. Hennerberg: Die swedischen Orgeln des Mittelalters (Vienna, 1909)

A. Freeman: ‘Swedish Organs and Organ Builders, 1200–1861’, The Organ, x (1930–31), 20–26

B. Wester: Gotisk resning i svenska orglar (Stockholm, 1936)

B. Wester: Stora Kopparbergs kyrkas orgel (Stockholm, 1942)

B. Khylberg: ‘Orgelbyggarefamiljen Cahman, Hülphers, och orgeln i Trefaldighetskyrkan i Kristianstad’, STMf, xxvii (1945), 61–75

B. Wester: ‘Orgeln i Leufsta Bruks Kyrka’, Orgel, ii/1–2 (1963), 5–26

E. Erici: Inventarium över bevarade äldre kyrkorglar i Sverige (Stockholm, 1965)

E. Krauss: ‘Alte Orgeln in Schweden’, Musik und Gottesdienst, xxv/1 (1971), 6–13

S.L. Carlsson: Sveriges kyrkorglar (Lund, 1973)

M. Kjersgaard and N.F. Beerstahl: Bjurumsorgeln (Skara, 1973)

D. Edholm: Orgelbyggare i Sverige 1600–1900 och deras verk (Stockholm, 1985)

M. Kjersgaard: ‘Technical Aspects of Swedish Organ-Building during the Middle Ages’, ISO Information, no.27 (1987), 5–118; no.29 (1988), 29–30

D.W. Edholm: Stockholm orgelstaden: historia och nutid (Stockholm, 1997)

I.L. Hultkvist: ‘The Organ in Malmö Museum’, American Organist, xxxii/2 (1998), 79–84

(xxxiii) Switzerland

A. Jacques: Les orgues d’Yverdon (Yverdon, 1923)

J. Handschin: ‘Die Orgelbewegung in der Schweiz’, Tagung für deutsche Orgelkunst III: Freiberg, Lower Saxony, 1927, 166–21

W. Hardmeyer: Einführung in die schweizerische Orgelbaukunst (Zürich, 1947, 3/1975 as Orgelbaukunst in der Schweiz)

F. Munger: Schweizer Orgeln von der Gotik bis zur Gegenwart (Berne, 1961)

F. Jakob: Der Orgelbau im Kanton Zürich von seinen Anfängen bis zur Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts (Berne, 1969–71)

Die Orgeln in der Klosterkirche Muri (Muri, 1970)

F. Jakob: ‘Introduction to Swiss Organ-Building’, ISO Information, no.7 (1971), 463–70

H. Gugger, D. Hegg and H. Schmocker: Die bernischen Orgeln: die Wiedereinführung der Orgel in den reformierten Kirchen des Kantons Bern bis 1900 (Berne, 1977–8)

F. Jakob: ‘Der Hausorgel in der Schweiz’, Visitatio organorum: feestbundel voor Maarten Albert Vente, ed. A. Dunning (Buren, 1980), 368–78

C. Schweizer: Orgeln in der Region Nidwalden und Engelberg vom 13. Jahrhundert bis zur Gegenwart (Lucerne, 1983)

R. Walter: Die Orgeln des Doms zu Arlesheim (Arlesheim, 1983)

A. Lanini: Gli organi della Svizzera italiana (Lugano, 1986–9)

F. Jakob: Die Orgel der Pfarrkirche St. Valentin und Dionysius zu Kiedrich im Rheingau (Mannedorf, 1989)

F. Jakob and others: Die Valeria Orgel: ein gotisches Werk in der Burgkirche zu Sitten/Sion (Zürich, 1991)

J. Grünenfelder: Die Orgeln im Kanton Zug (Zug, 1994)

F. Jakob and W. Lippuner: Orgellandschaft Graubünden (Chur, 1994)

(xxxiv) Turkey

S. Mayes: An Organ for the Sultan (London, 1956)

G. Gandolfo: ‘Un organo italiano a Istanbul’, Informazione organistica, viii/1 (1996), 16–17

(xxxv) USA

‘Organ-Building in New-England’, New-England Magazine, vi (1834), 205–15

The Great Organ in the Boston Music Hall (Boston, 1865)

H.K. Oliver: ‘An Account of the First Organs in America’, Organist’s Quarterly Journal and Review, ii/1 (1875), 4

G.W. Nichols, ed.: The Cincinnati Organ (Cincinnati, 1878)

S.H. Hooker: ‘Joseph Alley’s Enharmonic Organ’, Music, xi (1897), 677

J.W. Jordan: ‘Early Colonial Organ-Builders of Pennsylvania’, Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, xxii (1898), 231–3

Church Music and Musical Life in Pennsylvania in the Eighteenth Century, ii (Philadelphia, 1927/R)

W.H. Barnes: The Contemporary American Organ (New York, 1930, 9/1971)

E.W. Flint: The Newberry Memorial Organ at Yale University: a Study in the History of American Organ Building (New Haven, CT, 1930)

W.K. Covell: The Organs of Trinity Church, Newport, R.I. (London, 1935)

C.M. Ayars: Contributions to the Art of Music in America by the Music Industries of Boston, 1640 to 1936 (New York, 1937/R)

C.G. Vardell: Organs in the Wilderness (Winston-Salem, NC, 1944/R)

M.K.D. Babcock: Organs and Organ Builders of Christ Church, Boston, 1736–1945 (Boston, 1946)

E.W. Flint: The Great Organ in the Methuen Memorial Music Hall (Methuen, MA, 1950)

T.W. Dean: The Organ in Eighteenth Century English Colonial America (diss., U. of Southern California, 1960)

J. Fesperman: ‘Music and Organs at “The Old North”, Then and Now’, Organ Institute Quarterly, x/3 (1962–3), 15–28

B. Owen: The Organs and Music of King’s Chapel, 1713–1964 (Boston, 1965, enlarged 2/1991)

W.H. Armstrong: Organs for America (Philadelphia, 1967)

V.C. Dieffenbach: The Dieffenbach Organ Builders (Elizabethtown, PA, 1967)

T.S. Eader: ‘Baltimore Organs and Organ Building’, Maryland Historical Magazine, lxv/3 (1970), 263–82

J.R. Sharp: Tonal Design of the American Organ, 1910–1969 (diss., Michigan State U., 1970)

W.J. Conner: ‘Pipe Scaling in Hook Organs, 1849–1895’, The Diapason, lxii/10 (1970–71), 18, 26–9

W.J. Beasley: The Organ in America as Portrayed in Dwight’s Journal of Music (diss., U. of Southern California, 1971)

B. Owen: ‘A Salem Chamber Organ’, Essex Institute Historical Collections, cx/2 (1974), 111–19

J. Fesperman: Two Essays on Organ Design (Raleigh, NC, 1975)

O. Ochse: The History of the Organ in the United States (Bloomington, IN, 1975)

A. Robinson, ed.: The Bicentennial Tracker (Wilmington, OH, 1976)

J. Ogasapian: Organ Building in New York City, 1700–1900 (Braintree, MA, 1977)

J.O. Wilkes: Pipe Organs of Ann Arbor (Ann Arbor, 1977, 4/1995)

V. Brown: ‘Carl Barckhoff and the Barckhoff Church Organ Company’, The Tracker, xxii/4 (1978), 1

U. Pape: The Tracker Organ Revival in America/Die Orgelbewegung in Amerika (Berlin, 1978)

B. Owen: ‘Colonial Organs’, JBIOS, iii (1979), 92

B. Owen: The Organ in New England (Raleigh, NC, 1979)

J. Fesperman: Flentrop in America (Raleigh, NC, 1982)

U. Pape, ed.: Organs in America (Berlin, 1982–4)

B. Owen: ‘Early Organs and Organ Building in Newburyport’, Essex Institute Historical Collections, cxxi/3 (1985), 172–95

B. Owen: ‘Eighteenth-Century Organs and Organ Building in New England’, Music in Colonial Massachusetts 1630–1820: Boston 1973, 655–714

F. Noack and R. Jones: ‘The Organ in Mechanics Hall, Worcester, Mass’, JBIOS, x (1986), 43–52

B. Owen: ‘Joseph Alley and Richard Pike Morss: Early Organbuilders of Newburyport’, The Tracker, xxxi/1 (1987), 31–9

S.L. Pinel: Old Organs of Princeton (Harrisville, NH, 1989)

R.J. Brunner: That Ingenious Business: Pennsylvania German Organ Builders (Birdsboro, PA, 1990)

C. Callahan, ed.: The American Classic Organ: a History in Letters (Richmond, VA, 1990)

G.D. Frank: A German Organ Builder on the Texas Frontier: the Life and Work of Johann Traugott Wandke (Harrisville, NH, 1990)

B. Owen: The Mormon Tabernacle Organ: an American Classic (Salt Lake City, 1990)

D.H. Fox: A Guide to North American Organbuilders (Richmond, VA, 1991)

M. Kares: Das deutsche Element in amerikanischen Orgelbau (diss., U. of Marburg, 1991)

L. Edwards, ed.: The Historical Organ in America (Easthampton, MA, 1992)

C. Johnson: Catalogue of Pipe Organs in Georgia (Atlanta, GA, 1992)

K. Herman: The Historic Spreckels Organ in Balboa Park (San Diego, 1993)

S.L. Pinel: ‘Thomas and William Robjohn: a Study in Innovative Organ Building’, JAMIS, xix (1993), 65–104

The Wanamaker Grand Organ (Philadelphia, 1996)

L. Garrett: ‘American Organ Reform in Retrospect’, American Organist, xxxi (1997), no.6, pp.58–65; no.8, pp.72–8

D. Dahl: ‘The Tracker Organ Revival in the Pacific Northwest’, The Tracker, xlii/2 (1998), 13–23

R. Biswanger: Music in the Marketplace: the Story of Philadelphia’s Historic Wanamaker Organ (Philadelphia, 1999)

1. Ecclesiastical legislation and the liturgy.

(xxxvi) West Indies

G. Hudson: ‘The Organs and Organists of the Cathedral Church of St. Michael, Barbados’, The Organ, xxix (1949–50), 169–79

G.P.J. Walker: Strings and Pipe (St Kitts, 1987)

G. Bozeman: ‘The Booth Organ in St. George’s Church, Basseterre, St. Kitts’, The Tracker, xl/2 (1996), 15–19

For further bibliography see entries on types of organ and on individual builders.

Organ chorale.

An organ composition based on a traditional German Protestant chorale melody. See Chorale settings.

Organette.

A portable self-playing Reed organ. It enjoyed an enormous popularity between 1880 and the early 1900s. The first automatic keyboardless instrument of this type was the Cartonium made in 1861 by J.A. Testé of Nantes. A series of sprung metal fingers were held down by a strip of perforated cardboard which was drawn across these fingers by friction rollers. Where a hole appeared in the card, the relevant lever would rise, so opening a pallet to a reed and allowing air to be sucked in to an exhaust bellows worked by a hand crank. Further developments took place simultaneously in Germany and in the USA. While most German organettes worked on Testé's mechanical fingers and vacuum principle, American makers generally adopted the pneumatic ‘paper-as-a-valve’ system in which a music roll of perforated paper is drawn across a row of openings in a block or tracker bar. The pneumatic system, adopted in the later pneumatic piano player and Player piano, enabled instruments to be made very cheaply. Huge numbers of instruments were made: sales of the Leipzig-made Ariston, for example, had exceeded 300,000 by 1893 while the repertory of tunes available numbered over 4000 titles and 6 million of the cardboard tune-discs had been punched out. The tonal range of the organette was never fully chromatic and usually compromised between 14 notes and 28 notes, although Vocalion's Syreno had a 46-note compass (one version of this, the Tonsyreno, was provided with a keyboard). Other makes of organette models included Ariosa, Ariston, Cabinet Organ, Celestina, Gem Roller Organ, Herophon, Intona, Kalliston, Organina, Phoenix and Seraphine. Alternative forms of musical programme to the perforated paper roll or cardboard or metal strip included punched metal or cardboard discs, punched music in ring (annulus) form, endless card or paper bands, and small pinned wooden barrels of the barrel organ type. One instrument played ‘square discs’ by rotating the entire player mechanism beneath the perforated tune-sheet. For a discussion of larger self-playing organs (other than the Barrel organ type), see Player organ.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

R.A. Moss: ‘The Organette’, Music Box, i/4 (1962–3), 22–30

A.W.J.G. Ord-Hume: ‘Organettes … a List of Makers and Models’, Music & Automata, no.13 (1989), 260–75

ARTHUR W.J.G. ORD-HUME

Organetto (i)

(It.).

See Portative.

Organetto (ii).

A term occasionally applied to a street organ or a street piano. See Barrel organ and Barrel piano.

Organetto (iii).

Small diatonic accordion of Italy. See Italy, §II, 6.

Organetto a manovella

(It.).

See Barrel organ.

Organ hymn.

A liturgical form in which the organ replaced the odd-numbered or even-numbered stanzas of a plainsong hymn, alternating with the choir. It is convenient to consider other alternatim forms used in the Office at the same time, in particular the Te Deum, Magnificat and Salve regina. Antiphons to psalms and canticles were also set, especially in England, but they are complete in themselves and not in the strict sense alternatim.

The earliest extant music in these forms dates from the early 15th century, but there are earlier references to alternatim singing, especially of the Te Deum. A passage in Dante's Purgatorio (ix.142–5) appears to refer to this. At Essen in the 14th century a triple scheme of alternation was devised for the singing of the Te Deum after the performances of the Easter sepulchre play at Matins: the organ began, the canonesses in whose convent the performance took place sang the second verse, the clerks (men in orders) sang the third, and so on to the end. At St Albans in 1396 the Te Deum was sung ‘alternantibus organis’ at the reception of an abbot.

The earliest source of liturgical organ music, the Faenza manuscript (I-FZc 117), contains in addition to organ music for the Mass a single verse of the hymn Ave maris stella, what may be conjectured to be three verses for a Magnificat, and the response Deo gratias to a melody for the Benedicamus domino for the Office; all are untitled in the manuscript. The provision of only a single hymn verse and of fewer than the required number of verses for the Magnificat (which needs six) seems strange but is characteristic of continental sources up to the mid-16th century. It is possible that single hymn verses were intended merely as preludes, but it is more likely that they were written down as samples of what could be readily improvised to provide a complete alternatim structure. Magnificat fragments are found in early 15th-century German sources, among them Paumann's Fundamentum organisandi (1452), which also contains the verse ‘O clemens’ of the Salve regina. The Buxheimer Orgelbuch (c1470) has four Magnificat fragments, two complete settings (with five organ verses) of the Salve regina and two hymn verses: Veni Creator Spiritus and Pange lingua, the latter merely an arrangement of a vocal piece by Touront.

Early 16th-century German tablatures favoured the Salve regina. The Basle manuscript of Hans Buchner's Fundamentum (dated 1551) contains only three hymn verses, two verses for the Te Deum and two responds for the Office. There are a few hymn verses in the Lublin tablature (CEKM, vi/2, 1964–7). The hymn is better represented in Italy. Apart from a hymn verse and a Magnificat verse in an early 16th-century manuscript of keyboard dances (I-Vnm ital.iv.1227; ed. K. Jeppesen, Balli antichi veneziani per cembalo, Copenhagen, 1962), the two organ publications of Girolamo Cavazzoni (1543 and before 1549) contain between them 12 single hymn verses and four five-verse settings of the Magnificat (they lack the verse ‘Et misericordia’). The sixth of the seven books of keyboard music published by Attaingnant in Paris in 1531 contains eight settings of the Magnificat with from two to five verses, and alternatim verses for the first and third sections of the Te Deum. In Spain the Libro de cifra nueva edited by Luis Venegas de Henestrosa (1557) included, apart from some isolated single hymn verses, sets of verses for Pange lingua and Ave maris stella by Cabezón. Further settings of these two hymns (with yet more isolated verses) occur in Cabezón’s posthumous Obras (1578); only two single verses are identical with any from the 1557 edition, and the general impression is of an unwieldy mass of material from which selections for alternatim performance might be made.

For a full appreciation of the alternatim possibilities of the organ hymn one must turn to the English organists. Even in this repertory (published in EECM, vi, 1966–9) there are a number of isolated hymn verses, and series of verses which are too many or too few for alternatim performance of the hymn to which they belong. But there are enough regular sets to show that English composers of the first half of the 16th century regarded the complete hymn as a single entity. Except in settings of the nine-verse hymn Aeterne rerum conditor, which is regularly given four organ verses, the organ is normally allotted the odd-numbered verses. Occasionally the first line of the first verse is left to be intoned by a cantor, as in English settings of the Te Deum, Magnificat and certain Mass chants. The two most important collections of hymns are found in different sections of the same manuscript: GB-Lbl Add.29996. Those of the former are mostly by John Redford (d 1547); those of the latter, though anonymous, may be by Thomas Preston. All English organ hymns are based on a cantus firmus, which may be either the appropriate plainsong (sometimes heavily adorned) or the faburden of the chant, which also may be highly ornamented. Since the faburden need not strictly follow the melodic contour of the chant, the degree of sophistication in the treatment of the cantus firmus was sometimes very considerable.

Alternation between choir and organ was not banned by the Council of Trent, and organ hymns and settings of the Magnificat were published in the early 17th century by Frescobaldi and, most memorably, by Titelouze (hymns in 1623, see Sources of keyboard music to 1660, fig.3, Magnificat settings in 1626), whose works are lengthy essays in an imaginative brand of traditional counterpoint. There are also numerous examples in Italian and Spanish manuscripts of the 17th century; in Spain a local triple-time tune for Pange lingua was especially favoured. In France, the hymn was among the items in which organ alternation was permitted (Higginbottom). But the organ hymn did not develop much beyond this point, perhaps because even where alternation was still permitted it was more convenient to improvise than to write down so many versions of a single tune. In the Protestant countries the organ hymn gave way to the organ chorale. There was a considerable amount of continuity, not only because earlier German composers had made settings of German religious songs (for example the settings of Maria zart by Schlick and of Christ ist erstanden by Buchner and in the Buxheimer Orgelbuch) but also because some Latin hymns remained in the Lutheran liturgy. The principle of alternation was lost; but the musical substance of the genre remained in the form of the set of chorale variations.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

ApelG

HarrisonMMB

H.M. Miller: ‘Sixteenth-Century English Faburden Compositions for Keyboard’, MQ, xxvi (1940), 50–64

E.E. Lowinsky: ‘English Organ Music of the Renaissance’, MQ, xxxix (1953), 373–95, 528–53

J. Caldwell: English Keyboard Music before the Nineteenth Century (Oxford, 1973)

E. Higginbottom: ‘French Classical Organ Music and the Liturgy’, PRMA, ciii (1976–7), 19–40

B. Nelson: The Integration of Spanish and Portuguese Organ Music within the Liturgy from the Latter Half of the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century (diss., U. of Oxford, 1986)

JOHN CALDWELL

Organi, Bartolomeo degli.

See Bartolomeo degli Organi.

Organino (i)

(It.).

(1) A term for a small organ, notably the 14th- and 15th-century instrument generally known as Portative.

Organino (ii).

A free-reed instrument based on the regals said to have been made by Filippo Testa in 1700; a precursor of the Reed organ.

Organistrum.

See Hurdy-gurdy.

Organized piano [Organ-piano].

A piano, usually a square, to which organ pipes have been added. See Claviorgan.

Organ mass.

A collection of versets for the organ replacing parts of the Ordinary and Proper of the Mass and played in alternation with the sung portions. The term Alternatim is frequently used to describe the practice of dividing sections of a liturgical text between organ and choir. The choir normally sings a plainchant setting of the Mass when alternating with the organ. The practice belongs almost exclusively to the liturgy of the Roman Catholic Church.

The extant literature of organ masses covers most of Western Christendom and some 500 years of music history, beginning about 1400 with the organ versets in I-FZc 117 and ending late in the 19th century with works such as Justin’s L’organiste à la messe … 11 messes: plainchant alternant avec l’orgue (1870).

2. The extant literature.

(i) The use of plainchant.

EDWARD HIGGINBOTTOM

Organ mass

1. Ecclesiastical legislation and the liturgy.

The organ mass is essentially a practice and not a musical form, and as such it came to be regulated by ecclesiastical prescription. The earliest document issued by the Apostolic See to refer in detail to liturgical organ music is the Caeremoniale episcoporum or ‘Bishops’ Ceremonial’ of Pope Clement VIII (Rome, 1600). This permits the use of the organ each Sunday, except those during Advent and Lent, and on all important feast days, and it lists the moments in the offices when the organ might intervene. The section concerning the Mass reads:

At the solemn Mass the organ is played alternatim for the Kyrie eleison and the Gloria in excelsis …; likewise at the end of the Epistle and at the Offertory; for the Sanctus, alternatim; then more gravely and softly during the Elevation of the Most Holy Sacrament; for the Agnus Dei, alternatim, and at the verse before the post-Communion prayer; also at the end of the Mass.

This arrangement, which had already been practised in broad outline for over 200 years, was maintained until the beginning of the 20th century. It was sustained not only by the authority of the Caeremoniale espiscoporum but also by the numerous local diocesan ceremonials, and by ceremonials published for the use of religious orders. It was finally changed by Pope Pius X, whose Motu proprio (1903) imposed a formal ban on alternatim organ music in general.

(i) Alternatim practice in the Ordinary.

The Caeremoniale episcoporum omits to describe the manner in which the texts of the Ordinary were to be apportioned. The instruction alternatim is clearly intended to suffice. A fairly standard division of the text is revealed in extant organ masses of the 16th century, and continues in later sources. The division for the Kyrie, Gloria and Agnus Dei customarily falls into the following pattern (portions taken by the organ are shown in italics):

Kyrie eleison. Kyrie eleison. Kyrie eleison. Christe eleison. Christe eleison. Christe eleison. Kyrie eleison. Kyrie eleison. Kyrie eleison.
[Intonation: Gloria in excelsis Deo.] Et in terra pax hominibus bonae voluntatis. Laudamus te. Benedicimus te. Adoramus te. Glorificamus te. Gratias agimus tibi propter magnam gloriam tuam. Domine Deus, rex caelestis, Deus pater omnipotens. Domine fili, unigenite Jesu Christe. Domine Deus, Agnus Dei, filius patris. Qui tollis peccata mundi, miserere nobis. Qui tollis peccata mundi, suscipe deprecationem nostram. Qui sedes ad dexteram Patris, miserere nobis. Quoniam tu solus sanctus. Tu solus Dominus. Tu solus altissimus, Jesu Christe. Cum Sancto Spiritu. In gloria Dei patris. Amen.
Agnus Dei qui tollis peccata mundi, miserere nobis. Agnus Dei qui tollis peccata mundi, miserere nobis. Agnus Dei qui tollis peccata mundi, dona nobis pacem.

The Sanctus and Benedictus might be subject to various arrangements, including one in which the Benedictus was subsumed by a piece of organ music at the Elevation (Schaefer, 1987). In the French classical tradition the Sanctus was often treated thus (organ versets in italics):

Sanctus. Sanctus. Sanctus Dominus Deus Sabbaoth. Pleni sunt caeli et terra gloria tua. Hosanna in excelsis. Benedictus qui venit in nomine Domini. Hosanna in excelsis.

In all, this makes 19 organ versets: nine for the Gloria, five for the Kyrie, two each for the Sanctus and Agnus and one for the Benedictus (although strictly speaking the Benedictus is not alternatim). The text of the Credo, according to the Caeremoniale episcoporum, was not to be divided between organ and choir although before 1600 organ versets had appeared quite frequently for the Credo, as for instance in Cavazzoni’s Intabulatura d’organo … libro secondo (?1543) and in the Mass ‘Kyrie fons bonitatis’ of Attaingnant’s publication Tabulature pour le jeu d’orgues (1531). Such settings were clearly no longer generally acceptable after the Counter-Reformation.

The alternatim pattern given above is the one intended for such famous organ masses as François Couperin’s Messe pour les paroisses (1690). Variations in this pattern after the beginning of the 16th century are found normally only in the distribution of the versets for the Gloria and the Sanctus and Benedictus, although variations of course occur when the Gloria is troped: the Missa de Beata Virgine from Cavazzoni’s Intabulatura includes such a Gloria setting with 12 versets. An earlier example, also with Marian tropes, is to be found in the Buxheim Organbook (c1470, in D-Mbs). The practice of troping was banned by the Council of Trent.

Whether or not an Elevation verset was part of an alternatim sequence for the Benedictus, the Caeremoniale episcoporum specifically stipulated quieter and more serious music at this moment. Frescobaldi’s three Toccate per l’elevatione from his Fiori musicali (1635) exemplify the intensely expressive music deemed appropriate (Tagliavini, 1984). There is also a beautiful Tierce en taille for the Elevation in Couperin’s Messe pour les couvents (1690).

At the very end of the Mass, the organ normally responds with ‘Deo gratias’ to the priest’s ‘Ite missa est’.

(ii) Alternatim practices in the Proper.

The Caeremoniale episcoporum mentions the intervention of the organ ‘at the end of the epistle’, ‘at the offertory’, and ‘at the verse before the post-communion prayer’; in other words, at the gradual or alleluia or both, the offertory, and the communion. But once again it does not indicate the distribution of the texts of these items between the organ and the choir. It is difficult to gain an overall view of practices concerning the Proper (with the notable exception of the offertory) from musical examples, since these are distributed very unevenly over time and place.

Although Clement’s ceremonial does not refer to the introit in connection with alternatim practices, some organists had been accustomed to producing versets for this item (for example, there are settings in the Buxheim Organbook, an elaborate three-verset setting of the introit Resurrexi in Thomas Preston’s Missa in die Paschae, ed. in EECM, x, 1969, no.5, and all of 47 settings in the Leopolita Tablature, c1580). In all, Lynn has located 104 organ settings from the period c1460–c1630. But extant examples from after the early 17th century are few, and the practice is hardly mentioned in ceremonials. An exception occurs in a German Caeremoniale benedictinum published in Dillingen in 1641: the choir is instructed to begin the introit, the organ to play the verse, the choir to sing ‘Gloria’ and ‘Sicut erat’, and the organ to repeat the antiphon.

Organ music at the gradual and alleluia on the other hand was clearly used as frequently after 1600 as before. The alternatim patterns seem to vary greatly, and it is not always certain that alternatim in its strict sense was intended. For instance, a Caeremoniale monasticum … ordinis S. Benedicti (Toul, 1695) reads: ‘afterwards the organ plays the whole of the gradual with its verse’. This may also be the meaning of Banchieri’s instruction in his L’organo suonarino: ‘Finita l’epistola una toccata del primo tuono’ (cf Frescobaldi’s Canzone dopo l’epistola in his Fiori musicali). If, however, the gradual was sometimes replaced entirely by the organ, then other ceremonials demand no less clearly an equal division between organ and choir. A Rituale cisterciense (Paris, 1727) instructs the organ to begin and the choir to take over at the verse: ‘Post epistolam pulsatur ad responsorium, sed versum sequentem … cantat chorus’.

There remain few organ versets for the gradual. Thomas Preston’s two-verset setting of Haec dies from his Missa in die Paschae is a rarity, as is Gaspard Corrette’s single-verset gradual in his Messe du 8e ton (1703). A late 18th-century French manuscript entitled Livre d’orgue pour la Chapelle royale (in F-V) gives the plainchant intonation for each gradual for the feasts on which the organ was played, leaving the precise nature of the organist’s intervention unclear.

Instructions on the performance of the alleluia are often more specific: Banchieri (L’organo suonarino) wrote, ‘Dopo l’alleluia, e versetto si replica l’alleluia’, a clear indication that the organ takes up the repeat of the alleluia after the verse. Among those ceremonials which mention alternatim alleluias, some allow the organ to intervene only at the last jubilus of the repeat. Others, including the famous Caeremoniale parisiense (Paris, 1662), also allow the organ to play the repeat of the alleluia before the verse. The Versailles Livre d’orgue mentioned above gives the chant for the intonation of each alleluia. Thomas Preston provided a unique set of alleluia versets in his Missa in die Paschae.

By way of contrast, extant offertory versets are numerous, and they show that the intervention of the organ at the offertory was standardized at an early date. From the English pre-Reformation settings of the Marian antiphon Felix namque to the French offertoires of the 19th century the formula was the same: the intonation of the offertory antiphon was sung and the organ played from then onwards. This very simple form of alternation eventually led composers to treat the offertory with a considerable degree of freedom, for once the custom of using the plainchant as a cantus firmus had passed, even the obligation to match the mode of the sung intonation was forgotten: there was no ensuing choir verset to accommodate. Indeed, the offertoires of the French classical school were simply free-standing pieces, written on a large scale to span the liturgical ceremonies at this point in the Mass.

It appears to have been common practice to use the organ at the communion antiphon. A Caeremoniale monasticum (Paris, 1634) reads: ‘play alternatim at the antiphon which is said at the communion’. The organist might also be required to provide music during the distribution: ‘ad communionem cleri et populi pulsatur organum’ (Ceremoniale lexoviense, Lisieux, 1747). But it is not clear whether such versets as the one headed ‘pour la communion’ in Grigny’s Premier livre d’orgue (1699) are intended for use during the communion, or for the communion antiphon, or for both at once. The communion antiphon would be treated in the same way as the offertory: intonation and then organ verset.

These practices, variously described by the official texts of the Roman Catholic Church, were not in the main copied by the Protestant reformed churches. The exceptions (bits of an alternatim mass in the third part of Scheidt’s Tabulatura nova, 1624) were hangovers, and soon fell into disuse. The matter of J.S. Bach’s so-called organ mass is considered below (§2(iii)).

Organ mass

2. The extant literature.

The extant examples of alternatim organ music for the Mass should be seen in their correct perspective: they are the recorded monuments of what was above all an improvisatory art, long practised by countless organists in innumerable churches. If some organ masses have been written down, they are but the most minute fraction of the organ music to which the practice of alternatim gave birth. Their notated form allowed them to serve as exemplars and (more modestly) to supply the less competent improvisers with something to play. Most extant organ masses consist of versets for the Ordinary. Versets for the Proper were less easy to supply in any useful fashion on account of the wide repertory of chants involved.

(ii) Alternatim styles.

(iii) History.

Organ mass, §2: The extant literature

(i) The use of plainchant.

Until the middle of the 17th century it was normal for the portion of plainchant replaced by the organ to be used structurally in the organ verset itself. Even after 1650 plainchant continued to exert its influence, but only rarely as a structural element, at least until the reappearance of strict cantus firmus techniques in the middle of the 18th century. The plainchant masses upon which organ versets for the Ordinary were most commonly based were those used on Sundays and the principal feasts of the Church’s calendar. In the modern Gradual they are known as: Cunctipotens genitor Deus (IV), Cum jubilo (IX) and Orbis factor (XI) (the figures in parentheses showing the modern enumeration).

Where organ versets are not built upon the plainchant they replace, there may be some difficulty in identifying the plainchant with which they were intended to alternate. Crucially, of course, the organ had to remain in the tonality appropriate to the mode of the plainchant being used by the choir. So, for example, Gaspard Corrette’s Messe du 8e ton, although not structurally based on any particular chant, was written for use with a plainchant setting in the 8th mode, or one compatible with the key of G major. It could not, therefore, alternate with the setting Cunctipotens genitor Deus.

Organ mass, §2: The extant literature

(ii) Alternatim styles.

The liturgical use of the organ in the Mass juxtaposed organ music and plainchant. The plainchant itself was subject to vastly different readings and interpretative styles, some of which led to vocal performances of the chant coming very close to the tempo and rhythmic articulation of the cantus firmus in the organ verset. In some places improvised discant might have been employed by the singers (called ‘chant sur le livre’ in France). In other places, notably France from the second half of the 17th century, newly composed ‘plainchant’ was used alongside the organ versets (see below). Evidence for the use of the organ to support the sung portions of plainchant is largely lacking. Several factors make it highly unlikely that the organ participated as both solo and accompanimental instrument on any regular basis. Evidence for the use of ‘polyphonic’ vocal settings in alternation with the organ is more plentiful, though not all of it is unambiguous. Mahrt (1969) argued that the polyphonic masses of Heinrich Isaac may have been used alternatim with organ. Certainly polyphonic settings of strophic items, such as hymns and canticles, might have been so employed. The problem with the Ordinary of the Mass is that its forms are not strophic in the same way. Nevertheless, a ceremonial for the French diocese of Toul (Cérémonial de Toul, 1700) explains in detail how vocal music (chant figuré as opposed to plainchant) might be accommodated within the tradition:

At the Mass one plays five times at the Kyrie when it is sung in the choir in plainchant; four times when it is sung ‘en musique’ [i.e. organ–Kyrie–organ–Christe–organ–Kyrie–organ]; and twice only when the musicians sing Kyrie, Christe, Kyrie without a break [i.e. organ–Kyrie+Christe+Kyrie–organ].

This ceremonial also explains that when the Gloria is sung ‘en musique’, the organ does not intervene at all. For the remainder of the Ordinary ‘en musique’, the organ plays once before the Sanctus, for the Benedictus and for the first and third Agnus. A similar scene is used in several vocal mass settings by Marc-Antoine Charpentier. His Messe pour le samedi de Pâques à 4 voix contains instructions for the interpolation of organ versets in the Kyrie and Sanctus. The Benedictus is wholly sung. (The Agnus is omitted in accordance with liturgical practice on Holy Saturday.) The Sanctus bears the following rubrics: ‘Premier Sanctus pour l’orgue sur le plein jeu’; ‘Second Sanctus’ (polyphonic vocal setting); ‘Troisième Sanctus pour l’orgue sur les petits jeux’; ‘Pleni sunt … in excelsis’ (to a polyphonic vocal setting). Here therefore, Charpentier introduced the organ between the second ‘Sanctus’ and ‘Pleni sunt’. Somewhat later Michel Corrette published a collection of masses (Quatre messes à deux voix égales, avec l’accompagnement de l’orgue à l’usage des dames religieuses) showing the alternation of vocal settings and organ versets. In the second and third masses only half of the liturgical text is set (including the Gloria), Corrette directing the organist to interpolate versets at the breaks. Appropriate versets, according to a note at the head of the second mass, were to be found in the composer’s ‘Ie livre d’orgue’, referring not to Corrette’s Premier livre but to a much later ‘livre Ir’ of Pièces pour l’orgue dans un genre nouveau à l’usage des dames religieuses.

Organ mass, §2: The extant literature

(iii) History.

The manuscript I-FZc 117 (c1400; complete facsimile in MD, xiii–xv, 1959–61, and MSD, x, 1962; ed. in CMM, lvii, 1972) contains two Kyrie–Gloria sets (one incomplete) and a single Kyrie verset. This transcription shows a tenor plainchant cantus firmus in predominantly long, equal note values over which a lively discantus dances. No less reminiscent of 12th-century St Martial organa are the versets found in the earliest extant German sources, the so-called Sagan Manuscript (PL-WRu, c1425) and the Wynsem Manuscript (D-Bsb, c1430; both ed. in CEKM, i, 1963). The first includes three versets for the Gloria, the second a Sanctus and incomplete Credo.

A more flexible approach to the cantus firmus is found in the three-part settings belonging to the Buxheim Organbook (D-Mbs, c1470). Here the plainchant is organized rhythmically. This source contains (in addition to the troped Gloria mentioned above, several settings of the Kyrie, a single Credo and a Sanctus) versets for three introits.

Two English organ masses survive from the very early years of the 16th century: Missa in die Paschae by Thomas Preston, which consists exclusively of settings of the Proper, and a complete setting of the Ordinary, with a troped Kyrie for Trinity Sunday, by Philip ap Rhys (EECM, x, 1969, no.1). There remain also a significant number of English offertory versets, among which Felix namque settings predominate. The offertory antiphon Felix namque was prescribed for Lady Masses. (Surviving examples of pre-Reformation English organ music for the Mass are transcribed in EECM, x (1969).)

The two earliest extant French organ masses also date from the first half of the 16th century. Moreover, they are the first printed organ masses. They appear in Attaingnant’s Tabulature pour le jeu d’orgues (1531), which set the pattern for printed organ masses for the next 200 years. The versets are for the Ordinary and, with the exception of those for the Kyrie of the Mass ‘Kyrie fons bonitatis’, based on the fourth plainchant. This setting (Cunctipotens genitor Deus) was favoured (and continued to be favoured in France) for ‘annual and solemn feasts’. The plainchant is still treated as a strict cantus firmus, mainly in the bass.

Cavazzoni, in his Intabulatura d’organo … libro secondo (?1543), was one of the first composers to break away from the strict cantus firmus style and to produce a more unified texture. His versets normally start with a compact series of imitative entries, taking the plainchant incipit as their ‘point’, and proceed to a fuller statement of the plainchant, either in the soprano or in the bass. The Intabulatura contains three masses, Missa apostolorum (IV), Missa domenicalis (XI) and Missa de Beata Virgine (IX). The same basic titles, and the same plainchants, occur in the three organ masses by Andrea Gabrieli (in one of the Turin tablatures, I-Tn) and in those by Claudio Merulo (Messe d’intavolatura d’organo, 1568). Organ versets for the Mass also appear in the work of Hans Buchner (Fundamentum) and Cabezón, and in a Polish manuscript (PL-Kp: the Lublin Tablature).

Towards the end of the 16th century and the beginning of the 17th the extant literature of organ versets from the Catholic parts of Germany is much slighter than from Italy, but there are manuscript sets of versets for the mass by Hans Leo Hassler (one complete in the Turin manuscripts) and Christian Ehrbach (five Kyries and one Gloria), which show that alternatim organ music was in use. An anonymous German 16th-century source contains three masses in organ tablature (Wolff, 1994).

The 17th century is the most important in the history of the organ mass, both for the number of publications and for the degree of technical accomplishment. Banchieri’s treatise L’organo suonarino (1605), of which the third edition (1622) contains a Missa alla domenica, was followed by Bottazzi’s Choro et organo (1614), Frescobaldi’s Fiori musicali (1635), Salvatore’s Ricercari … e versi per rispondere nelle messe (1641), Croci’s Frutti musicali (1642) and Fasolo’s Annuale (1645), each of which contains three masses: the familiar Mass for the Apostles, Mass for Sunday and Mass for Our Lady. Frescobaldi’s publication is exceptional in that, of the Ordinary, only the Kyrie is set. The remaining pieces are for the processional (‘avanti la Messa’), the gradual (‘dopo l’epistola’), offertory (‘dopo il Credo’), the Elevation and the post-communion. The Kyries use the normal plainchants, but for each mass there are more than five versets; clearly some are alternatives.

In France also, publications containing organ masses abound, beginning at about the time that Italian publication ceased: Nivers’ 2e livre d’orgue (1667), Lebègue’s Second livre d’orgue (n.d.), Gigault’s Livre de musique pour l’orgue (1685), Raison’s Livre d’orgue contenant cinq messes (1688), Grigny’s Premier livre d’orgue (1699) and the most outstanding masses of the French classical school, those of François Couperin (ii) in his Pièces d’orgue consistantes en deux messes (1690). There are also settings in manuscript: two in an anonymous livre d’orgue formerly belonging to Marguerite Thiery (now in F-Pc), another in an anonymous collection of organ music sometimes attributed to Jean-Nicolas Geoffroy (all three published in A.C. Howell: Five French Baroque Organ Masses, Lexington, Kentucky, 1961), and five in the Livre d’orgue de Montréal, a late 17th-century compilation of Parisian provenance (ed. E. Gallat-Morin, Paris and Montreal, 1988).

With the emergence of the French classical school, notable changes are found in compositional techniques. The old polyphonic structures were discarded in favour of the new concertato style: the récit, the Tierce en taille, the basse de trompette and the dialogue appeared; the old forms were transformed into the fugue, the plein jeu and the fond d’orgue, and the organ was exploited for its variety of colour. The structural use of plainchant diminished to such an extent that the Paris diocese actually directed (in the Caeremoniale parisiense) that the plainchant in use should appear, completely unaltered, in the versets for the first and last Kyrie, at the words ‘Et in terra pax … suscipe deprecationem nostram’ and ‘In gloria Dei patris. Amen’ of the Gloria, and also in the versets for the first Sanctus and Agnus. However, the full force of this injunction appears seldom to have been felt by composers. Even so sensitive a liturgist as Nivers only went so far as to observe it for the first versets of the Kyrie, Gloria, Sanctus and Agnus. A similar compromise was reached by both Couperin (in his Messe pour les paroisses) and Grigny, with the exception in Couperin’s case of a cantus firmus setting of the last Kyrie. The treatment of the cantus firmus plainchant in these instances is often rather selfconscious, partly because the standard registration for versets with a cantus firmus calls for the plainchant to be played on the loudest stops of the organ: the pedal Trompette and Clairon. This contrasts with the easy manner in which other versets may freely paraphrase the plainchant.

In other settings, notably Couperin’s Messe pour les couvents and the five masses of Raison’s Livre d’orgue (1688), the demands of the Paris ceremonial seem to be totally ignored, but for understandable reasons. These organ masses were intended for use in religious houses where the diocesan ceremonial had no jurisdiction, and where local usages existed, such as the employment of special chants for the Mass. Many of these chants were often newly composed (i.e. messes musicales) and required organ versets which remained in the same key throughout the Ordinary, unlike organ masses written to alternate with the fourth plainchant. It was these demands which Couperin and Raison had to meet. Raison’s publication with its variety of keys is intended to supply versets for any messe musicale. Interestingly, Couperin’s Messe pour les couvents, written in the 8th mode (more or less G major), conforms to the key needed for alternation with Nivers’ ‘plainchant’ setting for feasts of the first solemnity, transposed from F to G (perhaps to suit nuns’ voices). Nivers’ messes musicales were in wide circulation in service books published for the use of monastic orders.

French organ masses continued to dominate the scene in the 18th century. Although Gaspard Corrette’s Messe du 8e ton (1703) stands firmly in the classical tradition, his son Michel was responsible for a new development in compositional technique, altogether uncharacteristic of the classical school. Each of the four masses of his IIIe livre d’orgue … contenant les messes (1756) consists of versets written almost without exception upon a strict plainchant cantus firmus in the bass. This return to cantus firmus settings became very popular and continued well into the 19th century, but whatever its liturgical advantages it produced nothing of artistic merit (van Wye, 1995).

The French also cultivated the messe en noëls, which became a notable Christmas attraction in fashionable Paris churches. Here each verset is based upon a popular Christmas carol. Claude-Bénigne Balbastre was renowned for his improvised messes en noëls, and some examples by Benaut survive. The cult of the organist as entertainer also led to extravagant and entirely inappropriate versets for the offertory. The Mass in F by Benaut contains an offertoire in several sections inscribed: ‘Prélude, ou Réveil de chasseurs’, ‘Chasse flamande’, ‘Repos de chasse, tempo di minuetto’, and ‘Retour de la chasse’. These trends continued into the 19th century with Christmas enlivened by such works as Alexandre Boëly’s Messe du jour de Noël … sur les airs populaires anciens (1842), while the general production of organ music for the Ordinary continued with such works as the Livre d’orgue op.26 of J.A. Miné. The style of Miné’s versets is similar to Michel Corrette’s, but still simpler. They consist of little more than harmonizations of a plainchant bass, of negligible musical interest (van Wye, 1970). Some 19th-century Italian sources reveal a more ambitious approach. Vincenzo Petrali (1832–89) published versets for the Mass on the scale and in the character of operatic arias and interludes.

The case of the third part of J.S. Bach’s Clavier-Übung being called an organ mass (first by E. Krieger in 1930) forms an interesting footnote to this account. Despite the intriguing appearance of versets for the Kyrie and Gloria in the third part of Scheidt’s Tabulatura nova of 1624 (see Herman, 1969), the use of alternatim organ music for the Mass was generally not adopted by the Lutheran Church, nor indeed by any of the reformed churches. Book 3 of Bach’s Clavier-Übung provides for the Mass only in the sense that it contains elaborate chorale preludes on Lutheran chants for the Kyrie and the Gloria. Bach’s organ music ‘sub communione’ (e.g. Jesus Christus, unser Heiland bwv665) had a specific liturgical role in the Mass, one with which the chorale partitas have also been associated (Clement, 1991). However, there is no alternatim practice at work here.

Although the Roman Church banned alternatim organ music after 1903, much music for use during the Mass has of course been written since then (Kotek, 1974). Messiaen’s Messe de la Pentecôte (1949–50) is a notable example. It consists of five movements (the term ‘verset’ is no longer appropriate): ‘Entrée’, ‘Offertoire’, ‘Consécration’, ‘Communion’ and ‘Sortie’.

Organ mass

BIBLIOGRAPHY

ApelG

G.M. Asola, ed.: Canto fermo sopra messe, hinni, et altre cose ecclesiastiche (Venice, 1592)

A. Banchieri: L’organo suonarino (Venice, 1605, 4/1638)

A. Banchieri: Conclusioni nel suono dell’organo (Bologna, 1609/R, 2/1626)

A. Tessier: ‘Les messes d’orgue de Couperin’, ReM, vi/6–8 (1924–5), 37–48

Y. Rokseth: Preface to Deux livres d’orgue parus chez Pierre Attaingnant en 1531, PSFM, 1st ser., i (1925/R)

A. Schering: ‘Zur Alternatim-Orgelmesse’, ZMw, xvii (1935), 19–32

L. Schrade: ‘The Organ in the Mass of the 15th Century’, MQ, xxviii (1942), 329–36, 467–87

D. Stevens: ‘A Unique Tudor Organ Mass’, MD, vi (1952), 167–75 [on mass by Rhys]

K. Jeppesen: ‘Eine frühe Orgelmesse aus Castell’Arquato’, AMw, xii (1955), 187–205

A.C. Howell: ‘French Baroque Organ Music and the Eight Church Tones’, JAMS, xi (1958), 106–18

D. Stevens: ‘Thomas Preston’s Organ Mass’, ML, xxxix (1958), 29–34

J.D. Bergsagel: ‘On the Performance of Ludford’s Alternatim Masses’, MD, xvi (1962), 35–55

F.M. Siebert: ‘Mass Sections in the Buxheim Organ Book: a Few Points’, MQ, l (1964), 353–66

Sister Thomas More [M. Berry]: ‘The Practice of Alternatim’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, xviii (1967), 15

C. Cannon: The 16th- and 17th-Century Organ-Mass: a Study in Musical Style (diss., New York U., 1968)

K.F. Herman: Two North German Lutheran Organ Masses from the Early Seventeenth Century (thesis, San Diego State College, 1969)

W.P. Mahrt: The ‘Missae ad organum’ of Heinrich Isaac (diss., Stanford U., 1969)

H.-J. Wilbert: Die Messen des Adriano Banchieri (diss., Mainz U., 1969)

B.D. van Wye: The Influence of Plainsong Restoration on the Growth and Development of the Modern French Liturgical Organ School (diss., U. of Illinois, 1970)

T. Dart: ‘An Early Seventeenth-Century Book of English Organ Music for the Roman Rite’, ML, lii (1971), 27–38 [on GB-Och Mus.89]

R.B. Lynn: Renaissance Organ Music for the Proper of the Mass in Continental Sources (diss., Indiana U., 1973)

R.A. Kotek: The French Organ Mass in the Twentieth Century (diss., U. of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, 1974)

E. Higginbottom: ‘French Classical Organ Music and the Liturgy’, PRMA, ciii (1976–7), 19–40

L. Romiti: ‘Le messe per organo di Girolamo Cavazzoni’, L’organo, xvi (1978), 157–67

E. Higginbottom: The Liturgy and French Classical Organ Music (diss., U. of Cambridge, 1979)

B. van Wye: ‘Ritual Use of the Organ in France’, JAMS, xxxiii (1980), 287–325

E. Higginbottom: ‘Ecclesiastical Prescription and Musical Style in French Classical Organ Music’, Organ Yearbook, xii (1981), 31–54

J.H. Moore: ‘The Liturgical Use of the Organ in Seventeenth-Century Italy’, Frescobaldi Studies: Madison, WI, 1983, 351–84

L.F. Tagliavini: ‘Orgelmusik und liturgische Praxis’, Die Orgel im Dienst der Kirche: Rome 1984, 43–54

J. Trummer: ‘Die Orgel als Soloinstrument in der katholischen Messfeier vom Missale Romanum Pius V. (1570) zum Messbuch für die Bistümer des deutschen Sprachgebietes’, Orgel, Orgelmusik und Orgelspiel: Festschrift Michael Schneider, ed. C. Wolff (Kassel, 1985), 142–55

E. Schaefer: ‘Bernardino Bottazzi’s Choro et Organo and the Italian Organ Mass of the 16th and 17th Centuries’, Organ Yearbook, xviii (1987), 46–77

F. Tasini: ‘Le messe organistiche del Croci: tra didattica e prassi liturgica’, Antiquae musicae italicae studiosi, no.8 (1988), 3–12

A. Clement: ‘Die lutherische Tradition der Musica sub Communione und J.S. Bachs Choralpartitenschaffen’, Musik und Gottesdienst, xlv (1991), 61–70

O. Thibault: La messe pour orgue en France (1662–1703) (thesis, U. of Paris, Sorbonne, 1993)

C. Wolff: ‘An Unknown Organ Tablature at Harvard’, The Organist as Scholar: Essays in Memory of Russell Saunders, ed. K.J. Snyder (Stuyvesant, NY, 1994), 119–32

B. van Wye: ‘Organ Music in the Mass of the Parisian Rite to 1850 with Emphasis on the Contributions of Boely’, French Organ Music: from the Revolution to Franck and Widor, ed. L. Archbold and W.J. Peterson (Rochester, NY, 1995), 19–36

E. Higginbottom: ‘Organ Music and the Liturgy’, The Cambridge Companion to the Organ, ed. G. Webber and N. Thistlethwaite (Cambridge, 1999), 130–47

Organ music.

See Keyboard music, §§I–II.

Órgano, canto de.

See Canto de órgano.

Organochordium [organochordon].

A type of Claviorgan built in 1782–9 by the Danish organ builder Kirschnigk and developed by G.J. Vogler, with Rackwitz of Stockholm. See also Reed organ, §1.

Organology

(Ger. Instrumentenkunde).

The study of musical instruments in terms of their history and social function, design, construction and relation to performance. Organology has interested scholars since at least as early as the 17th century. Praetorius, in his Syntagma musicum ii (1618) provided an important section on instruments, including some non-Western types, with realistic illustrations drawn to scale (Theatrum instrumentorum, 1620). Other technical discussions appear in the encyclopedic works of Mersenne (1636) and Kircher (1650). Modern organologists and reproducers of historical instruments (who might be called ‘applied organologists’) have benefited from the observations of such early scholars, particularly in cases where well-preserved original instruments are rare or nonexistent. In addition to providing practical information useful to performers and instrument makers, organologists seek to elucidate the complex, ever-changing relationships among musical style, performing practices and evolution of instruments worldwide. This study involves authenticating and dating old instruments by scientific means, discerning the methods by which instruments of different cultures have been designed and produced and investigating the many extra-musical influences – such as advances in technology and changing economic conditions – that lead to innovation and obsolescence. The symbolism and folklore of instruments are subjects that organology shares with music iconography and ethnomusicology.

Since the late 18th century, interest in instruments of all kinds has served an ethnomusicological purpose by providing a common avenue of approach to the music of diverse cultures. Guillaume André Villoteau (1759–1839) made the first scientific study of ancient Egyptian music largely on the basis of depictions of instruments in tombs and temples; later archaeological discoveries of actual if fragmentary Egyptian instruments allowed his conclusions to be refined and corrected. Organology as an academic discipline came into its own after the 19th-century development of large, permanent instrument collections in Europe and the USA. Once these repositories were established, organologists, who were often also museum curators, confronted the challenges of comprehensive classification and description. Curt Sachs's Real-Lexikon der Musikinstrumente (1913), a pioneering effort to systematize knowledge of instruments on a worldwide basis, and the widely-adopted classificatory scheme devised jointly by Sachs and Erich von Hornbostel were based on Victor-Charles Mahillon's research on instruments collected at the Brussels Conservatory beginning in the 1870s. Nicholas Bessaraboff, who in 1941 introduced the term ‘organology’ in the sense used here, applied a classification derived from Francis W. Galpin's (1910, 1937) to the collection at the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. The study of instruments per se became an important resource for comparative musicology (e.g. Hornbostel's adducing of panpipe tunings as evidence of a cultural connection between Brazil and Polynesia), but ethnomusicologists have tended to subordinate a purely object-oriented approach to a broader consideration of instruments' musical and social contexts. Especially in traditional and non-literate cultures, the shapes, materials, and decoration of instruments, no less than their sounds, convey meaning essential to their functions; seeking to understand these features, organologists might collaborate in field research with ethnologists and native informants. Efforts to interpret ancient and prehistoric sound-producing implements have thus far usually proved inconclusive or unconvincing, in part because of the difficulty of faithfully reconstructing scattered fragmentary remains. Since primitive noisemakers often served multiple purposes, the sonic function of an excavated artefact might even go unrecognized.

Recent studies of Western instruments have produced important, though sometimes controversial, results in such matters as pitch and tuning, historically appropriate string materials and the origin and dissemination of various instrument types. Technological advances, for example, in dendrochronology (the comparative study of the annual growth rings in timber and in ancient trees in order to fix dates in the past) and computer-assisted tomography (the use of scanning techniques to obtain a detailed image of a particular section or plane, of or within a solid structure or body), have broadened the scope of organological investigation and helped raise standards of connoisseurship. During the last quarter of the 20th century, John Koster and G. Grant O'Brien contributed valuable new information concerning the construction and uses of early stringed keyboard instruments, and Peter Williams explicated the obscure history of organs. Karel Moens raised fundamental questions about the authentication of antique bowed string instruments, while Herbert Heyde, a specialist in the development of woodwinds and brasses, demonstrated the relevance of geometric proportional schemes and local units of measure to instrument design. Studies such as these depend on close examination of extant instruments and primary documentary sources, including treatises, patent claims and musical compositions, as well as iconographic evidence. One striking conclusion to emerge from analysis of a wide range of data is that, contrary to common belief, major advances in instrument design often precede rather than result from musical style shifts, as innovative instrument makers, responding to general market conditions, introduce novel types having expressive potentials that might take generations for musicians to explore. The history of the piano and of the saxophone exemplify instances where, so to speak, the medium anticipated the message. Observations such as this demonstrate the power of organology to shift perceptions of music history.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

C. Sachs: Real-Lexikon der Musikinstrumente (Berlin, 1913/R, 2/1964)

E.M. von Hornbostel and C. Sachs: ‘Systematik der Musikinstrumente’, Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, xlvi (1914), 553–90; Eng. trans. in GSJ, xiv (1961), 3–29 [trans. repr. in Ethnomusicology: an Introduction, ed. H. Myers (London, 1992), 444–61]

N. Bessaraboff: Ancient European Musical Instruments: an Organological Study (Boston, 1941, 2/1964)

P. Williams: A New History of the Organ from the Greeks to the Present Day (London, 1980)

J.H. van der Meer: Musikinstrument: von der Antike bis zur Gegenwart (Munich, 1983)

H. Heyde: Musikinstrumentenbau 15. - 19. Jahrhundert: Kunst-Handwerk-Entwurf (Wiesbaden, 1986)

G. O'Brien: Ruckers: a Harpsichord and Virginal Building Tradition (Cambridge, 1990)

J. Koster: Keyboard Musical Instruments in the Museum of Fine Arts (Boston, 1994)

LAURENCE LIBIN

Organo pleno [pieno]

(It.: ‘full organ’).

Full organ has rarely, if ever, denoted that the composer has required the organist to draw every stop; since c1850 most composers other than French have left it to the organist’s discretion and the organ-bellows’ capacity.

Before that, both the term itself and the registration it indicated varied according to period and area. The 15th-century Blockwerk was itself the plenum of larger organs, from Spain to the Baltic, from Italy to the North Sea; if it were referred to in a document such as a contract, it would be called ‘Principal’. When or where this Diapason chorus was separated into several single or multiple ranks, a term such as grant jeu would indicate the total or full organ (St Michel, Bordeaux, 1510), perhaps without flutes, like the ‘compimento de l’organo’ at S Martino, Bologna (1556). (See Grand jeu.)

Plenum and the German terms volles Werk and zum gantzen Werck are chiefly 17th-century terms, referring to the Diapason chorus codified in many 16th-century sources; the last phrase, however, often means that a stop runs ‘through the whole compass’, not that it joins ‘the total chorus’. In Italy ripieno was based on single ranks excluding Flutes (Antegnati, 1608), but later examples are known to have included a Tierce rank (Trent Cathedral, 1687), as sometimes happened with the Plein jeu in France (c1620). In Spain, plé (16th century) indicated the chorus in general, lleno (17th century) the main Mixture.

From das Werck at Hagenau in 1491, which was the total chorus Mixture excluding Diapason and Zimbel, to Mattheson’s treatises of 1721, the German organ progressed towards heavier and thicker plena, including all stops except reeds, and used not so much for particular colour, like the French grands and pleins jeux, as for massive effects in preludes, toccatas, etc. Some writers, like Praetorius and Werckmeister, insisted that ‘families’ of stops should not be mixed. It is unlikely that J. S. Bach had a specific combination in mind when he asked for organum plenum, whether in 1715 or 1745; however, a contemporary organ builder, Gottfried Silbermann, directed organists to use the manual coupler but no manual reeds or Tierces in the plenum (Fraureuth, 1739).

See also Full organ and Grand choeur.

PETER WILLIAMS

Organo tedesco

(It.).

See Barrel organ.

Organ point.

An ambiguous term in English, owing its existence to the fact that it is the literal equivalent of the Latin punctus organi or organicus punctus, the German Orgelpunkt, and the French point d'orgue. Although listed in all musical dictionaries, the English term is usually avoided in practical situations in favour of the more precise ‘pedal’ or Pedal point and Pause or Fermata. Organicus punctus is found as early as Franco of Cologne (Ars cantus mensurabilis, c1260), who used it for the penultimate note of a tenor at which the regular measure is suspended. Tinctoris (Terminorum musicae diffinitorium, c1472–3) applied it to the sign of the corona, which by that time was used in various situations where it was necessary for one part to pay attention to the other parts instead of to the beat: on final notes which must be prolonged and released together, in canons, where one part might have to prolong a final note until the other parts have caught up, and in passages of block chords where each note was to be prolonged for effect (e.g. Dufay's Supremum est mortalibus).

In French, point d'orgue was applied in the 17th century to both the corona and the harmonic pedal. The latter meaning, though rare, is found in Furetière's Dictionnaire universel, which was published in 1690 (though the reference is to the usage of the mid-17th century): ‘Le point d’orgue est proprement une tenuë en Musique, et est en usage en plusieurs parties quand on veut que l'une continuë long-tems sur un même ton, tandis que les autres font différents accords'.

In the 18th century the term began to take on the additional meaning of the ornamental cadenza often demanded by the point d’orgue, whereas the meaning of harmonic pedal gradually dropped away. Cohen (JAMS, xxiv, 1971, 63–84, esp. 76) cited Etienne Loulié's use of the curious term ostinatione for pedal point in a manuscript composition treatise (before 1703). In 1844 the Escudier brothers (Dictionnaire de musique théorique et historique) defined point d'orgue simply as ‘passage brillant que fait la partie principale dans un solo’, while 19th-century treatises on fugue (Cherubini, Fétis) introduced the term pédale, which they had doubtless imported from Italy, where it is found with its modern meaning as early as 1802 (Sabbatini). 20th-century French dictionaries distinguish sharply between point d'orgue and pédale; the former never means the latter.

Orgelpunkt seems to have entered German terminology by way of French usage rather than of Latin. Early German usage prefers ‘Pausa generalis’ or ‘Corona’ for the fermata, and it is under ‘Corona’ that Walther (Musikalisches Lexikon, 1732) gave his main definition – adding, however, that ‘die Franzosen nennen es point d'orgue’. The other meaning of the French term crops up in Heinichen's explanation of a prolonged tasto solo note in figured bass (Der General-Bass, 1728), where he wrote that the French called it point d'orgue because one could hold a note with the pedals and play all sorts of ‘variations and foreign syncopations’ with both hands. By the mid-18th century the corona had come to be called Fermate (C.P.E. Bach and Quantz), and Marpurg was using point d'orgue for the pedal near the end of a fugue. By the end of the century point d'orgue had been taken over as Orgelpunkt, in which form it was defined by Sulzer (Allgemeine Theorie, 1771–4) and Koch (Musikalisches Lexikon, 1802) as a harmonic pedal, with no mention of the sign of the corona. Unfortunately, however, Koch gave point d'orgue as the French equivalent for Orgelpunkt – just when the French themselves had managed to differentiate it clearly from pédale. Thus began the confusion, which was made worse by English writers seizing upon the cognate without specifying which meaning they attached to it.

Modern French and German usage is clear: French point d'orgue means German Fermate; German Orgelpunkt means French pédale. English usage avoids ‘organ point’; ‘pause’, ‘fermata’ and ‘pedal’ are preferred.

DAVID FULLER

Organ score.

Most notably since c1750, when London publishers began issuing Handel's oratorios in two-stave reductions for solo organ, the term has denoted an abbreviated arrangement of a work for whose original instrumentation the organ stands as substitute. The practice grew in the 19th century, initially through the publications of Vincent Novello, which included organ scores of Haydn's masses. Previously, the term had two more important usages: (i) an open score (very often in four parts) of a piece of organ music, particularly of a serious or contrapuntal nature, from Frescobaldi's ricercares to Bach's Die Kunst der Fuge; (ii) an open score of a vocal or instrumental work accompanied by the organ which reproduces the sung parts. Organ-basses of the 1590s, and hence figured basso continuo parts of the next decade, are as it were shorthand organ scores, indicating harmonies rather than exact parts, though these were considered the ideal realization (Viadana, 1602). Banchieri (1607) recommended score or tablature even in works for which he supplied a so-called basso seguente part. Such organ scores as are literal in the sense of (ii) above became increasingly common from c1550 (Juan Bermudo, 1555) and serve as a church equivalent to the simple instrumental scores of contemporary secular music (e.g. Malvezzi's solo numbers in the Intermedii of 1591). The Italian term is Partitura, the German frequently Tabulatura (Scheidt, 1624; Klemme, 1631), not to be confused with Orgeltabulatur.

PETER WILLIAMS (with CHRISTOPHER KENT)

Organ stop

(Fr. jeu, registre; Ger. Register, Stimme).

A rank of organ pipes of a specific construction, colour or pitch; also sometimes used to refer to the knob or tablet controlling a specific rank of pipes. With regard to construction and tone-colour, organ stops fall into four basic ‘families’: principals or diapasons (the ranks of flue pipes that provide the basic ‘organ tone’), flutes (flue pipes of various constructions but wider-scaled), strings (narrow-scaled flue pipes), and reeds (differing from the other three categories in that the sound is produced by a beating metal tongue). For a full discussion of pipework see Organ, §III. Compound stops (Mixture, Zimbel, Fourniture, Sesquialtera, etc.) consist of several higher-pitched ranks under a single control, usually ‘breaking back’ to lower pitches from the middle of the compass upward. Mutation stops are single higher-pitched ranks at 5th and 3rd pitches used to colour ensembles by reinforcing a particular harmonic; the more higher-pitched mutations also usually break back towards the top of their compass (see Mutation stop). Compound and mutation stops may belong to any of the three flue categories and are never used without a suitable foundation (i.e. a flue stop of 8' pitch, occasionally 4', 2' or 16').

Just as the term ‘stop’ is of uncertain origin and meaning, so the many stop names have a complex history and usage: the evolution of stop names naturally reflects the evolution of the organ as a complex instrument. During the 15th century in northern France, the Netherlands and the Rhineland, such terms as ‘Principal’ were used to indicate the basic sound of the organ, the pleno chorus; and the case pipes (Prestant, Montre, Doif, etc.) were increasingly specified in sources, they being the first ranks to be separated off from the chorus in a big church organ. In most cases large secular organs, which had a longer tradition for separate and sometimes highly colourful ranks, have no associated verbal descriptions that specify names. By 1500, builders were making many kinds of pipes and almost without exception giving them the names of instruments or sounds which they were thought to imitate (Trumpet, Horn, Recorder, Gemshorn, etc.), sometimes picturesquely so (Old Women’s Voice, Nightingale). It is misleading to assume that the 19th-century liking for orchestral effects was in itself a sign of decadence in organ building, since the practice dates back to the Renaissance. The exceptions to these instrumental names were important, since they usually indicated the construction of pipes concerned and were thus intrinsic to the organ as an independent instrument (Gedackt, Hohlflöte, Spitzflöte, etc.). The origin of some stop names is particularly difficult to understand, including those that appear to be words taken from other contexts – musical (Diapason), architectural (Trompes), theoretical (Sesquialtera) or even onomatopoeic (Bourdon). In some cases, notably Trompes and Bourdons, it is not clear whether the use of the term in the organ context precedes any other. By the end of the 16th century, names in all countries and languages had become regular and reliable as indications of a stop’s purpose, if not always of its tone; whether such names remained in the builder’s contracts or were actually written on stop labels at the organ is less clear. Labels were hardly necessary, for instance, on Italian and English organs, and remained uncommon on chamber organs until the late 18th century.

The great organ theorists and those giving lists of specifications, such as Praetorius, Mattheson, Bédos de Celles and Hopkins, gave a somewhat misleading impression of the uniformity and reliability of stop names. Readers of Praetorius, for instance, are led to believe not only that the names of the many Regal stops were neatly codified but also that such stops were more important – i.e. common over a wider area and for a longer time – than was indeed the case. Certainly written reports must always have increased the interest of organists and builders in new or foreign stops, particularly perhaps in those cases where writers expressed doubt as to the success of a certain builder in imitating such sounds as the human voice, sea waves, orchestral horn and so on. Few stops new in name, sound or construction originated during the 18th century, and many of those so popular in the 19th century (overblowing stops, string-scale flues) were known in some form in the 17th.

The definitions or descriptions that follow have been compiled with certain points in mind: (a) transliterations of stop names (e.g. Kwinta for Quinte) are not given, nor Nordic variants of German names (e.g. Spetsfloït for Spitzflöte) unless they indicate a different kind of stop (e.g. Baarpijp and Bärpfeife); (b) a short phrase indicates the family of stops which a name indicates, flue or reed, open, closed or semi-closed, metal or wood; two stops of the same name can have a different combination of such factors, as they can also serve quite different purposes from organ to organ (chorus/solo; principal/flute/mutation); (c) examples are taken from typical instruments, and no attempt has been made to list every maker’s fanciful name or wayward invention; (d) examples may refer to a stop whose pipes are constructed in the manner normally associated with the name even when the builder’s own term is unknown; (e) only a few names are included of those families of stops invented at different periods for purposes of little relevance to idiomatic organ music, particularly Renaissance and Baroque toy stops (birds, tinkling bells, etc.), late 18th-century free reeds of the harmonium type, late 19th-century high-pressure flue or valvular reed stops; (f) stop types with names in several languages (e.g. Querflöte, Flauto traverso) are entered under the most commonly used name unless a difference in construction is implied (e.g. Nachthorn, Cor de nuit).

Cross-references within this article are indicated in the form ‘See under Cornett’; cross-references to other articles are in the usual form ‘See Cornett’.

Aeolina, Aeoline. (1) A narrow metal flue stop of soft tone first found in Germany c1820, and still found in many modern organs.

(2) A free reed of gentle tone, invented c1815 (?by Eschenbach) and popular in central Germany (Schulze etc.).

(3) With free reeds with derived names: ‘Claveoline’ 8' or 16', sometimes with wooden resonators (by Beyer, c1820), ‘Aeolodikon’ 16' (Walcker, c1840).

Baarpijp (Dutch). (1) Barem was a soft Gedackt stop during Praetorius’s period (c1620).

(2) ‘Baarpyp’ at Haarlem (1735–8) and other Dutch organs of that period was a soft stop of tapered pipes. In earlier sources (from the late 16th century), often the same as Quintadena. The name may come from baar (Middle Dutch: ‘bright’) or barem (‘to scream’), or from the German Baar (‘pole’ or ‘rod’). But see under Bärpfeife.

Bajete, Bajón (Sp.). Late 17th-century Spanish reeds: a 4' Bajete was gentle in tone, often a bass-half stop only, sometimes en chamade (projecting from the case front); Bajón was an 8' Bassoon stop (the 4' version called ‘Bajoncillo’), stronger in tone, usually with flaring metal resonators. ‘Bajoncillo y Clarín’ was a single 4' rank in two halves.

Bärpfeife (?Ger., ?Dutch). A reed stop of the mid-16th century (name first used by Niehoff ?c1540), the predecessor of Regal stops with fanciful resonators, strong in tone. The term probably has nothing to do with growling bears, however coarse the tone.

Bassflute. A 19th-century 8' pedal stop, usually of stopped wood (like the 16' Bourdon), sometimes open; ‘Flötenbass’ is an older German equivalent, of various constructions.

Basson (Fr.). See under Fagotto.

Bassoon. (1) An English reed stop of quiet tone, once found frequently from c1680 onwards (R. Harris), particularly on the Chair organ; most examples probably had small-scaled flaring resonators.

(2) An English 19th-century reed stop, usually called Fagotto, of the same construction but at 16' pitch on the Swell organ.

(3) A French 18th- and 19th-century reed stop (Basson), serving as the bass half to a treble Hautbois.

(4) On 19th-century English and American organs, the separately drawing bass octave of an Oboe or Hautboy.

Bauernflöte (Ger.: ‘peasant’s fife’). A penetrating 2' or 1' flue stop of open wide scale, sometimes stopped or as a Chimney Flute, found especially in the Brabant organ of c1550, the Fritzsche-Compenius organ of c1620 and organs of Saxony c1690; popular as a 1' solo pedal stop for cantus firmus music.

Bazuin (Dutch). See under Posaune.

Bell Diapason (Fr. flûte à pavillon). Originating in France in the 1840s, it has cylindrical pipes with a flaring cone soldered at the top; a loud Flute.

Bell Gamba. A tapered flue stop of 16' or 8' with a short, conical section at the top of the pipes, found on 19th-century continental and American organs.

Bifara, Biffaro. (1) A double Flute whose pipes have a dividing wall and two mouths at different heights, producing a soft tremulant sound; it was popular in south Germany and Austria from c1660.

(2) In Walcker’s organs (c1830) a double rank of 8' stopped and 4' open, producing a soft, string-like tone.

Blockflöte (Ger.). A wide conical metal flue stop imitating the recorder; it can be open, closed or overblowing (c1620), sometimes made of oak (late 17th-century Friesland and England), usually at 4' pitch.

Blockwerk (Ger.; Dutch blokwerk). Not strictly a stop name, it denotes the undivided chest of the medieval organ based on a ‘double Principal’ without other ‘stops’ separated off. See Blockwerk.

Bocktremulant (Ger.). See under Tremulant.

Bombardon (Fr. bombarde; Ger. Bomhard, Pommer). (1) In France, the basic manual or pedal 16' reed, from at least 1587 (Arras), of importance to the larger French classical organs, with strong tone, metal or wood resonators and sometimes its own keyboard (Notre Dame, Paris, 1733).

(2) ‘Pombarda’, according to Praetorius, was a 16' or 8' reed of strong tone and two-thirds length resonators.

(3) ‘Bombarda’ signified long pedal reeds on the enlarged Italian organ of c1820 (Serassi).

(4) ‘Bombardon’ was the name given to a rather mild-toned English Bombarde of c1850.

Bourdon (Fr.). (1) The earliest ‘Barduni’ were low-compass bass pipes not always played by keys but sometimes held on as a drone by a kind of latch (Arnaut de Zwolle, c1440) (see under Trompes).

(2) Occasionally, ‘Perduyn’ or ‘Pardoenen’ indicated case-front pipes (c1550), more often inside pipes an octave below the case pipes.

(3) The most important use of the term was for the stopped pipes of either 16' or 8' pitch in the French organ from the 17th century onwards. The scaling was narrow to medium – stopped wood for lower octaves, stopped or chimneyed metal for the upper – and such stops had a broad musical application.

(4) A medium- to large-scale 16' manual or pedal stop of stopped wood, often found in English and American organs from c1820 onwards.

Buzain (Dutch). See under Posaune.

Campanello (It.). (1) See under Carillon.

(2) A high repeating wide-scaled mutation, giving a bell-like effect (England, Germany, c1850).

Carillon. Various stops achieving bell-like effects. (1) Real bells of 4' or 2' pitch, played by hands or feet, on many organs, especially in central and south Germany from 1737–50 onwards; there were trackers to small striking hammers.

(2) A common Italian stop of the same type, popular in the early 19th century.

(3) A Dutch Tierce Mixture found c1750–1850 as a kind of Echo Cornet.

Celeste. See under Unda maris and Voix céleste.

Celestina. (1) A soft 4' open wood Flute, sometimes found in English organs after the middle of the 19th century.

(2) In late 19th-century American organs, often a soft 4' string.

Chalumeau (Fr.). (1) The same as Schalmei in some German sources of the 18th century.

(2) A small-scaled flaring reed stop in central Germany c1750, sometimes cylindrical.

Cheio (Port.). A chorus Mixture of the same type as Compuestas de lleno (Sp.).

Chimney Flute (Fr. flûte à cheminée; Ger. Rohrflöte; It. flauto a camino; Sp. espigueta). The name of an important pipe form known throughout Europe. The pipes are ‘half-stopped’, the metal canisters or stoppers pierced to allow a narrow tube to pass through. The length and width of the tube have varied from builder to builder. The resultant tone is very charming, the stopped Flute sound modified by several faint overtones. The pipe form probably originated in the Rhineland at the end of the 15th century; some early Netherlandish examples were called ‘Hohlflöte’ in the sources. Praetorius noted that such stops could be at 16', 8', 4', 2' and even 1'; Adlung (1768) added the mutations: 102/3', 51/3', 22/3' and 11/3'. In France and Spain certain pipes (e.g. the lower octaves) in a Flute rank might be Chimney Flutes, as could a complete rank in Cornets; Mersenne (1636–7) noted that the length of tube affected the sound. Some early 20th-century builders, especially in the USA, made use of internal, inverted chimneys, thought to be more stable.

Chirimía (Sp.). A kind of 4' or 2' Schalmei, imitating the shawm in 17th- and 18th-century organs, sometimes en chamade.

Choralbass, Choralflöte (Ger.). An open metal or wood 4' Flute found on the pedals of 17th- and 18th-century German organs for playing cantus firmus melodies; rarely an open manual 8' Flute.

Cimbala (Sp.), Cimball (Eng.). See under Zimbel.

Clairon (Fr.). See under Clarion.

Clarabella. The early 19th-century English and American name for an open wood Flute (used by Bishop, c1825), often in the treble only, originally replacing an 18th-century mounted Cornet and useful for solos.

Claribel Flute, Claribel. A mid-19th-century name for a fairly strong Great organ 4' Flute (Willis, c1860), sometimes harmonic for the top octave; it is also often found at 8' pitch in late 19th- and early 20th-century English and Australian organs.

Clarín (Sp.). Spanish Trumpets of various kinds, originating mostly in the later 17th century. (1) An 8' Clarín was a standard Trumpet, vertical inside the organ or horizontal at the case front. ‘Real’ Trumpets (Clarines, Trompetas) were usually vertical (not horizontal), the name indicating ‘real’ in the sense of ‘full-length resonators’; but by c1750 ‘Trompeta Real’ often meant ‘royal trumpet’.

(2) ‘Clarín de eco’ was a smaller-scaled Trumpet in an Echo or Swell box.

(3) ‘Clarín fuerte [suave]’: a strong [soft] Trumpet. Both the strong and soft stops had flaring tin resonators.

(4) Clarines usually indicates a 2' reed of soft Trumpet tone, sometimes a bass-half stop only.

(5) ‘Clarín de batalla’, ‘Clarín de compaña’: military-like Trumpet stops en chamade.

Clarinet. A reed stop of many different types and purposes. (1) Clarinette (little Clarín) was a Spanish Regal, sometimes en chamade, found in the heyday of Iberian organs (c1750).

(2) Clarinetto: an Italian Regal (18th century); or a German pedal Clarin 2' stop (c1830) or 4' (c1775).

(3) Clarinetto was occasionally a clarinet-imitating reed stop (c1790, south Germany).

(4) ‘Clarinet’, ‘Clarionet’ or ‘Cremona’ are names frequently found in English and American Choir organs from the early 19th century onwards. Having cylindrical resonators, such stops are related to the Cromorne [Krummhorn].

Clarino (It.). See under Clarion.

Clarion (Ger.; Fr. clairon; It. clarino). Reed stops. (1) A 4' Clairon is a French chorus Trumpet, supplementary to the Trompette 8', common on the main manual from at least c1580, and as such found elsewhere both in frenchified organs (England, Alsace) and those quite independent (central Germany).

(2) Clarino: a rare Italian Trumpet, of metal or wood; Trombetta and Clarone were other Italian terms used here and there from c1600.

(3) see under Clarín.

Claron (Sp.). A Nasardos or Tierce Mixture.

Compensationsmixtur. See under Mixture.

Compuestas (Sp.). A Mixture or Lleno, like the Fourniture but more varied in content.

Contra (Lat.). Used with the meaning ‘an octave below’: found especially in the latinized stop-lists of c1800. (1) Contrebasses were 19th-century French strong-toned pedal stops imitating the double bass (Cavaillé-Coll).

(2) Contrabass more generally indicates a (pedal) stop an octave below the open Principal.

(3) Contras are Spanish pedal ranks of open or stopped pipes, often without their own stop-knob; thus Contras en Bombardas denotes the 16' pedal Bombarde.

Coppel, Koppel (Ger.; Lat. copula). (1) A coupler.

(2) A stopped 16', 8' or 4' rank in eastern Europe, sometimes called ‘Koppelflöte’. In many organs, the equivalent of the Gedackt, and made of metal or wood. However, some Koppelflötes, especially in modern organs, are cylindrical metal stops, having a cone-shaped top, and usually of 4' pitch.

(3) Coppel elsewhere sometimes indicates a Gemshorn, Spillflöte or even Principal (c1540), probably so called because it was coupled to or drawn with Principals, Flutes or reeds.

Cor anglais (Fr.; It. corno inglese). 19th-century reed stop with narrow resonators shaped like the orchestral instrument (c1850); in Italy the stop is older (used by Serassi, c1820) and of coarser tone, and has wide, cylindrical resonators.

Cor de nuit (Fr.). An open or stopped flue rank of wide scale, at 8', 4' or 2', found in French organs c1850 and in those in England and the USA that they influenced, where it is usually anglicized to ‘Night Horn’.

Cornamusa (It.). A Regal toy stop once common (c1600) and producing the drone sound of two held reed pipes, thus leaving the hands free to play ‘zampogna’ or ‘musette’ music.

Cornet (Eng., Fr.; It. cornetto, corneta; Sp. corneta). Various stops imitating the Cornett. (1) A very important French solo Mixture stop, one to three examples of which were found on every classical organ from 1650 to 1850; it was treble only, from c', with five wide-scaled ranks (1.8.12.15.17) often placed on their own small chests (‘mounted Cornet’) from c1640. Examples during the second half of the 16th century were often given a distinguishing name, such as ‘Cornetz à boucquin’, ‘Nachthorn’, ‘Cornet d’Allemagne’, or stop ‘imitating the zink’. The term is not to be confused with the organ stop Cornett, though sources are often unclear on this point. Also an important stop in 18th-century English organs.

(2) Cornetto and Corneta were Italian Flute mutation ranks, from c1680 – primo might be the Tierce, secondo the Nasard, terzo the Quarte de nasard, etc.

(3) Spanish Cornet stops (‘Corneta clara’, ‘reale’, ‘tolosana’, i.e. ‘from Toulouse’) were also common but not so stereotyped in pipe content.

(4) Cornets often had fewer ranks in the late 19th and early 20th centuries (two-rank Cornettin in Sweden), or were built up of string-scaled pipes (France, England, USA).

Cornett, Kornett (Ger.). A reed stop imitating the Zink or Cornett, usually in the pedals, of 4' or 2' pitch, and found throughout central and northern Germany from 1600 to 1800. Praetorius noted that the flaring resonators are only just longer than those of the ‘Trichterregal’. ‘Singende Kornette’ were so called partly because of the smooth tone, partly because such stops were used for melodic cantus firmus lines.

Corno (It.). A name found fairly frequently for various stops. (1) Italian Cornetto, a reed stop in old sources.

(2) Corno dolce is either a soft reed stop (built by Serassi, c1810) probably developed from Venetian Regals, or a wide Flute stop in Italy (c1750–1900), sometimes in the form of an inverted cone.

(3) Corno di bassetto, like the Corno inglese, is an imitative reed stop of the 19th century, with cylindrical resonators (used by Willis).

Corno inglese (It.). See under Cor anglais.

Cornopean. An English reed stop (Hill, Willis) imitating the cornet à pistons, of rather thin tone and 8' pitch, found in Swell divisions after the middle of the 19th century.

Cremona. See under Cromorne.

Cromorne (Fr.; Ger. Krummhorn). Reed stops imitating the crumhorn; later versions of the name (Cormorne, Cremona) are corrupt. (1) German Krummhorn stops were of varied construction (Praetorius, 2/1619): they had metal or wood resonators and were open or stopped, short or half-length, cylindrical, double-cone-shaped, etc.

(2) French Cromornes appeared somewhat later, i.e. late in the 16th century, becoming the standard Positiv reed in the classical organ; usually they had medium-scaled, cylindrical, half-length, metal resonators. The tone was modified as builders in c1800 began to make it resemble the clarinet.

(3) English Cremona stops date from c1680 and presumably copied French models. They were fairly narrow in scale and appeared in English and American organs until superseded by the Clarinet in the mid-19th century.

Cymbal, Cymbale. See under Zimbel.

Decem, Decima (It.: ‘tenth’). A mutation rank sounding the 10th or 17th; largely a theorist’s term (Samber, 1704–7; Adlung, 1768).

Diapason (?Gk.). (1) Octave stops, sounding an octave above the case pipes, according to theorists (Werckmeister, 1705; Hess, 1774); found in organs with graecized stop names c1790.

(2) In England, the term may have denoted Trompes in c1500, but by 1613 it had its present meaning of Open Diapason (main Principal (or foundation) rank, usually 8') and Stopped Diapason (Gedackt). As a term, ‘Diapason’ may be derived from Dutch Doif (c1450) and only later taking on a quasi-Greek form. As a registration direction ‘Diapasons’ is an indication to use the Stopped Diapason, whose mild but harmonically rich tone has a strong emphasis on the quint, to colour the Open Diapason. English builders prided themselves on their Diapason tone, Renatus Harris’s examples (c1690) being already richer than those of his French models.

Diaphone. One of Hope-Jones’s valvular reeds, useful in cinema organs. The construction was also adapted to create a powerful nautical fog signal, the ‘fog horn’. See Organ, §III, 4.

Diez (Sp.: ‘ten’). Hence ‘Diez y novena’ is the 19th or Larigot 11/3' (sometimes chorus Quint).

Doef, Doif, Doff, Doof (Dutch). Terms denoting the Principal stop in those early sources that used the word ‘Prinzipal’ to mean ‘plenum’ or main chorus, from c1450; e.g. ‘le prestant ou doeuf’ at Namur, 1598. Spellings are sometimes confusing, e.g. Praetorius’s ‘Doiflöte’ is a Doppelflöte, not a Doef.

Dolcan (Ger.). See under Tolkaan.

Dolce (It.; Fr. douce). The verbal coincidence of Dolce, Dolcan, Dulciana and Dulzian has led to much confusion; probably all terms derive from Dulcis, a stop with ‘sweet’ tone. Dolce or Flauto dolce was common for any soft stop from c1600 to 1800, whether wood or metal, and whether narrow and cylindrical or conical. Adlung gave other spellings and versions: Dulzfloit, Dolzflöte, Dulceflöt, Süssflöte.

Doppelflöte (Ger.). A fairly large-scaled Flute with two mouths, differing from the earlier Bifara in that it has no dividing wall. Late 19th-century German and American examples are of stopped wooden pipes with a powerful fundamental tone; the stoppers are occasionally bored.

Double. A prefix indicating pitch an octave lower than usual (Double Trumpet, Double Diapason).

Doublette (Fr.). The 2' Principal rank of the French classical organ. The name was often used in the larger organs of the more cosmopolitan English builders of c1860, under the influence of Cavaillé-Coll’s large 2' ranks.

Douce (Fr.). See under Dolce.

Dulcian, Dulciana. Gentle flue stops of various form, found in the non-Latin countries of Europe from at least c1640, and in name deriving presumably from dulcis (‘sweet’). Early examples in Austria and hence, through Snetzler, in England, were as likely to have been small-scaled Dolcan stops in the form of an inverted cone as the narrow, small-mouthed, miniature Diapason ranks familiar in most 19th-century organs, either as single ranks or in Mixtures. The earlier examples, especially c1725, seem mostly to have been at 4', not 8'; by the mid-19th century, 16' stops were also found in larger English organs, particularly on the Choir manual.

Dulzian (Ger.; Dutch dulciaan; Sp. dulcayna; Cz. dulceon). A reed stop of fairly gentle tone, with cylindrical resonators incorporating a conical foot, of 16' (pedal, manual) or 8' (secondary manuals), found in the Netherlands and north Germany. Early forms of the name were Touzyn, Toussein, Douseynen (c1510), showing a different origin from Dolcan–Tolkaan, despite Praetorius’s confusion. Some Dulzians had fanciful resonators, some were similar to Cromornes. Iberian Dulcaynas were short conical reeds (c1740), often en chamade below the Trompetas, closer as an imitation of the medieval instrument Dolzaina than the northern types.

Echo. (1) A small-scaled Cornet in many 18th-century German organs.

(2) A prefix indicating a soft colour-stop (Echo Flute, Echo Gamba, etc.) in 18th- and 19th-century organs throughout northern Europe.

English Horn. An imitative, double-belled reed stop, developed in the 1920s by the American builder Skinner; it is smoother in tone than the older Cor anglais, and different in construction.

Erzähler (Ger.: ‘narrator’). A narrow, tapered flue stop of soft tone, developed by Skinner in the early 20th century and still popular with American organ builders; it is often accompanied by a Celeste rank.

Espigueta (Sp.). See under Chimney Flute.

Euphone. One of the free reeds invented c1820 and found on French and Italian organs, often with no resonators.

Faberton (?Ger.). Possibly a corruption of ‘faburden’, but apparently a stop producing a high, tinkling, bell-like tone, perhaps a Mixture (c1490), a high Principal rank (c1550) or a high, wide mutation stop (c1700).

Fagotto (Fr. basson; Dutch, Ger. Fagott). (1) The German 16' or 8' Fagotto was a fairly soft-toned reed with long narrow resonators, from c1575 onwards; it could be open, stopped (Niedt, 2/1721), or fanciful in shape (Praetorius, 2/1619).

(2) ‘Basson’ by Bédos de Celles’ period (c1775) was a French reed with short conical pipes, sometimes capped with a double cone.

(3) In Italy, a rare wooden Regal (c1675); in Spain, a short reed with half-length resonators, sometimes en chamade; in England, the name occurs only in the bigger organs c1860 for a narrow conical 16' Swell reed.

Feldpfeife, Feldtrompete (Ger.). ‘Feld’ here means ‘field’ in the military sense. (1) A narrow, open flue stop of assertive Flute tone, usually at 2' or 1', found occasionally in 17th-century German organs.

(2) The German imitative Trumpet, not en chamade as in Spain but often held in the case vertically; others were interior Trumpets, all of a thin, strong tone.

Fernflöte (Ger.: ‘far-away flute’). Found in a few English and American Echo organs, in imitation of the Kronwerk Flutes of south Germany c1750 or (more directly) their successors in the large organs of c1840.

Fiffaro (It.). See under Bifara and Piffaro.

Fifteenth. The Principal 2' rank on English organs (any manual), so called from at least c1610, although early contracts qualify it as ‘small principal’. See also Superoctave.

Flachflöte (Ger.). Probably a corruption of ‘flageolet-flute’ rather than ‘flat-flute’ (i.e. one made of wide, shallow, wooden pipes). The name was used for several pipe forms: 8', 4' or 2' conical pipes (Praetorius, 2/1619), perhaps like a Spillflöte (Zang, 1829), with strong, round tone.

Flageolet (Fr.). See under Flachflöte. (1) Also a name very common in 19th-century England (used by Willis) for a round, wide, rather discreet rank of metal 2' pipes.

(2) French Flageolets of the early 17th century were usually 1' or 11/3' ranks of open cylindrical pipes (see under Larigot).

Flautado (Sp.). The Principal or Diapason pipes, 32', 16' or 8' (52, 26 and 13 palmos) in the organs of Spain, Roussillon, etc., from c1475. The name probably originated in Flauto, etc., but later became more specific: ‘Flautado de violon’, the Spanish Gedackt rank (usually of wood) in the 17th and 18th centuries; ‘Flautadito’, the 4' Principal or Octave stop.

Flautino (It.). 19th-century name in Germany, England, USA, etc., for a soft 2' open Flute.

Flauto (It.). See under Flute.

Flauto a camino (It.). See under Chimney Flute.

Flötenbass (Ger.) See under Bassflute.

Flute (Fr. Flûte; Ger. flöte; It. flauto). Originally a generic term for foundation stops (organ pipes other than the Mixtures) when the Blockwerk was divided into ‘stops’; later a word applied throughout Europe to stopped or open pipes of 8' or 4' (as in 18th-century England) or to colour-stops with prefixes denoting shape (Spitzflöte, etc.), sound (Sifflöte, etc.) or function (Flûte majeur, etc.). Thus ‘driifach fleiten’ at Hagenau in 1491 indicated the three-rank Principal (8' 8' 4'); ‘verdeckt floutwerk’ indicated the Gedackts at the abbey church Einsiedeln in 1558; ‘flauto coperto’ indicated a stopped Flute rank (a Nasard 22/3') at Orvieto Cathedral in 1591; and ‘flauto reale’ an open Flute rank in Venetian organs c1800. Other terms would indicate department (‘flûte de pédale’ was an 8' or 4' stop in the French classical organ, sometimes stopped, but usually an 8' open metal stop of principal quality), construction (‘flûte à fusée’ was a Spitzflöte at Bordeaux, 1627), imitation (‘flûte a neuf trous’, the 16th-century French Recorder stop), compass (‘dessus de flûte’, a treble, open, imitative Flute stop of French organs c1740), etc. In addition, there were many attempts at imitating the recorder or transverse flute, usually specified in the name, e.g. ‘Flauto allemano’ or ‘travesiera’ in Spain, ‘Querflöte’ or ‘flauto traverso’ in Germany, ‘flûte d’amour’ in 18th- and 19th-century organs anywhere; on the other hand, ‘Flet’ was the usual eastern European name for stopped ranks of ordinary 4' or 8' Gedackt type. Some of the flute imitations were highly ingenious, involving overblowing (central Germany, c1610; France and England, c1850), fanciful construction or exotic woods (south Germany, c1725; southern Italy, c1725; the Netherlands, c1775), and in some cases with conduits leading the air under pressure to strike a flute-like lip in the pipe mouth (Westphalia and Spain, c1775, and some 19th-century orchestrions and 20th-century ‘symphonic’ organs. See also under Querflöte.).

Flute à cheminée (Fr.). See under Chimney Flute.

Flûte à pavillon (Fr.). Used c1850 for a large-scaled metal 8' flue stop, whose cylindrical pipes are capped by inverted conical pavillons; found in some large organs c1875–1925. It is of wider scale and smoother tone than the similarly constructed Bell Diapason.

Flûte d’amour (Fr.). A mild 4' Flute of wood, sometimes stopped, often found in American organs from the late 19th century onwards. It probably derives from the 18th-century central German Flauto amabile, usually a 4' open flute.

Flûte harmonique (Fr.). The term was first used by Cavaillé-Coll, and hence his disciples in England and the USA, to describe the large-scaled, open, metal Flute rank of 8' or 4' pitch. A small hole is bored halfway along each pipe cylinder and the resulting 1st harmonic tone is strong. It is sometimes anglicized as ‘Harmonic Flute’.

Flûte Triangulaire. Name given by E.M. Skinner to a softly voiced, three-sided, open, wood stop, usually at 8' pitch. Stops of this type, although not so named, can be found at 4' and 2' pitch from the 1860s onward.

Fourniture (Fr.). The basic French Mixture stop, its name probably derived from the fact that in the 16th century, when the higher pitches were being separated from the foundations of the Blockwerk, it ‘furnished’ the higher pitches to the chorus; see also under Mixture. In the typical 18th-century organ, the Fourniture broke back only once in each octave, the Cymbale (see under Zimbel) twice. The term was also to be found in England in the organs of the French-influenced Renatus Harris (c1680 onwards), where, however, they frequently contained a Tierce rank, particularly by c1740.

French Horn. An imitative reed stop, made in England and the USA c1875–1950, often of high-pressure reeds with thick tongues; also occasionally found in 18th-century England, where the pipes took the form of a large-scaled, smoothly-voiced Trumpet.

Fugara. A term derived from Slav words for a shepherd’s pipe (e.g. Polish fujara) and denoting a soft, rather slow-speaking string-toned stop of 8' or 4'; first known in 17th-century Silesia, soon after in Bohemia, Austria, Switzerland, Swabia, etc. The pipes were usually long, narrow, cylindrical and metal, but slightly tapered forms were also known – both types reminiscent of the German Viola da gamba stop.

Gaitas (Sp.). A Regal with short resonators, imitating the bagpipe with its thin, nasal but quiet tone, known in Spain from c1600.

Gamba. See under Viola da gamba and Geigen.

Gedackt (Ger.). A rank of ‘stopped’ pipes, usually of wood; more specifically the Stopped Diapason of German organs, in Austria called Coppel, in France Bourdon, etc. In England the term was first used c1850 in connection with the narrow-scaled Lieblich Gedackt.

Geigen (Ger.). A ‘string-toned’ or narrow-scaled stop, usually of open metal pipes, found in central Germany c1620 and becoming indispensable in all national types of 19th-century organ. ‘String-toned’ is only a comparative or analogous term. The Geigen Diapason of the 19th century is a narrow-scaled Principal.

Gemshorn (Ger.). A sharply tapering, wide metal Flute stop, with a tone between that of flute and string (more towards the flute) and known from at least 1500 in the Rhineland, where it imitated the Gemshorn. The shape and tone were more widely known than the name, and many mutation stops in France and Spain have pipes of this kind. 19th-century organs have narrower, more string-toned Gemshorn stops than the classic ranks of 16', 8', 4', 2', 51/3', 22/3' and 11/3' noted by Praetorius; the modern Gemshorn is almost always of 8' or 4' pitch.

Glockenspiel (Ger.). Usually a row of steel, copper or bronze bars hit by hammers activated by pedals or the keys of a secondary manual; in organs of 1720 (Swabia, Silesia, Saxony) of soprano or bass compass only, in organs of the 1920s often complete. See under Carillon. Some Glockenspiels were called ‘Stahlspiel’ (‘steel instrument’).

Gravissima (Lat.). A 64' ‘Acoustic Bass’ stop whose tone was produced by a 32' pipe sounding with a softer pipe of 211/3'; made by several 19th-century builders (Schulze, Willis, Walcker).

Gross. A prefix generally indicating a stop of large scale (Grossflöte, Gross Gamba), but also applied to a mutation stop pitched an octave lower than usual (Gross Tierce).

Harfa, Harfe, Harp. (1) A Regal toy stop found on some 16th-century organs, probably giving a kind of bagpipe drone effect. Some complete Regal ranks of 16' or 8' were also so called, in central Germany (Harfenregal) c1620, Spain c1750, etc.

(2) A marimba-like percussion stop found in early 20th-century organs, especially residence and cinema organs.

Harmonia, Harmonika. Although these terms occasionally appear in early contracts, they were chiefly used by certain 19th-century builders for soft stops of various kinds: Harmonia aetheria, a soft Echo Mixture as in Schulze’s instruments; Harmonika, a soft open flue stop of indeterminate tone (Walcker) or a free-reed stop (c1830).

Hautbois, Hautboy, Oboe. Like Cornet, Hautbois has indicated stops of several kinds over the centuries, all presumably imitating the instrument which itself changed and inspired builders in various ways. (1) In early 16th-century French organs, Hautbois was probably a registration (i.e. Flutes and mutations), not a stop; by c1600 the stop called Hautboy-Cornet was probably a strong-toned reed stop.

(2) The French classical Hautbois originated as a soft récit Trompette, with small-scaled flaring metal resonators; called ‘French Schalmei’ by Mattheson, and found on most French organs and those they influenced elsewhere, notably England (Harris).

(3) In Germany, stops of this name had various constructions, from fanciful Regals to small-scaled Schalmeien.

(4) 19th-century attempts to imitate the tone varied from free reeds (c1840, France, central Germany) to the ubiquitous, ultimately French-inspired English Swell Oboe.

Hintersatz (Ger.). The ranks of pipes ‘placed behind’ the case pipes in the late medieval organ, thus one of the names of the Mixture of the Blockwerk remaining when the Prestants were separated off. Schlick (1511) assumed that it would contain at least 16–18 ranks. To some extent, the name remained as an occasional alternative for ‘Mixtur’.

Hohlflöte, Hohlpfeife (Ger.; Dutch holpijp). (1) Rather wide, open, cylindrical metal pipes between Principal and Nachthorn in scale, found in organs of central and north Germany from c1500. The name is probably derived not from hohl (‘hollow’) but from Holunder (‘elder-tree’; see under Salicet). Many German contracts of the 18th century confuse Hol, Hohl and Holz (wood) as stop-name prefixes, and the popular 19th-century stop can usually be assumed to be of wooden pipes.

(2) During the 16th century, the name in its various forms often indicated a stopped rank of wide scale (Rhineland, south Germany). In the Netherlands, it might be a Gedackt, Rohrflöte or even Quintatön, many 18th-century examples being simple stopped Flutes.

Horn, Hörnli (Ger.). (1) Several kinds of imitative reed stop (see under French Horn).

(2) Suffix for a group of stop names (Gemshorn, Nachthorn), like the related term ‘Cornet’ popular with 16th-century builders expanding organ colours.

(3) More specifically, the Hörnli was a 16th-century stop found in the upper and lower Rhineland, composed of the same ranks as stops elsewhere called Cornet and Sesquialtera, i.e. a solo (or solo and chorus) Tierce Mixture.

(4) Horn Diapason was a late 19th-century stop whose Diapason-scaled pipes had a vertical slot cut at the top and back, which influenced the tone.

Kalkant (Ger.). An accessory stop-lever found in Germany over the centuries, which when pulled caused a bell to ring and communicated with the bellows-blower. Similar devices were found in all countries until mechanical blowing was introduced in the late 18th century.

Keraulophon. A quasi-Greek term invented by Gray in c1820 to denote a stop type long known by other builders, i.e. a quiet, reedy-toned 8' Flute stop. The pipes usually have a hole near the top.

Kinura. A keen-toned reed stop with very narrow, cylindrical resonators, often used in cinema organs.

Koppel (Ger.). See under Coppel.

Kornett (Ger.). See under Cornett.

Krummhorn. See under Cromorne.

Kuckuck (Ger.). See under Vogelgesang.

Kützialflöte (Ger.). An open Flute of 4', 2' or sometimes 1' pitch, occasionally found on German organs from Praetorius onwards, evidently imitating a Slav instrument (cewzial: ‘flute’).

Larigot (Fr.). A term possibly derived from ‘l’arigot’ (‘flageolet’ – cf haricot) and used in the 16th century (and hence the later French classical organ in general) to denote the 11/3' wide mutation rank found in large and small organs and used for both chorus and solo registrations. Outside France, other terms like Superquinte, Quintanus and Flageolet were used.

Lieblich Gedackt (Ger.). (1) The ‘pleasant stopped rank’ known from at least Praetorius onwards to refer to the Stopped Diapason used for continuo playing or for soft (often echo) effects.

(2) More specifically, the smooth-toned Gedackt made popular by 19th-century builders (Walcker, Schulze, etc.), of metal or wood, with a high cut-up and characteristic tone. It is found at both 16' and 8' pitches.

Lleno. See under Compuestas; Mixture; see also Full organ.

Major, Minor. Terms denoting the size (rather than function) of a stop. Flöte major [minor] were common in 18th-century Habsburg Europe for 8' and 4' Gedackts; ‘Majorbass’ was fairly common in Germany between 1650 and 1900 for the 16' or 32' open or stopped pedal rank.

Melodia. A medium- to wide-scaled, open, wood Flute stop of 8' pitch; the pipes usually have reversed mouths and sometimes sunken blocks. It was widely used in England and the USA from the middle of the 19th century.

Mixture (Fr. fourniture; Ger. Mixtur; Sp. lleno). Names for the collected ranks of the Blockwerk when the Principals and Flutes had been separated off. ‘Mixture’ was normally used to denote the Principal-scaled chorus Mixture as distinct from the high-pitched Zimbeln or the solo Cornets. The ‘true Mixture’ is often said to contain Octave and Quint ranks only, but Tierces have been found in many national types of Mixture (17th-century Spain, 18th-century England and central Germany), some of which were highly influential during the 19th century. Early names for the stop, which was presumably activated by levers, were ‘Position’, ‘Locatio’ and ‘Starkwerk’, all known before 1520; late types, introduced in some organs in the early and mid-19th century, were the ‘Compensationsmixtur’, which decreased in number of ranks, strength and volume as it ascended, and ‘Progressio harmonica’, which increased as it ascended. Mixture stops are never used without the foundations (8', 4', 2', sometimes 16').

Montre (Fr.). The case pipes of the French organ, corresponding to the English Open Diapason, the German Prestant, the Italian Principale, etc. Early alternative names were ‘le principal de devant’, ‘devanture en monstre’ (Reims Cathedral, 1570). The tone of the classical French Montre was somewhat more fluty than the various English Open Diapason types or German Principals.

Nachthorn (Ger.). A term possibly derived from Nachhorn or Nachsatz, i.e. a rank of pipes distinguished from the Hintersatz, and nothing to do with Cor de nuit in origin. (1) Nachthornen were frequently the same as Cornets in the 16th century, more particularly in northern France and the Netherlands, cf the Spanish term Nasardos.

(2) By Praetorius’s time, the name denoted a rank of very wide-scaled 4' or 2' pipes, stopped like the Quintatön and more horn-like than the Hohlflöte, owing to its Quint partial. The familiar 17th-century Nachthorn useful in the north German repertory was a very wide, metal, open Flute, used for cantus firmus in manual or pedal; a similar stop later appeared in English-speaking countries as ‘Nighthorn’.

Nachtigall (Ger.). See under Vogelgesang.

Nasard (?Fr.; Ger. Nasat). Terms possibly derived from Nachsatz, i.e. the rank or ranks between the Principals and the Hintersatz of a separated Blockwerk. Early usages of the name refer to a registration or effect rather than a single rank of pipes (c1530, France), and nazard meant the rank helping to produce the characteristic sound, i.e. 22/3' or 11/3' Flutes. The form could be open or stopped, Chimney Flute or tapered. The French classical Nasard was usually a stopped rank of 22/3', often a Rohrflöte for some or all its compass, that on the Grand orgue usually different in type from that of the Positiv manual. In Germany, there was frequently no distinction drawn in stop-lists between Quinte and Nasard, nor were the differences in form, volume, tone and function between the two so clear-cut as in France.

Nasardos (Sp.). A term probably derived from 16th-century French and Flemish usage to denote either the single mutation ranks (Octave, Quint or Tierce) making up the Corneta or, more importantly, the chorus/solo Mixture; a kind of bass version of the treble Corneta and found over the centuries on most Iberian organs.

Nason (?Eng.). A stopped Flute introduced to England at the end of the 17th century by Smith and copied by many builders for two centuries. It is very often of oak, with a characteristic sweet tone. The origins of its name are unclear.

Night Horn. In Anglo-American organs of the 18th and 19th centuries, usually a wide-scaled, 4' open Flute. See under Nachthorn, Cor de nuit.

Nineteenth. The English term is meant to indicate the Principal-scaled 11/3' rank, something more like the Italian Decimanona than the classical French Larigot.

Octave (Ger. Oktave; It. ottava; Sp. octava). (1) The 4' Principal of an organ based on an 8' Open Diapason, or 8' of one based on a 16' Diapason, etc. In England, ‘Octave 4'’ implies a strong Principal 4' rank, such special meaning originating c1850.

(2) A prefix indicating pitch an octave higher than usual (Octave Flute).

Octavin (Fr.; It. ottavino). Open metal Flutes made by Venetian builders c1790 and Cavaillé-Coll c1860; often used in late 20th-century organs to denote a wide-scaled 2' Principal.

Open Diapason. See under Diapason and Principal.

Ophicleide. Strong reed stop supposedly imitating the Ophicleide and popular as a pedal rank in Willis organs.

Orchestral. A prefix denoting a stop of particularly imitative tone (Orchestral Oboe, Orchestral Flute), found in many early 20th-century organs.

Orlos (Sp.). An 8' Regal with short cylindrical resonators, sometimes en chamade and common in Iberian organs by c1730.

Pauke, Trommel (Ger.; It. timballo; Sp. tambor). Drum stops were popular in the larger organs of all European countries until the early 19th century, and the percussion varieties in theatre organs c1920 were only revivals. Sometimes real timpani were provided, tunable and played by putti activated by pedal levers (Berlin, c1730), but more usually the many drum-effects were produced by two or more large-scaled wooden pipes out of tune with each other. Frequently the quasi-pitches produced were A and D, allowing realistic ‘trumpet-and-drums’ music: ‘with trumpet, shawm or fife’ according to the Trier Cathedral contract of 1537 (P. Briesger).

Philomela. An open, metal Flute of strong and fundamental tone, found in the Solo division of large Anglo-American organs in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

Physharmonika. A free-reed stop with resonators introduced to Germany in the mid-19th century by builders such as Walcker and Ladegast and widely used for a time in large organs. It was also briefly popular in England and the USA.

Piccolo. A 19th-century 2' or 1' Flute stop made by English builders to a design labelled Octavin, Flöte, Flageolet, etc., by other builders; pipes are sometimes of harmonic (double) length.

Pífano (Sp.). Open or stopped Flute 4' or 2'; the name was used over the centuries and was possibly a corruption of Pfeife or Piffaro.

Piffaro, Fiffaro (It.). Although in other musical contexts Fiffaro often denoted a reed instrument, organ stops of this name fall into two different classes. (1) An open Flute found in Rhineland organs of the 16th century, high-pitched and later overblowing or double-mouthed, producing a tone imitative of the cross-blown fife.

(2) An important Italian stop of the 16th century onwards; it had treble compass Principal-scaled pipes mistuned with the Principale 8' and thus producing an undulating effect, more singing and less reedy than 19th-century céleste stops. It was sometimes called Voce umana. See under Voce umana.

Pommer (Ger.). See under Bombardon.

Portunal (Portunalflöte) (Ger.). A term, probably a corruption of Bourdon, denoting in 17th- and 18th-century German organs a rank of 8' or 4' open, wood or metal pipes (sometimes in the form of an inverted cone), producing a modified Open Flute colour.

Posaune (Ger.; Dutch bazuin, buzain). A common name for 16' or 32' pedal reed stops of varied construction in certain areas and periods. Resonators two-thirds long were generally considered desirable, but they could be of wood or metal. The ‘stille Posaune’ seems, from Praetorius, to have been a stopped reed, but many builders used ‘Posaune’ in general for their big reed other than the Bombarde, from at least c1580 onwards.

Praestant (Lat.; Fr., Ger. Prestant). Pipes ‘standing in the front’ of the organ case. (1) In the Netherlands, since ‘Principal’ denoted the main chorus as a whole in c1525, ‘Praestant’ was used to refer to the case pipes or Open Diapason itself. German builders c1550–1800 used Praestant and Principal as synonyms, depending on local custom.

(2) In France, ‘Prestant’ soon came to denote the 4' Principal rank distinct from the Montre 8', as ‘Principal’ in England has always indicated the 4' Principal rank distinct from the Open Diapason 8'; both French and English usage was established by 1600.

Principal (Ger. Prinzipal). See also under Praestant. The term first arose soon after 1500 in the Netherlands (and hence probably in England) to denote not a single rank of pipes but the Diapason chorus as a whole, i.e. the undivided Mixture or pleno; in English and American organs from the 18th century onwards, however, it usually denotes a 4' stop. By Praetorius’s time, the ‘stop formerly called Praestant or Doeff’ was called Prinzipal in Germany. In the 20th century, Prinzipal has become useful as a term denoting the relatively colourless German basic 8' rank as opposed to the French Montre or the various English Diapason tones.

Quartane. In the 20th century this term has been used as a substitute for Quarte de nasard. See under Rauschpfeife.

Quarte de nasard (Fr.). The stop a 4th above the Nasard on the French classical organ, i.e. a 2' Flute mutation rank rather than the chorus Doublette. Usually open, the bass octave was sometimes a Chimney Flute.

Querflöte (Ger.). The transverse flute has been imitated in various ways. The organ stop so called is properly an open cylindrical metal or wood stop, usually 4', overblowing to the 1st or 2nd overtone because of the narrow scale and small mouth; a small hole halfway along the pipe facilitates the overblowing (cf Cavaillé-Coll’s Flûte harmonique). Such overblowing Schweizerpfeifen seem to have been known in late 15th-century south Germany. Construction can vary: stopped and wide-scaled (Praetorius, 2/1619); long, narrow pipes overblowing at the 12th (Compenius, Fritzsche); conical (Snetzler); ‘blown from the side’ (Wagner); simple, stopped 2' Flutes (c1600); fanciful, large-scale pipes (c1840), perhaps of turned hardwood (c1730).

Quint. Like Nineteenth, Fifteenth, etc., Quint has usually since about 1550 indicated chorus ranks (not Flute mutations) sounding 102/3', 51/3', 22/3' and 11/3'. See also Quint (iii).

Quintadecima (It.). The Fifteenth or 2' Principal chorus rank, sometimes perhaps doubled or paired in Italian organs before c1500.

Quintadena, Quintatön (Ger.). A stop of narrow-scaled, stopped, metal pipes, often of a high tin content, producing a quiet tone with a marked 5th (i.e. 2nd overtone) in it; the pipes are near overblowing. Like other basic organ-pipe shapes, it was known by 1500 and more commonly used throughout Europe than the name itself. The origin of the term is uncertain, all the variants (e.g. Quintade, Quintaden, Quintiten) suggesting the ‘5th-tone’ nature of the sound. Schällenpfeifen (‘bell-pipes’, referring to the tone) was an early 16th-century alternative name; a Gedacktpommer was a strong-voiced 4' Quintatön in the 17th century. Many types of Stopped Diapason before c1775 have much of the tonal quality of a Quintadena, but with more fundamental.

Rankett, Rackett (Ger.). A 16' Regal with short resonators and gentle tone, found fairly often from the end of the 16th century in northern Europe, particularly in small organs and the secondary manuals of large ones. Shape and materials varied, but the pipes were always short. Such Regals were entirely out of fashion after 1710, but have been revived in the late 20th century.

Rauschpfeife, Rauschquint, Rauschwerk (Ger.). Words of doubtful origin – probably unconnected with rauschen (‘to murmur’) – properly denoting three distinct kinds of chorus Mixture in the various German organ types from c1575. (1) Rauschpfeife of two ranks (15.19 or 2' + 11/3'); other additional ranks would be the 12th and 22nd.

(2) Rauschquinte of two ranks (12.15 or 22/3' + 2'), otherwise called Quartane. Neither term was used reliably by builders until recently.

(3) Rauschwerk is frequently used to replace one or other term; but for early sources (e.g. Schlick, 1511), ‘Rauschwerk’ was a term denoting either a semi-Flute solo compound stop imitating a reed instrument, or a reed stop itself or a collective term for reeds, probably of more refined tone than the Trompete. ‘Rauschende Zimbel’ (Russzimbel, etc.) seems to be an early term for high Mixtures.

Recorder. In England, the term appears in a few 17th-century contracts to refer to a Flute stop, probably of 4' pitch (‘unison to the Principall’: York Minster, 1632). It could be a stopped metal rank (Worcester Cathedral, 1613) or of wood (St John’s College, Cambridge, 1635), and both forms are encountered up to the beginning of the 18th century.

Regal. A term of uncertain origin (see Regals) denoting a family of reed stops probably descending from the late medieval instrument; the small or very small resonators made such ranks useful in the subsidiary chests of larger organs. Early 16th-century names were frequently specific, at other times more cumbersome, such as ‘Regal to make the human voice’ (Vox humana). Fanciful names and pipe forms were found chiefly in northern Germany from c1575 to c1700 and should not be overestimated: Apfelregal (short resonators with a little round perforated ball at the end), Geigenregal (delicate 4' Regal, treble sounding as a violin when drawn with a Quintatön, according to Praetorius), Harfenregal, Jungfernregal (thin tone ‘like a girl’s voice’), Knopfregal and Kopfregal (‘knob-’ and ‘head-shaped Regal’), Messingregal (short brass pipes), Singendregal (‘singing Regal’ of light tone, useful for cantus firmus melodies), Trichterregal (important type with ‘funnel-shaped’ or conical resonators like small trumpets). In other countries, Regals usually had freer names, e.g. Orlos, Tromboncini, Vox humana; this was true everywhere after the 17th century.

Repeating. When applied to a mixture or mutation, this term indicates that the entire compass of the stop consists of a repetition of the same octave (or half-octave) of pitches.

Resimbala (Port.). See under Zimbel.

Ripieno (It.). (1) The full chorus, i.e. either a registration of drawn stops or the Blockwerk itself.

(2) The classical Italian chorus Mixture, after single ranks became less the norm on the Italian organ than they had once been (c1800).

Rohrflöte (Ger.). See under Chimney Flute.

Rosignolo, Rusignolo, Rossignol. See under Vogelgesang.

Sackbut. A term occasionally used in various periods for big reed stops.

Salicet, Salicional. A term derived from Latin salix (‘willow tree’) during the later 16th century to denote a rank of open cylindrical pipes of narrow (sometimes conical) scale giving a fairly delicate, almost string-like tone. The most common pitch may have been 4', as it was for the early Dulciana. The stop was a speciality of eastern Europe, and it became very popular in the 19th century at both 8' and 4' (Salicet) pitches). The small mouths made side ears advisable. In central Germany c1725, ‘Sollicinal’ was a two-rank Sesquialtera.

Schalmei (Ger.). (1) From c1550, a short-length reed stop with narrow, flaring resonators giving it a tone closer to a smooth trumpet than a real shawm. The tone must have varied over the centuries, but the stop seems to have been particularly associated with cantus firmus playing. It was rare from 1750 to 1930.

(2) In some central European sources of c1775, Schalmei seems to have been an auxiliary 8' flue stop.

Scharf (Ger.; Dutch scherp). Narrow-scale chorus Mixture of ‘sharp’ penetrating tone, found throughout northern Europe from c1500 onwards. (1) Early Dutch and German Scharf Mixtures were high-pitched like the Zimbel, and properly distinct from the Terzzimbel.

(2) The basic Mixture of subsidiary manuals was often called Scharf whether or not it was Zimbel-like. Those of the mid-19th century frequently contained a high Tierce rank.

Schnarrwerk (Ger.). 17th-century term for the ‘rattling stops’ or Regals, but not used to designate a specific stop.

Schwebung (Ger.). An undulating stop composed of two slightly detuned ranks of pipes; it is usually called ‘Celeste’ in English and French. See also Tremulant.

Schwegel, Schweigel (Ger.). A term derived from the High German suegela (‘flute’) to denote a delicate Flute stop of fairly narrow scale, common in south and central Germany from 1550 to 1850, chiefly on subsidiary manuals. Some ‘Schwegli’ were 11/3', others 4', 2' and even 8' (the last especially c1750); some open, wide pipes, others conical, yet others in the form of a double cone or overblowing. 19th-century Schwegels are usually wide Flutes.

Schweizerpfeife (Ger.). To play a flute ‘in the Swiss manner’ in early 16th-century sources meant to play it cross-blown, like a fife. (1) Organ imitations of the period took various forms (see under Querflöte and Flute).

(2) In the 18th century, the name often denoted an 8' or 4' rank, in the form of an inverted cone or narrow and cylindrical, either way resembling the so-called Viola da gamba in tone.

Sedecima (?It.). A term found in eastern Europe of the 17th and 18th centuries to denote a 11/3' Sifflöte.

Septième (Fr.). Cavaillé-Coll’s name (hence that used by English builders) for the ‘Seventh’ or 44/7', 22/7' and 11/7' mutation series, first known as an idea in Prussia c1780 but coming into prominence as an extra colour in a large organ of c1860, and as a sharply colourful rank in the Oberwerk of a neo-Baroque organ of c1950, particularly in Germany.

Seraphon. Weigle’s name for a group of high-pressure flue and reed stops popular in Germany during the early 20th century.

Sesquialtera. A term perhaps derived from the Latin sesquialtera (‘one and a half’) and used to denote a two-rank solo/chorus mutation stop containing the 12th and 17th (22/3' + 13/5'), written carelessly as ‘Quinte 3' + Terz 2' = 3:2 = 1½'’. Other forms of the name suggest clever etymologies: ‘Sexquialter’ (England, late 18th century) apparently referring to the 6th contained between the 22/3' and 13/5' pipe. ‘Sex quintaltra’ and ‘Sexquintalter’ (ditto), ‘Flautt in 6ta’ (Italy, late 17th century), etc. F. Hocque’s phrase ‘Sesquialtera called by some Vox humana or Nasard’, for what was in fact a Cornet stop (Trier Cathedral, 1590), shows the interdependence of names at that period. (1) The classic two-rank Sesquialtera was a flute-like semi-Cornet solo stop, often treble only, found in north-west German organs of c1630–1790.

(2) The English Sesquialtera was, during the late 17th century, a bass complement to the treble Cornet stop; during the 18th century a complete chorus Mixture including a narrow-scaled Tierce rank; and during much of the 19th century often the only Mixture (still with a Tierce) in the whole organ.

Seventeenth. See under Tierce.

Sifflöte (Ger.). A term probably derived from siffler, ‘to whistle’, although many German spellings suggest a wider derivation: cyvelet (Amsterdam, Oude Kerk, 1539 – cf zuffolo: ‘shepherd’s fife’), Sufflet (Dresden, 1563), Schufflet (Münster, 1579), Suff Flöte (by Christoph Donati, 1683), Suiflöt/Duiflot and Subflöte (Praetorius, 2/1619). (1) A high-pitched Flute stop, narrow, wide or conical; good examples have a characteristic sibilant tone.

(2) Throughout its period of popularity, the stop could be either 1' or 11/3', some builders (e.g. G. Silbermann) preferring the first, others (e.g. Schnitger) the second. Much the same was true of the Sedecima, the Sifflöte of eastern European countries.

Sordun. A very short stopped Regal imitating a woodwind instrument, soft (cf sordino) and somewhat thin in tone, popular during the 17th century in north central Germany.

Soubasse (Fr.). See under Sub-Bass.

Souffleur (Fr.). See under Kalkant.

Sperrventil (Ger.). The ‘blocking valve’ for preventing wind reaching a chest, saving it for other chests or keeping it from sounding a ciphering note. Such valves were the first means of dividing the Blockwerk in some instances; they remained a common accessory in northern Europe until c1850. During the 19th century, the valve’s potential as a registration aid was exploited by such builders as Cavaillé-Coll who (like certain 17th-century builders) made several chests for each department or manual, each of which could have prepared stops that would sound only when the valve was activated.

Spillflöte (Ger.). Probably a corruption of ‘spindleflute’, a rank of open, wide cylindrical pipes which suddenly taper towards the top. The pipe form could be used for an 8', 4' or 2' stop (north Germany, 17th century) or for part of a mutation rank (various countries) of discreet tone.

Spitzflöte (Ger.). The ‘pointed flute’ stop whose pipe form – gently tapering or conical from mouth to top – was more common than the occurences of its name suggest, especially outside Germany, the Netherlands and Scandinavia. The taper is more pronounced than that of the Gemshorn, and the tone is that of a reedy or breathy flute, good for blending either at 8' pitch or as a mutation. Such pipe forms are known from the late 15th century (8' at Lübeck Totentanzorgel, 1492) and frequently had a part in a French mutation rank, a Spanish Corneta or an Italian Flauto; the name itself appears to be late 16th-century. 19th-century examples in Germany and England tend to be more string-like in tone.

Stentorphone. One of Weigle’s late 19th-century open flue stops of very loud tone, popular in larger German and American organs c1890–1920.

Stopped Diapason. Unique to Britain and its colonies until the late 19th century, this medium-scaled, low cut-up, thin-walled, stopped wood stop has a mild, blending colour, quite distinct from that of the German Gedackt or French Bourdon. See also under Diapason and Gedackt.

Suavial, Suabe Flöte (?Ger.). A term probably derived from suavis (‘sweet’; not from Swabia, ‘schwäbisch’) and used to denote a narrow-scaled 8' or 4' metal stop popular in southern Germany, Switzerland and the Habsburg countries from c1710 to the 19th century. Burney described one in Frankfurt as ‘meant for that sweet stop in Mr Snetzler’s organs which he calls the Dulciana’.

Sub-Bass (Ger.; Fr. soubasse). An unspecific term that usually denoted a stopped wooden rank of 16' pedal pipes of average scale. During the 19th century, some German and French builders used it for the 32' Bourdon rank.

Superoctave. See under Fifteenth; see also Superoctave.

Tambor. See under Pauke.

Tapada, Tapadillo (Sp.; It. tappato). Prefix denoting ‘stopped’ pipes. Tapadillo was the Spanish 4' Flute of the 17th and 18th centuries, usually stopped but on occasion open, and either conical or a Rohrflöte.

Tenori (It.). An occasional 16th-century name for the Principal 8'.

Tenoroon (?Eng.). The name applied in some early 19th-century sources to describe a flue or reed stop, usually of 16' pitch, and generally going no lower than C.

Terpodion. A quasi-Greek name for delicate stops of ‘delightful’ tone in early 19th-century German organs. (1) A free reed (c1830).

(2) A small-scaled, open, metal flue (Schulze).

Tertian, Terzian (Ger.). Properly a two-rank solo and chorus Tierce Mixture, found more especially in northern Europe during the 17th and 18th centuries and consisting of the ranks 17.19 (13/5' + 11/3') as opposed to the 12.17 of the Sesquialtera. Theorists have pointed out that it could contain 15.17 ranks (Werckmeister, 1705) or 10.12 (Adlung, 1768), and many examples did break back an octave around c'. The scaling was somewhat wider than Principal.

Terza mano (It.). The ‘third hand’ or octave coupler found on late 18th-century and 19th-century Italian organs, feasible in view of the often long compass of the main manuals.

Terzzimbel. See under Zimbel.

Theorbe (Ger.; Sp. tiorba). (1) German reed stop of the 17th and 18th centuries, rare but of a distinct type, i.e. gentle 16' tone imitating, in some way, the theorbo.

(2) More familiar Spanish reed with short resonators, often en chamade, c1750.

Tibia (Lat.). General name for ‘pipe’, used in the Latinate contracts of the late 18th century and by the technician-inventors of the late 19th century. Thus Tibia angusta is a narrow Flute, Tibia clausa a Gedackt, ‘cuspida’ a Spitzflöte, ‘sylvestris’ a Waldflöte, etc. In 20th-century cinema organs it is a loud, wide-scaled Principal.

Tierce (Fr.; Ger. Terz, Tertia). The 13/5' Flute mutation rank, more particularly of the French classical organ. Such third-sounding ranks were contained in Arnaut de Zwolle’s Cymbale of c1440, but evidently their scaling widened over the centuries, achieving a characteristic horn tone by 1750. Some Parisian organs c1630 had two such ranks, one wide the other narrow, the latter thus used in one or other pleno. The Double Tierce 31/5' (Grosse Tierce) was first known c1660 and contributed to the array of melodic colours in French organ music. Outside France the stop was found as a single mutation rank only in organ types influenced by the French, e.g. those of the Rhineland, Saxony and England. Besides French terms, 18th-century names for it were Ditonus, Decima, Sixtil (all in various northern European countries) and Corneta (Italy).

Tiratutti (It.). A mechanical device known in 18th-century Italian organs whereby the organist could ‘draw all the pleno ranks’ at once.

Tolkaan (Dutch; Ger. Dolcan). A term of uncertain origin denoting a rank of open inverted conical metal or wood pipes, often confused with Dulzian, Dulciana, etc. As in other instances, the pipe form was known in more versions and over greater areas than the name itself. The Tolkaan was a speciality of large Dutch and Hanseatic organs of c1580, as was the Trichterflöte (‘funnel-shaped flute’) early in the next century. The pipe form was also found in the case of Spanish flutes, Austrian Dulcianas, Neapolitan Voci umani (all of c1750) and many soft or fairly soft colour-stops in German organs c1825.

Tremulant (Fr. tremblant; It. tremolo; Sp. temblor). An important accessory stop contained in most larger European organs from c1500 to the present day, although not always specified in the contract; see Tremulant.

Trichterregal. See under Regal.

Trombone. See under Posaune.

Tromboni, Tromboncini (It.). (1) A ‘small-large trumpet’ reed stop introduced now and then into Italy by various Flemish or German builders.

(2) Tromboni were long and strong-toned 16' or 8' reed stops on many national types of organ c1820.

(3) Tromboncini were an important type of Regal on Venetian and Tuscan organs of the late 18th century, with very small-scaled square-sectioned metal resonators standing in front of the case pipes.

Trommel (Ger.). See under Pauke.

Trommet, Trompete, Trompette. See under Trumpet.

Trompes (Fr.). The large open bass pipes placed apart from, and on either side of, the Grand orgue of many large French and Dutch organs of the later 15th century. A set of ten was fairly common. Other names (e.g. turres at Angers Cathedral in 1416) were sometimes found; ‘trompe’ may signify the ‘pendentive’, or carved, wooden, semicircular console on which the pipes were placed.

Trumpet (Ger. Trommet, Trompete; Fr. trompette; etc.). A very familiar imitative reed stop with long resonators either flaring or in the form of an inverted cone, of metal or wood, found in most organ types since c1500 and taking various forms. (Organs without a Trumpet were the classical Italian organ of c1600, the English pre-Restoration organ, and the mature eastern European organ of the 18th century.) The resonators should be about two-thirds long (6' for 8' C). German and English Trumpets from 1650 varied from builder to builder; 17th-century German Trumpets were often short, especially if the flaring was marked and the pipes placed vertically in the case front. 18th-century French Trumpets developed great power and attack, especially in the bass, often using wider tongues and bigger resonators. Spanish Trumpets also followed certain conventions: the Trompeta real was a full-size vertical reed within the organ; Trompeta bastarda had shorter resonators, often en chamade; the Trompeta magna, Trompeta de batalla and Trompeta imperial were horizontal Trumpets, often of suboctave pitches (16', even 32', in the treble). During the late 19th century, exceptional organs in any city of Europe might have had highly imitative Trumpet stops, with higher pressures, perhaps brass resonators, arranged as a fan or en chamade, etc.

Tuba. Except in the Latinate contracts of c1800, ‘Tuba’ as a stop name is found almost entirely in the 19th and 20th centuries, and denotes a louder reed stop than the usual Trumpet, taking whatever form the builder found useful for increasing volume. The Tuba Mirabilis was an unusually loud Tuba, often on a separate chest.

Twelfth. The rank of 22/3' open metal pipes forming part of the Diapason chorus. Some early Twelfths, however, were more Nasard-like, especially in England c1725.

Twenty-second (It. Vigesimaseconda). A Principal stop of 1' pitch.

Uccelli (It.). See under Vogelgesang.

Unda maris (Lat.). A term applied in south and central Germany during the 18th century – and hence through Walcker (c1830) to most major builders of the 19th century – to denote a rank of narrow, open 8' metal pipes, tuned slightly sharp or flat (either to a second rank standing with it or to the organ as a whole) and so producing an undulating effect. In some 18th-century central German organs it was a double-mouthed pipe with an internal divider (see under Bifara). The effect was known more widely than the name, being mentioned by Mersenne (1636–7), found in the classical Italian organ as Piffaro, and impressing the many 18th- and early 19th-century builders looking for colourful Flute and string stop varieties.

Untersatz (Ger.). The term for pipes placed on a chest below (and at the back of) the main chest of organs in north and central Germany c1575–1825, i.e. pipes of the larger pedal stops. In practice, the term thus denotes various 16' or 32' pedal stops, particularly stopped wood 32' ranks.

Viejas (Sp.). The ‘old women’s voice’, or thin Vox humana of Spanish organs c1750, often en chamade. Other fanciful names for particularly thin Vox humana stops were Viejos (Spain, c1750), Jungfernregal (Germany, c1625) and Vox pueri/tauri (Italy, c1600).

Viola da gamba. The name for a large number of stop-types whose only common characteristic is their claiming to imitate the string instrument. (1) In c1620, often a Tolkaan.

(2) During the 17th century in central Europe as a whole, many narrow cylindrical stops bore the name Viola da gamba or Viol d’amour as well as Salizional, Dulciana, etc.

(3) Many Gamba stops contained conical pipes, like narrow Spitzflöten – Saxony c1725, England and south Germany c1850, northern Italy c1800.

(4) Many Gamba stops of the 18th century are either very flute-like (south Germany) or soft stops of sweet, breathy Diapason tone (G. Silbermann), but 19th-century examples are often stronger in tone.

(5) In Italy and Spain from c1750, ‘Viola’ often denoted a regal stop of one or other kind.

Vigesimaseconda (It.). See under Twenty-second.

Viola pomposa. A broad and fairly strong string-toned stop, developed by G.D. Harrison in the 1930s, and used since in American organs.

Viole d’orchestre. A very narrow-scaled, keen-sounding string stop, found mostly in organs built in the first half of the 20th century.

Violetta (It.; Sp. violeta). (1) Regal stops, with very small, open, conical resonators of 4' or 2', made in the late 18th century.

(2) Miscellaneous string-toned flue stops, 8', 4' or 2', on various of the later 19th-century organ types.

Violina. A medium-scaled 4' stop of string tone, frequently found in the Swell division of 19th-century English and American organs.

Violón (Sp.; Ger. Violon). (1) In Spain, an important term for the Stopped Diapason on the Baroque organ, manual or pedal. Thus ‘Flautado violón’ was the Bourdon.

(2) A common German open, wood, pedal stop of medium volume and nondescript tone, found during the 18th and 19th centuries. Often a substitute for the Prinzipal 16'.

Violoncello (It.). (1) A Venetian regal stop at 8', with small rectangular cross-section resonators of boxwood or pine, placed vertically in front of the case pipes, and in use from c1750 onwards.

(2) Narrow flue stops of various periods and areas in Germany, c1700–1900.

(3) An 8' pedal stop frequently found in 19th- and 20th-century English and American organs.

Voce umana (It.). A very important stop in Italian organs from the 17th century to the 19th. Composed of one or two mildly voiced Principale ranks tuned to undulate gently, it was usually of treble compass only, and intended for use with the Principale 8', especially in the playing of music for the Elevation.

Vogelgesang, Kuckuck, Nachtigall (Ger.; It., rusignolo, uccelli; Fr. rossignol). National names for the bird-imitating toy stops popular from at least 1450 to 1800 and again in theatre organs from about 1925. Each builder had his own way of planning such quasi-automata; if the tiny pipes were suspended in water, the twittering was thought to resemble a nightingale; if two were involved and stood a 3rd apart, a cuckoo resulted; if air supply allowed it (and often so much air was taken that no other stops could be drawn), moving statuary might complete the picture; and so on. An important example was the ‘Vogelgesang durchs ganze pedal’ (Praetorius) which was not a toy stop so much as either a tiny high Mixture of indeterminate pitch adding a soft glitter, or a regular, high Flute stop. See Bird instruments.

Voix céleste (Fr.). A term apparently dating from the 1840s to denote a long-familiar effect achieved in the same way as Unda maris and Piffaro. Narrow-scaled pipes are usual for such stops from the late 19th century onwards.

Vox angelica (Lat.). (1) Small reed stops of 2' found in the organs of some German builders c1750 (Stumm).

(2) Soft, small-scaled, 8' flue stops on various 19th-century organ-types, including Italian ones.

(3) A free-reed stop used by Walcker and other 19th-century German builders.

Vox humana (Lat.; Fr. voix humaine; Sp. voz humana). The name for numerous stops whose common characteristic is the claim to imitate the human voice, particularly its thin, undulating quality, and always at 8'. (1) The Renaissance Voce umana was the same as Piffaro. See also under Piffaro and Voce umana.

(2) Some 16th-century builders used the term for a registration (e.g. Regal + Nasard + Larigot) or for the Regal ‘helping to make the Vox humana effect’.

(3) Many Regal types during the 17th and 18th centuries were invented for the purpose, with resonators open, closed; of brass, hardwood; short, half-stopped, cylindrical, capped and pierced, double conical, bulbous, etc. Some had their own tremulant.

(4) During the late 19th century and the early 20th the standard Vox humana was a quarter length cylindrical reed, sometimes enclosed in its own expression box.

Waldflöte (Ger.). A ‘forest flute’ stop. (1) A wide-scaled, conical, metal Flute of 2' (sometimes 22/3' or 11/3') in 17th-century German organs. Praetorius referred to open pipes, although instruments in Eastern European countries have stopped ones; most were wide-scaled.

(2) Open Flutes, of 8' or 4' pitch, in English and German and American organs of the 19th century, sometimes metal but usually wood.

Zimbel (Ger.; Eng. Cimball, Cymbal; Fr. cymbale; Sp. cimbala, zimbala; Port. resimbala). The high chorus Mixture separated from the basic Mixture as the Blockwerk became divided; in many cases the same as Scharf. (1) Some early Zimbeln contained a Tierce (Terzzimbel), c1450–1550 or later, Praetorius recommending such high Mixtures (15.17.19).

(2) The classical French Cymbale was a high Mixture of octaves and 5ths, the ranks breaking twice per octave (cymbalisée) (compare with Fourniture).

(3) The ‘repeating Zimbel’ was a single-rank or compound stop repeating the same pitches in every octave, c1600–1750 in Germany, perhaps in reference to the medieval cymbala or small, tuned bells. This type of Zimbel was a colour stop, rather than a chorus stop.

Zimbelstern (Ger.). A very common toy stop, found mostly in northern Europe c1490–1790 but occasionally elsewhere, and consisting of a revolving star placed towards the top of an organ case to whose wind-blown driving-wheel behind the case is attached a set of bells, tuned or (before c1700) untuned. Mattheson (1713) thought the effect good for feast days.

Zink (Ger.). Like Cornet, Zink denotes an imitative stop achieving a cornett-like tone either with reed pipes or as a compound flue stop. (1) A Tierce Mixture of the latter type in some early 16th-century contracts.

(2) A reed or Regal stop in others of the same period; later, ‘Zinken oder Cornett’ was normally a reed stop of the Schalmei kind, particularly a pedal 2' reed stop useful for cantus firmus melodies in Lutheran Germany.

1. Etymology, early usage.

PETER WILLIAMS, BARBARA OWEN

Organ stop

BIBLIOGRAPHY

C. Locher: Erklärung der Orgelregister (Berne, 1887; Eng. trans. as An Explanation of the Organ Stops, with Hints for Effective Combinations, 1888)

J.I. Wedgwood: A Comprehensive Dictionary of Organ Stops (London, 1905)

N.A. Bonavia-Hunt: Modern Organ Stops (London, 1923)

C. Mahrenholz: Die Orgelregister: ihre Geschichte und ihr Bau (Kassel, 1930, enlarged 2/1944/R) [incl. further bibliography]

G.A. Audsley: Organ-Stops and their Artistic Registration (New York, 1949)

W.L. Sumner: The Organ: its Evolution, Principles of Construction and Use (London, 1952, rev., enlarged 4/1973/R)

T. Schneider: Die Namen der Orgelregister (Kassel, 1958)

P. Smets: Die Orgelregister: ihr Klang und Gebrauch (Mainz, 1958)

S. Irwin: Dictionary of Pipe Organ Stops (New York, 1962)

P. Williams: The European Organ 1450–1850 (London, 1966/R) [incl. further bibliography]

R. Lüttman: Das Orgelregister und sein instrumentales Vorbild in Frankreich und Spanien vor 1800 (Kassel, 1979)

Organum

(Lat., from Gk. organon: ‘instrument’, ‘implement’, ‘tool’).

A type of medieval polyphony. Early meanings are connected with the organ, but later only with ‘consonant music’. While retaining the collective meaning of ‘polyphony’ in general, from the 12th century it was used specifically to refer to music with a sustained-note tenor (usually a pre-existing part) and more mobile upper part or parts.

2. 9th-century theory.

3. 10th- and 11th-century theory.

4. Practical sources: changes of style about 1100.

5. Organum and liturgical chant.

6. ‘Organum’ and ‘discant’: new terminology.

7. Florid organum of Aquitaine and Compostela manuscripts.

8. Parisian organum: the ‘Magnus liber’.

9. The style of Parisian organum.

10. The rhythmic interpretation of Parisian organum.

11. Organum of the 13th century and later.

FRITZ RECKOW (with EDWARD H. ROESNER) (1–5), RUDOLF FLOTZINGER (6–11), NORMAN E. SMITH/RUDOLF FLOTZINGER (bibliography)

1. Etymology, early usage.

The Greek word ‘organon’ (‘tool’, ‘means’, ‘organ of the body’) was also used for musical instruments, and for the various organs of speech of the human voice. Its first known usage specifically as ‘organ’ in the musical sense occurred in the first half of the 5th century ce in a commentary on the psalms by Hesychios of Jerusalem (PG, xxvii, 1341C). The Latin word ‘organum’ on the other hand was current in the restricted sense of ‘organ’ as early as c400 according to St Augustine, and this was its ‘true’ Latin meaning (Psalm commentary: PL, xxxvii, 1964). In Latin the primary word for ‘musical instrument’ in the general sense since classical times had been ‘instrumentum’.

In the biblical allegories of the church fathers the musical instruments referred to in the Bible were interpreted as ‘inner’ (i.e. vocal) instruments because the use of instruments in Christian worship was forbidden. The word ‘organum’ was also taken over and applied to that which was produced by instruments, and produced in particular by the human voice. Thereafter it was used not only for forms of verbal discourse (equivalent to ‘sermo’, ‘praedicatio’ and ‘evangelium’), but also for a song of spiritual praise (as a synonym for ‘canticum’ and ‘laus’), often in phrases such as ‘in hymnis et organis’. This usage persisted into the late Middle Ages, particularly in religious poetry. Consequently, there is no compelling reason for treating references to ‘organa’ or ‘cantica organica’ in the texts of sequences and tropes as allusions to instrumental performance or to polyphony. In the late 13th century the theorist Anonymous IV attested to the usage of ‘organum’ still for monophonic song, generally sacred (‘Quandoque simplex organum dicitur ut in simplicibus conductis’; ed. Reckow, i, p.70).

From the 9th century onwards the word existed as a technical term in the theory of polyphony. It came to be used equally for a ‘voice’ which was added to a pre-existent chant melody (vox principalis), or for a single note within such a voice (both of which were termed vox organalis), and also for the polyphonic fabric as a whole.

Scholars have drawn many analogies between early polyphony and musical instruments, their construction or manner of playing. It is to these analogies that the choice of the word ‘organum’ in the early Middle Ages has until recently generally been attributed. They have included the analogy between parallel movement of voices and the mixture rank of the organ (Husmann); between long-held notes and an instrumental drone (Waeltner); between the accompanimental role of the vox organalis with regard to the vox principalis and the accompanimental role of instruments with regard to singing; or between instrumental embellishment (which by its nature was wordless) and the melismatic vocal decoration which occurred in the vox organalis, especially after about 1100 (Eggebrecht). Other inferences from the term ‘organum’ have been that polyphony was instrumental in origin (Georgiades) and that it was intended for purely instrumental performance (Krüger).

Assumptions such as these may go some way to accounting for particular characteristics in early polyphony. At the same time, nowhere do they receive support in the literature of music theory itself as statements about terminology. The sole indication of a possible connection between musical instruments and terminology for polyphony occurs, in about 1100, in a vague attempt at etymological definition by Johannes Cotto (‘Affligemensis’), of which the Latin reads: ‘Qui canendi modus vulgariter organum dicitur, eo quod vox humana apte dissonans similitudinem exprimat instrumenti quod “organum” vocatur’ (‘A manner of singing commonly called “organum”, because the human voice, aptly dissonant, bears a likeness to an instrument which is called “organum”’: CSM, i, p.157). And this explanation, significantly, is ignored, even contradicted, by later theory.

On the other hand, a number of passages in early polyphonic theory can be taken to imply that the term ‘organum’ refers to the consonant relationship between vox principalis and vox organalis. Thus, in the central theoretical source, entitled Musica enchiriadis and dating from the second half of the 9th century, the vox organalis is also called the cantilena simphoniaca (ed. Schmid, p.48). This interpretation finds its strongest support, however, in a number of observations in the theoretical literature – all admittedly rather elliptical – on vertical sonority. In the Cologne organum treatise (c900), notes in the vox organalis that form a 3rd or 2nd with the vox principalis are ranked as ‘abusivum organum’ (ed. Waeltner, p.54). The author of the Paris organum treatise (10th century) went so far as to say that with such vertical sonorities legitimum organum ‘falls silent’, or that responsum organi ‘is lacking’ (ed. Waeltner, p.76). This does not mean that the creation of these sonorities is itself ‘improper’ or impossible – they are indeed expressly taught and demonstrated. It should be taken as conveying rather that such effects would be designated improper (i.e. contrary to proper word-usage) only as organum; in other words, that such (in themselves entirely legitimate) sonorities are not organum in the strict sense of the term. Logically then, the term ‘organum’ must at first have been reserved exclusively for consonant sonorities. Indeed, in the definitions of organum that occur in music theory up to the 12th century only 4ths and 5ths are mentioned as constituent intervals.

This conception of organum seems to be firmly associated with a specialized use, current from late classical times, of the adjective organicus. It comes through particularly clearly in expressions such as ‘organicum melos’ and, from the early Middle Ages onwards, ‘instrumentum organicum’. An organicum melos is a melos the pitches of which – whether monophonic or polyphonic, vocal or instrumental – are precisely measured. (It is in this sense, and not as evidence of polyphony, that a famous passage by John Scotus Erigena should be interpreted – see NOHM, ii, 1954, p.273.)

By analogy, an instrumentum organicum is a musical instrument which by virtue of its construction is capable of being exactly tuned, and thus lends itself to theoretical demonstration. Its pitches, each represented by one or more pipes, strings, keys or bells, exist in a consonant relationship to one another – as a result of the circle of 5ths, which forms the basis of tuning.

This conception of organicus probably derives from the Greek kataskeuē organikē of geometric construction. The organa in geometry were compasses and straight-edges which, in contrast to stencils with their imprecision, were considered scientifically reliable. It was on these grounds that the Greek adjective organikos had come to be used also in the abstract sense of ‘mathematically exact’ and ‘theoretically sound’ in geometrical theory as early as late classical times. The organa that lie behind the early medieval polyphonic term were thus in the last analysis not musical instruments at all: they were compasses and straight-edges as the guarantors of quadrivial order and exactitude. The term ‘organum’ can itself probably be seen as defining a prior condition for polyphony. This condition refers to the exact measurement of pitch which is so essential to the fitting together of parts, and at the same time expresses verbally the fact that consonance itself comes to audible reality as the ‘temperamentum modulationis’ (Isidore of Seville, Etymologiae, iii, 20.3).

In the early medieval sources the word ‘diaphonia’ was also used, along with ‘organum’, to designate polyphony. This word is not to be taken as signifying dissonance. Much more likely, it conveyed – as did its successor ‘discantus’ from the 12th century onwards – the striking effect of ‘sounding apart’, in contrast to the ‘uniformis canor’ of a monophonic melody.

The term ‘discantus’ from the 12th century onwards stood, as a general rule, for note-against-note counterpoint. The term ‘organum’ itself did continue as a collective word for all types of polyphony (organum generale); but at the same time it took on a special meaning in the 12th century as the new type of sustained-note counterpoint – a type that was at first for two voices, and in which a melismatic upper voice was constructed above long-held plainchant notes (organum in speciali; see §6 below). From the latter part of the 13th century, ‘organum’ came to be used to describe plainchant setting in general (above all that of the Notre Dame composers), in contradistinction to the categories of motet and conductus.

2. 9th-century theory.

The concordant intervals were an essential element in early polyphony. This is clear from the way in which polyphonic treatment was at first frequently discussed under headings such as ‘De symphoniis’. The technique of polyphony was based on two practices, both of them probably very old: that of parallel singing in concordant intervals, and that of the use of a drone. At any rate, regular instruction in the form of a systematic course of teaching had become a necessity at just about the time when performance in pure and unornamented parallel motion, and performance using a drone, were on the decline. This decline took the form of a combination of the two practices. In it the new elements of polyphony since the 9th century had their origin – and not only in the decline itself, but also in the way in which musical theorists presented and accounted for it. For only now could the vox organalis be thought of as an increasingly independent moving ‘voice’; only now did alternative ways of singing polyphonically become thinkable and feasible; only now could different ways of shaping a counterpoint be tried out in practice and formulated as theory, and hence the ‘history’ of polyphony really begin. And it was a history at whose beginning there was very little by way of prescriptive theoretical writing. Nevertheless, by about 1100 a measure of freedom had been achieved in the fashioning of counterpoint. Music theory could do little more than give a general idea of this, in the form of contrived examples; and in turn, from the 13th century onwards there are specific references to individual compositions which the reader is expected to have in his mind as models. These, apart from elementary rules of part-writing, take the place of the examples and now serve to stimulate or to corroborate what has been said.

In the organum of the early Middle Ages the vox organalis generally lies beneath the vox principalis (ex.1; see also Score, fig.1). The latter, as the melody pre-existing in its own right, placed as it is in the prominent register, is still heard as the primary voice. Organum theory begins with performance in either parallel 5ths or parallel 4ths. Free interchange between these two intervals was not expressly permitted until about 1100. In even the earliest sources the 4th was favoured. This must have been partly because it was the concordant interval which would most perceptibly have the effect of ‘sounding apart’, and partly because the two voices were then closer together and could most easily converge on to a unison. The Daseian notation used in Musica enchiriadis was, as will be seen later, obviously designed with organum at the 4th in mind.

In the discussion of organum in Musica enchiriadis a crucial role is played by the tritone. It is the tritone’s inconsonantia or absonia which makes deviation from strict parallel movement necessary. It is that also which brings about a change in texture to one in which the vox organalis often clings to a particular note and produces a drone-like effect. Since the writer of Musica enchiriadis was clearly very concerned with such deviations, he found that a system of disjunct tetrachords offered the means whereby the occurrence of tritone intervals in organum at the 4th – and the need for avoidance – could by comparison with the normal octave system be doubled. This system was built of identical tetrachords grouping themselves around the tetrachord of the finals D, E, F and G (ex.2: note the brackets under the letter names; the four degrees of the main tetrachord appear with their Greek number names archoos, deuteros, tritos and tetrardos). Adjacent tetrachords were always separated by a whole tone – hence they were disjunct. Because of this they cut across the octave structure of the normal tonal system; the pattern of intervals repeats at the 5th rather than at the octave. Thus it is possible to sing in parallel 5ths in this system without disturbance. A critical factor was, however, that when singing in 4ths a tritone now occurred on every fourth degree of the scale, between the tritos of one tetrachord and deuteros of the next tetrachord up: B–e, f–b, c'–f', g'–c'' (see ex.2, the brackets above the letter names). By contrast, the tritone in the octave system arises only between B and e, and between f and b. Each of the four degrees of the tetrachord has its own sign, and this sign is modified with its reappearance in each higher tetrachord by being reversed, inverted and reverted respectively – the sign for the tritos being slightly modified in shape also. The practice of changing a sign by turning it round is reminiscent of Greek instrumental notation and is possibly directly influenced by that. The signs themselves were named Daseia signs after their basic sign, which was the Greek for the prosodia daseia (cf Schmid, pp.5–7).

If the teaching of Musica enchiriadis is followed, organum takes shape as a result of the joint operation of the tetrachord system and the law prohibiting the tritone. In order to avoid each tritone the vox organalis must constantly avoid the sonus tritus. To cope with this there is one prime rule: the vox organalis must not, in the course of a phrase, descend beyond the sonus tetrardus; nor, where the vox principalis begins a melodic ascent, must the vox organalis approach the tetrardus from below (cf Schmid, p.49: ‘ut in quolibet tetrachordo in qualibet particula nec infra tetrardum sonum descendat positione nec inchoatione levetur obstante triti soni inconsonantia, qui tetrardo est subsecundus’). The vox organalis is only allowed to ‘stray’ into the register of a neighbouring tetrachord if the vox principalis changes its register correspondingly (ed. Schmid, pp.51–2; cf ex.1: from the syllable -lis onwards the vox organalis shifts into the next tetrachord down). In practice each sonus tetrardus (c, g, d', a') functions as a lower limit of pitch to which the vox organalis clings like a drone. The vox organalis quits this limit in the upward direction only if the vox principalis itself moves beyond a 4th above it, or if the vox organalis moves to a unison with the vox principalis at the end of a section (the latter, as the pre-existing and hence unchangeable melody, thus drawing the vox organalis towards it, as it were). The second of these situations arises in ex.1 at the syllables pi-is; the first does not occur until after the dip down into the tetrachord below at the syllable -lis, the vox organalis therefore having to cling to the same tetrardus for the first nine syllables.

Put negatively, this way of shaping the end of a section, which applies analogously also to the beginning of a section (e.g. the unison opening of ex.1), suggests that a section was supposed never to end on a non-consonant interval. (Without the convergence of voices (convenire) ex.1 would have ended on a 3rd.) This is indeed the argument of Musica enchiriadis: it is because the vox organalis must not go below the sonus tetrardus, and because at the same time a section must not end on a 4th, that a unison is selected (ed. Schmid, p.50: ‘[vox organalis] subtus eundem [tetrardum] non valet positione progredi et ob hoc in finalitate positionum a voce principali occupetur, ut ambae in unum conveniant’). Admittedly examples do also occur in Musica enchiriadis in which the vox organalis does go below the sonus tetrardus and ends on a 4th. But such cases were probably counted as transitional – in accordance with the methodical way of setting out organum theory – though not in fact forbidden (ed. Schmid, pp.36ff). Put positively, this way of ending sections manifests a very strong desire to point up by musical means the structure and phrasing of chants that are to be sung polyphonically. The vox organalis is in truth no more than an ‘ornament’, but it is a great deal more than a mere ‘doubling’ of the chant. It creates sonorous tension by ‘singing apart’, heightens this tension by changing the vertical intervals, and dissolves the tension at each of the caesuras as it establishes a point of rest in the sonority.

3. 10th- and 11th-century theory.

The teaching in Musica enchiriadis is characterized by the search for a thoroughly ‘automatic’ process in polyphonic performance. Thanks to the particular nature of the tetrachord system, organum arose more or less of its own accord so long as certain rules and constraints were consistently observed (the only entirely optional factors were the doubling or tripling of both voices at the octave, and their reinforcement by instruments: cf Schmid, pp.38–40). The performers were not directly answerable for the musical effect; nor would they find in this treatise the necessary aesthetic grounding. It was thus possible to perform a vox organalis extempore at any time and to any chant for which it might be desired, after agreement on only a very small number of technical points. Not only this, however, but also the greatest possible uniformity was automatically guaranteed for the polyphonic end product. This very disregard of aesthetic considerations, and of evaluation, saved polyphonic practice from having to think in terms of alternatives, improvements or refinements. The teaching in Musica enchiriadis must surely be conceived in so cryptically codified a fashion precisely because the uniformity of liturgical chant had to be preserved even in polyphonic performance – that wholesale uniformity which had been a prime goal of all reforms in church music ever since Pépin and Charlemagne. This suggestion is supported by the extraordinarily wide distribution of the treatise, for it survives today in more than 40 manuscripts.

However, the future lay in a type of polyphonic teaching that emerged for the first time in the Cologne organum treatise of about 900. This type of teaching gradually began to spread in influence from the time of Guido of Arezzo’s Micrologus (early 11th century). This is a method of teaching that, while firmly based on Musica enchiriadis in its subject matter, differs strikingly in its manner of presentation and argument. Its starting-point was still a set of definitive rules, but now in addition it allowed for ‘exceptions’. In matters of detail it was content to lay down guidelines. It relied on the singers’ experience and judgment; by means of aesthetic argument it strove to analyse current practices, to experiment and develop new methods. The theory of polyphony thus became something like an introduction to the subject, describing possible ways of creating polyphony, and putting forward rules but never expecting blind observance.

The abstract tetrachord system was abandoned along with Daseian notation. The Cologne organum treatise no longer used Daseian notation; Guido criticized the ‘moderns’ openly for having introduced these innovations very carelessly, and at the same time disregarded the early theorists’ recognition of the octave as the only interval that makes perfect consonance (‘perfecte consonat’) rather than the 5th (CSM, iv, pp.112–3). The pitching of the vox organalis a 4th lower than the vox principalis, and also its parallel movement, were retained in essence, as was the principle of pitch limits that the vox organalis must not overstep. Indeed, these were now positively reasserted. The vox organalis no longer had to converge to unison (‘in unum convenire’) with the vox principalis as a matter of necessity just because an artificially produced tritone stood in the way. Rather the contrary: so that the two melody lines ‘can come together in a suitable manner’ at the end of the line – and this is the crux of the matter – the pitch limits should be obeyed merely as rules of thumb (‘ut in finalitatibus vox ad vocem apte convenire possit …, organum inferius descendere non possit’: Cologne organum treatise, ed. Waeltner, p.54).

The determination of the pitch limits was governed by the tonality of the chant. However, their deployment now became transparently clear on aesthetic grounds also. According to Guido, the whole tone and major 3rd (together with the 4th and unison) were the favoured sonorities. The minor 3rd on the other hand was no more than tolerated, the semitone not accepted at all. For this reason the bottom notes of the hexachords, C, F and G, with the particular pattern of intervals that surrounds them, turn out to be the ideal pitch limits, because all the favoured sonorities could be sounded above them (‘Aptissime vero, qui saepissime suaviusque id faciunt, ut tetrardus et tritus in .C. et .F. et .G. Haec enim tono et ditono et diatessaron obsequuntur’: CSM, iv, p.202). The tritone that arises in Guido’s system, between F and B natural, was avoided quite pragmatically by shifting the vox organalis on to G to produce a major 3rd (CSM, iv, p.206).

Guido went significantly beyond Musica enchiriadis in his refining of the way in which cadences were formed. He also for the first time allowed brief crossing of parts. The vox organalis was no longer simply ‘occupied’ at the close by the chant (cf Schmid, p.50) but could now ‘come to meet’ it in what was called the occursus (literally ‘meeting’). Guido viewed the two voices as approaching each other by step, so that they could converge on to unison as far as possible e vicino (‘from nearby’: CSM, iv, p.204). He demonstrated this by means of two examples, significantly presented together as alternative and equally acceptable possibilities (exx.3 and 4). Following traditional practice, the vox organalis in ex.3 (CSM, iv, p.211) clings to the lower pitch limit right through to the penultimate note on the grounds that its distance from the chant is less than a 4th. This is called occursus simplex. Following the new practice, the interval of the major 3rd c–e in ex.4 is passed over by step in the vox organalis via a penultimate d. This is called occursus per intermissas [voces].

When convergence by step in this way is not possible, it is preferable for a phrase to close on a 4th rather than converge on to a unison by leap in the vox organalis (CSM, iv, p.204). This does not apply, however, when the phrase concerned is the last of the whole piece. The progression towards a close may be further refined by a kind of cadential extension of the chant, this being also optional. Against the last note of the chant there occur two notes in the vox organalis, the first being a 2nd below – thus in effect prolonging the penultimate note – and the second note providing a resolution on to the unison (CSM, iv, p.205: ‘Item cum occursus fit tono, diutinus fit tenor finis, ut ei et partim subsequatur et partim concinatur’) (ex.5, based on exx.3 and 4).

The rule that the vox organalis must lie always beneath the chant was also first modified by Guido: if the chant went only briefly below the lower pitch limit (Guido demonstrated it with a limit of f) then the organum voice could remain unchanged. This was called organum suspensum (CSM, iv, pp.205, 212) (ex.6, at the asterisk).

4. Practical sources: changes of style about 1100.

To the extent that there were now alternatives between which the performers could freely choose, extempore polyphonic performance became that much more difficult. A way of relieving the difficulty was to fix some of the alternatives in written-down form. The earliest known practical sources of polyphony do in fact date from around the time of Guido (see Sources, ms, §§IV, 2 and VI; also RISM, B/IV/1, M. Gushee, V(3)1963, Rankin, VIII(1)1993, and Arlt, VIII(1)1993). In what is now called the Winchester Troper (early 11th century) numerous different versions of certain turns of phrase in the individual vox organalis parts are recorded expressly in the margin: this is some indication of the degree of freedom that had been gained meanwhile in polyphonic treatment, and also of the interest that each alternative aroused.

The early written sources are unfortunately difficult to decipher. They evidently assume the singer to be so well versed in the basic rules of polyphonic performance that a rendering in mostly staffless neumes would suffice. (Scribes did occasionally later in the Middle Ages resort to letter notation again; when they did so it was precisely in order to counter difficulties of reading that might arise.) Despite the uncertainties of deciphering these notations, it is possible, even in the earliest of practical sources, to determine certain characteristics that go beyond the teaching of Guido; they help to put the compulsoriness of the traditional rules into perspective.

Ex.7, from Alleluia, Angelus Domini in the Winchester Troper (f.164v; Holschneider, p.110; the vox organalis, in a different part of the manuscript from the vox principalis, is given in fig.1), is traditional in the parallel movement at the 4th below in its second phrase, and typically Guidonian in the close of its first phrase (at the asterisk). Similarly, the switch of lower pitch limit from g to f (first phrase) had already been authorized by Guido. By means of this switch the chant, which descends to f, does not have to cross the vox organalis; also, an occursus on to the final g is only possible via f (cf Guido’s example, CSM, iv, p.213). Among the new features that occur in this piece are the formation by the vox organalis of a 5th above the vox principalis at the beginning of the first and third phrases (assuming the transcription to be reliable). Evidently the tessitura of the vox organalis is regulated by the prevailing final; even in a chant of wider range the drone effect – which was still obviously much liked – is partially retained (according to Musica enchiriadis the vox organalis ought, by analogy with the melodic movement of the chant, to begin in unison on c: cf ex.1). As a result, the notion of a lower pitch limit in the strict sense scarcely applies any longer, so habitually is it exceeded (see for example the e at the end of the third phrase). Moreover, according to the movement of the chant, other notes, besides c, f or g, appear as organal holding-notes (as one might call them to distinguish them from the lower pitch limit, and also from the long-sustained notes of organum from the 12th century onwards): see for example the d in the second phrase of ex.7.

The principal requirements for the formulation of a ‘new organum’ about 1100 were by now fulfilled. Parallel movement and holding-notes were now so loosely applied that they could readily be replaced by a completely free use of intervals, including a free interchange between 4th and 5th. The 4th, which was for Guido the widest distance of ‘singing apart’, had evidently already been exceeded, and the two parts crossed as often as it seemed melodically or harmonically sensible for them to do so. In the light of Guido’s teaching on occursus the principle of contrary motion gradually emerged and took on significance; and in his extending of cadences there lay already the beginnings of an impulse to ornament the penultimate note, which after about 1100 became melismatic in character.

The new style of organum is evident as early as the latter part of the 11th century in one of the three Chartres fragments (F-CHRm 109). This fragment contains five two-voice pieces which can be accurately transcribed because they are notated on staff lines (fig.2 and ex.8, upper line). The principle of holding-notes is here completely abandoned. Even simple repetition of a note is avoided in the vox organalis, with the result that there is very little difference of melodic character between the two voices. With the exception of several parallel 3rds, which always converge onto a unison and function like a prolonged occursus (phrases 1–2, 5 and 7), contrary motion is prevalent, with the voices extending to a 6th apart (phrases 3 and 4) and occasionally as far as an octave apart (phrases 4 and 8). The vox organalis still tends, as in traditional practice, to lie below the vox principalis; but the two do nonetheless cross, as is natural when contrary motion is in force. In general the two voices seem to centre their movement on the final d. Caesuras (taken here as the points at which the two voices converge to unison, and in later sources as marked also by vertical strokes) occur not merely at each genuine distinctio in the chant but in practice at the end of each word of text. The price of emancipation from parallel movement and from drone effects is first and foremost sectionalization into small phrase units – the breaking-up of the chant into short harmonic progressions. The fact that almost all these progressions end on the final d means that the piece is, from the tonal point of view, remarkably homogeneous.

It is historically interesting to note that a second version of this piece has survived. It appears in a manuscript from the latter part of the 12th century, now in Oxford (GB-Ob Rawl.c.892, f.67v; see ex.8, lower line, and fig.3). The piece as it survives in Chartres 109 is evidently already a distinctive enough product to be worthy of preservation. For it is hard to imagine how, considering the great range of possibilities that had meanwhile evolved in polyphonic treatment, the two versions could so closely correspond simply by the application of analogous rules.

At the same time there are differences of detail that indicate that the first version was not thought to be absolutely definitive. Complete definitiveness is not found before the compositions of the Notre Dame repertory in the late 12th century: a repertory within which fixity had become a goal towards which composers might rightfully strive. In the first and sixth phrases there appear interchangeably an archaic initial 4th and a modern unison. Where Chartres lets the counterpoint expand to the octave Oxford on one occasion presents only a 5th, clearly preferring conjunct melodic movement (phrase 4, at the asterisk). Also, the author of the Oxford version is more concerned with contrary motion where Chartres has parallel 3rds. As the interchangeability of 4th and unison at the beginnings of phrases shows, the two versions were probably not far apart in time, despite certain differences. Rather, they are as the imprinting of two divergent stylistic tendencies upon the common basis of an established polyphonic solution.

5. Organum and liturgical chant.

The examples cited by polyphonic theorists up to Guido are drawn from the Te Deum and also from the sequence, hymn and antiphon. Scholars have often concluded from this that early medieval polyphony was a practice that ‘stood outside the official Roman liturgy and its Gregorian chant’ (Stäblein, IMSCR IX: Salzburg 1964, ii, p.72). At first, supposedly in recognition of the ‘inviolability of liturgical chant’, it was performed only ‘where the liturgy allowed a certain freedom’ (Waesberghe, AMw, xxvi, 1969, p.264). Also its terminology is said not to include ‘the names of Gregorian chant types’, but rather ‘unaccustomed terms’ such as ‘canticum’, ‘carmen’ and ‘cantio’.

In reality, nowhere in theoretical literature, or indeed in any other relevant writings of the time, is an express distinction to be found between more and less ‘inviolable’ chants. The most that occurs is reprimand for deviations from liturgical conformity. Even this occurs primarily on political grounds. What is more, it is very difficult to conclude from the terminology of early medieval polyphonic theory that ‘official’ plainchant was excluded from polyphonic treatment. If theorists were to deal not with individual chant types but with the various chants of the liturgy in general (‘ecclesiastica cantica’, ‘sacra cantica’, ‘ecclesiastica carmina’, etc.), it was only logical that they should use correspondingly general terms. For Gregorian chant itself, for instance, ‘carmen gregorianum’ was a current overall expression (see MGG1, Stäblein: ‘Choral’, §1).

More conclusively still, as early as the first half of the 11th century, in the very earliest surviving practical sources of polyphony, categories of Gregorian chant are included that can in no sense be called ‘extra-liturgical’ or even ‘half-liturgical’. There is no evidence that in the earlier time of Musica enchiriadis any other standards, liturgical or ideological, would have applied in polyphonic practice. The problem comes down in the end to the choice of examples in early polyphonic theory. And for this purely pragmatic reasons can be adduced.

In the first place, what the theorists needed above all to demonstrate was the construction of beginnings and ends to phrases. These were not placed arbitrarily, but coincided with the natural caesuras of the chant. Hence it was sensible to fall back on chants with relatively short phrases. Other rules for the vox organalis could all be clearly demonstrated with comparatively few notes of chant, as in ex.1: parallel movement, adherence to the lower pitch limit and transfer to a neighbouring tetrachord in the course of a phrase. The extended melismas that feature in the main species of chant would have offered no appreciable gain in information, and would have wasted costly parchment. Moreover, the means of writing down that was first used was hardly suited to recording melismatic chant. It involved the placing of syllables on a grid of horizontal lines (see ex.1). Each note therefore had to have the syllable to which it belonged separately written out. If melismatic music examples were to be cited they would not only take up a great deal of space but would also suffer a great reduction in the legibility of the text: the notation of a Martianus Capella text, for example, although only lightly melismatic, appears in notation as: ‘su-ub-i-i-re cel-sa po-os-cit a-as-tra iu-up-pi-ter’ (the Bamberg Dialogue, ed. Waeltner, p.46).

If the selection of examples for early polyphony can be explained on pragmatic grounds alone, then the possibility should not be ruled out that polyphonic treatment was at least permissible, even as early as the 9th century, for the whole range of liturgical chants. The Winchester Troper transmits polyphony for the whole range of chants, solo and choral, responsorial and antiphonal, ‘old’ and ‘newer’, ‘standard’ and ‘local’. If the Chartres repertory reveals a preference for responsorial chant settings (and even suggests that Chartres may have developed a cycle of polyphony for the liturgical year analogous to the later Magnus liber of Notre Dame), the liturgical inclusiveness evident in the Winchester polyphony continued to be cultivated elsewhere for centuries to come.

6. ‘Organum’ and ‘discant’: new terminology.

Two improvisatory styles of performance are separately discussed in a group of early 12th-century treatises known as Ad organum faciendum, marking changes from the styles of the repertories discussed above (§4). Until then they had been regarded as a single improvisatory form: Diaphonia vulgariter organum. These two styles grew further apart as they developed, and became independent musical forms. In theoretical writings it became necessary to distinguish them by name. Two anonymous treatises (ed. Schneider and ed. La Fage) used the term ‘organum’ for one and ‘discantus’ for the other; but they continued to use ‘organum’ as a generic term to cover the two together. The ambivalent nature of the term ‘organum’ was first taken account of by Johannes de Garlandia, who qualified them as specialiter dictum and generaliter dictum respectively.

Immediately striking is that, of the two general terms traditionally used to signify polyphony, one (‘organum’) was taken over directly for use in a more specialized sense, and the other (‘diaphonia’) was merely taken over by analogy or by straight translation into Latin as ‘discantus’. The term ‘diaphonia’ quickly disappeared as a result. Thus both new designations, organum and discantus, were really more specialized usages of terms already previously in existence; and their new meanings rested on convention. This was possible because the specific meaning of the word ‘organum’ was still hardly known or understood at this time.

The real difference between organum and discantus at this stage lies purely in the relative amount of movement between the given part and the matching upper voices (which goes against Riemann’s theory that it is to be found in contrary motion in discantus). In organum the upper voice (vox organalis) is a melisma over the sustained single notes of the vox principalis; in discant on the other hand it forms a more or less strict note-for-note (or melisma-against-melisma) counterpoint.

It was not, therefore, the newer of the two terms, ‘discantus’, which was applied as one would expect to the newer style. It was the older term, ‘organum’, which was used for the style furthest from tradition. The reason for this is by no means obvious. Eggebrecht (III(3)1970, p.27) pointed to ‘discantus’ as a translation of ‘diaphonia’. ‘On the one hand’, he argued, ‘it retains the implication of a note-against-note progression, and indicates that the vox organalis is still plainchant-like in character. At the same time, it is a scientific term which reflects the transparency and rational nature of a note-against-note texture’. By contrast, organum, ‘as a word, was much less restricted in meaning, and could thus be applied much more easily to something that theory could not cope with and yet was successfully established in performance and in practical teaching: namely, the practice of singing melismas against single notes’. Another factor may have played a part in this. The 12th century was an era that believed in progress. It may be that the term ‘organum’ was kept for the style which was then considered most up-to-date. This would have been florid sustained-note organum, offering completely new scope for development which was being fruitfully exploited.

7. Florid organum of Aquitaine and Compostela manuscripts.

This more advanced style of organum is in evidence from the early 12th century onwards. It is no coincidence that, for the first time with such a repertory, numerous examples of the style survive fully written out, especially in the manuscripts of St Martial (see Sources, MS, §IV, 3). Despite the fortuitous transmission of the manuscripts, which date from between the late 11th century and the early 13th, their contents may be regarded as representative. They contain 94 two-voice pieces. Of these approximately half are based on a pre-existing melody; the rest have apparently newly written text and melody. Most are non-liturgical strophic songs known as versus, and only a small minority are liturgical chant settings. The distinction that was normally made between organa, conductus, sequences and so on in theoretical writing from the time of the Notre Dame composers onwards had not yet been created, neither had they yet been separated in practical sources. Contrapuntally the melismatic style is clearly predominant over the syllabic.

Very close in style to the Aquitaine repertory are some compositions in the Codex Calixtinus. This was a slightly later manuscript which originated at Santiago de Compostela (see Sources, MS, §IV, 3). It was compiled in its present form about 1170.

We can see very clearly how this type of polyphony developed out of the old organum. It derived specifically from one of the two styles of performance previously embraced by organum: namely, simple note-against-note counterpoint, and a counterpoint whose added voice was ornamented. If all ornamental notes are eliminated, examples of the new organum can be reduced to an underlying counterpoint made up of octaves, 5ths, 4ths and unisons. This counterpoint corresponds to the rules of French discant theory as conveyed consistently in the treatises discussed above. Thus in ex.9, if we allow for the possibility of suspensions from 2nd on to unison and from 6th on to octave – suspensions which were still common in Parisian organum – the basic counterpoint comprises nine 5ths, eight unisons, eight octaves and one 4th. Only on the syllable ‘-po-’ do we have to allow for a couple of extra ornamental notes (assuming the text underlay to be exact). The vox principalis proves to be melodically inviolable even when not borrowed directly from plainchant – doubtless because of the very fact that it did traditionally draw on plainchant. On the other hand the notes of the added basic counterpoint are each ornamented. Thus the progression from one chord to the next which in discant was still a direct step came to be replaced in organum by short bursts of melodic movement in the upper part, causing each note of the vox principalis to be drawn out correspondingly in length.

The new vox organalis unfolded above its vox principalis, moving below it only very occasionally in brief crossing of parts. Because of its exposed position in the texture the upper voice naturally became increasingly prominent. What was originally an added voice became the really essential feature and the vox principalis on the other hand now seemed only to support it. It was for this very reason, as well as because it contained the plainchant melody, that this voice became known by the name of ‘tenor’ in the 13th century. The overall range used for the two voices was initially almost identical. Nonetheless there was a clear preference for different tessituras. Moreover, in the manuscripts the use of different clefs clearly distinguished lower voice from upper.

The notation of the two voices was laid out in score and this remained the rule until the end of the Notre Dame era. Initially, at any rate, this arose out of practical considerations in performance. In particular, the length of each single tenor note could only be gauged by the length of the melisma in the upper voice above it. Apart from this the phrasing of melismas in performance was conditioned very much by the harmonies they made with the tenor. For organum throughout most of the 12th century was still not thought of as unique and definitive. Rather it came into being as a result of collaboration between the person who wrote it down – the notator – and the person who actually performed it – the cantor. Thus it still retained, in spite of being written down, a strong element of improvisation.

One fact in particular marks this organum out from all improvised forms of organum: that when stripped of all ornamentation the succession of its underlying harmonies very rarely makes independent sense as satisfying progressions, that is, the result does not accord with the laws of discant. In other words, the melismas are essential to harmonic coherence. Here, then, is a further sense in which the melismatic voice achieves independence. The underlying harmonies seem little more than aids to the performers, insofar as they can be determined with any certainty at all, and insofar as the word ‘harmony’ is legitimate. As such they make possible, and justify, the union of the voices in a new totality. But their progressions show little sign of obeying predetermined rules, just as the melismas show little sign of exploiting certain harmonies and avoiding others. Rather the opposite: within the course of a phrase the intervals that are concordant with the tenor tend not to be approached directly but are delayed. They are reached irregularly and in an almost casual manner. The voices then come together in consonance all the more clearly in the cadences.

Despite the freedom of ornamental movement and the free choice of harmonies, there are nonetheless a number of short, distinctive melodic formulae and turns of phrase that occur frequently (see in this connection Centonization). These consist of only a few notes and can be made to pivot around a central note or to span across an interval. Accordingly, melismatic groups of notes are still relatively short: up to ten notes, but on average only three or four to one tenor note. Despite this, the groups are marked off with vertical strokes at the ends of sections, these corresponding to ends of words or groups of words; they are generally also marked off with strokes between syllables. These strokes are a practical aid in performance, and serve also to show up the structure of the music clearly.

8. Parisian organum: the ‘Magnus liber’.

The last two pieces of the latest St Martial manuscript tend to use rather longer melismas (thus ex.10 has on average 12 notes of melisma to one tenor note, as compared with four in ex.9 and ten in ex.11). It is in completing this development that the most significant achievement of the so-called Notre Dame school seems to lie, and it can be readily observed in the Magnus liber, the most important work of the period. This is a collection of two-voice plainchant settings for liturgical use, arranged for the church year in two cycles containing, respectively, the solo sections of the most prominent responsorial chants of the Office and of the Mass. The sheer consistency with which it was carried through, from all points of view, makes possible a much more precise understanding of its nature. The very selection of chant material itself constitutes a conscious limitation when compared with the diversity of material in the St Martial manuscripts.

The Magnus liber was attributed by Anonymous IV (CoussemakerS, i, 342; ed. Reckow, i, 46) to the optimus organista Leoninus, who is now identified with the poet Leoninus. The original version of the Magnus liber was liturgically designed for Notre Dame, Paris (Husmann, MQ, 1963), and was therefore probably compiled in Paris about 1170 (see Magnus liber, §2). Stylistically the original form of the work is very difficult to determine because it survives only in versions that date from the 13th century. These versions differ from one another in certain ways, revealing a general tendency for existing organum sections to be replaced by discant sections in a more recent style and hence in modal rhythm. This has been seen as evidence of a historical process whereby organum style – already regarded as outmoded towards the end of the 12th century – was superseded by the more fashionable discant. Even if this thesis be rejected as too linear a view of history there are nonetheless several grounds on which it can be argued. In the first place, it is widely accepted that modal rhythm was not an ‘invention’ at a single point in time, but resulted from several lines of development which were then formulated as a system, apparently after the model of the School of Grammarians in Paris (Flotzinger, AMw, 1972). There is no evidence of the complete system of six rhythmic modes before about 1180. Secondly, the procedures of extensio and fractio modi (see Rhythmic modes) were clearly not components of modal theory to begin with, but were connected with later attempts to subordinate other phenomena, including organum, to the system; indeed, they did much to hasten the obsolescence of the modes towards the end of the period of Notre Dame music. Finally, square notation, the basis of modal notation, which apparently developed in the Ile de France from the northern and central French neumes, did not appear in recognizable form before the last third, if not the very end, of the 12th century.

It is clear that this development resulted from a specific need. Stäblein’s suggestion that this development can be observed in the St Martial manuscripts, and that the beginnings of a modal rhythmic interpretation are already detectable in the later versions of these, does not call for an earlier sequence of dates above – if anything, it calls for the contrary. Thus it ought to be clear that the Magnus liber cannot have been conceived with modal rhythm in all sections; equally well, the sustained-note sections as they survive sometimes exhibit series of ligatures characteristic of modal rhythm, but are at other times far more ambiguous. This stage of development seems to correspond with the threefold classification of polyphony made by Johannes de Garlandia about 1240 as organum, copula and discantus. These three categories were abstracted with two considerations in mind: the relative amount of movement in the two voices, and the rhythm of the upper voice. On this basis, the three categories can be characterized thus: organum as a sustained-note style without modal rhythm, copula as a sustained-note style with modal rhythm, and discantus as a style in which both voices move in modal rhythm (see fig.4).

9. The style of Parisian organum.

The decisive changes which occurred in the early Notre Dame period thus become clear in retrospect. The repertory is represented by the Magnus liber (with due reservation as to the composite nature of the form in which it survives) and the examples in the so-called Vatican Organum Treatise (ed. Zaminer, 1959). This style of organum is the natural outcome of certain tendencies found in the St Martial repertory and the Codex Calixtinus. Discantus developed a new characteristic, that of modal rhythm, and to that extent gained a new lease of life (cf Magnus liber, ex.1). An essential feature of the new developments was the clear increase in the range and scope of the melisma above each tenor note. This could go so far as to necessitate not only holding the tenor note for a corresponding length of time, but frequently also repeating it several times. This was very seldom written out in the manuscripts; occasionally it was indicated by placing a rest stroke alone without a preceding note, and in some cases by drawing several vertical strokes through a specially elongated note shape. Otherwise the reiteration of the tenor note was apparently taken for granted. For the time being the general character of the setting still derived from polyphonic extemporization: the melismas of the upper part seem to enjoy complete freedom of movement, and to constitute an ornamentation or paraphrase of an underlying note-for-note setting of the vox principalis.

However, there are distinct and interesting points of contrast with St Martial practice. First, the notes of the underlying harmony were sometimes clearly regarded as either starting- or end-points, linked by melodic phrases. The phrases may be formulaic or more extended; they may develop with reference to a mode or to a single note; they may be associated particularly with the openings or with the cadences of sections. It also seems that more importance was attached to meaningful progressions in the underlying harmony, fulfilling the requirements of the old discant theory. Whether these are real developments or merely differences of quality or interpretation has yet to be determined. Secondly, there was an increase in the melodic autonomy of the melismas. They seem to delight in unfolding around an underlying melodic framework. This in its turn is frequently directly related to the sustained tenor notes and suggests other underlying constructions within the melisma or clausula.

Another feature of this music that is important for the future is the difference in types of melodic repetition. In earlier times, if they operated at all they preferred to do so with melodic particles that were only similar rather than identical. But then there occurred a sudden increase in the use of identical phrases, repeated, moreover, either at the same or at a different pitch. Melodic movement still included wide leaps, acceptable as a legacy from plainsong tradition; they might be upward or downward leaps, perhaps several in succession, compensated by movement in the opposite direction through the intervening notes, by currentes, etc.

It goes without saying that copula, with the upper voice in modal rhythm above a sustained tenor note, had a completely different melodic structure, dependent on the new rhythm. But this in itself elucidates the close interdependence of melody and rhythm.

The motion of the upper voice, or duplum, was largely restricted to the range above the tenor, which emphasized the tenor’s supporting function even more. Its range expanded somewhat, tending particularly to centre on a higher register which often necessitated a fifth or even a sixth staff line. The relationship of the duplum to the tenor part was nearly always that of a flanking movement. One can speak of contrary and parallel motion only with reference to the underlying harmonic framework. One should note here the succession of identical perfect consonances, which were quite permissible at a time when it was neither obligatory nor customary to disguise them with ornamentation. One should also note the appearance of parallel imperfect consonances, particularly 3rds, in exactly the same way.

10. The rhythmic interpretation of Parisian organum.

One of the most basic problem complexes, and one which is most intimately connected with the above considerations of structure, involves the rhythmic interpretation of Leonine organum. For this, Johannes de Garlandia (also, later, Franco of Cologne and Anonymous IV) gave the so-called law of consonance. This states that consonances (octave, unison, 5th, 4th, 3rd) are long, the other intervals short, and currentes equally fast where possible. The question then arises: can this law be evaluated as being based on older tradition (i.e. corresponding with ‘historical’ data, bearing in mind that Garlandia was writing two generations later)? Or is it, conversely, to be regarded as a retrospective attempt to minimize the differences between organum per se and copula, a calculated interpretation after the event? Eggebrecht (1960, p.60) would adopt the latter view. At any rate, the law of consonance hardly seems practicable if the formulation that has survived is rigidly applied: it should probably be narrowed down so that only structurally important consonances are interpreted as longs, as Reckow has done (Anonymous IV, 1967, ii, p.80ff).

One argument which is usually adduced in the problem of rhythm, and which is also secretly at work here, is that organum purum should be in totally free rhythm, or ‘Gregorian, in equal (or nearly equal) values’. Either this wrongly implies an interpretation of plainchant in completely equal note values, or else it is irresponsibly imprecise, to say the least. Rather, let us reflect that each phrase operated with points of emphasis and longs, and also that the distinction ‘non-modal’/‘modal’ should not automatically be equated with ‘not susceptible to rational interpretation’/‘measurable in a rational way’. It then begins to seem more credible for the concordance law to be a throwback to an earlier tradition. One might argue also that the values ‘long’ and ‘short’ might not have been fixed proportionally, but might have been relative concepts, i.e. ‘longer than short’, ‘shorter than long’. Finally, however the law might originally have been formulated, in both discant and organum pieces it would naturally have resulted in a rhythm generally similar to the so-called 1st mode. So here as well we may have one of the lines of development which, in the second half of the 12th century, led to the principal of modal rhythm (ex.11, last phrase).

In certain circumstances, therefore, the above factors (and others to be considered below) might directly have affected the melodic structure of the ‘classical organum’, without mediating influences from discant composition.

11. Organum of the 13th century and later.

Judging by the extant sources, the non-modal sustained-note style lasted for only a limited time and on a small scale. At any rate, the surviving versions of the Magnus liber are witness both to the obvious climax of organum composition and to its relatively swift fall from a favoured position in the centre of musical development after the appearance of modal rhythm. This quickly gained a hold on and modified all musical forms of the period. With it arose quite new forms and possibilities (such as three- and four-part music) important for the future. In the field of two-voice plainchant settings it first affected the upper voice the more noticeably. This was for structural reasons, and perhaps also because the inviolability of the sacred tenor was still respected. Only after this were the tenor parts affected.

In the 13th century, however, all polyphony that was not in modal or mensural rhythm soon came to be regarded as unsatisfactory. Organum too was seen in this light, and was finally actually rewritten. It is only in the sense of a 13th-century interpretation that a transcription such as that of Waite (III(3)1954) can be justified. Waite saw the Magnus liber as a work wholly in modal rhythm. His interpretation may correspond to the time from which the sources date, but cannot satisfy the attempt to come closer to the work’s original rhythmic style. This situation corresponds with what Franco (c1280) said: he contrasted all polyphony, as being musica mensurabilis, with monophonic plainchant, musica plana. He subsumed Garlandia’s concepts of organum per se and copula under a new notion, organum purum, and defined copula anew. Thus, as in the 12th century, but on a new level, the only distinction made was between sustained-note and note-for-note composition. However, this time the future lay in the hands of the note-for-note style, and this was the case away from the centre of musical development as well.

Apart from the interpretation of older compositions mentioned above, the sustained-note style played a specific role in the 13th century only in the field of three- and four-part compositions. Yet here the upper parts were necessarily joined one above the other in modal rhythm. To a certain extent, they formed their own discant among themselves. For this reason the expression ‘copula’ was not used for this phenomenon. Similarly, Anonymous IV called plainchant settings for more than two voices simply ‘triplum’ and ‘quadruplum’, according to the number of parts, omitting the generic term ‘organum’. Together with the parallel formulation organum duplum, this meant that the word ‘organum’ could continue to stand (as it did in the 12th century) as a general term for polyphony based on plainchant (Ger. Choralbearbeitung); this was in contrast with the conductus, which was independent of plainchant. Thus an actual method of performing liturgical chant became an expression signifying the technique of composition itself. And now, once again through common practice, the word came to mean a musical form and genre.

In areas adjacent to France, away from the centre of these developments, matters stood differently. Apart from the peripheral, partly derivative tradition, particularly that of England (the Notre Dame manuscript D-W 677 is probably of insular origin), and excepting a few, easily identified, borrowings of individual pieces, the French 12th-century development of organum was not copied or adopted. In England it is rather the case that there were special traditions of improvised and composed discant. In Spain there were more influential contacts with France.

In Germany, however, polyphonic practices that invariably corresponded to pre-12th-century French developments did not arise until the 13th century. This late start was compensated by an existence lingering into the 16th century (see Geering, 1952). It was occasioned by the persistence of the technique of doubling a given cantus, which produces not genuine but only apparent polyphony, and other primitive techniques.

Without doubt this was not a simple case of meaningless and outmoded customs in cultural backwaters. It could also be a vital, albeit tradition-based practice, in definite cultural layers and for specific purposes, co-existing with the more universal developments. It is a phenomenon rather like the similarities between early German organ music of the 15th century and French organum, to which scholars have frequently drawn attention. Here, according to Göllner (XI1961), are found the same elementary ideas of doubling displayed instrumentally. Admittedly, the full potential of these ideas was not to be felt historically until a later period, with the perfection of an autonomous instrumental musical art.

See also Diaphonia, and Discant, §I.

For bibliography see Organum and discant: bibliography.

B: origins and terminology

BIBLIOGRAPHY

This bibliography is designed in the first place to serve the two articles Organum and Discant, whose bibliographies, if separate, would have overlapped to a great extent. It goes further than this, however, and attempts to provide a bibliographical coverage of Western polyphony from its beginnings to the end of the 13th century that is representative of all but trivial secondary literature.

A: general

C. theory to c1300

D: musical sources: general catalogues

E: french music before c1159

F: france: notre dame

G: france: other sources

H: british isles

I: spain, portugal

J: italy

K: germany, low countries, switzerland, austria

L: scandinavia

M: eastern europe

N: paralells with popular and non-european polyphony

A: general

For a survey of the period, the cultural environment and the music treated in this bibliography, see Ars Antiqua.

AdlerHM

ReeseMMA

H.E. Wooldridge: The Polyphonic Period, i: Method of Musical Art, 330–1330, OHM, i (1901, rev. 2/1929/R by P.C. Buck)

H. Abert: Die Musikanschauung des Mittelalters und ihre Grundlagen (Halle, 1905/R)

F. Ludwig: ‘Studien über die Geschichte der mehrstimmige Musik im Mittelalter, I: Die mehrstimmige Musik der ältesten Epoche im Dienste der Liturgie’, KJb, xix (1905), 1–10; repr. in SMM, xvi, ed. F. Gennrich (1966), 103–15

F. Ludwig: ‘Die mehrstimmige Musik des 11. und 12. Jahrhunderts’, IMusSCR III: Vienna 1909, 101–8

A. Gastoué: Les primitifs de la musique française (Paris, 1922)

R. von Ficker: ‘Formprobleme der mittelalterlichen Musik’, ZMw, vii (1924–5), 195–213

J. Handschin: ‘Zur Frage der melodischen Paraphrasierung im Mittelalter’, ZMw, x (1927–8), 513–59

H. Besseler: Die Musik des Mittelalters und der Renaissance (Potsdam, 1931/R)

F. Breidert: Stimmigkeit und Gliederung in der Polyphonie des Mittelalters (Würzburg, 1935)

M. Schneider: Geschichte der Mehrstimmigkeit (Berlin, 1934–5, enlarged 2/1969)

J. Smits van Waesberghe: Muziekgeschiedenis der Middeleeuwen (Tilburg, 1936–42)

E.T. Ferand: Die Improvisation in der Musik (Zürich, 1939)

W. Apel: The Notation of Polyphonic Music, 900–1600 (Cambridge, MA, 1942, 5/1961; Ger. trans., rev., 1970)

J. Handschin: Der Toncharakter: eine Einführung in die Tonpsychologie (Zürich, 1948)

L. Spiess: Polyphony in Theory and Practice from the Ninth Century to the Close of the Thirteenth Century (diss., Harvard U., 1948)

J. Chailley: Histoire musicale du Moyen Age (Paris, 1950, 3/1984)

H. Husmann: Die mittelalterliche Mehrstimmigkeit, Mw, ix (1955; Eng. trans., 1962)

E. Jammers: Anfänge der abendländischen Musik (Strasbourg, 1955)

J. Vos and F. de Meeûs: ‘L’introduction de la diaphonie et la rupture de la tradition grégorienne au XIe siècle’, Sacris erudiri, vii (1955), 177–218

W. Krüger: ‘Aufführungspraktische Fragen mittelalterlicher Mehrstimmigkeit’, Mf, ix (1956), 419–27; x (1957), 279–86, 397–403, 497–505; xi (1958), 177–89

L. Kunz: ‘Organum und Choralvortrag’, KJb, xl (1956), 12–15

C. Parrish: The Notation of Medieval Music (New York, 1957, 2/1959/R)

M.F. Bukofzer: ‘Changing Aspects of Medieval and Renaissance Music’, MQ, xliv (1958), 1–18

R.L. Crocker: ‘Discant, Counterpoint, and Harmony’, JAMS, xv (1962), 1–21

A. Seay: Music in the Medieval World (Englewood Cliffs, NJ, 1965, 2/1975)

R.L. Crocker: A History of Musical Style (New York, 1966), 62ff

F. Salzer: ‘Tonality in Early Medieval Polyphony: towards a History of Tonality’, Music Forum, i (1967), 35–98

W.E. Daglish: ‘The Hocket in Medieval Polyphony’, MQ, lv (1969), 344–63

J. Smits van Waesberghe: ‘Einleitung zu einer Kausalitätserklärung der Evolution der Kirchenmusik im Mittelalter (von etwa 800 bis 1400)’, AMw, xxvi (1969), 249–75

M. Lütolf: Die mehrstimmigen Ordinarium Missae-Sätze vom ausgehenden 11. bis zur Wende des 13. zum 14. Jahrhundert (Berne, 1970)

R. Falck: ‘Rondellus, Canon, and Related Types before 1300’, JAMS, xxv (1972), 38–57

A. Geering: ‘Die frühe kirchliche Mehrstimmigkeit’, Geschichte der katholischen Kirchenmusik, i, ed. K.G. Fellerer (Kassel, 1972), 360–78

E.H. Sanders: ‘Polyphony and Secular Monophony: Ninth Century–c.1300’, ‘England from the Beginnings to c.1540’, Music from the Middle Ages to the Renaissance, A History of Western Music, i, ed. F.W. Sternfeld (New York, 1973), 89–142, esp. 95, 255–313

Andrew Hughes: Medieval Music: the Sixth Liberal Art (Toronto, 1974, 2/1980)

Anselm Hughes: ‘In hoc anni circulo’, MQ, lx (1974), 37–45

P. Gülke: Mönche, Bürger, Minnesänger: Musik in der Gesellschaft des europäischen Mittelalters (Leipzig, 1975), 77ff

C. Kaden: Musiksoziologie (Berlin, 1984), 334ff

J. Tenney: A History of ‘Consonance’ and ‘Dissonance’ (New York, 1988), 17–35

M.S. Gushee: ‘The Polyphonic Music of the Medieval Monastery, Cathedral and University’, Antiquity and the Middle Ages, ed. J. McKinnon (London, 1990), 143–69

D. Leech-Wilkinson: ‘Ars Antiqua – Ars Nova – Ars subtilior’, ibid., 218–40

H. Möller and R. Stephan, eds.: Die Musik des Mittelalters (Laaber, 1991) [incl. A. Haug: ‘Mehrstimmiges Singen’, 126–8]

H. van der Werf: ‘Early Western Polyphony’, Companion to Medieval and Renaissance Music, ed. T. Knighton and D. Fallows (London, 1992), 107–13

B: origins and terminology

For discussion of etymology and terminology see especially Organum, §1 and Discant, §1, 1. There are also articles on all the other principal terms referred to in the following section, and on other terms used in contemporary theory.

MGG2(‘Discantus’, D. Hoffmann-Axhelm, P.M. Lefferts; ‘Organum’, M. Haas; also ‘Ars antiqua’, W. Frobenius; ‘Conductus’, A. Traub)

G. Adler: ‘Über Heterophonie’, JbMP 1908, 17–27

P. Wagner: ‘Über die Anfänge des mehrstimmigen Gesanges’, ZMw, ix (1926–7), 2–7

J. Handschin: ‘Über Voraussetzungen, sowie Früh- und Hochblüte der mittelalterlichen Mehrstimmigkeit’, Schweizerisches Jb für Musikwissenschaft, ii (1927), 5–42

A. Gastoué: ‘Paraphonie et paraphonistes’, RdM, ix (1928), 61–3

R. von Ficker: ‘Primäre Klangformen’, JbMP 1929, 21–34

J. Handschin: ‘Zum ältesten Vorkommen von “organistae”’, AcM, vii (1935), 159–60

J. Handschin: ‘Aus der alten Musiktheorie, II: Orgel und Organum’, AcM, xiv (1942), 19–27

J. Handschin: ‘Réflexions sur la terminologie (à propos d’une rectification)’, RBM, vi (1952), 7–11

L. Spiess: ‘Discant, Descant, Diaphony, and Organum: a Problem in Definitions’, JAMS, viii (1955), 144–7

L. Spiess: ‘An Introduction to the Pre-History of Polyphony’, Essays on Music in Honor of Archibald Thompson Davison (Cambridge, MA, 1957), 11–15

H.H. Eggebrecht: ‘Diaphonia vulgariter organum’, IMSCR VII: Cologne 1958, 93–6

H. Hüschen: ‘Der Harmoniebegriff im Musikschrifttum des Altertums und des Mittelalters’, ibid., 143–9

W. Krüger: Die authentische Klangform des primitiven Organum (Kassel, 1958)

J. Smits van Waesberghe: ‘Zur ursprünglichen Vortragsweise der Prosulen, Sequenzen und Organa’, IMSCR VII: Cologne 1958, 251–3

H.P. Gysin: Studien zum Vokabular der Musiktheorie im Mittelalter: eine linguistische Analyse (Zürich, 1959)

M. Schneider: ‘Wurzeln und Anfänge der abendländischen Mehrstimmigkeit’, IMSCR VIII: New York 1961, 161–77

W.G. Waite: ‘The Era of Melismatic Polyphony’, ibid., 178–83

E. Jammers: Musik in Byzanz, im päpstlichen Rom und im Frankenreich: der Choral als Musik der Textaussprache (Heidelberg, 1962)

E. Synan: ‘An Augustinian Testimony to Polyphonic Music?’, MD, xviii (1964), 3–6

M. Vogel: ‘Zum Ursprung der Mehrstimmigkeit’, KJb, xlix (1965), 57–64

F. Reckow: ‘Diaphonia’, ‘Organum’ (1971), HMT

G. Greene: ‘From Mistress to Master: the Origins of Polyphonic Music as a Visible Language’, Visible Language, vi (1972), 229–52

H.J. Marx: ‘Zur Bedeutung des Begriffs “Symphonia” im Mittelalter’, IMSCR XI: Copenhagen 1972, 541–7

F. Reckow: ‘Aspekte der Ausbildung einer lateinischen musikalischen Fachsprache im Mittelalter’, ibid., 612–17

F. Reckow: ‘Copula’, ‘Rondellus/rondeau, rota’ (1972), HMT

H. Besseler and P. Gülke: Schriftbild der mehrstimmigen Musik, Musikgeschichte in Bildern, iii/5 (Leipzig, 1973)

F.A. Gallo: ‘Astronomy and Music in the Middle Ages: the Liber introductorius by Michael Scot’, MD, xxvii (1973), 5–9

F. Reckow: ‘Conductus’ (1973), HMT

F. Reckow: ‘Organum-Begriff und frühe Mehrstimmigkeit: zugleich ein Beitrag zur Bedeutung des “Instrumentalen” in der spätantiken und mittelalterlichen Musiktheorie’, Forum musicologicum, i (1975), 31–167

M. Bent: ‘The Definition of Simple Polyphony: Some Questions’, Le polifonie primitive in Friuli e in Europa: Cividale del Friuli 1980, 33–42

R. Flotzinger: ‘Ein- und Mehrstimmigkeit im Choral’, Cantus planus: Eger 1993, 101–116

R. Flotzinger: ‘Die Paraphonista, oder: Klangprinzip und Organum’, Festschrift Max Lütolf zum 60. Geburtstag, ed. B. Hangartner and U. Fischer (Basel, 1994), 99–111

R. Flotzinger and W. Jauk: ‘Zur gesanglichen Stimmgebung im europäischen Mittelalter oder: Klangforschung und Medaevistik’, Vergleichend-systematische Musikwissenschaft: … Franz Födermayr zum 60. Geburtstag, ed. E.T. Hilscher und T. Antonicek (Tutzing, 1994), 395–416

R. Flotzinger: ‘Parallelismus und Bordun. Zur Begründung des abendländischen Organums’, Festschrift für Ludwig Finscher, ed. A. Laubenthal and K. Kusan-Windweh (Kassel, 1995), 25–33

C. theory to c1300

This section presents catalogues of treatises and theory sources, editions of treatises, and modern studies of medieval theory. For a general survey covering all periods, see Theory, theorists. See also Anonymous theoretical writings, and articles on individual theorists.

i catalogues

ii editions

(iii) studies

i catalogues

MGG2(‘Anonymi’; K.-J. Sachs)

J. Smits van Waesberghe, ed.: The Theory of Music from the Carolingian Era up to 1400, i, RISM, B/III/1 (1961)

P. Fischer, ed.: The Theory of Music from the Carolingian Era up to 1400, ii: Italy, RISM, B/III/2 (1968)

ii editions

This sub-section lists treatises in approximate chronological order, citing modern editions. Where no edition exists, the manuscript source is cited. Where no author is cited, the treatise is anonymous. Abbreviated entries are given for works cited later in this section.

ii (a) 9th- to 11th-century treatises

Musica enchiriadis: GerbertS, i, 152–73; PL, cxxxii, 957ff; Ger. trans., R. Schlecht, MMg, vi (1874), 163–78, vii (1875), 1–93; E. Waeltner: Die Lehre vom Organum bis zur Mitte des 11. Jahrhunderts (Tutzing, 1975), 2ff [organum chap., with Ger. trans.]; ed. H. Schmid (Munich, 1981); Eng. trans. (1995)

Scolica enchiriadis: GerbertS, i, 173–212; PL, cxxxii, 981ff; Ger. trans., R. Schlecht, MMg, vi (1874), 163–78; vii (1875), 1–93, 33; partial Eng. trans., StrunkSR1 (New York, 1950/R), 126ff; Waeltner (1975), 20ff [organum chap., with Ger. trans.]; ed. H. Schmid (Munich, 1981); Eng. trans. (1995)

‘Item de diatessaron et diapente ac diapason et de symphoniis’ (Bamberg Dialogue): Waeltner (1975), 42ff [with Ger. trans.]

‘Diaphonia seu organum constat ex diatessaron symphonia’ (Cologne Treatise ‘De organo’): H. Müller:Hucbalds echte und unechte Schriften über Musik (Leipzig, 1884), 79; RiemannG (Leipzig, 1898, 2/1920), 20–21 [with Ger. trans.], i–ii trans. R. Haggh (Lincoln, NE, 1962/R), 13–14 [with Eng. trans.]; J. Handschin: ‘Aus der alten Musiktheorie: ii, Orgel und Organum’, AcM, xiv (1942), 19–27; Waeltner (1975), 54ff [with Ger. trans.]

‘Dyaphonia vel organo dupliciter uti possumus’ (Sélestat Treatise): Waeltner (1975), 68ff [with Ger. trans.]

‘Dictis autem, prout potuimus, his quibus ostendendum erat’ (Paris Treatise ‘De organo’):CoussemakerS, ii, 74ff; Waeltner (1975), 72ff [with Ger. trans.]

Guido of Arezzo: Micrologus: GerbertS, ii, 2–24; PL, cxli, 1391ff; Ger. trans., R. Schlecht, MMg, v (1873), 135; M. Hermesdorff: Micrologus Guidonis (Trier, 1876) [with Ger. trans.]; RiemannG, 73–4 [with Ger. trans.]; Riemann-Haggh (1962), 61ff [with Eng. trans.]; A. Amelli: Guidonis Monachi Micrologus (Rome, 1904); J. Smits van Waesberghe, CSM, iv (1955); Waeltner (1975), 90ff [with Ger. trans.]; Eng. trans. in Hucbald, Guido, and John on Music: Three Medieval Treatises, ed. C.V. Palisca (New Haven, CT, 1978)

Liber specierum: J. Smits van Waesberghe: Expositiones in Micrologum Guidonis Aretini, i (Amsterdam, 1957), 13ff

(ii) (b) Post-Guidonian treatises

Johannes Afflighemensis: De musica: GerbertS, ii, 230ff; PL, cl, 1391ff; J. Smits van Waesberghe, CSM, i (1950); Ger. trans., U. Kornmüller, KJb, iii (1888), 1–22

‘Discantus cantui debet esse contrarius’ (Lafage Anonymous): A. de La Fage: Essais de diphthérographie musicale (Paris, 1864/R), 355ff; J. Handschin, ZMw, viii (1925–6), 333; A. Seay, AnnM, v (1957), 33

‘Diaphonia duplex cantus est cuius talis est diffinitio’ (Montpellier Organum Treatise): J. Handschin: ‘Der Organum-Traktat von Montpellier’, Studien zur Musikgeschichte: Festschrift für Guido Adler (Vienna, 1930/R), 50–57; F. Blum, MD, xiii (1959), 21 [with Eng. trans.]; H.H. Eggebrecht and F. Zaminer: Ad organum faciendum: Lehrschriften der Mehrstimmigkeit in nachguidonischer Zeit, Neue Studien zur Musikwissenschaft, iii (Mainz, 1970), 187ff [with Ger. trans.]

Ad organum faciendum (‘Cum obscuritas diaphonie multis et perplurimum tardis’; Milan Organum Treatise): C.-E.-H. de Coussemaker: Histoire de l’harmonie au moyen âge (Paris, 1852/R), 226ff [with Fr. trans.]; J.A. Huff: Ad organum faciendum & Item de organo, Musical Theorists in Translation, viii (Brooklyn, NY, 1969), 40ff [with Eng. trans.]; Eggebrecht and Zaminer (1970), 45ff, 111ff [with Ger. trans.]

‘Vocum copulationes dicuntur omni symphonia et de omni cantu dicatur’ (Berlin Treatise A): Eggebrecht and Zaminer (1970), 149ff

‘Item de organo. Cum multi veterum ac modernorum de diaphonia’ (Berlin Treatise B): Huff (1969), 60ff [with Eng. trans.]; Eggebrecht and Zaminer (1970), 159ff [with Ger. trans.]

‘Significatum organi aliud naturale aliud remotum a natura’ (Bruges Version): Eggebrecht and Zaminer (1970), 175–6

Guglielmo Roffredi: Summa artis musicae: A. Seay, MD, xxiv (1970), 71; M. Huglo, RdM, lviii (1972), 91

(ii) (c) 12th- to 13th-century discant treatises

‘Item de cursu animadvertendum est. Si discantus fuerit cum cantu et cantus remittatur’ (London Treatise) [GB-Lbl Eg.2888, ff.38–38v, I-Nn VIII.D.12, ff.18v–19]: G. Pannain: ‘Liber musicae’, RMI, xxvii (1920), 407–40, esp. 437; M. Schneider: Geschichte der Mehrstimmigkeit, Historische und phänomenologische Studien, i–iii (1934–5, enlarged 2/1969), 116–17

‘Principalem organum est cantuum diversorum cohabitatio …/Omnis homo qui vult bene organiçare primitus debet’ [I-Vnm lat.Cl.VIII. 20 (3574), ff.3–4, 13v–14]: K.-J. Sachs, AMw, xxviii (1971), 241, 253

‘Incipit titulus artis cuj non desirit vox venerandus … Tres sunt principales consonantie In materia frangenj cantus’ [I-Nn XVI.A.15, ff.8v–9]: Sachs, AMw, xxviii (1971), 238–9

‘Organum est cantus subsequens precedentem’ (Vatican Organum Treatise) [I-Rvat Ottob.lat.3025, ff.46a–48va]: F. Zaminer: Der Vatikanische Organum Traktat (Ottob.lat.3025): Organum-Praxis der frühen Notre Dame-Schule und ihrer Vorstufen, Münchner Veröffentlichungen zur Musikgeschichte, ii (1959), 185ff; I. Godt and B. Rivera: ‘The Vatican Organum Treatise: a Colour Reproduction, Transcription and Translation’, Gordon Athol Anderson, 1929–1981, in memoriam, ed. L.A. Dittmer, ii (Henryville, PA, 1984), 264–345

‘Omnis cantus incipiens est cum suo cantore, aut in dyapente’ (Louvain Treatise) [Louvain MS, destroyed 1914]:CoussemakerS, ii, 494ff

‘Si cantus ascendit duas voces et organum incipit in duplici voce’ (Pseudo-Guido Caroli loci) [F-Psg 2284, ff.109v–110v]: Coussemaker (1852/R), 255ff [with Fr. trans.]; CoussemakerS, ii, 191–2

‘Si cantus equalis fuerit potes organum incipere’ [D-EF Ca 8° 93, f.45; Mu 8° 373 (Cim.13), f.64v]: Sachs, AMw, xxviii (1971), 244–5

‘Per regulas infrascriptas potest cuilibit cantui … Si cantus ascenderit unam vocem et organum incipiat’ (Anonymous IIa) [F-SDI 42, ff.37vb–38va]: CoussemakerS, i, 309–10

‘Qualiscumque cantor vul[t] incipere organum oportet ut’ [I-Nn XVI. A.15, f.9]: Sachs, AMw, xxviii (1971), 251

‘Si cantus ascendit unampason descendat .III. pente’ (Venetian Treatise) [I-Vnm lat.Cl.VIII.20 (3574), ff.27v–28]: Zaminer (1959), 134

‘De modo organiçandi. Omnis homo qui vult bene organiçare oportet’ [E-Sco 5–2–25, ff.36v–37v]: Sachs, AMw, xxviii (1971), 253–4

Discantus positio vulgaris (‘Sic autem ascendere et descendere debet discantus’) [F-Pn lat.16663, pp.129b–130b]: Coussemaker (1852/R), 250ff [with Fr. trans.]; CoussemakerS, i, 95–6; S. Cserba: Hieronymus de Moravia O.P. Tractatus de Musica, Freiburger Studien zur Musikwissenschaft, 2nd ser., ii (1935), 191–2; Eng. trans., J. Knapp, JMT, vi (1962), 200–15

Nicolaus de Senis: ‘Quando tenor ascendit et discantor est in octava’ [E-Sco 5–2–25, ff.65–65v]: H. Anglès: ‘Dos tractats medievals de música figurada’, Musikwissenschaftliche Beiträge: Festschrift für Johannes Wolf, ed. W. Lott, H. Osthoff and W. Wolffheim (Berlin, 1929/R), 10–12

‘Incipit Regula approbata que dicitur flos regularum …/Et est sciendum quod si cantus ascendit unam vocem’ [I-Nn XVI.A.15, ff.9vb–10a, 10–11v]: Sachs, AMw, xxviii (1971), 256, 258

‘[S]ciendum est quod in plana musica vel mensurabili’ (Anonymous IIc) [F-SDI 42, ff.40a–43b]:CoussemakerS, i, 312ff

Quaedam de arte discantandi (‘Sciendum est quod in plana musica vel mensurabili’) [F-Pn lat.15129, ff.5b–6vb]: Coussemaker (1852/R), 283ff [with Fr. trans.]

Compendium discantus (‘Regula prima. Ad unisonum igitur existens in diapason supra’) [GB-Ob 842, ff.60–62, 76]: CoussemakerS, i, 154ff; Sachs, AMw, xxviii (1971), 264; ed. G. Reaney, CSM, xxxvi (1996)

Libellus in gallico (‘Quiconques veut deschanter il doit premiers savoir’) [F-Pn lat.15139, ff.263, 269–70]: Coussemaker 1852/R), 245ff; E. Thurston: The Music in the St. Victor Manuscript, Paris lat.15139 Polyphony of the Thirteenth Century, Publications of the Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies [Studies and Texts, v] (Toronto, 1959), 15, 21–2

‘[Q]uicumque bene et secure discantare voluerit’ (Anonymous III) [F-SDI 42, ff.56vb–58vb]:CoussemakerS, i, 324ff

‘Quicumque vult quintare [cantare] breviter et secure’ [E-Bbc 883, ff.64v–66; E-Sco 5–2–25, ff.81v–82v]: Sachs, AMw, xxviii (1971), 261–3

‘Si cantus ascendit tonum discantus [cantus] existens in diapasson [dyapaxon]’ [E-Bbc 883, ff.21v–22; E-Sco 5–2–25, ff.79–80]: Sachs, AMw, xxviii (1971), 264–5

De arte discantandi (‘Quando due note sunt in uno sono et tercia ascendit’) [F-Pn lat.15139, ff.270–72]: Coussemaker (1852/R), 262ff [with Fr. trans.]; CoussemakerS, i, 292ff; Thurston (1959), 22ff

Tractatus de discantu (‘Qui veult savoir l’art de deschant, il doit savoir qu’ils sont XIII espèces de chant’) (Anonymous XIII) [F-Pn lat.1474, ff.]: CoussemakerS, iii, 496ff; RiemannG, 123ff [with Ger. trans.]; Riemann-Haggh (1962), 102ff [with Eng. trans.]

(ii) (d) 13th-century treatises

Johannes de Garlandia: De mensurabili musica: CoussemakerS, i, 175–82; E. Reimer (Wiesbaden, 1972), i, 35; rev. version as De musica mensurabili positio: CoussemakerS, i, 97–117; Cserba (1935), 194ff

Tractatus de musica mensurabili (Karlsruhe Anonymous): H. Müller: Eine Abhandlung über Mensuralmusik (Leipzig, 1886)

De musica libellus (Anonymous VII): CoussemakerS, i, 378–83; Eng. trans., Knapp, JMT, vi (1962), 207–15; ed. G. Reaney, CSM, xxxvi (1996)

Amerus: Practica artis musice: J. Kromolicki: Die Practica artis musicae des Amerus und ihre Stellung in der Musiktheorie des Mittelalters (Berlin, 1909); ed. C. Ruini, CSM, xxv (1977)

Elias Salomo: Scientia artis musice: GerbertS, iii, 16ff

Magister Lambertus [Pseudo-Aristoteles]: Tractatus de musica: CoussemakerS, i, 251–81; PL, xc, 919ff

Anonymous IV: CoussemakerS, i, 327ff; Eng. trans., J. Yudkin: The Music Treatise of Anonymous IV: a New Translation, MSD, xli (1985); F. Reckow: Der Musiktraktat des Anonymus 4: Edition und Interpretation der Organum purum-Lehre (1967), i

St Emmeram Anonymous: H. Sowa: Ein anonymer glossierter Mensuraltraktat 1279, Königsberger Studien zur Musikwissenschaft, ix (1930)

Franco of Cologne: Ars cantus mensurabilis: GerbertS, iii, 1–16; CoussemakerS, i, 117–36, 154ff; Ger. trans., P. Bohn: Magistri Franconis Ars cantus mensurabilis (Trier, 1880); Cserba (1935), 230ff; F. Gennrich: Magistri Franconis Ars cantus mensurabilis Ausgabe von E. de Coussemaker nebst zwei handschriftlichen Fassungen, Musikwissenschaftliche Studien-Bibliothek, xv–xvi (Darmstadt, 1957); partial Eng. trans., StrunkSR1, 139ff; ed. G. Reaney and A. Gilles, CSM, xviii (1974)

Tractatus de consonantiis musicalibus (Anonymous I): CoussemakerS, i, 296ff

‘Sequitur de discantu’ (Anonymous IIb): CoussemakerS, i, 311f

Petrus de Picardia: Ars motettorum compilata breviter: CoussemakerS, i, 136ff; Cserba (1935), 259ff; C.-A. Moberg: ‘Om flerstämmig musik i Sverige under medeltiden’, STMf, x (1928), 5–92, esp. 62; F.A. Gallo, CSM, xv (1971), 9ff

Ars musicae mensurabilis secundum Franconem:: Coussemaker (1852/R), 274ff [with Fr. trans.]; Moberg, STMf, x (1928), 67ff; G. Reaney and A. Gilles, CSM, xv (1971), 31ff

Compendium musicae mensurabilis artis antiquae: F.A. Gallo, CSM, xv (1971), 59ff

Jerome of Moravia: Tractatus de musica: CoussemakerS, i, 1–94; Cserba (1935)

Johannes de Grocheo: De musica: J. Wolf, ‘Die Musiklehre des Johannes de Grocheo: ein Beitrag zur Musikgeschichte des Mittelalters’, SIMG, i (1899–1900), 65–130 [with Ger. trans.]; E. Rohloff: Der Musiktraktat des Johannes de Grocheo (Leipzig, 1943), 41ff [with Ger. trans.]; E. Rohloff:Die Quellenhandschriften zum Musiktraktat des Johannes de Grocheio: im Faksimile herausgegeben nebst Übertragung des Textes und Übersetzung ins Deutsche (Leipzig, 1972); Eng. trans., 1967, 2/1973

(iii) studies

StrunkSR1

C.-E.-H. de Coussemaker: Histoire de l’harmonie au Moyen Age (Paris, 1852/R)

C.-E.-H. de Coussemaker: L’art harmonique aux XIIe et XIIIe siècles (Paris, 1865/R)

W. Niemann: Über die abweichende Bedeutung der Ligaturen in der Mensuraltheorie der Zeit von Johannes de Garlandia (Leipzig, 1902/R)

D.P. Blanchard: ‘Alfred le musicien et Alfred le philosophe’, Rassegna gregoriana, viii (1909), 419–31

E. Steinhard: ‘Zur Frühgeschichte der Mehrstimmigkeit’, AMw, iii (1921), 220–31

A.M. Michalitschke: Theorie des Modus: eine Darstellung der Entwicklung des musikrhythmischen Modus und der entsprechenden mensuralen Schreibung (Regensburg, 1923)

J. Handschin: ‘Zur Geschichte der Lehre von Organum’, ZMw, viii (1925–6), 321–41

H. Anglès: ‘Dos tractats medievals de música figurada’, Musikwissenschaftliche Beiträge: Festschrift für Johannes Wolf, ed. W. Lott, H. Osthoff and W. Wolffheim (Berlin, 1929/R), 6–12

G. Pietzsch: Die Klassifikation der Musik von Boetius bis Ugolino von Orvieto, i (Halle, 1929/R)

E. Rohloff: Studien zum Musiktraktat des Johannes de Grocheo (Leipzig, 1930, 2/1943)

H. Sowa, ed.: Ein anonymer glossierter Mensuraltraktat 1279 (Kassel, 1930)

A. Fox-Strangways: ‘A Tenth Century Manual’, ML, xiii (1932), 183–93

H. Sowa: ‘Zur Weiterentwicklung der modalen Rhythmik’, ZMw, xv (1932–3), 422–7

S.M. Cserba, ed.: Hieronymus de Moravia O.P. Tractatus de Musica (Regensburg, 1935)

G.D. Sasse: Die Mehrstimmigkeit der Ars antiqua in Theorie und Praxis (Leipzig, 1940)

M. Bukofzer: ‘Speculative Thinking in Mediaeval Music’, Speculum, xvii (1942), 165–80

J. Smits van Waesberghe: ‘La place exceptionelle de l’Ars Musica dans le développement des sciences au siècle des Carolingiens’, Revue grégorienne, xxxi (1952), 81–104

Anselm Hughes: ‘The Birth of Polyphony’, NOHM, ii (1954, 2/1990 as ‘The Early Middle Ages to 1300’), 270–86

W.G. Waite: The Rhythm of Twelfth-Century Polyphony: its Theory and Practice (New Haven, CT, 1954/R)

E. Waeltner: Die Lehre von Organum bis zur Mitte des 11. Jahrhunderts (Tutzing, 1975)

A. Seay: ‘An Anonymous Treatise from St. Martial’, AnnM, v (1957), 7–42

E. Waeltner: ‘Der Bamberger Dialog über das Organum’, AMw, xiv (1957), 175–83

C. Dahlhaus: ‘Zur Theorie des frühen Organum’, KJb, xlii (1958), 47–52

C. Dahlhaus: ‘Über den Dissonanzbegriff des Mittelalters’, IMSCR VII: Cologne 1958, 87 only

F. Blum: ‘Another Look at the Montpellier Organum Treatise’, MD, xiii (1959), 15–24

J. Coover: ‘Music Theory in Translation: a Bibliography’, JMT, iii (1959), 70–96; xiii (1969), 230–48

L. Spiess: ‘The Diatonic “Chromaticism” of the Enchiriadis Treatises’, JAMS, xii (1959), 1–6

F. Zaminer, ed.: Der Vatikanische Organum-Traktat (Ottob.lat.3025): Organum-Praxis der frühen Notre Dame-Schule und ihrer Vorstufen (Tutzing, 1959)

F.B. Crane: A Study of Theoretical Writings on Musical Form to ca. 1460 (diss., U. of Iowa, 1960)

H.J. Rieckenberg: ‘Zur Biographie des Musiktheoretikers Franco von Köln’, Archiv für Kulturgeschichte, xlii (1960), 280–93

W.G. Waite: ‘Johannes de Garlandia, Poet and Musician’, Speculum, xxxv (1960), 179–95

F.J. León Tello: Estudios de historia de la teoría musical (Madrid, 1962)

W.G. Waite: ‘Two Musical Poems of the Middle Ages’, Musik und Geschichte/Music and History: Leo Schrade zum sechzigsten Geburtstag (Cologne, 1963), 13–34

C. Dahlhaus: ‘Zur Theorie des Organums im 12. Jahrhundert’, KJb, xlviii (1964), 27–32

G. Reaney: ‘The Question of Authorship in the Medieval Treatises on Music’, MD, xviii (1964), 7–17

K. Sinclair: ‘Eine alte Abschrift zweier Musiktraktate’, AMw, xxii (1965), 52–5

F. Reckow: Der Musiktraktat des Anonymus 4: Edition und Interpretation der Organum purum-Lehre (Wiesbaden, 1967)

F. Reckow: ‘Proprietas und perfectio: zur Geschichte des Rhythmus, seiner Aufzeichnung und Terminologie im 13. Jahrhundert’, AcM, xxxix (1967), 115–43

R. Stevenson: ‘A Neglected “Johannes de Garlandia Manuscript (1486) in South America”’, Notes, xxiv (1966–7), 9–17

J. Chailley: ‘Elmuahym et Elmuarifa’, Essays in Musicology: a Birthday Offering for Willi Apel, ed. H. Tischler (Bloomington, IN, 1968), 61–2

F.A. Gallo: ‘Alcune fonti poco note di musica teorica e pratica’, L’ars Nova Italiana del Trecento: convegni di studio 1961–1967 (Certaldo, 1968), 49–76

H. Knaus: ‘Neudatierung einer Berliner Musikhandschrift: Codex theol. lat. quart. 261’, Mf, xxi (1968), 312–14

F.A. Gallo: ‘Tra Giovanni di Garlandia e Filippo da Vitry: note sulla tradizione di alcuni testi teorici’, MD, xxiii (1969), 13–20

S. Gut: La tierce harmonique dans la musique occidentale: origines et évolution (Paris, 1969), 5–35 [with Eng. and Ger. summaries]

M. Huglo: ‘Le théoricien bolognais Guido Fabe’, RdM, lv (1969), 78–82

R. Rasch: Iohannes de Garlandia en de ontwikkeling van de voor-Franconische notatie (Brooklyn, NY, 1969) [with Eng. and Ger. summaries]

J. Smits van Waesberghe: Musikerziehung: Lehre und Theorie der Musik im Mittelalter, Musikgeschichte in Bildern, iii/3 (Leipzig, 1969)

H.H. Eggebrecht and F. Zaminer: Ad organum faciendum: Lehrschriften der Mehrstimmigkeit in nachguidonischer Zeit, Neue Studien zur Musikwissenschaft, iii (Mainz, 1970)

W. Frobenius: ‘Zur Datierung von Francos Ars cantus mensurabilis’, AMw, xxvii (1970), 122–7

A. Seay: ‘Guglielmo Roffredi’s Summa musicae artis’, MD, xxiv (1970), 69–77

W. Frobenius: ‘Semibrevis’ (1971), HMT

K.-J. Sachs: ‘Zur Tradition der Klangschritt-Lehre: die Texte mit der Formel “Si cantus ascendit …” und ihre Verwandten’, AMw, xxviii (1971), 233–70

R. Flotzinger: ‘Zur Frage der Modalrhythmik als Antike-Rezeption’, AMw, xxix (1972), 203–8

F.A. Gallo: ‘Philological Works on Musical Treatises of the Middle Ages: a Bibliographical Report’, AcM, xliv (1972), 78–101

M. Huglo: ‘A propos de la Summa artis musicae attribuée à Guglielmo Roffredi’, RdM, lviii (1972), 90–94

F. Reckow: Die Copula: über einige Zusammenhänge zwischen Setzweise, Formbildung, Rhythmus und Vortragsstil in der Mehrstimmigkeit von Notre-Dame (Mainz and Wiesbaden, 1972)

E. Reimer: Johannes de Garlandia: De mensurabili musica: kritische Edition mit Kommentar und Interpretation der Notationslehre (Wiesbaden, 1972)

G.A. Anderson: ‘Magister Lambertus and Nine Rhythmic Modes’, AcM, xlv (1973), 57–73

W. Frobenius: ‘Longa-brevis’, ‘Perfectio’ (1973), HMT

L.A. Gushee: ‘Questions of Genre in Medieval Treatises on Music’, Gattungen der Musik in Einzeldarstellungen: Gedenkschrift für Leo Schrade, ed. W. Arlt and others (Berne and Munich, 1973), 365–433

F. Reckow: ‘Das Organum’, ibid., 434–96

M. Haas: ‘Der Epilog des Mailänder Organum-Traktates: zum Problem von Dialektik und Sachbezug in der Musiktheorie des ausgehenden elften Jahrhunderts’, Schweizer Beiträge zur Musikwissenschaft, ii (1974), 7–20

K. Levy: ‘A Dominican Organum Duplum’, JAMS, xxvii (1974), 183–211

E.H. Sanders: ‘The Medieval Hocket in Practice and Theory’, MQ, lx (1974), 246–56

O. Wright: ‘“Elmuahym” and “Elmuarifa”’, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, xxxvii (1974), 655–9

G.A. Anderson: ‘Johannes de Garlandia and the Simultaneous Use of Mixed Rhythmic Modes’, MMA, viii (1975), 11–31

E.L. Waeltner: Die Lehre vom Organum bis zur Mitte des 11. Jahrhunderts (Tutzing, 1975)

S. Gut: ‘La notion de consonance chez les théoriciens du moyen âge’, AcM, xlviii (1976), 20–44

J. Dyer: ‘A Thirteenth-Century Choirmaster: the Scientia artis musicae of Elias Salomon’, MQ, lxvi (1980), 83–111

E. Apfel: Diskant und Kontrapunkt in der Musiktheorie des 12. bis 15. Jahrhunderts (Wilhelmshaven, 1982)

H. Schmid, ed.: Musica et Scolica enchiriadis una cum aliquibus tractatulis adiunctis (Munich, 1981)

F. Zaminer, ed.: Geschichte der Musiktheorie, i–x (Darmstadt, 1984–) [incl. H.-H. Eggebrecht: ‘Die Mehrstimmigkeitslehre von ihren Anfängen bis zum 12. Jahrhundert’, v, 9–87; M. Haas: ‘Die Musiklehre im 13. Jahrhundert von Johannes de Garlandia bis Franco’, v, 89–159

D. Torkewitz: ‘Zur Entstehung der Musica und Scolica Enchiriadis’, AcM, lxix (1997), 156–81

D: musical sources: general catalogues

This section lists only catalogues which are unrestricted by country or medieval repertory. Catalogues of more limited scope (such as Ludwig’s Repertorium and Gröninger’s Repertoire-Untersuchungen) are cited below, under the appropriate headings.

G. Reaney, ed.: Manuscripts of Polyphonic Music: 11th–early 14th Century, RISM, B/IV/1 (1966)

G. Reaney, ed.: Manuscripts of Polyphonic Music (c.1320–1400), RISM, B/IV/2 (1969) [incl. suppl. for B/IV/1]

K. von Fischer and M. Lütolf, eds.: Handschriften mit mehrstimmiger Musik des 14., 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts, RISM, B/IV/3–4 (1972)

E: french music before c1159

This section presents the literature about French musical (as apart from theoretical) sources from the beginnings of French polyphony to the time immediately before the Magnus liber. It includes catalogues of sources, facsimile editions, modern editions, studies of sources and studies of musical style and technique. For further discussion, see Sources, MS, §IV, 3, and also Organum, §§4 – 7 and Discant, §2. The two principal repertories are those of Aquitaine and Compostela: for further discussion of these see St Martial (which lists and discusses the monophonic sources as well as those containing polyphony) and Santiago de Compostela. There are also biographical articles on all men to whom pieces in the Compostela manuscript are ascribed.

(i) catalogues, inventories

RISM, B/IV/1

M.S. Gushee: Romanesque Polyphony: a Study of Fragmentary Sources (diss., Yale U., 1965)

(ii) facsimiles, editions

P. Wagner, ed.: Die Gesänge der Jakobusliturgie zu Santiago de Compostela aus dem sog. Codex Calixtinus (Fribourg, 1931)

W.M. Whitehill, G. Prado and J. Carro García, eds.: Liber Sancti Jacobi: Codex Calixtinus (Santiago de Compostela, 1944) [facs. and edn of E-SC]

Y. Delaporte, ed.: Fragments des manuscrits de Chartres, PalMus, xvii (1958)

T. Karp, ed.: The Polyphony of St Martial and Santiago de Compostela (Oxford, 1992)

H. van der Werf: The Oldest Extant Part Music and the Origin of Western Polyphony (Rochester, NY, 1993)

(iii) studies

F. Ludwig: ‘Studien über die Geschichte der mehrstimmigen Musik im Mittelalter, II: Ein mehrstimmiges St. Jakobs-Offizium des 12. Jahrhunderts’, KJb, xix (1905), 10–16

H.M. Bannister: ‘Un fragment inédit de “discantus”’, Revue grégorienne, i (1911), 29

J. Handschin: Über die mehrstimmige Musik der St. Martial-Epoche sowie die Zusammenhänge zwischen Notre Dame und St. Martial und die Zusammenhänge zwischen einem dritten Stil und Notre Dame und St. Martial (Habilitationsschrift, U. of Basle, 1924)

J. Handschin: ‘Über den Ursprung der Motette’, Musikwissenschaftlicher Kongress: Basel 1924, 189–200

H. Anglès: ‘La música del MS de Londres, British Museum Add. 36881’, Butlletí de la Biblioteca de Catalunya, viii (1928–32), 301–14

H. Spanke: ‘Die Londoner St. Martial Conductushandschrift’, Butlletí de la Biblioteca de Catalunya, viii (1928–32), 280–301

H. Spanke: ‘St. Martial-Studien: ein Beitrag zur frühromanischen Metrik’, Zeitschrift für französische Sprache und Literatur, liv (1930–31), 282–317, 385–422; lvi (1932–3), 450–78

P. Wagner, ed.: Die Gesänge der Jakobusliturgie zu Santiago de Compostela aus dem sog. Codex Calixtinus (Fribourg, 1931) [partial edn of E-SC]

J. Handschin: ‘L’organum à l’église et les exploits de l’abbé Turstin’, Revue du chant grégorien, xl (1936), 179; xli (1937), 14, 41

P. Hooreman: ‘Saint-Martial de Limoges au temps de l’abbé Odolric (1025–1040)’, RBM, iii (1949), 5–36

W. Krüger: ‘Singstil und Instrumentalstil in der Mehrstimmigkeit der St. Martialepoche’, GfMKB: Bamberg 1953, 240–44

Anselm Hughes: ‘Music in the Twelfth Century’, NOHM, ii (1954, 2/1990 as ‘The Early Middle Ages to 1300’), 287–310

W. Apel: ‘The Earliest Polyphonic Composition and its Theoretical Background’, RBM, x (1956), 129–37

W. Krüger: ‘Zur Frage der Rhythmik des St. Martial Conductus Jubilemus’, Mf, ix (1956), 185–8

A. Machabey: Notations musicales non modales des XIIe et XIIIe siècles (Paris, 1957, 3/1959)

W. Apel: ‘Bemerkungen zu den Organa von St. Martial’, Miscelánea en homenaje a Monseñor Higinio Anglés (Barcelona, 1958–61), 61–70

J. Chailley: L’école musicale de Saint Martial de Limoges jusqu’à la fin du XIe siècle (Paris, 1960)

H. Anglès: ‘Die Mehrstimmigkeit des Calixtinus von Compostela und seine Rhythmik’, Festschrift Heinrich Besseler, ed. E. Klemm (Leipzig, 1961), 91–100

J.M. Marshall: A Late Eleventh-Century Manuscript from St. Martial de Limoges: Paris, B.N., f.lat.1139 (diss., Yale U., 1961)

J.M. Marshall: ‘Hidden Polyphony in a Manuscript from St. Martial de Limoges’, JAMS, xv (1962), 131–44

G. Schmidt: ‘Strukturprobleme der Mehrstimmigkeit im Repertoire von St. Martial’, Mf, xv (1962), 11–39

M. Gushee: ‘A Polyphonic Ghost’, JAMS, xvi (1963), 204–11

B. Stäblein: ‘Modale Rhythmen im Saint-Martial-Repertoire?’, Festschrift Friedrich Blume, ed.: A.A. Abert and W. Pfannkuch (Kassel, 1963), 340–62

H. Husmann: ‘Das Organum vor und ausserhalb der Notre-Dame-Schule’, IMSCR IX: Salzburg 1964, i, 25–35; ii, 68–80

W. Krüger: ‘Zum Organum des Codex Calixtinus’, Mf, xvii (1964), 225–34

L. Treitler: ‘The Polyphony of St. Martial’, JAMS, xvii (1964), 29–42

J. Schubert: ‘Zum Organum des Codex Calixtinus’, Mf, xviii (1965), 393–9

T. Karp: ‘St. Martial and Santiago de Compostela: an Analytical Speculation’, AcM, xxxix (1967), 144–60

W. Osthoff: ‘Die Conductus des Codex Calixtinus’, Festschrift Bruno Stäblein, ed. M. Ruhnke (Kassel, 1967), 178–86

N. Goldine: ‘Les heuriers-matiniers de la cathédrale de Chartres jusqu’au XVe siècle’, RdM, liv (1968), 161–75

S.A. Fuller: Aquitanian Polyphony of the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries (diss., U. of California, Berkeley, 1969)

A. Holschneider: ‘Consonancia – cuncta musica: eine Miniatur im Tropar-Prosar von Nevers, Codex Paris Bibliothèque Nationale, fonds latin 9449’, Mf, xxii (1969), 186–9

G. de Poerck: ‘Le MS Paris, B.N. lat.1139: étude codicologique d’un recueil factice de pièces paraliturgiques (XIe–XIIIe siècle)’, Scriptorium, xxiii (1969), 298–312

S. Fuller: ‘Hidden Polyphony: a Reappraisal’, JAMS, xxiv (1971), 169–92

T. Göllner: ‘Frühe Mehrstimmigkeit in Choralnotation’, Musikalische Edition im Wandel des historischen Bewusstseins, ed. T.G. Georgiades (Kassel, 1971), 113–33

E. Jammers: ‘Die Motette “Stirps Jesse”: eine analytische Studie’, AMw, xxviii (1971), 288–301

W. Arlt: ‘Peripherie und Zentrum: vier Studien zur ein- und mehrstimmigen Musik des hohen Mittelalters’, Forum musicologicum, i (1975), 169–222

B. Gillingham: Saint-Martial Polyphony (Henryville, PA, 1984)

R. Crocker.: ‘Rhythm in Early Polyphony’, Cmc, nos.45–7 (1990), 147–77 [Sanders Fs issue, ed. P.M. Lefferts and L.L. Perkins]

R. Crocker.: ‘Two Recent Editions of Aquitanian Polyphony’, PMM, iii (1994), 57–101

R. Lug: ‘Das “vormodale” Zeichensystem des Chansonnier de Saint-Germain-des-Prés’, AMw, lii (1995), 19–65

R. Eberlein: ‘Vormodale Notation’, AMw, lv (1998), 175–94

(i) catalogues, inventories

F: france: notre dame

This section presents literature concerning the polyphony of the so-called ‘Notre Dame’ sources (described elsewhere see Sources, MS, §IV, 3). It includes catalogues, facsimile editions, modern editions, studies of sources and studies of musical style and technique. For further discussion of the forms and techniques involved, see Organum, §§8–10; Discant, §I, 3–4; Conductus, §§2–4; Motet, §I; Magnus liber; Clausula; Copula, copulatio. All the composers, notators and singers cited by the theorist Anonymous IV (see Anonymous theoretical writings) have articles: see in particular Leoninus and Perotinus. For further information on matters of notation see Notation and Rhythmic modes.

(ii) fascimiles, editions

(iii) studies

(i) catalogues, inventories

F. Ludwig: Repertorium organorum recentioris et motetorum vetustissimi stili, i (Halle, 1910; rev. 2/1964 by L.A. Dittmer); ii, ed. L.A. Dittmer (Hildesheim and New York, 1972)

E. Gröninger: Repertoire-Untersuchungen zum mehrstimmigen Notre Dame-Conductus (Regensburg, 1939)

F. Gennrich: Bibliographie der ältesten französischen und lateinischen Motetten, SMM, ii (1957)

F. Ludwig: Repertorium organorum recentioris et motetorum vetustissimi stili, ii: Musikalisches Anfangs-Verzeichnis des nach Tenores geordneten Repertorium, ed. F. Gennrich, SMM, viii (1962; repr. with preface by L.A. Dittmer in Musicological Studies, xvii, 1972)

(ii) fascimiles, editions

H. Anglès: El Còdex musical de Las Huelgas (música a veus dels segles XIII–XIV), PBC, vi (1931)

J.H. Baxter: An Old St. Andrews Music Book (Cod. Helmst. 628): Published in Facsimile (London, 1931/R)

H. Schmidt-Garre, ed.: Benedicamus Domino: drei dreistimmige Organa aus der Zeit um 1200 (Mainz, 1933)

Y. Rokseth: Polyphonies du XIIIe siècle: le manuscrit H 196 de la Faculté de médecine de Montpellier (Paris, 1935–9) [i facs.; ii–iii edn; iv commentary]

H. Husmann: Die drei- und vierstimmigen Notre-Dame-Organa: kritische Gesamtausgabe, Publikationen älterer Musik, xi (Leipzig, 1940/R)

L. Dittmer: Faksimile-Ausgabe der Handschrift Madrid 20486/Facsimile Reproduction of the Manuscript Madrid 20486, Publications of Mediaeval Musical Manuscripts, i (Brooklyn, NY, 1957)

F. Gennrich, ed.: Die Wimpfener Fragmente der Hessischen Landesbibliothek Darmstadt: Faksimile-Ausgabe der HS 3471, SMM, v (1958)

L. Dittmer: Eine zentrale Quelle der Notre-Dame Musik/A Central Source of Notre-Dame Polyphony: Facsimile, Reconstruction, Catalogue raisonné, Discussion and Transcriptions, Publications of Mediaeval Musical Manuscripts, iii (Brooklyn, NY, 1959)

L. Dittmer, ed.: Paris 13521 and 11411: Faksimile, Einleitung, Register und Transcriptionen/Facsimile, Introduction, Index and Transcriptions from the Manuscripts Paris, Bibl. nat. nouv. acq. fr. 13521 (La Clayette) and lat. 11411, ibid., iv (Brooklyn, NY, 1959)

L. Dittmer: Faksimile-Ausgabe der Handschrift Wolfenbüttel 1099 Helenstadiensis (1206)/Facsimile Reproduction of the Manuscript Wolfenbüttel 1099 Helmstadiensis (1206), ibid., ii (Brooklyn, NY, 1960)

J. Knapp: Thirty-five Conductus for Two and Three Voices, Collegium Musicum, vi (New Haven, CT, 1965)

L. Dittmer: Faksimile-Ausgabe der Handschrift Firenze, Biblioteca-Mediceo-Laurenziana, Pluteo 29,1/Facsimile Reproduction of the Manuscript Firenze, Biblioteca Mediceo-Laurenziana, Pluteo 29,1, Publications of Mediaeval Musical Manuscripts, x–xi (Brooklyn, NY, 1966–7)

E. Thurston, ed.: The Works of Perotin (New York, 1970)

G.A. Anderson, ed.: Notre Dame and Related Conductus (Henryville, PA, 1988)

H. Tischler, ed.: The Parisian Two-Part Organa (Stuyvesant, NY, 1988)

E.H. Roesner, ed.: Magnus liber organi (Monaco, 1993–)

M. Staehelin, ed.: Die mittelalterliche Musik-Handschrift W₁. Vollständige Reproduktion des Notre Dame-Manuskripts der Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel Cod. Guelf. 628 Helm (Wiesbaden, 1995)

(iii) studies

MGG2(‘Notre Dame and Notre-Dame-Handschriften’)

W. Meyer: ‘Der Ursprung des Motett’s’, Nachrichten von der Königlichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, philosophisch-historische Klasse (1898), 113–45; repr. in W. Meyer: Gesammelte Abhandlungen zur mittellateinischen Rhythmik, ii (Berlin, 1905/R), 303–41

F. Ludwig: ‘Über die Entstehung und die erste Entwicklung der lateinischen und französischen Motette in musikalischer Beziehung’, SIMG, vii (1905–6), 514–28; repr. in SMM, xvi, ed. F. Gennrich (1966), 117

A. Gastoué: ‘Three Centuries of French Mediaeval Music’, MQ, iii (1917), 173–88

J. Handschin: Choralbearbeitungen und Kompositionen mit rhythmischem Text in der mehrstimmigen Musik des XIII. Jahrhunderts (diss., U. of Basle, 1921)

F. Ludwig: ‘Die Quellen der Motetten ältesten Stils’, AMw, v (1923), 185–222, 273–315; repr. in SMM, vii, ed. F. Gennrich (1961)

J. Handschin: ‘Was brachte die Notre Dame-Schule Neues?’, ZMw, vi (1923–4), 545–58

J. Handschin: ‘Zur Notre Dame-Rhythmik’, ZMw, vii (1924–5), 386–9

J. Handschin: ‘Notizen über die Notre Dame-Conductus’, Deutsche Musikgesellschaft: Kongress I: Leipzig 1925, 209–17

E.F. Kossmann: ‘Ein Fragment einer neuen altfranzösischen Motettenhandschrift’, ZMw, viii (1925–6), 193–5

R. von Ficker: ‘Polyphonic Music of the Gothic Period’, MQ, xv (1929), 483–505

R. von Ficker, ed.: Perotinus: Organum quadriplum Sederunt principes (Vienna, 1930)

H. Schmidt: Die Organa der Notre-Dame-Schule (diss., U. of Vienna, 1930)

H. Spanke: ‘Die Stuttgarter Handschrift H.B.I. Ascet. 95’, ZDADL, lxviii (1931), 79–88

J. Handschin: ‘Zur Leonin-Perotin-Frage’, ZMw, xiv (1931–2), 319–21

H. Schmidt: ‘Zur Melodiebildung Leonins und Perotins’, ZMw, xiv (1931–2), 129–34

M. Schneider: ‘Zur Satztechnik der Notre-Dame Schule’, ZMw, xiv (1931–2), 398–409

J. Handschin: ‘Zur Geschichte von Notre Dame’, AcM, iv (1932), 5–17, 49–55, 104–5

H. Schmidt: Die drei- und vierstimmigen Organa (Kassel, 1933)

H. Husmann: Die dreistimmigen Organa der Notre Dame-Schule, mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der Handschriften Wolfenbüttel und Montpellier (diss., U. of Leipzig, 1935)

H. Husmann: ‘Die Motetten der Madrider Handschrift und deren geschichtliche Stellung’, AMf, ii (1937), 173–84

Anselm Hughes: ‘The Origins of Harmony: with Special Reference to an Old St. Andrews Ms.’, MQ, xxiv (1938), 176–85

G. Kuhlmann: Die zweistimmigen französischen Motetten des Kodex Montpellier, Faculté de médecine H 196, in ihrer Bedeutung für die Musikgeschichte des 13. Jahrhunderts (Würzburg, 1938)

L. Ellinwood: ‘The French Renaissance of the Twelfth Century in Music’, PAMS 1939, 200–11

F. Racek: Die Clauseln des Wolfenbüttler Codex I (diss., U. of Vienna, 1939)

G.D. Sasse: Die Mehrstimmigkeit der Ars antiqua in Theorie und Praxis (Leipzig, 1940)

L. Ellinwood: ‘The Conductus’, MQ, xxvii (1941), 165–204

H. Nathan: ‘The Function of Text in French 13th-Century Motets’, MQ, xxviii (1942), 445–62

H. Tischler: The Motet in Thirteenth-Century France (diss., Yale U., 1942)

Y. Rokseth: ‘La polyphonie parisienne du treizième siècle: étude critique à propos d’une publication récente’, Cahiers techniques de l’art, i/2 (1947), 33–47 [on H. Husmann, ed.: Die drei- und vierstimmigen Notre-Dame-Organa]

M. Bukofzer: ‘Rhythm and Meter in the Notre Dame Conductus’, BAMS, xi–xiii (1948), 63–5

W. Apel: ‘From St. Martial to Notre Dame’, JAMS, ii (1949), 145–58

J. Stulle: Die mehrstimmigen Sequenzen des Cod. Wolfenbüttel 677 (diss., U. of Bonn, 1950)

F. Spreitzer: Studien zum Formaufbau der dreistimmigen Organumkompositionen des sogenannten Notre Dame Repertoires (diss., U. of Freiburg, 1951)

J. Handschin: ‘Zur Frage der Conductus-Rhythmik’, AcM, xxiv (1952), 113–30

J. Handschin: ‘Conductus-Spicilegien’, AMw, ix (1952), 101–19

H. Husmann: ‘Zur Grundlegung der musikalischen Rhythmik des mittellateinischen Liedes’, AMw, ix (1952), 3–26

W. Waite: ‘Discantus, Copula, Organum’, JAMS, v (1952), 77–87

M.F. Bukofzer: ‘Interrelations between Conductus and Clausula’, AnnM, i (1953), 65–103

L. Schrade: ‘Political Compositions in French Music of the 12th and 13th Centuries: the Coronation of French Kings’, AnnM, i (1953), 9–63; repr. in L. Schrade: De scientia musicae studia atque orationes, ed. E. Lichtenhahn (Berne, 1967), 152–211

Anselm Hughes: ‘Music in Fixed Rhythm’, NOHM, ii (1954), 311–52

H. Husmann: ‘Das System der modalen Rhythmik’, AMw, xi (1954), 1–38

E. Thurston, ed.: The Conductus Compositions in Manuscript Wolfenbüttel 1206 (diss., New York U., 1954)

F. Gennrich: Lateinische Liedkontrafaktur: eine Auswahl lateinischer Conductus mit ihren volkssprachigen Vorbildern (Darmstadt, 1956)

J. Hourlier and J. Chailley: ‘Cantionale Cathalaunense’, Mémoires de la Société d’agriculture, commerce, sciences et arts du département de la Marne, lxxi (2nd ser., xxx) (1956)

W. Krüger: ‘Wort und Ton in den Notre-Dame-Organa’, GfMKB: Hamburg 1956, 135–9

H. Tischler: ‘The Evolution of the Harmonic Style in the Notre-Dame Motet’, AcM, xxviii (1956), 87–95

H. Tischler: ‘Ligatures, Plicae and Vertical Bars in Premensural Notation’, RBM, xi (1957), 83–92

U. Aarburg: ‘Ein Beispiel zur mittelalterlichen Kompositionstechnik: die Chanson R. 1545 von Blondel de Nesle und ihre mehrstimmigen Vertonungen’, AMw, xv (1958), 20–40

A. Machabey: ‘A propos des quadruples pérotiniens’, MD, xii (1958), 3–25

G. Reaney: ‘A Note on Conductus Rhythm’, IMSCR VII: Cologne 1958, 219–20

R. Dammann: ‘Geschichte der Begriffsbestimmung Motette’, AMw, xvi (1959), 337–77

L. Dittmer: ‘Änderung der Grundrhythmen in den Notre-Dame-Handschriften’, Mf, xii (1959), 392–405

E.F. Flindell: The Achievements of the Notre Dame School (diss., U. of Pennsylvania, 1959)

H. Tischler: ‘The Evolution of Form in the Earliest Motets’, AcM, xxxi (1959), 86–90

G. Birkner: ‘Motetus und Motette’, AMw, xviii (1961), 183–94

R. Hunt: ‘The Collections of a Monk of Bardney: a Dismembered Rawlinson Manuscript’, Mediaeval and Renaissance Studies, v (1961), 28–42

J. Knapp: The Polyphonic Conductus in the Notre-Dame Epoch: a Study of the Sixth and Seventh Fascicles of the Manuscript Florence, Biblioteca Laurenziana, Pluteus 29.1 (diss., Yale U., 1961)

H. Tischler: ‘A propos the Notation of the Parisian Organa’, JAMS, xiv (1961), 1–8

W.G. Waite: ‘The Abbreviation of the Magnus liber’, JAMS, xiv (1961), 147–58

G. Birkner: ‘Notre Dame-Cantoren und -Succentoren vom Ende des 10. bis zum Beginn des 14. Jahrhunderts’, In memoriam Jacques Handschin, ed. H. Anglès and others (Strasbourg, 1962), 107–26

J. Chailley: ‘Fragments d’un nouveau manuscrit d’Ars Antiqua à Châlons-sur-Marne’, ibid., 140–49

H. Husmann: ‘St. Germain und Notre-Dame’, Natalicia musicologica Knud Jeppesen septuagenario collegis oblata, ed. B. Hjelmborg and S. Sørenson (Copenhagen, 1962), 31–6

G. Reichert: ‘Wechselbeziehungen zwischen musikalischer und textlicher Struktur in der Motette des 13. Jahrhunderts’, In memoriam Jacques Handschin, ed. H. Anglès and others (Strasbourg, 1962), 151–69

E.H. Sanders: ‘Duple Rhythm and Alternate Third Mode in the 13th Century’, JAMS, xv (1962), 249–91

H. Tischler: ‘Classicism and Romanticism in Thirteenth-Century Music’, RBM, xvi (1962), 3–12

H. Husmann: ‘Deklamation und Akzent in der Vertonung mittellateinischer Dichtung’, AMw, xix–xx (1962–3), 1–8

F. Gennrich, ed.: Aus der Frühzeit der Motette, der erste Zyklus von Clausulae der HS W₁ und ihre Motetten (Langen, 1963)

H. Husmann: ‘The Origin and Destination of the Magnus liber organi’, MQ, xlix (1963), 311–30

H. Husmann: ‘The Enlargement of the Magnus liber organi and the Paris Churches St. Germain l’Auxerrois and Ste. Geneviève-du-Mont’, JAMS, xvi (1963), 176–203

H. Husmann: ‘Ein dreistimmiges Organum aus Sens unter den Notre-Dame-Kompositionen’, Festschrift Friedrich Blume, ed. A.A. Abert and W. Pfannkuch (Kassel, 1963), 200–03

H. Husmann: ‘Zur Überlieferung der Thomas-Offizien’, Organicae voces: Festschrift Joseph Smits van Waesberghe (Amsterdam, 1963), 87–8

J. Knapp: ‘Quid tu vides, Jeremia: Two Conductus in One’, JAMS, xvi (1963), 212–20

H. Tischler: ‘The Dates of Perotin’, JAMS, xvi (1963), 240–41

D.D. Colton: The Conducti of Ms. Madrid 20486 (diss., Indiana U., 1964)

K. von Fischer: ‘Neue Quellen zur Musik des 13., 14. und 15. Jahrhunderts’, AcM, xxxvi (1964), 79–97

D. Harbinson: ‘Imitation in the Early Motet’, ML, xlv (1964), 359–68

N.E. Smith: The Clausulae of the Notre Dame School: a Repertorial Study (diss., Yale U., 1964)

L.A. Dittmer: ‘The Lost Fragments of a Notre Dame Manuscript in Johannes Wolf’s Library’, Aspects of Medieval and Renaissance Music: a Birthday Offering to Gustave Reese, ed. J. LaRue and others (New York, 1966/R), 122–33

D. Harbinson: ‘Isorhythmic Technique in the Early Motet’, ML, xlvii (1966), 100–09

D.G. Hughes: ‘The Sources of Christus manens’, Aspects of Medieval and Renaissance Music: a Birthday Offering to Gustave Reese, ed. J. LaRue and others (New York, 1966/R), 423–34

T. Karp: ‘Towards a Critical Edition of Notre Dame Organa Dupla’, MQ, lii (1966), 350–67

F. Mathiassen: The Style of the Early Motet (c.1200–1250): an Investigation of the Old Corpus of the Montpellier Manuscript (Copenhagen, 1966)

N.E. Smith: ‘Tenor Repetition in the Notre Dame Organa’, JAMS, xix (1966), 329–51

H. Tischler: ‘Perotinus Revisited’, Aspects of Medieval and Renaissance Music: a Birthday Offering to Gustave Reese, ed. I. LaRue and others (New York, 1966/R), 803–17

H. Tischler: ‘The Early Cantors of Notre Dame’, JAMS, xix (1966), 85–7

E.F. Flindell: ‘Syllabic Notation and Change of Mode’, AcM, xxxix (1967), 21–34

H. Husmann: ‘Ein Faszikel Notre-Dame-Kompositionen auf Texte des Pariser Kanzlers Philipp in einer Dominikanerhandschrift (Rom, Santa Sabina XIV L 3) [Sab]’, AMw, xxiv (1967), 1–23

E.H. Sanders: ‘The Question of Perotin’s Oeuvre and Dates’, Festschrift für Walter Wiora, ed. L. Finscher and C.-H. Mahling (Kassel, 1967), 241–9

H. Tischler: ‘Some Rhythmic Features in Early 13th-century Motets’, RBM, xxi (1967), 107–17

G.A. Anderson: ‘Mode and Change of Mode in Notre Dame Conductus’, AcM, xl (1968), 92–114

G.A. Anderson: ‘A New Look at an Old Motet’, ML, xlix (1968), 18–20

G.A. Anderson: ‘Notre Dame Bilingual Motets: a Study in the History of Music c.1215–1245’, MMA, iii (1968), 50–144

R. Flotzinger: ‘Beobachtungen zur Notre-Dame-Handschrift W1 und ihrem 11. Faszikel’, Mitteilungen der Kommission für Musikforschung: Anzeiger der philosophisch-historischen Klasse der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, no.19 (1968), 245–62

D. Harbinson: ‘Consonance and Dissonance in the Old Corpus of the Montpellier Motet Manuscript’, MD, xxii (1968), 5–13

H. Tischler: ‘A propos a Critical Edition of the Parisian Organa Dupla’, AcM, xl (1968), 28–43

G.A. Anderson: ‘A Small Collection of Notre Dame Motets ca. 1215–1235’, JAMS, xxii (1969), 157–96

G.A. Anderson: ‘Newly Identified Tenor Chants in the Notre Dame Repertory’, ML, l (1969), 158–71

G.A. Anderson: ‘Newly Identified Clausula-Motets in the Las Huelgas Manuscript’, MQ, lv (1969), 228–45

R. Flotzinger: Der Discantussatz im Magnus liber und seiner Nachfolge: mit Beiträgen zur Frage der sogenannten Notre-Dame-Handschriften (Vienna, 1969)

H. Tischler: ‘How were Notre Dame Clausulae Performed?’, ML, l (1969), 273–7

G.A. Anderson: ‘Clausulae or Transcribed-Motets in the Florence Manuscript?’, AcM, xlii (1970), 109–28

G.A. Anderson: ‘Symbolism in Texts of Thirteenth-Century Music’, SMA, iv (1970), 19–39; v (1971), 36–42

E. Apfel: Anlage und Struktur der Motetten im Codex Montpellier (Heidelberg, 1970)

L. Dittmer: ‘Eine zerlegte dreistimmige Klausel’, Speculum musicae artis: Festgabe für Heinrich Husmann, ed. H. Becker and R. Gerlach (Munich, 1970), 93–102

R.F.P. Erickson: Rhythmic Problems and Melodic Structure in Organum Purum: a Computer-Assisted Study (diss., Yale U., 1970)

R. Falck: The Structure of the Polyphonic and Monophonic Conductus Repertories: a Study of Source Concordances and their Relation to the Chronology and Provenance of Musical Styles (diss., Brandeis U., 1970)

R. Flotzinger: ‘Zur Herkunft der Wimpfener Fragmente’, Speculum musicae artis: Festgabe für Heinrich Husmann, ed. H. Becker and R. Gerlach (Munich, 1970), 147–51

K. Hofmann: ‘Zur Entstehungs- und Frühgeschichte des Terminus Motette’, AcM, xlii (1970), 138–50

T. Karp: ‘A Test for Melodic Borrowings among Notre Dame Organa Dupla’, The Computer and Music, ed. H.B. Lincoln (Ithaca, NY, 1970), 293–5

K. Hofmann: ‘Rhythmic Architecture in the Music of the High Middle Ages’, Medievalia et humanisticà, new ser., i (1970), 67–80

G.A. Anderson: ‘A Troped Offertorium-Conductus of the 13th Century’, JAMS, xxiv (1971), 96–100

G.A. Anderson: ‘Notre Dame Latin Double Motets ca. 1215–1250’, MD, xxv (1971), 35–92

H.H. Eggebrecht: ‘Organum purum’, Musikalische Edition im Wandel des historischen Bewusstseins, ed. T.G. Georgiades (Kassel, 1971), 93–112

G.A. Anderson, ed.: The Latin Compositions in Fascicules VII and VIII of the Notre Dame Manuscript, Wolfenbüttel, Helmstadt 1099 (1206) (Brooklyn, NY, 1968–76)

G.A. Anderson: ‘Notre Dame and Related Conductus: a Catalogue Raisonné’, MMA, vi (1972), 153–229

G.A. Anderson: ‘Thirteenth-Century Conductus: Obiter Dicta’, MQ, lviii (1972), 349–64

R.A. Baltzer: ‘Thirteenth-Century Illuminated Miniatures and the Date of the Florence Manuscript’, JAMS, xxv (1972), 1–18

K. Hofmann: Untersuchungen zur Kompositionstechnik der Motette im 13. Jahrhundert, durchgeführt an den Motetten mit dem Tenor ‘In seculum’ (Neuhausen-Stuttgart, 1972)

T. Karp: ‘Text Underlay and Rhythmic Interpretation of 12th C. Polyphony’, IMSCR XI: Copenhagen 1972, 482–6

F. Reckow: Die Copula: über einige Zusammenhänge zwischen Setzweise, Formbildung, Rhythmus und Vortragsstil in der Mehrstimmigkeit von Notre-Dame (Mainz and Wiesbaden, 1972)

N.E. Smith: ‘Interrelationships among the Alleluias of the Magnus liber organi’, JAMS, xxv (1972), 175–202

G.A. Anderson: ‘Motets of the Thirteenth Century Manuscript La Clayette: the Repertory and its Historical Significance’; ‘A Stylistic Study of the Repertory’, MD, xxvii (1973), 11–40; xxviii (1974), 5–37

G.A. Anderson: ‘The Rhythm of cum littera Sections of Polyphonic Conductus in Mensural Sources’, JAMS, xxvi (1973), 288–304

E.H. Sanders: ‘The Medieval Motet’, Gattungen der Musik in Einzeldarstellungen: Gedenkschrift Leo Schrade, ed. W. Arlt and others (Berne and Munich, 1973), 497–573

N.E. Smith: ‘Interrelationships among the Graduals of the Magnus liber organi’, AcM, xlv (1973), 73–97

N.E. Smith: ‘Some Exceptional Clausulae of the Florence Manuscript’, ML, liv (1973), 405–14

J. Stenzl: ‘Eine unbekannte Notre-Dame-Quelle: die Solothurner Fragmente’, Mf, xxvi (1973), 311–21

H. Tischler: ‘Musica Ficta in the Parisian Organa’, JMT, xvii (1973), 310–18

H. Tischler: ‘“Musica Ficta” in the Thirteenth Century’, ML, liv (1973), 38–56; extracts in IMSCR XI: Copenhagen 1972, 695–6

G.A. Anderson: ‘A Unique Notre-Dame Motet Tenor Relationship’, ML, lv (1974), 398–409

W. Arlt and others: ‘Peripherie und Zentrum’, GfMKB: Berlin 1974, 15–170

R.A. Baltzer: Notation, Rhythm, and Style in the Two-Voice Notre Dame Clausula (diss., Boston U., 1974)

E.H. Roesner: The Manuscript Wolfenbüttel, Herzog-August-Bibliothek, 628 Helmstadiensis: a Study of its Origins and of its Eleventh Fascicle (diss., New York U., 1974)

G.A. Anderson: ‘Nove Geniture: Three Variant Polyphonic Settings of a Notre Dame Conductus’, SMA, ix (1975), 8–18

W. Arlt and M. Haas: ‘Pariser modale Mehrstimmigkeit in einem Fragment des Basler Universitätsbibliothek’, Forum musicologicum, i (1975), 223–72

E.H. Roesner: ‘The Origins of W₁’, JAMS, xxix (1976), 337–80

H. Tischler: ‘The Structure of Notre-Dame Organa’, AcM, xlix (1977), 193–9

G. Chew: ‘A Magnus Liber Organi Fragment at Aberdeen’, JAMS, xxxi (1978), 326–43

P. Jeffrey: ‘Notre Dame Polyphony in the Library of Pope Boniface VIII’, JAMS, xxxii (1979), 118–24

J. Knapp: ‘Musical Declamation and Poetic Rhythm in an Early Layer of Notre Dame Conductus’, JAMS, xxxii (1979), 383–407

E.H. Roesner: ‘The Performance of Parisian Organum’, EMc, vii (1979), 178–80

P. Maddox, J. Couchman and R. Nemeth: ‘The Gradual Benedicta V Virgo Dei Genitrix: a Study of its Settings in the Notre Dame Repertoire’, Comitatus, x (1979–80), 31–96

V.J. Corrigan: The Style of the Notre Dame Conductus (diss., Indiana U., 1980)

E.H. Sanders: ‘Consonance and Rhythm in the Organum of the 12th and 13th Centuries’, JAMS, xxxiii (1980), 265–86

N.E. Smith: ‘From Clausula to Motet: Material for Further Studies in the Origin and Early History of the Motet’, MD, xxxiv (1980), 29–65

J. Yudkin: ‘The Copula According to Johannes de Garlandia’, MD, xxxiv (1980), 67–84

J. Brown, S. Patterson and D. Hiley: ‘Further Observations on W₁’, Journal of the Plainsong & Medieval Society, iv (1981), 53–80

E.H. Roesner: ‘The Problem of Chronology in the Transmission of Organum Duplum’, Music in Medieval and Early Modern Europe, ed. I. Fenlon (Cambridge, 1981), 365–99

S. Brunner: Die Notre-Dame-Organa der Handschrift W₂ (Tutzing, 1982)

E.H. Roesner: ‘Johannes de Garlandia on Organum in speciali’, EMH, ii (1982), 129–60

H. Tischler: ‘The Four Styles of Notre-Dame Organa’, Orbis musicae, viii (1982–3), 44–53

P. van Poucke: Magister Perotinus magnus: Organa quadrupla generaliter, in leidende reconstructieve studie (diss., Rijksuniversitett Gent, 1983)

L. Treitler: ‘Der Vatikanische Organumtraktat und das Organum von Notre-Dame de Paris: Perspektiven der Entwicklung einer schriftlichen Musikkultur in Europa’, Basler Jb für historische Musikpraxis, vii (1983), 23–31

R. Flotzinger: ‘Zu Perotin und seinem “Sederunt”’, Festschrift für Hans Heinrich Eggebrecht zum 65. Geburtstag, ed. W. Breig and others (Wiesbaden, 1984), 14–28

I. Godt and B. Rivera: ‘The Vatican Organum Treatise: a Colour Reproduction, Transcription and Translation into English’, Gordon Athol Anderson, 1929–81, in memoriam, ed. L.A. Dittmer (Henryville, PA, 1984), 264–345

D. Hiley: ‘The Plica and Liquescence’, ibid., 379–92

M. Everist: Polyphonic Music in Thirteenth-Century France: Aspects of Sources and Distribution (diss., U. of Oxford, 1985)

C. Wright: ‘The Feast of the Reception of the Relicts at Notre Dame of Paris’, Music and Context: Essays for John M. Ward, ed. A.D. Shapiro and P. Benjamin (Cambridge, MA, 1985), 1–13

T.T. Payne: ‘Associa tecum in patria: a Newly Identified Organum Trope by Philipp the Chancelor’, JAMS, xxxix (1986), 233–54

F. Reckow: ‘Kompilation als Innovation: eine Methode theoretischer Herstellung als Zugang zum Charakter hochmittelalterlicher Mehrstimmigkeit’, Festschrift Martin Ruhnke zum 65. Geburtstag (Neuhausen-Stuttgart, 1986), 307–19

C. Wright: ‘Leoninus, Poet and Musician’, JAMS, xxxix (1986), 1–35

R. Eberlein: ‘Ars antiqua: Harmonik und Datierung’, AMw, lxiii (1986), 1–16

R.A. Baltzer: ‘Notre-Dame Manuscripts and their Owners: Lost and Found’, JM, v (1987), 387–9

M. Staehelin: ‘Conductus-Fragmente aus einer Notre-Dame-Hs. in Frankfurt am Main’, Nachrichten der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen, philologisch-historische Klasse (1987), 179–92 [no.8]

W. Frobenius: ‘Zum genetischen Verhältnis zwischen Notre-Dame-Klauseln und ihren Motetten’, AMw, xliv (1987), 1–39

R.A. Baltzer: ‘Another Look at a Composite Office and its History: the Feast of Susceptio reliquiarum in Medieval Paris’, JRMA, cxiii (1988), 1–27

F. Brusniak: ‘Zur Überlieferung des zweistimmigen Organums Crucifixum in carne im Antiphonale Hs. Domarchiv Erfurt Lit. 6a’, Augsburger Jb für Musikwissenschaft 1988, 7–19

M. Everist: French 13th-Century Polyphony in the British Library (London, 1988)

D.F. Scott: The Early Three- and Four-Voice-Monotextual Motets of the Notre Dame School (diss., UCLA, 1988)

M.L. Martínez-Göllner: ‘Mode and Change of Mode in the 13^th-Century Motet’, AnM, lii (1997), 3–14

N.E. Smith: ‘The Parisian Sanctorale ca. 1225’, Capella antiqua München: Festschrift, ed. T. Drescher (Tutzing, 1988), 247–61

C. Page: The Owl and the Nightingale: Musical Life and Ideas in France 1100–1300 (London, 1989)

N.E. Smith: ‘The Earliest Motets: Music and Words’, JRMA, cxiv (1989), 141–63

C. Wright: Music and Ceremony at Notre Dame of Paris 500–1500 (Cambridge, 1989)

R.A. Baltzer: ‘How Long was Notre-Dame Organum Performed?’, Beyond the Moon: Festschrift Luther Dittmer, ed. B. Gillingham and P. Merkley (Ottawa, 1990), 118–43

R.A. Baltzer: ‘Aspects of Trope in the Earliest Motets for the Assumption of the Virgin’, CMc, nos.45–7 (1990) [Sanders Fs issue, ed. P.M. Lefferts and L.L. Perkins], 5–42

T.B. Payne: Poetry, Politics, and Polyphony: Philipp the Chancelor’s Contribution to the Music of the Notre Dame School (diss., U. of Chicago, 1991)

A. Traub: ‘Das Ereignis Notre Dame’, Die Musik des Mittelalters, ed. H. Möller and R. Stephan (Laaber, 1991), 239–71

W. Frobenius: ‘Die Motette’, ibid., 272–94

R.A. Baltzer: ‘The Geography of the Liturgy at Notre-Dame of Paris’, Plainsong in the Age of Polyphony, ed. T.F. Kelly (Cambridge, 1992), 45–64

K.-H. Schlager: ‘Panofsky and Perotin’, Festschrift Hubert Unverricht zum 65. Geburtstag, ed. K.-H. Schlager (Tutzing, 1992), 245–54

N.E. Smith: ‘An Early Thirteenth-Century Motet’, Models of Musical Analysis: Music Before 1600, ed. M. Everist (Oxford, 1992), 20–40

S.A. Kidwell: The Integration of Music and Text in the Early Latin Motet (diss., U. of Texas, 1993)

F. Körndle: Das zweistimmige Notre-Dame-Organum ‘Crucifixum in carne’ und sein Weiterleben in Erfurt (Tutzing, 1993)

M. Everist: French Motets in the Thirteenth Century: Music, Poetry and Genre (Cambridge, 1994)

W. Arlt: ‘Warum nur viermal? Zur historischen Stellung des Komponierens an der Pariser Notre Dame’, Festschrift für Ludwig Finscher, ed. A. Laubenthal and K. Kusan-Windweh (Kassel, 1995), 44–8

H. Schick: ‘Musik wird zum Kunstwerk – Leonin und die Organa des Vatikanischen Organumtraktats’, ibid., 34–43

G: france: other sources

This section presents literature concerning ‘peripheral’ sources of French music in the late 12th century and the 13th. It covers in particular the St Victor manuscript (see Sources, MS, §IV, 4) and the Beauvais manuscript (GB-Lbl 2615). See also Adam de la Bassée; Pierre de Corbeil; Versified Office.

C.-E.-H. de Coussemaker: ‘L’harmonie au moyen âge: “Orientis partibus”’, Annales archéologiques, xvi (1856), 300–04

H. Villetard, ed.: Office de Pierre de Corbeil (Office de la Circoncision) improprement appelé “Office des Fous”: texte et chant publiés d’après le manuscrit de Sens (XIIIe siècle) (Paris, 1907)

G. Beyssac: ‘L’Office de la Circoncision de Pierre de Corbeil’, Rassegna gregoriana, vii (1908), 305, 543–8

F. Ludwig: ‘Mehrstimmige Musik des 12. oder 13. Jahrhunderts im Schlettstädter St. Fides-Codex’, Festschrift Hermann Kretzschmar (Leipzig, 1918/R), 80–84

P. Wagner: ‘Ein versteckter Discantus’, Musikwissenschaftliche Beiträge: Festschrift für Johannes Wolf, ed. W. Lott, H. Osthoff and W. Wolffheim (Berlin, 1929/R), 785–802

P. Bayart, ed.: Adam de la Bassée (†1286): Ludus super Anticlaudianum (Tourcoing, 1930)

J. Handschin: ‘Gregorianisch-Polyphones aus der Handschrift Paris B.N. lat. 15129’, KJb, xxv (1930), 60–76

H. Greene: ‘The Song of the Ass Orientis partibus, with Special Reference to Egerton MS. 2615’, Speculum, vi (1931), 534–49

Y. Rokseth: ‘Le contrepoint double vers 1248’, Mélanges de musicologie offerts à M. Lionel de La Laurencie (Paris, 1933), 5–13

Y. Delaporte: ‘L’ordinaire chartrain du XIIIe siècle’, Mémoires de la Société archéologique d’Eure-et-Loir, xix (1952–3) [whole vol.]

L. Spiess: ‘Some Remarks on Notational Advances in the St. Victor Manuscript’, JAMS, vii (1954), 250–51

A. Seay: ‘Le manuscrit 695 de la Bibliothèque communale d’Assise’, RdM, xxxix/xl (1957), 10–35

A. Geering: ‘Retrospektive mehrstimmige Musik in französischen Handschriften des Mittelalters’, Miscelánea en homenaje a Monseñor Higinio Anglés (Barcelona, 1958–61), 307–11

D.G. Hughes: ‘Liturgical Polyphony at Beauvais in the Thirteenth-Century’, Speculum, xxxiv (1959), 184–200

E. Thurston, ed.: The Music in the St. Victor Manuscript, Paris lat. 15139: Polyphony of the Thirteenth Century (Toronto, 1959)

J. Smits van Waesberghe: ‘Singen und Dirigieren der mehrstimmigen Musik im Mittelalter: was Miniaturen uns hierüber lehren’, Mélanges offerts à René Crozet, ed. P. Gallais and Y.-J. Riou (Poitiers, 1966), 1345–54

E. Thurston: ‘A Comparison of the St. Victor Clausulae with their Motets’, Aspects of Medieval and Renaissance Music: a Birthday Offering to Gustave Reese, ed. J. LaRue and others (New York, 1966/R), 785–802

W. Arlt: Ein Festoffizium des Mittelalters aus Beauvais in seiner liturgischen und musikalischen Bedeutung (Cologne, 1970)

R. Falck: ‘New Light on the Polyphonic Conductus Repertory in the St. Victor Manuscript’, JAMS, xxiii (1970), 315–26

Andrew Hughes: ‘The Ludus super Anticlaudianum of Adam de la Bassée’, JAMS, xxiii (1970), 1–25

J. Stenzl: Die vierzig Clausulae der Handschrift Paris Bibliothèque nationale latin 15139 (Saint Victor-Clausulae), Publikationen der Schweizerischen Musikforschenden Gesellschaft, ii/22 (Berne, 1970)

H. Tischler: ‘A propos of a Newly Discovered Organum’, JAMS, xxviii (1975), 515–26

M.E. Fassler: ‘The Feast of Fool and Danielis ludus: Popular Tradition in a Medieval Cathedral Play’, Plainsong in the Age of Polyphony, ed. T.F. Kelly (Cambridge, 1992), 65–99

H: british isles

For further discussion of the sources see Sources, ms, §§IV, 2 and VI. Discussion of repertory, style and technique occurs under Cantilena (i), Gymel, Rondellus, Rota, Sumer is icumen in and Worcester polyphony, as well as under Organum and Discant. There are also articles on relevant chroniclers (e.g. Giraldus Cambrensis), theologians, composers, compilers and theorists.

(i) polyphony to c1300

HarrisonMMB

W.H. Frere, ed.: The Winchester Troper from MSS of the Xth and XIth Centuries with Other Documents Illustrating the History of Tropes in England and France (London, 1894/R)

H.E. Wooldridge and H.V. Hughes, ed.: Early English Harmony from the 10th to the 15th Century (London, 1897–1913/R)

J. Handschin: ‘Eine wenig beachtete Stilrichtung innerhalb der mittelalterlichen Mehrstimmigkeit’, Schweizerisches Jb für Musikwissenschaft, i (1924), 56–75

J. Handschin: ‘A Monument of English Mediaeval Polyphony: the Manuscript Wolfenbüttel 677 (Helmst. 628)’, MT, lxxiii (1932), 510–13; lxxiv (1933), 697–704

M. Bukofzer: ‘The Gymel, the Earliest Form of English Polyphony’, ML, xvi (1935), 77–84

M. Bukofzer: ‘The First Motet with English Words’, ML, xvii (1936), 93–105

J. Handschin: ‘The Two Winchester Tropers’, Journal of Theological Studies, xxxvii (1936), 34–49, 156–64

J. Beveridge: ‘Two Scottish Thirteenth-Century Songs’, ML, xx (1939), 352–64

M. Bukofzer: ‘Sumer is icumen in’: a Revision, University of California Publications in Music, ii/2 (Berkeley, 1944)

H. Tischler: ‘English Traits in the Early Thirteenth-Century Motet’, MQ, xxx (1944), 458–76

J. Handschin: ‘The Summer Canon and its Background’, MD, iii (1949), 55–94; v (1951), 65–113

L. Dittmer: ‘Binary Rhythm, Musical Theory, and the Worcester Fragments’, MD, vii (1953), 39–57

L. Dittmer: ‘An English Discantuum Volumen’, MD, viii (1954), 19–58

R. Greene: ‘Two Medieval Musical Manuscripts: Egerton 3307 and some University of Chicago Fragments’, JAMS, vii (1954), 1–34

L.A. Dittmer: ‘Beiträge zum Studium der Worcester-Fragmente: der Rondellus’, Mf, x (1957), 29–39

L. Dittmer: ‘The Dating and the Notation of the Worcester Fragments’, MD, xi (1957), 5–11

L. Dittmer: The Worcester Fragments: a Catalogue Raisonné and Transcription, MSD, ii (1957)

L.I. Hibberd: ‘Giraldus Cambrensis on Welsh Popular Singing’, Essays on Music in Honor of Archibald Thompson Davison (Cambridge, MA, 1957), 17–23

E. Apfel: Studien zur Satztechnik der mittelalterlichen englischen Musik (Heidelberg, 1959), no.5 [contains facs. and edns]

L. Dittmer, ed.: Worcester Add. 68, Westminster Abbey 33327, Madrid, Bibl. Nac. 192: Facsimile, Introduction, Index and Transcriptions, Publications of Mediaeval Musical Manuscripts, v (Brooklyn, NY, 1959)

F.Ll. Harrison: ‘Rota and Rondellus in English Medieval Music’, PRMA, lxxxvi (1959–60), 98–107

M.F. Bukofzer: ‘Popular and Secular Music in England (to c.1470)’, NOHM, iii (1960/R), 107–28

L. Dittmer, ed.: Oxford, Latin Liturgical D 20, London, Add. MS 25031, Chicago, MS 654 app.: Facsimile, Introduction, Index and Transcriptions, Publications of Mediaeval Musical Manuscripts, vi (Brooklyn, NY, 1960)

E. Apfel: ‘Über einige Zusammenhänge zwischen Text und Musik im Mittelalter, besonders in England’, AcM, xxxiii (1961), 47–54

Anselm Hughes: ‘The Topography of English Mediaeval Polyphony’, In memoriam Jacques Handschin, ed. H. Anglès and others (Strasbourg, 1962), 127–39

I.D. Bent: ‘The English Chapel Royal before 1300’, PRMA, xc (1963–4), 77–95

E.H. Sanders: Medieval English Polyphony and its Significance for the Continent (diss., Columbia U., 1963)

E.H. Sanders: ‘Peripheral Polyphony of the 13th Century’, JAMS, xvii (1964), 261–87

E.H. Sanders: ‘Tonal Aspects of Thirteenth-Century English Polyphony’, AcM, xxxvii (1965), 19–34

F.Ll. Harrison: ‘Polyphony in Medieval Ireland’, Festschrift Bruno Stäblein, ed. M. Ruhnke (Kassel, 1967), 74–8

A. Holschneider: Die Organa von Winchester: Studien zum ältesten Repertoire polyphoner Musik (Hildesheim, 1968) [facs. and study]

I.D. Bent: ‘A New Polyphonic “Verbum bonum et suave”’, ML, li (1970), 227–41

I.D. Bent: ‘A 12th-Century Extemporizing Technique’, MT, cxi (1970), 33–7

G. Reaney: ‘John Wylde and the Notre Dame Conductus’, Speculum musicae artis: Festgabe für Heinrich Husmann, ed. H. Becker and R. Gerlach (Munich, 1970), 263–70

D. Stevens: ‘Music in Honor of St. Thomas of Canterbury’, MQ, lvi (1970), 311–48

D. Stevens, ed.: Music in Honour of St. Thomas of Canterbury 1118–1170 (London, 1970)

T. Göllner, ed.: Die mehrstimmigen liturgischen Lesungen (Habilitationsschrift, U. of Munich, 1967; Tutzing, 1969)

G. Vecchi: ‘“Celum mercatur hodie”: motteto in onore di Thomas Becket da un codice bolognese’, Quadrivium, xii/1 (1971), 65–70

E.H. Sanders: ‘England: from the Beginning to c.1540’, Music from the Middle Ages to the Renaissance, A History of Western Music, i, ed. F. Sternfeld (London, 1973), 255–313

R. Wibberley: English Polyphonic Music of the Late Thirteenth and Early Fourteenth Centuries: a Reconstruction, Transcription and Commentary (diss., U. of Oxford, 1976)

G. Chew: ‘A Magnus Liber Organi Fragment at Aberdeen’, JAMS, xxxi (1978), 326–43

C. Hohler: ‘Reflections on some Manuscripts Containing 13th Century Polyphony’, Journal of the Plainsong and Mediaeval Music Society, i (1978), 2–38

E.J. Dobson and F.Ll. Harrison, eds.: Medieval English Songs (London, 1979)

E.H. Sanders: English Music of the Thirteenth and Early Fourteenth Centuries, PMFC, xiv (1979)

B. Cooper: ‘A Thirteenth-Century Canon Reconstructed’, MR, xlii (1981), 85–90

F.Ll. Harrison and R. Wibberley, eds.: Manuscripts of Fourteenth Century Polyphony: a Selection of Facsimiles, EECM, xxvi (1981)

P.M. Lefferts: ‘Two English Motets on Simon de Montfort’, EMH, i (1981), 203–25

P.M. Lefferts and M. Bent: ‘New Sources of English Thirteenth- and Fourteenth-Century Polyphony’, EMH, ii (1982), 273–362

G.A. Anderson: ‘New Sources of Medieval Music’, Musicology, vii (1982), 1–26

R.M. Thomson: ‘England and the Twelfth-Century Renaissance’, Past and Present, ci (1983), 3–21

P.M. Lefferts: ‘Text and Context in the Fourteenth-Century English Motet’, L’Europa e la musica del Trecento: Congresso VI: Certaldo 1984 [L’Ars Nova italiana del Trecento, vi (Certaldo, 1992)], 169–92

B. Gillingham, ed.: Medieval Polyphonic Sequences: an Anthology (Ottawa, 1985)

M. Everist, ed.: Five Anglo-Norman Motets (Newton Abbot, 1986)

P.M. Lefferts: The Motet in England in the Fourteenth Century (Ann Arbor, 1986)

E.H. Sanders, F.Ll. Harrison and P.M. Lefferts, eds.: English Music for Mass and Offices (II) and Music for other Ceremonies, PMFC, xvii (1986)

R. Baltzer: ‘Notre Dame Manuscripts and their Owners: Lost and Found’, JM, v (1987), 380–99

B. Gillingham: ‘Lambeth Palace 457: a Reassessment’, ML, lxviii (1987), 213–21

A. Wathey: ‘Lost Books of Polyphony in England: a List to 1500’, RMARC, no.21 (1988), 1–19

O.E. Malyshko: The English Conductus Repertory: a Study of Style (diss., New York U., 1989)

B. Gillingham, ed.: Cambridge, University Library, Ff.i.17(1) (Ottawa, 1989)

R. Crocker: ‘Polyphony in England in the Thirteenth Century’, The Early Middle Ages to 1300, NOHM, ii (2/1990), 679–720

P.M. Lefferts: ‘Cantilena and Antiphon; Music for Marian Services in Late Medieval England’, CMc, nos.45–7 (1990), 247–82 [Sanders Fs issue, ed. P.M. Lefferts and L.L. Perkins]

F. Büttner: Klang und Konstruktion in der englischen Mehrstimmigkeit des 13. Jahrhunderts: ein Beitrag zur Erforschung der Stimmtauschkomposition in den Worcester-Fragmenten (Tutzing, 1990)

M. Everist: ‘From Paris to St Andrews: the Origins of W₁’, JAMS, xliii (1990), 1–42

J. Caldwell: The Oxford History of English Music, i, From the Beginnings to c.1715 (Oxford, 1991)

P.M. Lefferts: ‘Medieval England, 950–1450’, Man & Music/Music and Society, i: Antiquity and the Middle Ages: from Ancient Greece to the 15th Century, ed. J. McKinnon (London, 1990), 170–96

M. Everist: ‘Anglo-French Interaction in Music, c1170– c1300’, RBM, xlvi (1992), 5–22

G. Di Bacco and J. Nádas: ‘The Papal Chapels and Italian Sources of Polyphony during the Great Schism’, Papal Music and Musicians in Late Medieval and Renaissance Rome: Washington DC 1993, 44–92

S. Roper: Medieval English Benedictine Liturgy: Studies in the Formation, Structure, and Content of the Monastic Votive Office, c.950–1540 (New York, 1993)

A. Wathey, ed.: Manuscripts of Polyphonic Music: the British Isles, 1100–1400 (Munich, 1993) [suppl. 1 to RISM, B/IV/1–2]

S. Rankin: ‘Winchester Polyphony: the Early Theory and Practice of Organum’, Music in the Medieval English Liturgy: Plainsong & Mediaeval Music Society Centennial Essays, ed. S. Rankin and D. Hiley (Oxford, 1993), 59–100

W. Arlt: ‘Stylistic Layers in Eleventh-Century Polyphony: how can the Continental Sources Contribute to our Understanding of the Winchester Organa?’, ibid., 101–44

N. Losseff: The Best Concords: Polyphonic Music in Thirteenth-Century England (New York, 1994)

M. Staehlin, ed.: Die mittelalterliche Musik-Handschrift W1: vollständige Reproduktion des “Notre Dame”-Manuskripts der Herzig August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel Cod. Guelf. 628 Helmst (Wiesbaden, 1995)

C. Page: ‘Marian Texts and Themes in an English Manuscript: a Miscellany in Two Parts’, PMM, v (1996), 23–44

P.E. Szarmach, M.T. Tavormina, J.T. Rosenthal, eds.: Medieval England: an Encyclopedia (New York, 1998)

W.J. Summers and P.M. Lefferts, eds.: English Thirteenth-Century Polyphony: a Facsimile Edition of the Manuscript Sources (forthcoming)

VIII. 2. ‘english discant’: 14th and 15th centuries

S.B. Meech: ‘Three Musical Treatises in English from a Fifteenth-Century Manuscript’, Speculum, x (1935), 235–69

M.F. Bukofzer: Geschichte des englischen Diskants und des Fauxbourdons nach den theoretischen Quellen (Strasbourg, 1936/R)

T. Georgiades: Englische Diskanttraktate aus der ersten Hälfte des 15. Jahrhunderts (Munich, 1937)

S.W. Kenney: ‘“English Discant” and Discant in England’, MQ, xlv (1959), 26–48

S.W. Kenney: ‘The Theory of Discant’, Walter Frye and the ‘Contenance Angloise’ (New Haven, CT, 1964/R), 91–122

E.H. Sanders: ‘Cantilena and Discant in 14th-Century England’, MD, xix (1965), 7–52

Andrew Hughes: ‘Mensural Polyphony for Choir in 15th-Century England’, JAMS, xix (1966), 352–69

Andrew Hughes: ‘The Old Hall Manuscript: a Re-appraisal’, MD, xxi (1967), 97–129

A.B. Scott: ‘The Performance of the Old Hall Discant Settings’, MQ, lvi (1970), 14–26

I: spain, portugal

H. Anglès: ‘Die mehrstimmige Musik in Spanien vor dem 15. Jahrhundert’, Beethoven-Zentenarfeier: Vienna 1927, 158–63

H. Anglès: El Còdex musical de Las Huelgas (música a veus dels segles XIII–XIV), PBC, vi (1931) [facs., edn, commentary]

H. Anglès: La música a Catalunya fins al segle XIII, PBC, x (1935/R)

H. Anglès: ‘Hispanic Musical Culture from the 6th to the 14th Century’, MQ, xxvi (1940), 494–528

S. Corbin: Essai sur la musique religieuse portugaise au Moyen Âge (1100–1385) (Paris, 1952)

K. von Fischer: ‘Ein singulärer Typus portugiesischer Passionen des 16. Jahrhunderts’, AMw, xix–xx (1962–3), 180–85

J: italy

R. Baralli: ‘Un frammento inedito di “Discantus”’, Rassegna gregoriana, x (1911), 151–2; xi (1912), 5–10

E. Ferand: ‘The “Howling in Seconds” of the Lombards: a Contribution to the Early History of Polyphony’, MQ, xxv (1939), 313–24

J. Handschin: ‘Aus der alten Musiktheorie, III: Zur ambrosianischen Mehrstimmigkeit’, AcM, xv (1943), 2–15

G. Vecchi: ‘Innodia e dramma sacro, II: Una prosa-conductus dei processionali de Cividale’, Studi mediolatini e volgari, i (1953), 231–7

H. Anglès: ‘La musica sacra medioevale in Sicilia’, Musiche populari mediterranee; Convegno dei bibliotecari musicali: Palermo 1954, 205–14

G. Vecchi, ed.: Uffici drammatici padovani (Florence, 1954)

G. Vecchi: ‘Tra monodia e polifonia: appunti da servire alla storia della melica sacra in Italia nel secolo XIII e al principio del XIV’, CHM, ii (1956–7), 447–64

K. von Fischer: ‘Die Rolle der Mehrstimmigkeit am Dome von Siena zu Beginn des 13. Jahrhunderts’, AMw, xviii (1961), 167–82

K. von Fischer: ‘Das Kantorenamt am Dome von Siena zu Beginn des 13. Jahrhunderts’, Festschrift Karl Gustav Fellerer zum sechzigsten Geburtstag, ed. H. Hüschen (Regensburg, 1962), 155–60

L. Schrade: ‘Ein neuer Fund früher Mehrstimmigkeit’, AMw, xix–xx (1962–3), 238–56

M.L. Martinez: Die Musik des frühen Trecento (Tutzing, 1963)

B. Stäblein: ‘Zur archaischen ambrosianischen (Mailänder) Mehrstimmigkeit’, A Ettore Desderi (Bologna, 1963), 169–74

G. Massera: ‘De alcuni canti sacri a due voci nei corali del Duomo di Parma’, Aurea Parma, xlviii (1964), 79–97

G. Massera: ‘Sempre a proposito de alcune musiche polifoniche nei libri liturgici del Duomo di Parma’, Aurea Parma, xlviii (1964), 260–5

F.Ll. Harrison: ‘Benedicamus, Conductus, Carol: a Newly-Discovered Source’, AcM, xxxvii (1965), 35–48

P. Petrobelli: ‘Nuovo materiale polifonico del Medioevo e del Rinascimento a Cividale’, Memorie storiche forogiuliesi, xlvi (1965), 213–15

F.A. Gallo: ‘“Cantus planus binatim”: polifonia primitiva in fonti tardive’, Quadrivium, vii (1966), 79–89

K. Ricciarelli and P. Ernetti: ‘Il Discanto Aquileies’, Jucunda laudatio, iv (1966), 238

R. Strohm: ‘Neue Quellen zur liturgischen Mehrstimmigkeit des Mittelalters in Italien’, RIM, i (1966), 77–87

F.A. Gallo: ‘Esempi dell’ organum dei Lumbardi nel XII secolo’, Quadrivium, viii (1967), 23–6

R. Strohm: ‘Ein Zeugnis früher Mehrstimmigkeit in Italien’, Festschrift Bruno Stäblein, ed. M. Ruhnke (Kassel, 1967), 239–49

F.A. Gallo and G. Vecchi: I più antichi monumenti sacri italiani, MLMI, iii/1 (1968)

N. Pirrotta: ‘Church Polyphony Apropos of a New Fragment at Foligno’, Studies in Music History: Essays for Oliver Strunk, ed. H. Powers (Princeton, NJ, 1968), 113–26

O. Strunk: ‘Church Polyphony Apropos of a New Fragment at Grottaferrata’, L’Ars Nova italiana del Trecento: Convegno II: Certaldo and Florence 1969 [L’Ars Nova italiana del Trecento, iii (Certaldo, 1970)], 305–14; repr. in O. Strunk: Essays on Music in the Western World (New York, 1974), 44–54

G. Vecchi: ‘Teoresi e prassi del canto a due voci in Italia nel Duecento e nel primo Trecento’, L'Ars Nova italiana del Trecento: Convegno II: Certaldo and Florence 1969 L’Ars Nova italiana del Trecento, iii (Certaldo, 1970)], 203–14

G. Cattin, O. Mischiati and A. Ziino: ‘Composizioni polifoniche del primo Quattrocento nei libri corali di Guardiagrele’, RIM, vii (1972), 153–81

K. Levy: ‘Italian Duecento Polyphony: Observations on an Umbrian Fragment’, RIM, x (1975), 10–19

A. Ziino: ‘Polifonia nella cattedrale di Lucca durante il XIII secolo’, AcM, xlvii (1975), 16–30

F.A. Gallo: ‘The Practice of Cantus planus binatim in Italy from the Beginning of the 14th to the Beginning of the 16th Century’, Le Polifonie Primitive di Cividale: Cividale del Friuli 1980, 13–30

K: germany, low countries, switzerland, austria

H. Müller: Eine Abhandlung über Mensuralmusik in der Karlsruher Handschrift St. Peter pergamen (Karlsruhe, 1886)

P. Wagner: ‘Das Dreikönigsspiel zu Freiburg in der Schweiz’, Freiburger Geschichtsblatter, x (1903), 77–101

F. Ludwig: ‘Die mehrstimmigen Werke der Handschrift Engelberg 314’, KJb, xxi (1908), 48–61

H. Zingerle: Die ein- und zweistimmigen Kirchengesänge des Codex 457 der Universitätsbibliothek Innsbruck aus der Karthause Schnals (diss., U. of Innsbruck, 1925)

J. Wolf: ‘Eine neue Quelle zur mehrstimmigen kirchlichen Praxis des 14. bis 15. Jahrhunderts’, Festschrift Peter Wagner, ed. K. Weinmann (Leipzig, 1926/R), 222–37

J. Handschin: ‘Angelomontana polyphonica’, Schweizerisches Jb für Musikwissenschaft, iii (1928), 64–96

H. Funck: ‘Die mehrstimmigen Kompositionen in Cod. Zwickau 119’, ZMw, xiii (1930–31), 558–63

H.J. Moser: Die mehrstimmige Vertonung des Evangeliums, i (Leipzig, 1931/R)

K.A. Rosenthal: ‘Einige unbekannte Motetten älteren Stils aus Handschriften der Nationalbibliothek, Wien’, AcM, vi (1934), 8–14

J. Handschin: ‘Peripheres’, Mitteilungen der Schweizerischen musikforschenden Gesellschaft, ii (1935), 24–32

J. Wolf: ‘Eine deutsche Quelle geistlicher Musik aus dem Ende des 15. Jahrhunderts’, JbMP 1936, 30–48

H. Federhofer: ‘Archaistische Mehrstimmigkeit im Spätmittelalter’, SMz, lxxxviii (1948), 416

H. Federhofer: ‘Eine neue Quelle zur Organumpraxis des späten Mittelalters’, AcM, xx (1948), 21–5

H. Federhofer: ‘Ein Beispiel spätmittelalterlicher Organumspraxis in Vorau, Codex 22’, Aus Archiv und Chronik, iii (1950), 57

R. Stephan: ‘Einige Hinweise auf die Pflege der Mehrstimmigkeit im frühen Mittelalter in Deutschland’, GfMKB: Lüneburg 1950, 68–70

A. Geering: Die Organa und mehrstimmigen Conductus in den Handschriften des deutschen Sprachgebietes vom 13. bis 16. Jahrhundert (Berne, 1952)

R. Ewerhart: Die Handschrift 322/1994 der Stadtbibliothek Trier als musikalische Quelle (Cologne, 1955)

H. Federhofer and R. Federhofer-Königs: ‘Mehrstimmigkeit in dem Augustiner-Chorherrenstift Seckau (Steiermark)’, KJb, xlii (1958), 98–108

W. Irtenkauf: ‘Ein neuer Fund zur liturgischen Ein- und Mehrstimmigkeit des 15. Jahrhunderts’, Mf, xii (1959), 4–12

T. Göllner: Formen früher Mehrstimmigkeit in deutschen Handschriften des späten Mittelalters (Tutzing, 1961)

J. Smits van Waesberghe: ‘Das Weihnachtslied In dulci iubilo und seine ursprüngliche Melodie’, Festschrift Helmuth Osthoff, ed. L. Hoffmann-Erbrecht and H. Hucke (Tutzing, 1961), 27–37

G.P. Köllner: ‘Eine Mainzer Choralhandschrift des 15. Jahrhunderts als Quelle zum “Crucifixum in carne”’, AMw, xix–xx (1962–3), 208–12

J. Valkestijn: ‘Organa-handschriften uit de XVIe eeuw in Nederlands bibliotheken’, Gregoriusblad, lxxxv (1964), 185–9, 267–70; lxxxvi (1965), 80–85, 259–65; xc (1966), 218–26, 288–93, 447–53

J. Smits van Waesberghe: ‘Die Handschrift Utrecht NIKK B 113’, KJb, l (1966), 45–74

J. Stenzl: ‘Das Dreikönigsfest in der Genfer Kathedrale Saint-Pierre’, AMw, xxv (1968), 118–33

K. von Fischer: ‘Neue Quellen mehrstimmiger Musik des 15. Jahrhunderts aus schweizerischen Klöstern’, Renaissance-muziek 1400–1600: donum natalicium René Bernard Lenaerts, ed. J. Robijns and others (Leuven, 1969), 293–301

T. Göllner: Die mehrstimmigen liturgischen Lesungen (Tutzing, 1969)

C. Allworth: ‘The Medieval Processional: Donaueschingen MS 882’, Ephemerides liturgicae, lxxxiv (1970), 169–86

W. Dömling: ‘Überlieferung eines Notre-Dame-Conductus in mensurierter Notation’, Mf, xxiii (1970), 429–31

J. Stenzl: ‘Eine unbekannte Sanctus-Motette vom Ende des 13. Jahrhunderts’, AcM, xlii (1970), 128–38

T. Göllner: ‘The Three-Part Gospel Reading and the Medieval Magi Play’, JAMS, xxiv (1971), 51–62

W. Dömling, ed.: Die Handschrift London, British Museum, Add. 27 630 (LoD), EDM, 1st ser., lii–liii (1972)

T. Göllner: ‘Frühe Mehrstimmigkeit im liturgischen Gesang und Orgelspiel’, Musik in Bayern, i: Bayerische Musikgeschichte, ed. R. Münster and H. Schmid (Tutzing, 1972), 97–105

J. Stenzl: Repertorium der liturgischen Musikhandschriften der Diözesen Sitten, Lausanne und Genf, i: Diözese Sitten (Fribourg, 1972)

R. Flotzinger: ‘Non-Mensural Sacred Polyphony (Discantus) in Medieval Austria’, Le polifonie primitive in Friuli e in Europa: Cividale del Friuli 1980, 43–61

L: scandinavia

A. Hammerich: ‘Studien über isländische Musik’, SIMG, i (1899–1900), 341–71

C.-A. Moberg: ‘Om flerstämmig musik i Sverige under medeltiden’, STMf, x (1928), 5–92

E. von Hornbostel: ‘Phonographierte isländische Zwiegesänge’, Deutsche Islandforschung, i, ed. W.H. Vogt (Breslau, 1930), 300–20

J. Handschin: ‘Das älteste Dokument für die Pflege der Mehrstimmigkeit in Dänemark’, AcM, vii (1935), 67–9

H. Helgason: ‘Das Bauernorganum auf Island’, IMSCRVII: Cologne 1958, 132

N.L. Wallin: ‘Hymnus in honorem Sancti Magni comitis Orchadiae: Codex Upsaliensis C 233’, STMf, xliii (1961), 339–54

I. Milveden: ‘Die schriftliche Fixierung eines Quintenorganum in einem Antiphonar-Fragment der Diözese Åbo’, STMf, xliv (1962), 63–5

I. Milveden: ‘Organum’, Kulturhistorisk leksikon for nordisk middelalder fra vikingetid til reformationstid, ed. J. Danstrup (Copenhagen, 1956–78)

N. Schiørring: ‘Flerstemmighed i dansk middelalder’, Festskrift Jens Peter Larsen, ed. N. Schiørring, H. Glahn and C.E. Hatting (Copenhagen, 1972), 11–27

J. Bergsagel: ‘The Transmission of Notre Dame Organa in Some Newly-Discovered Magnus Liber Fragments in Copenhagen’, IMSCR: Bologna 1987, 629–36

M: eastern europe

D. Orel: ‘Počátky umělého vícehlasu v Čechách’ [Beginnings of art polyphony in Bohemia], Sborník filozofická fakulta univerzity Komenského v Bratislava, viii (1922), 143

M. Szczepańska: ‘Do historii muzyki wielogłosowej w Polsce z końca XV wieku’ [History of polyphonic music in Poland from the end of the 15th century], KM, no.8 (1930), 275–306

F. Feldmann: ‘Ein Quintenorganum aus einer Breslauer Handschrift des frühen 16. Jahrhunderts’, KJb, xxvii (1932), 75–83

V. Belyayev: ‘The Folk-Music of Georgia’, MQ, xix (1933), 417–33

H.A. Sander: ‘Organa und Konduktus in spätmittelalterlichen schlesischen Handschriften’, Mitteilungen der Schlesischen Gesellschaft für Volkskunde, xxxv (1935), 218–30

J. Vanický: Umění vokální polyfonie: selectio artis musicae polyphonicae a XII.–XVI. saec. [The art of vocal polyphony] (Prague, 1955)

V. Belyayev: ‘Early Russian Polyphony/Ranneye russkoye mnogogolosie’, Studia memoriae Belae Bartók sacra, ed. B. Rajeczky and L. Vargyas (Budapest, 1956), 307–36; Eng. edn (London, 1959), 311–29

A. Sutkowski: ‘Nieznane zabytki muzyki wielogłosowej z polskich rękopisów chorałowych XIII i XIV wieku’ [Unknown polyphonic music surviving in Polish choral manuscripts of the 13th and 14th centuries], Muzyka, iii/3 (1958), 28–36

A. Sutkowski: ‘“Surrexit Christus hodie”, najdawniejszy w Polsce zabytek muzyki wielogłosowej’ [‘Surrexit Christus hodie’: the earliest example of polyphony in Poland], Muzyka, iv/2 (1959), 3–11

L. Mokrý: ‘Zu den Anfängen der Mehrstimmigkeit bei den Westslawen’, The Works of Frederick Chopin: Warsaw 1960, 567–71

B. Rajeczky: ‘Spätmittelalterliche Organalkunst in Ungarn’, SMH, i (1961), 15–28

A. Sutkowski: ‘Początki polifonii średniowiecznej w Polsce w świetle nowych źródeł’ [The beginnings of medieval polyphony in Poland in the light of new sources], Muzyka, vi/1 (1961), 3–22

D. Plamenac: ‘Music Libraries in Eastern Europe’, Notes, xix (1961–2), 217–34, 411–20, 584–98

K. Szigeti: ‘Mehrstimmige Gesänge aus dem 15. Jahrhundert im Antiphonale des Oswald Thuz’, SMH, vi (1964), 107–17

T. Göllner: ‘Eine mehrstimmige tropierte Weihnachtslektion in Polen’, AcM, xxxvii (1965), 165–78

H. Feicht, ed.: Muzyka staropolska [Early Polish music] (Kraków, 1966)

K. von Fischer: ‘Organal and Chordal Style in Renaissance Sacred Music: New and Little-Known Sources’, Aspects of Medieval and Renaissance Music: a Birthday Offering to Gustave Reese, ed. J. LaRue and others (New York, 1966/R), 173–82

B. Rajeczky: ‘Mittelalterliche Mehrstimmigkeit in Ungarn’, Musica antiqua Europae orientalis: Bydgoszcz and Toruń 1966, 223–36

J. Vanický: ‘Czech Mediaeval and Renaissance Music’, ibid., 69–79

N. Kaufmann: ‘Die Mehrstimmigkeit in der Liedfolklore der Balkanländer’, BMw, ix (1967), 3–21

K. Wilkowska-Chomińska: ‘Znaczenie radzieckich badań folklorystycznych dla problematyki genetycznej wschodnioeuropejskiej polifonii’ [The significance of Soviet ethnomusicological research into the problem of the origins of east European polyphony], Muzyka, xii/3 (1967), 60–70

K. von Fischer: ‘Elementi arsnovistici nella musica boema antica’, L’Ars Nova italiana del Trecento: convegni di studio 1961–1967, ed. F.A. Gallo (Certaldo, 1968), 77–84

B. Rajeczky: ‘Többszólamuség a középkori Magyarországon’ [Polyphony in medieval Hungary], Írások Erkel Ferencről és a magyar zene korábbi századairól, ed. F. Bónis (Budapest, 1968), 125–36

K. von Fischer: ‘Repertorium der Quellen tschechischer Mehrstimmigkeit des 14. bis 16. Jahrhunderts’, Essays in Musicology in Honor of Dragan Plamenac, ed. G. Reese and R.J. Snow (Pittsburgh, 1969/R), 49–60

J. Höfler: ‘Primer primitivnega srednjeveškega večglasja iz Kranja’ [An example of medieval polyphony in Kranji], MZ, v (1969), 5–9

A. McCredie: ‘New Perspectives in European Music Historiography: a Bibliographical Survey of Current Research in Medieval and Renaissance Slavic and Byzantine Sources’, MMA, iv (1969), 22–127

R. Rybarič: ‘“Primitívna” polyfónia a gregoriánsky chorál’ [‘Primitive’ polyphony and Gregorian chant], Musicologica slovaca, i (1969), 283–96

J. Cerný: ‘Die Ars nova-Musik in Böhmem’, MMC, nos.21–3 (1970), 47–106

M. Perz: ‘Ze studiów w bibliotekach i archiwach włoskich’ [From studies in Italian libraries and archives], Muzyka, xv/2 (1970), 93–105

M. Perz: ‘Organalne Sanctus-Agnus z zaginionego rękopisu Lat. Q.I.201’ [Sanctus-Agnus in organum from the lost manuscript Lat. Q.I.201], Muzyka, xv/3 (1970), 20–34

J. Černý: K nejstaršim dějinám moteta v českých zemích [The earliest history of the motet in Bohemia], MMC, no.24 (1971), 7–90

M. Perz: ‘A jednak Notre Dame?’ [Notre Dame after all?], Ruch muzyczny, xv/17 (1971), 6–7

M. Perz: ‘Starosądecki urywek motetów średniowiecznych w Bibliotece Uniwersyteckiej w Poznaniu’ [Early legal fragments containing medieval motets in the University Library, Poznań], Muzyka, xvi/1 (1971), 77–82

M. Perz: ‘Quattro esempi sconosciuti del “cantus planus binatim” in Polonia’, Quadrivium, xii/1 (1971), 93–117

B. Bujić: ‘Jedan rondel iz Dalmacije’ [A rondellus from Dalmatia], Arti musices, iii (1972), 107–17

B. Rajeczky: ‘Ein neuer Fund zur mehrstimmigen Praxis Ungarns im 15. Jahrhundert’, SMH, xiv (1972), 147–68

M. Perz: ‘Organum, Conductus und mittelalterliche Motette in Polen: Quellen und Probleme’, IMSCR XI: Copenhagen 1972, 593–6

M. Perz, ed.: Sources of Polyphony up to c.1500: Facsimiles, AMP, xiii (1973)

M. Perz: ‘Organum, conductus i średniowieczny motet w Polsce: źródła i problemy’ [Organum, conductus and medieval motet in Poland: sources and problems], Muzyka, xviii/4 (1973), 3–11

G.F. Messner: Die Schwebungsdiafonie in Bistrica (Tutzing, 1980)

A. Elschekova: ‘Vergleichende typologische Analysen der vokalen Mehrstimmigkeit in den Karpaten und auf dem Balken’, Stratigraphische Probleme der Volksmusik in den Karpaten und auf dem Balkan (Bratislava, 1981), 159–256

R. Flotzinger: ‘Mittelalterliche Mehrstimmigkeit in Dalmatien, im übrigen Kroatien und in Slowenien’, IMSCR: Madrid 1992, 29–49

1. Middle Ages and Renaissance.

N: paralells with popular and non-european polyphony

This section cannot by its nature be comprehensive. See also Polyphony; Minstrel; and articles on individual countries.

M.F. Bukofzer: ‘Popular Polyphony in the Middle Ages’, MQ, xxvi (1940), 31–49

M. Schneider: ‘Kaukasische Parallelen zur mittelalterlichen Mehrstimmigkeit’, AcM, xii (1940), 52–62

M. Schneider: ‘Ist die vokale Mehrstimmigkeit eine Schöpfung der Altrassen?’, AcM, xxiii (1951), 40–50

W. Bachmann: ‘Die Verbreitung des Quintierens im europäischen Volksgesang des späten Mittelalters’, Festschrift Max Schneider zum achtzigsten Geburtstage, ed. W. Vetter (Leipzig, 1955), 25–9

H. Hickmann: Musicologie pharaonique (Kehl, 1956), 97

W. Salmen: ‘Bemerkungen zum mehrstimmigen Musizieren der Spielleute im Mittelalter’, RBM, xi (1957), 17–26

P. Collaer: ‘Polyphonies de tradition populaire en Europe méditerranéenne’, AcM, xxxii (1960), 51–66

C. Sachs: ‘Primitive and Medieval Music: a Parallel’, JAMS, xiii (1960), 43–9

M. Ravina: Organum and the Samaritans (Tel-Aviv, 1963; Hebrew orig, Tel-Aviv, 1966)

H. Husmann: ‘The Practice of Organum in the Liturgical Singing of the Syrian Churches of the Near and Middle East’, Aspects of Medieval and Renaissance Music: a Birthday Offering to Gustave Reese, ed. J. LaRue and others (New York, 1966/R), 435–9

A. Ringer: ‘Eastern Elements in Medieval Polyphony’, Studies in Medieval Culture, no.2 (1966), 75–83

E. Apfel: ‘Volkskunst und Hochkunst in der Musik des Mittelalters’, AMw, xxv (1968), 81–95

E. Gerson-Kiwi: ‘Vocal Folk-Polyphonies of the Western Orient in Jewish Tradition’, Yuval, i (1968), 169–93

H. Helgason: ‘Das Organumsingen auf Island’, BMw, xiv (1972), 221–3

C. Corsi and P. Petrobelli, eds.: Le polifonie primitive in Friuli e in Europa: Cividale del Friuli 1980

A.V. Konotop: ‘Volïnka v khrame ili zagadka znaka “3”’ [The bagpipe in church or the mystery of the sign ‘3’], Rossiyskaya muzïkal'naya gazeta, xi (1989), 6

R. Flotzinger: ‘Was heisst hier “frühe Mehrstimmigkeit”?’, Ethnomusikologie und historische Musikwissenschaft: gemeinsame Ziele, gleiche Methoden? : Erich Stockmann zum 70. Geburtstag, ed. C.-H. Mahling and S. Münch (Tutzing, 1997), 188–96

R.M. Brandl: ‘Die Schwebungsdiafonie in Epiros und verwandte Stile im Lichte der Psychoakustik’, Von der Vielfalt musikalischer Kultur: Festschrift für Josef Kuckertz, ed. R. Schumacher (Salzburg, 1992), 43–80

Organum hydraulicum

(Lat.).

SeeWater organ.

Organ verset.

See Verse (ii). See also Alternatim; Organ hymn; and Organ mass.

Orgas, Annibale

(b probably at Rome, c1585; d Raciborowice, nr Kraków, 5 July 1629). Italian composer, partly active in Poland. He entered the Collegio Germanico, Rome, as a soprano on 7 July 1594. In 1606 he took minor orders there and in 1610 became a deacon. From early 1607 he studied metaphysics and theology at the Seminario Romano. In due course he became maestro di cappella at Avellino. He was still there on 10 April 1613, but by 12 October 1613 he had returned to the Collegio Germanico as maestro di cappella, and he held this post until 16 May 1619. He then moved to Poland, where in the same year he became choirmaster of the newly founded instrumental and vocal ensemble at Wawel Cathedral, Kraków, a position he held until his death. From June 1628 he held the additional post of director of the Capella Rorantistarum at the cathedral, in spite of certain regulations restricting the post to Polish musicians. He was also priest of the church at Raciborowice. In the second half of 1628 he visited Italy. He was one of many Italian emigrants to Poland in the first half of the 17th century (among them G.F. Anerio, Asprilio Pacelli and Marco Scacchi) who helped to determine the character of Polish musical culture in the Baroque period. His Sacrarum cantionum … liber primus (Venice, 1619), a volume of motets for four to eight voices and continuo, contains all his known music from his years in Italy. Two four-part motets are all that survive from his years in Poland, Vir inclite Stanislae (PL-Kpa; two parts also in Kk), dated 26 September 1626, and Deus noster, cuius gratis beatus Martinus (Kk, inc.), dated 15 June 1628. They are for equal voices and were thus clearly intended for the Capella Rorantistarum; they are conservative works, imitative in style and based on a cantus firmus in equal notes in the tenor. An ode he wrote to commemorate those killed at the Battle of Chocim in 1622 is lost.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

DEUMM

EitnerQ

FétisB

MGG1 (H. Feicht)

R. Casimiri: ‘“Disciplina musicae” e “mastri di cappella” dopo il Concilio di Trento nei maggiori istituti ecclesiastici di Roma: Seminario Romano – Collegio Germanico – Collegio Inglese (sec. XVI–XVII)’, NA, xv (1938), 1–14; xix (1942), 102–29

A. Szweykowska: ‘Początki krakowskiej kapeli katedralnej’ [The beginnings of the Kraków Cathedral chapel], Muzyka, iv/2 (1959), 12–21 [with Eng. summary]

F. Burkley: ‘Priest-Composers of the Baroque: a Sacred–Secular Conflict’, MQ, liv (1968), 169–84

T.D. Culley: Jesuits and Music, i: A Study of the Musicians Connected with the German College in Rome during the 17th Century and of their Activities in Northern Europe (Rome, 1970)

E. Zwolińska: ‘Twórczość kompozytorów włoskich z I połowy XVII wieku dla kapeli rorantystów wawelskich’ [The works of Italian composers of the first half of the 17th century for the Wawel Capella Rorantistarum], Polsko-włoskie materiały muzyczne/Argomenti musicali polacco-italiani: Warsaw 1971 and Bardolino 1972 [Pagine, ii (1974), 203–16]

Z.M. Szweykowski, ed.: Musicalia vetera: katalog tematyczny rękopiśmiennych zabytków dawnej muzyki w Polsce [Thematic catalogue of manuscript treasures of early Polish music], i/2 (Kraków, 1972); i/4 (Kraków, 1974)

MIROSŁAW PERZ

Orgelbewegung

(Ger.).

A term sometimes used to refer to the organ revival of the early 20th century. See Organ, §VII.

Orgelklavier

(Ger.).

See Claviorgan.

Orgéni, Aglaja [Görger St Jörgen, Anna Maria von]

(b Rimászombat, Galicia [now Rimavská Sobota, Slovakia], 17 Dec 1841; d Vienna, 15 March 1926). Hungarian soprano. She studied with Pauline Viardot at Baden-Baden, and made her début in 1865 at the Royal Opera House, Berlin, as Amina in La sonnambula. In 1866 she sang at Covent Garden in La traviata, Lucia di Lammermoor and Flotow’s Martha. Leaving Berlin, she sang in Leipzig, Dresden, Hanover and other cities. In 1872 she appeared in Vienna and the following year in Munich, where she sang Leonora (Il trovatore), Amina, and Valentine (Les Huguenots). Her repertory also included Agathe (Der Freischütz) and Marguerite (Faust). In 1879 she retired from the stage, but continued to sing in concert until 1886, after which she taught at the Leipzig Conservatory, becoming the first female professor at that establishment. In 1914 she moved to Vienna. She had style and great technical proficiency, especially in coloratura.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

A. Ehrlich [A. Payne], ed.: Berühimte Sängerinnen der Vergangenheit und Gegenwart (Leipzig, 1895)

E. Brand: Aglaja Orgeni (Munich, 1931)

ELIZABETH FORBES

Orger, Caroline.

See Reinagle family, (6).

Orgiani, Teofilo

(b Vicenza, c1650; d Vicenza, Dec 1725). Italian composer and priest. Having received his musical training in Vicenza, he spent the 1680s in the service of Torrismondo della Torre, Count of Duino (Trieste), to whom he dedicated Il Dioclete (1687). On 24 August 1688, and with the count's assistance, he became a mansionario at Aquileia Cathedral, retaining this position until 4 April 1692. He was elected maestro di cappella of Udine Cathedral on 14 July 1690 and, a few days later, singing master to the girls at the Hospital di S Maria della Misericordia, Udine. In December 1692 the Aquileia Cathedral chapter requested the repayment of 100 ducats he had had several years earlier for the acquisition of an organ. He made several journeys away from Udine, including three months at the beginning of 1692 ‘for matters of great urgency’, and in August 1696 he was called to the imperial court at Vienna. He was not always given formal permission to travel, and in July 1704 he was strongly criticized by the chapter for his absences and for the negligence with which he had attended to his duties. In 1703 he renounced the post of maestro di cappella offered to him at Il Santo in Padua. On 14 December 1711 he left Udine for the last time, and three days later took up the direction of the chapel of Vicenza Cathedral, a post he retained until his death, along with other musical duties in the city.

WORKS

operas

all music is lost

Eliogabalo (A. Aureli, G.B. Pochettini), Bologna, Formagliari, 1671

Il vitio depresso e la virtù coronata (Aureli), Venice, S Angelo, 24 Nov 1686

Il Dioclete (A. Rossini), Venice, S Angelo, 18 Jan 1687

Le gare dell'Inganno e dell'Amore (P.E. Badi), Venice, S Moisè, 1689

Il tiranno deluso, Vicenza, Novissimo di Piazza, 1691 [rev. of Il Roderico (G.B. Bottalino), Pavia, 1684; only new arias by Orgiani]

Li amori e incanti d'Armida con Rinaldo, Treviso, aut. 1698

Li avenimenti di Rinaldo con Armida, Udine, Mantica, 18 Dec 1698

La maga trionfante, Este, Novo Teatro, 1 Oct 1700 (pubd Venice)

L'honor al cimento (G. Colatelli), Venice, S Fantino, 1703

La fedeltà nell'amore, Vicenza, Nuovo, 1707

Le vicende d'amore, Brescia, 1707, mentioned by Guerrini

Armida regina di Damasco (G. Colatelli), Verona, aut. 1711

Euridice (D. Lalli), Padua, Obizzi, 1712

sacred

Admirabilis est nomen tuum, 3vv, bc, I-VId

Exaltate regem regum, 3vv, org, VId

Jesus decus Angelicum, 4vv, bc, VId

Te gloriosus Apostolorum Chorus, 3vv, VId

Cantate per l'academia fatta … al sig. Lazaro Foscarini luogotenente (Udine, 1706), music lost, lib UDc

BIBLIOGRAPHY

AllacciD

DEUMM

EitnerQ

FétisB

GerberL

RicordiE

SartoriL

SchmidlD

StiegerO

Acta Capituli Aquileiensis 28 (MS, I-UD), 215–17, 269

ACU, Acta 67 (MS, I-UDc), 114; Annales 97, 102–3

G. Vale: ‘La cappella musicale del duomo di Udine’, NA, vii (1930), 87–201

G. Vale: ‘Vita musicale nella chiesa metropolitana di Aquileia (343–1751)’, NA, ix (1932), 201–16

G. Mantese: Storia musicale vicentina (Vicenza, 1956)

A. Caselli: Catalogo delle opere liriche pubblicate in Italia (Florence, 1969)

E. Selfridge-Field: Pallade Veneta (Venice, 1985)

V. Bolcato and A. Zanotelli: Il fondo musicale dell'Archivio Capitolare del Duomo di Vicenza (Turin, 1986)

F. Colussi: ‘Nuovi documenti sulla prassi musicale in alcune istituzioni religiose e laiche di Udine nel Seicento’, Musica, Scienza e idee nella Serenissima durante il Seicento: Venice 1993, 221–67

A. Alfarè, L. Nassimberi and A. Zanini: Musica e teatro a Udine, 1595–1866 (Udine, 1999)

FRANCO COLUSSI

Orgitano.

Italian family of composers.

(1) Vincenzo Orgitano

(2) Paolo Orgitano

(3) Raffaele Orgitano

Two other Orgitanos, probably relatives, served the royal chapel in this period, both as supernumerary organists. Ignazio Orgitano was appointed on 18 February 1788 and Francesco Orgitano on 8 November 1796. Several works by Francesco survive, including two cantatas, Perseo in Libia (in A-Wn), composed by 1790, and Oreste agitato dalle furie (autograph in I-Nc), dated 1804, a Credo and an aria (both in Nc). With some manuscripts carrying only the family surname, attribution is often difficult.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BurneyFI

BurneyH

FlorimoN

RosaM

StiegerO

O. Tiby: Il Real Teatro Carolino e l’Ottocento musicale palermitano (Florence, 1957), 115, 381

H.-B. Dietz: ‘A Chronology of Maestri and Organisti at the Cappella Reale in Naples, 1745–1800’, JAMS, xxv (1972), 379–406, esp. 398, 400–01

H.-B. Dietz: ‘Instrumental Music at the Court of Ferdinand IV of Naples and Sicily and the Works of Vincenzo Orgitano’, International Journal of Musicology, i (1992), 99–126

S. Redfield: Four Selected Works by Vincenzo Orgitano (fl. 1759–1805): Resurrecting Eighteenth-Century Accompanied Keyboard Sonatas as Ensemble Pieces for Intermediate Violinists (DMA, U. of Texas, Austin, 1999)

HANNS-BERTOLD DIETZ

Orgitano

(1) Vincenzo Orgitano

(d Naples, after 1814; fl 1759–1805). Composer. He started his career as a composer of comic operas, writing Il finto pastorello on a libretto by Antonio Palomba for Naples (1759) and La pazzie per amore for Rome (1761). He then became active as a harpsichordist and teacher in circles of the nobility. The Orgitano whom Burney heard perform on the harpsichord in Naples in 1770, and called ‘one of the best players and writers for that instrument here’, must have been Vincenzo (and not his brother (2) Paolo Orgitano as has been assumed). According to Burney, he went to London in 1771 and worked at the King's Theatre. About 1779 he became music master to Maria Teresa and Maria Louisa, daughters of King Ferdinand of Naples. On 9 August 1782 he was appointed maestro di cappella soprannumerario of the royal chapel in Naples, succeeding Cafaro as primo maestro on 29 October 1787. He also continued to serve Princess Maria Teresa until her marriage to Franz II of Austria in 1790, as appears from numerous dated chamber works dedicated to her, particularly accompanied piano sonatas. In 1805 he retired from his post as chapel master with a royal pension: on 19 July 1815, after the end of the French rule of Naples (1806–15) and with King Ferdinand's return to power, he petitioned in vain for reinstatement.

With over 120 extant instrumental works, most with opus numbers and dedicated to Princess Maria Teresa, Vincenzo Orgitano must be regarded as the most prolific Neapolitan composer of instrumental music of the last quarter of the 18th century. Typically he favours works in two movements, with the first in various types of sonata form, the second almost invariably in rondo form. In the accompanied sonatas the treatment of the violin ranges from mere duplication of keyboard lines to almost equal partnership. Stylistically his piano music for Maria Teresa represents the ‘classical’ phase of the galant style in Italy.

WORKS

vocal

Il finto pastorello (ob, A. Palomba), Naples, Nuovo, spr. 1759; lib, I-Bc, Nc

Le pazzie per amore (farsa), Rome, Argentina, carn. 1761; 1 duet US-AUS; lib, I-Bc, MAC

Sacred: TeD, 4vv, 1787, Fc, Mc; Litania pastorale, 4vv, 1791, Mc*; Requiem, A-Wn; Stabat mater, 2–4vv, I-Nc; 2 Tantum ergo, S, vns, b, 1803, Mc*; Qui tollis, 5vv, Mc; 4 sacred It. arias, Mc

instrumental

MSS in A-Wn unless otherwise stated

Sinfonias: 3 with 2 lire organizzate, 1786; 6, ?1786–7

Trios (pf, vn, vc): 6 as op.19, 14 April 1783; 3 as op.24, Feb 1784; 3 as op.25, May 1784

String trios (with bc): 6 for vn, va, vc, 1783; 6 for 2 vn, vc, op.27, 28 Aug 1784

Sonatas (pf, vn obbl): 6, I-Nc; 6, F-Pc (attrib. ‘Orgitano’); 6 Duets, op.17 (London, n.d.); 6 as op.18, ?1782–3; 3 as op.26, May 1784, 3 as op.29, ?1784–5; 6 as op.35, 1785; 3 as op.39, 1786; 3 as op.48, 1788; 3 as op.51, 1789; 3 as op.53, 1789; 3 as op.54, 1789; Sonata pastorale, op.55, ?1789–90; 3 as op.14, 19 Aug 1794, I-Mc; 6, Mc; Pastorale, ?1803

Pf solo: 6 divertimentos, op.28, 7 Sept 1784; 3 sonatas, 2 pf, op.52, 1789; 6 divertimentos, op.57, ?1790

Other kbd (all I-Nc, attrib. ‘Orgitano’): 10 sonata movts; Toccata, G; Sonata, C

Orgitano

(2) Paolo Orgitano

(b Naples, c1740; d Naples, May 1796). Keyboard player and composer, brother of (1) Vincenzo Orgitano. On 9 November 1776 he was appointed to the royal chapel in Naples as substitute for the second organist Niccolò Piccinni. He also became maestro di cappella straordinario at the Cappella del Tesoro in Naples Cathedral in 1777. On 2 December 1779 he became first organist of the royal chapel, a post he held until his death. In older literature certain aspects of his brother (1) Vincenzo's life have been attributed to Paolo. A few compositions by Paolo are extant, including a sinfonia (in I-Mc), two arias and a cantata performed at S Carlo for the king’s birthday, 12 January 1773 (all in I-Nc). He also composed sacred cantatas for the celebrations of the translation of the blood of St Januarius in Naples on 1 May 1779 (in I-Vgc) and 7 May 1785, and Il trionfo della fede, 7 May 1791 (in I-Nn).

Orgitano

(3) Raffaele Orgitano

(b Naples, c1770; d ?Paris, 1812). Composer, son of (1) Vincenzo Orgitano. He studied under Sala at the Conservatorio di S Maria della Pietà dei Turchini in Naples. In 1790 he joined the Cappella del Tesoro as maestro di cappella straordinario and on 20 July 1791 was appointed organista soprannumerario of the royal chapel. In 1800 he was in Palermo, where the royal family had taken refuge from the 1799 Revolution in Naples. Between 1800 and 1802 he composed several highly successful comic operas for Venice, Rome and Naples which were also performed in other cities. He then moved to Paris, but was unable to establish himself as a composer there. Two of his operas, Non credere alle apparenze (Venice, 1801) and Amore ed interesse (Naples, 1802), remained popular for over a decade and were staged by various theatres throughout Italy.

WORKS

operas

Non credere alle apparenze, ossia L’amore intraprendente (farsa, G. Foppa), Venice, S Moisè, 10 Oct 1801, GB-Lam, I-Fc, Mr, Vnm

Adelaide e Tebaldo (ob, G. Rossi), Venice, S Benedetto, 27 Dec 1801

Gli amanti al cimento (dg, M. Prunetti), Rome, Valle, carn. 1802, lib Bc

Amore ed interesse, ossia L’infermo ad arte (farsa, G. Palomba), Naples, Fiorentini, aut. 1802, A-Wn [Act 1], I-Fc, Nc, PAc

Arsinoe (op teatrale), Naples, Nc

Miscellaneous opera excerpts: A-Wn, I-Bc, Fc, Mc, Nc, Vnm

sacred

La Passione di Gesù Cristo (cant), 3vv, Naples, 1797, Nc*

Il voto di Jefte (dramma sacro, F. Gonella), Florence, Pergola, Lent 1802, Fc

A renderci beati, hymn, solo vv, 8vv, insts, A-Wn, F-Pc

Orgonasova, Luba

(b Bratislava, 22 Jan 1961). Slovak soprano. After studies at the Bratislava Conservatory and a period (from 1979) as soloist at the Slovak National Theatre in Bratislava, she moved to Germany in 1983 and became a member of the Pfalztheater in Kaiserslautern and, later, the Stadttheater in Hagen. Mozart roles featured in her wide repertory here, and even more so after she appeared at the Vienna Volksoper in 1988 as Donna Anna and Pamina. She repeated Pamina at both Aix-en-Provence and the Vienna Staatsoper in 1989, made her Salzburg début in 1990 as Marzelline (Fidelio), and sang Konstanze (the role of her Paris début) around Europe, recording the part to acclaim with John Eliot Gardiner. Orgonasova first appeared at Covent Garden in 1993 as Aspasia (Mitridate), and her other Mozart parts include Ilia, Fiordiligi and Giunia (Lucio Silla). Her operatic repertory has also embraced Agathe, Offenbach's Giulietta, Amina (La sonnambula), Lucia, Gilda, Violetta, Luisa Miller, Mimì and Liù, Gounod's Marguerite, Micaëla, Antonia and Sophie, and Stravinsky's Nightingale. Her first Handel role (Alcina in Barcelona, 1999) and subsequent performances in concert as Armida in Rinaldo (a role she has also recorded) showed off the pearly sheen and focussed brilliance of her coloratura. Outstanding among her non-operatic recordings are Haydn's ‘Nelson’ Mass, Beethoven's Missa solemnis, Rossini's Stabat mater and Britten's War Requiem.

JOHN ALLISON

Orgue à manivelle [de Barbarie]

(Fr.).

See Barrel organ.

Orgue de chambre [orgue de salon]

(Fr.).

See Chamber organ.

Orgue expressif

(Fr.).

An organ containing free-reed pipes with resonators, a precursor of the Reed organ. It was exhibited in Paris by G.-J. Grenié in 1810. Its double bellows and reservoir system permitted dynamic variations through control of wind pressure by the player’s feet on blowing treadles. The term ‘orgue expressif’ was later applied to any French harmonium having this kind of expression capability.

Orgue hydraulique

(Fr.).

See Water organ.

Ó Riada, Seán [Reidy, John]

(b Cork, 1 Aug 1931; d London, 3 Oct 1971). Irish composer. He was educated by the Christian Brothers at Adare, County Limerick, and at University College, Cork, where he read classics and then music (BMus 1952). He also studied music with Aloys Fleischmann (senior), to whose memory he dedicated a short song-cycle in 1964. In 1953 he was appointed assistant director of music at Radio Éireann, and in the same year he married Ruth Coghlan, with whom he was to have seven children. After a brief spell in Paris in 1955, where he performed as a pianist and came under the influence of Messiaen and his circle, he was appointed director of music at the Abbey Theatre (1955–62). During the Dublin Theatre Festival of 1961, Ó Riada presented Ceoltóirí Cualann – his ensemble of traditional Irish instrumentalists, singers and harpsichord – for the first time. From 1963 until 1971 he held the Cork Corporation Lectureship in Music at University College, Cork.

Throughout his career, Ó Riada explored almost every medium of musical life in Ireland: radio, television, theatre and film, concert hall, church and a host of domestic settings. At first, he entered a decisive claim for the significance of an emancipated art music in modern Ireland; he later abandoned this claim in a crisis, personal and professional, through which composition became for him a marginal activity. In his symphonic essays, his music for film and in his cultivation of an original ensemble of instruments for the traditional repertory, he meditated on the question of voice and style in Irish music to the extent that each overlapping phase of his compositional development undermined its predecessor. The early compositions, including Nomos no.1 (Hercules dux Ferrariae) and Nomos no.2, signify a preoccupation with art music in the European tradition that is wholly removed from the traditional repertory which was to dominate Ó Riada’s later career. These works (and the six Nomoi as a whole) suggest the influence of the Irish composer Frederick May whose Songs From Prison (1958) establishes an unmistakable precedent for the second Nomos in its scoring and language. In both works, the sensibility and technique of European modernism leave the anxiety of local influences far behind. Ó Riada’s manipulation of variation technique and modified serialism is especially adept, not withstanding the somewhat bombastic premise of the second Nomos, which glosses the history of Western music in toto.

In the second phase of his career, he committed himself with extraordinary vehemence to a project which he just as vehemently was to reject in turn. In the film scores Mise Éire (1959), Saoirse? (1960) and An Tine Bheo (1966), he sought to reconcile the ‘heritage’ of Irish folk music with ‘the idiom of an Irish symphonic period that had never happened’ (Marcus). Although Mise Éire in particular earned the composer a degree of fame hitherto unequalled by an Irish composer in the 20th century, the cultural values which it celebrated were later to be eclipsed by the crisis in Northern Ireland which erupted in 1970. Indeed Ó Riada had already felt himself ‘overexposed’ to the portrayal of Irish independence which he had been expected to glorify in An Tine Bheo. By this time, he had firmly repudiated, too, any notion of reconciliation between the European (art) and Irish (ethnic) traditions in a series of lectures broadcast as Our Musical Heritage; he pronounced the second Nomos of 1965 as his farewell to European art music. Having exchanged ‘John Reidy’ for ‘Seán Ó Riada’, the English language for Irish and European art music for Irish ‘traditional’ music, he completed this transformation with the exchange of orchestral resources for Ceoltóirí Cualann, an ensemble of virtuoso traditional musicians led by Ó Riada himself. The film scores notwithstanding, his creative energies were devoted in the main to this ensemble during the mid- to late 1960s.

Ó Riada’s increasing interest in the music of Carolan towards the end of the decade coincided with his waning commitment to Ceoltóirí Cualann (he announced that the ensemble was to disband in 1969). Although he continued to work with traditional Irish musicians, in performances of liturgical as well as secular music, his last recordings suggest a final attempt to create an inherently Irish art music. The harpsichord improvizations on Ó Riada’s Farewell, however, are the work of a broken man. Given that he showed the promise of becoming the first Irish composer of truly international significance, Ó Riada’s failure as an artist – aggravated by the plaudits of a cultural elite indifferent to European music – was especially tragic. The crisis which he endured was twofold: his own health could not withstand the chaotic plurality of his lifestyle which in turn reflected an abiding unease as to his status and development as a creative artist; although he was the only composer of his generation to be championed as a national figure, his success was inexorably wedded to his brilliant re-deployments of Irish folk music. The difficulties which he confronted have continued to affect Irish music to the present day.

WORKS

(selective list)

Stage: Spailpín, a rúin (play with music), 1960

Film scores: Mise Éire, 1959; Saoirse?, 1960; An Tine Bheo, 1966

Orch: Olynthiac, ov., 1955; The Banks of Sullane, sym. essay, 1956; Nomos no.1 ‘Hercules dux Ferrariae’, 1957; Nomos no.4, pf, orch, 1957–8; Aspects of Irish Traditional Music, 1959; Seoladh na nGamhan [Herding the calves], sym. essay, 1959; Triptyque pour Orchestre, 1960; Nomos no.6, 1967

Other inst: 8 Short Preludes, pf, 1953; Nomos no.3, fl, vn, bn, 1962

Choral: 5 Epigrams from the Greek Anthology, SATB, fl, gui, 1958; The Lords and the Bards (R. Farren), solo vv, reciters, chorus, orch, 1959; Nomos no.2 (Sophocles, trans. E. Watling), Bar, chorus, orch, 1965 [from work for Bar, hpd, 1958]; Requiem for a Soldier, S, T, Bar, chorus, org, 1968

Solo vocal (1v, pf unless otherwise stated): 3 Poems by Thomas Kinsella, 1954; Nomos no.2, Bar, hpd, 1958; In Memoriam Aloys G. Fleischmann (F. Hölderlin), song cycle, 1964; Hill Field (J. Montague), 1965; Sekundezeiger (H. Arp), 1966; Lovers on Aran (S. Heaney), 1968; Mná na hÉireann (P. ó Doirnín), 1968; Serenade, Bar, fl, ob, bn, hn, side drum

Other works incl. many arrs. of Irish folk music, 2 masses, Requiem, incid scores for stage works produced at the Abbey Theatre, Dublin, chamber, pf and hpd pieces

MSS in EIRE-C, National Symphony Orchestra Library

Principal publisher: Woodtown

WRITINGS

ed. T. Kinsella: Our Musical Heritage (Portlaoise, 1982)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

C. Acton: ‘Seán Ó Riada: the Next Phase’, Éire-Ireland [St Paul, MN], ii/4 (1967), 113–22

K. Fadlu-Deen: Contemporary Music in Ireland (diss., National U. of Ireland, Dublin, 1968)

C. Acton: ‘Interview with Seán Ó Riada’, Éire-Ireland [St Paul, MN], vi/1 (1970–71), 106–15

A. Fleischmann: ‘Seán Ó Riada’, Counterpoint, Nov (1971), 12–14

A. Fleischmann: ‘Seán Ó Riada’s Nomos II’, Éire-Ireland, vii/3 (1972), 108–15

E. Deale: A Catalogue of Contemporary Irish Composers (Dublin, 2/1973)

G. Victory: ‘The World of Ó Riada’, Written on the Wind: Personal Memories of Irish Radio 1926–76, ed. L. Redmond (Dublin, 1976), 153

B. Harris and G. Freyer, eds.: Integrating Tradition: the Achievement of Seán Ó Riada (Chester Springs, PA, 1981), [incl. L. Marcus: ‘Seán Ó Riada and the Ireland of the Sixties’, 16–27; ‘A Correspondence with Charles Acton’, 144–65]

T. Ó Canainn and G. Mac an Bhua [G. Victory]: Seán Ó Riada: a Shaol agus a Shaothar (Blackrock, Co. Dublin, 1993)

H. White: ‘Music and the Irish Literary Imagination’, Irish Musical Studies III: Music and Irish Cultural History, ed. G. Gillen and H. White (Dublin, 1995), 212–27

A. Klein: Die Musik Irlands im 20. Jahrhundert (Hildesheim, 1996)

H. White: The Keeper’s Recital: Music and Cultural History in Ireland 1770–1970 (Cork and Indiana, 1998)

HARRY WHITE

Oridryus [Orideyns, Oridijrus, Oudryns, van Bergijk], Johannes

(b ?Bergeijk, c1510–20; d after 1589). Dutch teacher, publisher and music theorist. The classical courtesy-form of his name, Oridryus, is a pun on his probable birthplace, Bergeijk; both names mean mountain-oak, in Greek and Dutch respectively, and his printer's mark was an oak on a knoll. He may have been related to Arnold van Bergheyk (d ?1533) or to the Eyck family of Brussels. He was headmaster of the grammar school at Amersfoort in the Netherlands probably from 1542 to 1550. In 1550 he was charged with heresy and was ordered by Charles V to leave the city. He is next heard of as being at the Gymnasium Illustre in Düsseldorf from 1556 to 1572 and according to his Practicae musicae utriusque praecepta brevia (Düsseldorf, 1557) he was a teacher there. At this time he set up a printing business there with Albert Buys, his brother-in-law. From 1572 to about 1582 he was head of the Schola Christiana et Reformata at Wesel in the Lower Rhineland; the account books refer to him in 1584–9 as the ‘alder Rector’ (old headmaster); he probably died shortly after this date.

Oridryus's Practicae musicae is his only known work. It comprises the rudiments of musica plana and musica figurata and provides vital evidence about music teaching in 16th-century schools. For didactic purposes he included many rules and musical examples. In the organization and style of the work it is possible to recognize the influence of such contemporary theorists as Burchardi, Rhau, Ornithoparchus, Spangenberg, Listenius, Heinrich Faber, Gregor Faber and Finck. The classification into musica theorica, practica and poetica is a feature common to the works of most of these men and it recurs in the writings of Lossius, Wilfflingseder and Eichmann. (R. Federhofer-Königs: Johannes Oridryus und sein Musiktraktat, Düsseldorf, 1557, Cologne, 1957)

RENATE FEDERHOFER-KÖNIGS

Orientalism.

In its strict sense, the dialects of musical Exoticism within Western art music that evoke the East or the orient; the latter is generally taken to mean either the Islamic Middle East (e.g. North Africa, Turkey, Arabia, Persia), or East and South Asia (the Far East, e.g. India, Indochina, China, Japan), or all of these together. Broader and more varied uses of the term are discussed at the end of the article.

Orientalism in music first flourished in various operas of the 17th and 18th centuries with Turkish or Chinese settings, notably Mozart's Die Entführung aus dem Serail (1782; see Turca, alla). In the 19th and early 20th centuries, the Middle East became a prime target for the colonization efforts of the Western powers and, accordingly, a much-favoured locale in which to set operas and other musical works. Various standard ‘Middle Eastern’ musical gestures were first established in the popular Le désert of the French composer Félicien David, who had lived in Egypt for two years, and then exploited by other composers, such as Bizet (Les pêcheurs de perles), Verdi (Aida), Massenet (Thaïs; see illustration) and Richard Strauss (Salome). The ‘Middle East’ was also a favoured setting for ballets (La source, with music by Delibes and Minkus) and modern-dance works (e.g. by Ruth St Denis). Many successful works were also set in East Asia, notably Puccini's Madama Butterfly and Turandot.

Works set in the Middle and Far East are often placed in ancient times or portray ‘timeless’ rituals; temporal displacements heightened the sense of escapism and also avoided the risk of having an opera comment in too parochial or potentially uncomfortable a manner on current political or imperial realities. Social ideology was nonetheless strongly conveyed, not least through what might be called the archetypal orientalist opera plot: a Western male becomes romantically involved with a local female, who is portrayed as sexually inviting and thereby at once attractive and threatening. (Bizet's Carmen played this story out on European soil; dark-skinned gypsies were understood to have migrated from vaguely eastern regions such as Egypt or India.) How such love relationships were worked out in the course of the opera depended on attitudes at the time towards the possible mingling or inherent incompatibility of different ‘races’ (see Parakilas, 1993–4).

Russians and Poles showed a special fascination with relatively nearby (to them) portions of the ‘greater Middle East’, e.g. Central Asia (Borodin's Prince Igor) or the Arabian penisular or Persia (Rimsky-Korsakov's Sheherazade; Szymanowski's Symphony no.3 ‘Piesn o nocy’, ‘Song of the Night’).

The similarities between musical works about the Middle Eastern ‘orient’ and travel journals or other literary works describing the region (see Hunter, 1997) or between music and orientalist painting (for example Ingres and Gérôme; see Locke, 1991) are particularly striking. The stereotyped characters seen in these writings and paintings, including the (male) tyrant or Muslim fanatic and the seductive almée (dancing woman), find repeated echoes in musical works, for example in Beethoven's Die Ruinen von Athen (with its Turkish March and Chorus of Dervishes) and in Saint-Saëns's Samson et Dalila and Strauss's Salome, each of which features an extended dance that alternates sultry languor and violent pounding.

As a more general term within musical and other writing, ‘orientalism’ can carry a variety of meanings. The noun ‘orientalist’ is the traditional label for a scholar of Middle Eastern languages, culture and archeology; but the term ‘orientalism’ (and the adjective ‘orientalist’) have frequently been applied (since Said, 1978) to the entire imperialist system that in the past few centuries has defined, ruled or ‘spoken for’ the Middle East. The diverse manifestations of orientalism are now defined to include not just scholarly treatises but also Western colonial regulations, journalistic writings, school textbooks, travel posters, poetry, paintings and operas. Most recently, the term has been used to refer to European or European-derived attitudes towards any other culture, not just one located in North Africa or Asia. Lipsitz, for example, speaks of Paul Simon's and David Byrne's ‘orientalist’ fascination with the musics of sub-Saharan Africa or the Caribbean; Kramer does the same for Ravel's evocation of ancient Greece (the very cradle of Western civilization) in Daphnis et Chloé. In such writings, the term sometimes becomes a near-synonym for ‘exoticist’.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

N. Daniel: Islam and the West: the Making of an Image (Edinburgh, 1960)

E.W. Said: Orientalism (New York, 1978)

J. Clifford: ‘On Orientalism’, The Predicament of Culture: Twentieth-Century Ethnography, Literature, and Art (Cambridge, MA, 1988), 255–76

L. Kramer: ‘Culture and Musical Hermeneutics: the Salome Complex’, COJ, ii (1990), 269–94

R.P. Locke: ‘Constructing the Oriental “Other”: Saint-Saëns's Samson et Dalila’, COJ, iii (1991), 261–302

S. McClary, ed.: Georges Bizet: ‘Carmen’ (Cambridge, 1992)

T. Betzwieser: Exotismus und ‘Türkenoper’ in der französischen Musik des ancien régime (Laaber, 1993)

P. Robinson: ‘Is Aida an Orientalist Opera?’, COJ, v (1993), 133–40

E.W. Said: Culture and Imperialism (New York, 1993)

R.P. Locke: ‘Reflections on Orientalism in Opera and Musical Theater’, OQ, x/1 (1993–4), 48–64

J. Parakilas: ‘The Soldier and the Exotic: Operatic Variations on a Theme of Racial Encounter’, OQ, x/2 (1993–4), 33–56, x/3 (1993–4), 43–69

T. Betzwieser: ‘Exoticism and Politics: Beaumarchais' and Salieri's Le couronnement de Tarare (1790)’, COJ, vi (1994), 91–112

J. Deaville: ‘Liszt's Orientalismus: die Gestaltung ds Andersseins in der Musik?’, Liszt und die Nationalitäten:Eisenberg 1994, 163–95

G. Lipsitz: Dangerous Crossroads: Popular Music, Postmodernism, and the Poetics of Place (London,1994), 49–68

P. Harrison: ‘Music and Imperialism’, Repercussions, iv/1 (1995), 53–84

L. Kramer: ‘Consuming the Exotic: Ravel's Daphnis et Chloë’, Classical Music and Postmodern Knowledge (Berkeley, 1995), 201–25

M. Ladjili: ‘La musisque arabe chez les compositeurs français du XIXe siècle saisis d'exotisme (1844–1914)’, IRASM, xxvi (1995), 3–33

J.M. MacKenzie: Orientalism: History, Theory, and the Arts (Manchester, 1995)

J.-P. Bartoli: ‘A la recherche d'une représentation sonore de l'Égypte antique: l'égyptomanie musicale en France de Rossini à Debussy’, L'Égyptomanie à l'épreuve de l'archéologie, ed. J.-M. Humbert (Paris, 1996), 479–506

M. Everist: ‘Meyerbeer’s Il crociato in Egitto: mélodrame, opera, orientalism’, COJ, viii (1996), 215–50

K.-M. Lo: ‘Torandot’ auf der Opernbühne (Frankfurt, 1996)

J.-P. Bartoli: ‘L'orientalisme dans la musique française du XIXe siècle: la ponctuation, la seconde augmentée et l'apparition de la modalité dans les procédures exotiques’, RBM, li (1997), 137–70

A. Scott-Maxwell: ‘Oriental Exoticism in 1920s Australian Popular Music’, Perfect Beat, iii/3 (1997), 28–57

M. Hunter: ‘The alla turca Style in the Late Eighteenth Century: Race and Gender in the Symphony and Seraglio’, The Exotic in Western Music, ed. J. Bellman (Boston, 1998), 43–73, 317–23

R.P. Locke: ‘Cutthroats and Casbah Dancers, Muezzins and Timeless Sands: Musical Images of the Middle East’, ibid., 104–36, 326–33

D.B. Scott: ‘Orientalism and Musical Style’, MQ, lxxxii (1998), 309–35

R. Taruskin: ‘“Entolling the Falconet”: Russian Musical Orientalism in Context’, The Exotic in Western Music, ed. J. Bellman (Boston, 1998), 194–217, 342–43

RALPH P. LOCKE

Original Dixieland Jazz [Jass] Band [ODJB], the.

American jazz band. Its original members, all from New Orleans, were Nick LaRocca (1889–1961; leader and cornet), Larry Shields (1893–1953; clarinet), Eddie Edwards (1891–1963; trombone), Tony Sbarbaro (1897–1969; drums) and Henry Ragas (1891–1919; piano, later replaced by J. Russel Robinson). After playing in Chicago in 1916 the five musicians moved to New York, where they enjoyed sensational receptions during their residency at Reisenweber’s Restaurant from January 1917. During the same year the group became the first jazz band to make phonograph recordings. In the mid-1920s, when the vogue for jazz dancing temporarily subsided, the group disbanded; it re-formed in 1936, but the reunion was brief and only moderately successful.

No member of the Original Dixieland Jazz Band was particularly talented as an improviser, and the group’s phrasing was rhythmically stilted; but even so, its collective vigour had an infectious spirit. When black jazz bands began to record regularly it soon became apparent that many of them were more adept at jazz improvising and phrasing than was the Original Dixieland Jazz Band. Detractors of the band maintain that it merely simplified the music of black New Orleans groups, and cite specific antecedents for its compositions Tiger Rag and Sensation Rag (both 1918, Vic.). Casual listeners were intrigued by its repertory, however, which was unlike anything else then on record. The group presented a new sound rather than a new music; this sound, and the rhythms in which it was couched, appealed to young dancers, who were eager to break away from the rigidly formal dance steps of the era.

The most passionate advocate of the Original Dixieland Jazz Band’s importance to jazz history was LaRocca himself, who never ceased claiming that his group had played a vital role in the ‘invention’ of jazz in New Orleans during the early years of the 20th century. The fact that there is no evidence to support LaRocca’s contention has caused many jazz devotees to ignore the merits of the band’s music. But it is indisputable that the group played a major part in popularizing the dixieland style of jazz throughout the USA and Europe.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Second Line, vi/9–10 (1955) [special issue]

H.H. Lange: Nick LaRocca: ein Porträt (Wetzlar, 1960)

N. LaRocca: ‘Jazz Began with Us’, Melody Maker (25 June 1960)

H.O. Brunn: The Story of the Original Dixieland Jazz Band (Baton Rouge, LA, 1960/R)

B. Rust: ‘Grateful for the Warning’, Storyville, no.9 (1967), 24–8

G. Schuller: Early Jazz (New York, 1968/R)

H.H. Lange: Als der Jazz begann, 1916–1923: von der Original Dixieland Jazz Band bis zu King Olivers Creole Jazz Band (Berlin, 1991)

JOHN CHILTON

Orinaga, Joaquín de.

See Oxinaga, Joaquín de.

Oriola, Pietro [Orihuela, Pedro de; Pere]

(b Valencia; fl c1440–1484). Spanish composer. He was a singer at the court of Alfonso V of Aragon in Naples, where his presence is first recorded in November 1441. His name reappears in the surviving registers for 1444 and 1455, and he was still living in the city in 1470, when he wrote two letters to Ludovico III Gonzaga, Marquis of Mantua. He is almost certainly identifiable with the Pedro de Orihuela, native of Valencia, who was appointed a singer and chaplain in the chapel of King Ferdinand of Aragon in October 1484, but his name does not appear in the household accounts thereafter, and he may have died at about that time.

The manuscript I-MC 871, which contains repertory from the Neapolitan court, has two works attributed to Oriola (both ed. in Pope and Kanazawa): a four-voice setting of the psalm In exitu Israel de Egypto in fabordón style, and O vos homines qui transitis, a parody, in the manner of a courtly love poem, of the antiphon sung on Holy Saturday; the ornamented melody of this work bears no relation to the Roman plainchant. The text is also included in an anthology of poets active at the court (F-Pn f.it.1035). Two more songs, Trista che spera morendo and a textless piece, are attibuted to Oriola in I-PEc 431. Both are for three voices; the textless work (ed. in Atlas) appears to be in the form of a canción with a five-line estribillo, and uses imitation fairly consistently in the two upper voices.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

StevensonSM

E. Motta: ‘Musici alla corte degli Sforza’, Archivio storico lombardo, ix (1887), 29–64, 278–340, 514–61; pubd separately (Milan, 1887/R)

H. Anglès, ed.: La música en la corte de los Reyes Católicos, MME, i (1941, 2/1960/R), 116

I. Pope and M. Kanazawa: The Musical Manuscript Montecassino 871: a Neapolitan Repertory of Sacred and Secular Music of the Late Fifteenth Century (Oxford, 1978)

A.W. Atlas: Music at the Aragonese Court of Naples (Cambridge, 1985)

ISABEL POPE/TESS KNIGHTON

Oriscus

(? from Gk. horos: ‘limit’, or ōriskos: ‘little hill’).

In Western chant notations a special neume signifying one note. It is usually found added to another neume as an auxiliary note (? forming its ‘limit’), perhaps rising to anticipate the succeeding note (hence the second possible derivation of the name). It is not clear how the oriscus should be performed. Wagner believed that intervals of less than a semitone were involved; but in the Dijon tonary (F-MOf H.159), although special signs possibly signifying quartertone steps are used, they are not used to represent the oriscus. For Cardine it implied ‘tension vers la note suivante’. The oriscus is the central element in the Salicus and the Pressus; added before a Virga it gives rise to the pes Quassus; added after a virga it gives rise to a Virga strata or gutturalis. (For illustration see Notation, §III, 1, Table 1.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

P. Wagner: Neumenkunde: Paläographie des liturgischen Gesanges (Fribourg, 1905, rev., enlarged 2/1912/R)

H.M. Bannister: Monumenti vaticani di paleografia musicale latina (Leipzig, 1913/R)

G.M. Suñol: Introducció a la paleografia musical gregoriana (Montserrat, 1925; Fr. trans., rev., enlarged 2/1935)

M. Huglo: ‘Les noms des neumes et leur origine’, EG, i (1954), 53–67

E. Jammers: Tafeln zur Neumenkunde (Tutzing, 1965)

E. Cardine: Semiologia gregoriana (Rome, 1968; Eng. trans., 1982); Fr. trans. in EG, xi (1970), 1–158, and also pubd separately (Solesmes, 1970)

Orisicchio, Antonio.

See Aurisicchio, Antonio.

Oristagno, Giulio d’

(b Trapani, Sicily, 1543; d Palermo, Dec 1623). Italian composer. According to Di Ferro he studied in Palermo at an early age; he spent the rest of his career there and on 7 June 1574 was appointed temporary fife player to the senate. His position, which he held until 21 March 1586, was made permanent on 29 July 1581. The dedication of the now lost Primo libro de madrigali a sei voci (Venice, 1586; MischiatiI; JoãoIL) stated that he was then maestro di cappella of the Accademia degli Uniti in Palermo. On 31 August 1593 he was appointed, by viceregal decree back-dated to 3 April, organist to the royal Palatine chapel, a post he held until his death.

Oristagno’s Primo libro de madrigali a cinque voci (Venice, 1588), his only complete surviving publication, closes with an Airo [sic] sopra il pass’e mezo and a ten-voice echo madrigal. The style is characterized, as in the music of Pietro Vinci, by continuous variations of mode and final. But Oristagno’s melodies are shorter-breathed than Vinci’s and are often broken up into short motifs that can assume thematic importance, as, for example, in Amatemi ben mio. Of a volume of four-part sacred music, Responsoria nativitatis et epiphaniae Domini (Palermo, 1602) only the cantus part survives (S Paul Cathedral, Malta, see Ficola). The lost anthology Infidi lumi (Venice, 1603) also contained one madrigal by Oristagno.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

JoãoIL

MischiatiI

PitoniN

A. Mongitore: Bibliotheca Sicula, i (Palermo, 1708/R), 415

G.B. Caruso, ed.: Rime degli accademici accesi di Palermo (Palermo, 1726), ii, 177–95

G.M. Di Ferro: Biografia degli uomini illustri trapanesi, i (Trapani, 1830), 174–6

O. Tiby: ‘The Polyphonic School in Sicily of the 16th–17th Century’, MD, v (1951), 203–11

O. Tiby: ‘La musica nella Real Cappella Palatina di Palermo’, AnM, vii (1952), 177–92, esp. 188

O. Tiby: I polifonisti siciliani del XVI e XVII secolo (Palermo, 1969), 66ff

L. Bianconi: ‘Sussidi bibliografici per i musicisti siciliani del Cinque e Seicento’, RIM, vii (1972), 3–38

D. Ficola: ‘Stampe musicali siciliane a Malta’, Musica sacra in Sicilia tra Rinascimento e Barocco: Caltagirone 1985, 69–86, esp. 78

PAOLO EMILIO CARAPEZZA, GIUSEPPE COLLISANI

Orkes.

A term (from the Dut. orkest: ‘orchestra’) used throughout Indonesia and parts of Malaysia for a variety of relatively recent instrumental groups. It is most common in Minahasa, North Sulawesi, where it refers to any kind of instrumental ensemble. The orkes bambu melalu or orkes bambu suling comprises about 12 to 20 suling (bamboo flutes) and trumpets. It has become known as a national Indonesian ensemble under the name ‘Musik bambu’. Similar ensembles are called pompang in Ambon, Maluku, and bas-suling in the Toraja area of Central Sulawesi. The orkes bambu seng consists of about 20 bamboo and zinc flutes and trumpets. Other ensembles found in Minahasa include the orkes bia, an ensemble of about 20 conch-shell trumpets of various sizes, which have holes pierced in the shells to control pitch and volume; orkes kolintang, an orchestra of xylophones; orkes oli, comprising two oli (jew's harps), one arababu (fiddle), two sasahaeng (bamboo idiophone-aerophones) and two bansi (duct flutes); and the orkes papurungan, an ensemble consisting of bia, rebana (frame drum) or gendang (double-headed cylindrical drum), kolintang, bansi and six sizes of momongan (gong). In the Ngada area of Flores and on Lembata island, the orkes suling consists of at least 40 bamboo ring flutes in six sizes and two drums.

Ensembles are often used on specific occasions such as accompanying theatre performances, festive occasions and weddings. Theatre ensembles include the orkes Abdul Muluk, which accompanies Abdul Muluk theatre shows on the South Sumatra and Jambi coasts, and the orkes lenong, which accompanies all-night lenong theatre performances in Jakarta, Java.

The orkes penggual of the Karo area of North Sumatra is used to accompany festive outdoor occasions, such as Independence Day celebrations. It consists of one large sarune (oboe) or biola, two gung (gongs), of which one is a gung penganak (small gong), two gendang Melayu (double-headed Malay drums) and a singer. It plays mostly popular Karo or Malay songs, often to accompany the Karo version of the Malay ronggeng dance as it is practised on the east coast of North Sumatra. The orkes gambus is found in Muslim areas of Malaysia and Indonesia, including the northern coast of Java and the coast of West Sumatra. It consists of gambus (lute), other string instruments, percussion and vocalists. The repertory consists of religious and love songs which generally show Middle Eastern influence.

The orkes Melayu plays harmonic music developed in the past few centuries in Malay-speaking coastal areas of Indonesia and Malaysia. It is also often referred to as dangdut (seeIndonesia, §VIII, 1) after the most common sound pattern of one of its drums; other recently developed ensembles include the orkes talempong of Padang Panjang, West Sumatra, a large modern orchestra mainly of bronze instruments, which was specially created for the academy and conservatory there.

MARGARET J. KARTOMI

Orkest van de Achttiende Eeuw

(Orchestra of the Eighteenth Century).

Orchestra based in Amsterdam, founded in 1981 by Frans Brüggen. See Amsterdam, §3.

Orlandi, Camillo

(b Verona; fl 1616). Italian composer and musician. In 1616 he was a musician in the service of the Archbishop of Salzburg, Markus Sittikus, a devotee of the latest Italian music. The only surviving music certainly by him, Arie op.2, for one to three voices (Venice, 1616), is of this sort. Nearly half the book is taken up with two long dialogues for three characters, conducted almost entirely in recitative seemingly influenced by early operatic music but generally of no great distinction; yet one passage in Hor già che 'l cielo is strikingly reminiscent of Peri at his best (Whenham, i, 195). The rest of the volume consists of eight monodies and six duets, in the form of either the madrigal or the strophic aria, the latter including strophic variations. Again the music, except for some sturdy bass lines, lacks interest. Three sets of strophic variations are built on the same bass, giving a total of 13 stanzas over it. After the first ten bars the bass of the trio that ends the second dialogue is not written out: the implication is that the piece is founded on a ground bass.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

A. Einstein: ‘Die Aria di Ruggiero’, SIMG, xiii (1911–12), 444–54

J. Whenham: Duet and Dialogue in the Age of Monteverdi (Ann Arbor, 1982)

NIGEL FORTUNE

Orlandi [Orland, Orlando], Ferdinando

(b Parma, 7 Oct 1774; d Parma, 5 Jan 1848). Italian composer. He learnt the first elements of music from Gaspare Rugarli, organist at Colorno, a small town near Parma. He continued his studies at Parma under Gaspare Ghiretti and Paer, and later in Naples at the Conservatorio di S Maria della Pietà dei Turchini in 1793–9 under Sala and Tritto. In 1800 he was summoned back to Parma to a post in the ducal chapel, and he produced his first opera, La pupilla scozzese, at the Teatro Ducale. Between 1806 and 1822 he taught singing in Milan, firstly in the Reale Casa dei Paggi, then from 1814, as a result of the success of his operas at La Scala, at the conservatory. He also taught with great success in Munich (1822–3) and Stuttgart (1823–8). He returned to his native city of Parma, where he assumed the post of honorary maestro di cappella at the court and director of the school of singing of the Teatro Ducale from 1834 until his death. Orlandi composed 25 operas between 1800 and 1820, which show him as a facile melodist and imitator of the typical forms of 18th-century opera; he also wrote church music, chamber music and cantatas.

WORKS

25 ops, incl.: La pupilla scozzese (L. Da Ponte), Parma, Ducale, carn. 1801; Il podestà di Chioggia (dg, A. Anelli), Milan, Scala, 12 March 1801, B-Bc, I-Fc; Il fiore, ossia Il matrimonio per svenimento (farsa giocosa, 2, G.M. Foppa), Venice, S Benedetto, 20 Sept 1803; Le nozze chimeriche (A. Locrence), Milan, Carcano, 27 Nov 1804, as Le nozze poetiche, Genoa, 1805; I raggiri amorosi, Milan, Scala, 30 May 1806; La donna [dama] soldato (melodramma giocoso, 2, C. Mazzolà), Milan, Scala, 20 Sept 1808, D-DS, I-Fc, Nc, US-Wc, 1 aria (Munich, ?1810); Il cicisbeo burlato (dg, Anelli), Milan, Scala, 2 May 1812; Il quid pro quo (melodramma comico, G. Rossi), Milan, S Radegonda, 1812

Sacred music, incl. 4 masses, motets, pss

BIBLIOGRAPHY

DEUMM

FlorimoN [incl. a list of works in I-Nc]

GroveO [incl. complete list of ops]

C. Alcari: ‘Ferdinando Orlandi’, Parma nella musica (Parma, 1931), 139–40

N. Pelicelli: ‘Musicisti in Parma dal 1800 al 1860’, NA, xii (1935), 317–42

C. Gallico: Le capitali della musica: Parma (Parma, 1985), 142, 154–6

C. Parsons: ‘Ferdinando Orlandi’, The Mellen Opera Reference Index (Lewiston, NY, 1986), iii, 1318–19

GIOVANNI CARLI BALLOLA/ROBERTA MONTEMORRA MARVIN

Orlandi, Santi

(d Mantua, 1619). Italian composer. He was employed in at least May and September 1596 at S Maria Novella, Florence. His next known appointment was as maestro di cappella in the household of Prince Ferdinando Gonzaga at Florence. In 1608, when Ferdinando was created a cardinal by Pope Paul V, he followed him to Rome. On the death of Duke Vincenzo Gonzaga I in February 1612, Ferdinando’s brother Francesco succeeded to the duchy of Mantua, and he appointed Orlandi temporarily to the post of maestro della musica from which he had dismissed Monteverdi. Orlandi was recalled to Rome by Cardinal Ferdinando in October 1612, but on 22 December Duke Francesco II died, and the cardinal became duke. Orlandi seems to have spent the rest of his life in his service at Mantua. He may have been employed as a singer at S Pietro there; a list of singers in a partbook (in I-Mc) refers to a tenor by the name of Orlandi from S Pietro. He published five volumes of five-part madrigals. The first, third and fifth, none of which survives complete, appeared in Venice in 1602, 1605 and 1609 respectively. The other two books are effectively lost. The fourth may have been published in Venice in 1607; the only surviving (bass) partbook is fragmentary. One six-part madrigal by him survives (in RISM 1613¹⁰). He also composed an opera, Gli amori di Aci e Galatea, which was performed at Mantua in March 1617 as part of the festivities celebrating Duke Ferdinando’s marriage to Caterina de’ Medici; this is also the first opera known to have been performed in Poland (in 1628). The libretto was by Chiabrera; the music is lost. Bonini surveyed the history of composition between the time of Willaert and about 1645, and divided composers into three ‘orders’: Orlandi he placed in the third, together with Monteverdi, Filippo Vitali and others, and recommended his works as models.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BertolottiM

EinsteinIM

S. Bonini: Discorsi e regole sopra la musica (MS, 1640s, I-Frc 2218); ed. L. Galleni-Luisi, IMa, ii/5 (1975); Eng. trans., ed. M. Bonino (Provo, UT, 1979)

E. Vogel: ‘Claudio Monteverdi’, VMw, iii (1887), 315–450

E. Vogel: ‘Marco da Gagliano’, VMw, v (1889), 396–442, 509–68

IAIN FENLON

Orlandini, Giuseppe Maria

(b Florence, 4 April 1676; d Florence, 24 Oct 1760). Italian composer. His early years appear to have been spent in Florence; oratorio librettos of 1711 and 1712 claim for him the title of maestro di cappella of Prince Giovanni Gastone of Tuscany. In 1719 he was made a member of the Accademia Filarmonica of Bologna. His name figures on the title-page of Benedetto Marcello’s Il teatro alla moda (c1720), so it must have been well known to Venetian opera audiences of that time. Between 1717 and 1731 he resided principally in Bologna. When Giovanni Gastone succeeded his father as Grand Duke of Tuscany in 1723, Orlandini continued to style himself maestro di cappella to that sovereign, although he was not confirmed in this position until April 1732. In the same month he was named maestro di cappella of Florence Cathedral. Since all his serious operas after this date were first performed in Florence, it may be assumed that Orlandini remained in his native city after that year. During the 1730s he served as resident composer at the Florentine Teatro della Pergola, functioning as impresario during the 1722 and 1751 seasons. From 1734 to 1757 he carried out, in addition, the duties of maestro at S Michele Berteldi in Florence.

The large number and wide spread of performances of his operas confirm the opinions of Burney, La Borde, Martini and Quadrio that Orlandini was highly celebrated as a composer of dramatic music. He was best known for his comic intermezzos, in which genre his importance almost certainly outweighs that of Pergolesi. Indeed, Orlandini’s Bacocco e Serpilla (under various titles and with added music by various composers) appears to have been the most frequently performed piece of musical drama in the entire 18th century. His fashionable and forward-looking operatic style can be seen as early as Antigona (1718), in which one finds light accompaniments, often with drum basses, simple, slow-moving harmony, frequent use of regular phrasing in two-bar units and reverse-dotted rhythm. Bacocco e Serpilla uses short, simple arias, with syllabic setting, wide leaps, repeated notes, lively recurring rhythms, static harmony and rudimentary accompaniments, all of which became standard in that genre during the following decades.

WORKS

stage

drammi per musica, in 3 acts, unless otherwise stated

Artaserse (P. Pariati ?and A. Zeno), Livorno, S Sebastiano, 1706; Naples, S Bartolomeo, 2 July 1708, addl music by F. Mancini

L’amor generoso (Zeno), Florence, Cocomero, aut. 1708, collab. R. Ceruti

L’odio e l’amore (M. Noris), Genoa, S Agostino, 1709

La fede tradita e vendicata (F. Silvani), Genoa, S Agostino, aut. 1709; Bologna, Marsigli-Rossi, 15 Aug 1712, addl music by F. Gasparini

Ataulfo re de’ Goti, ovvero La forza della virtù (after D. David), Rome, Capranica, carn. 1712

Teuzzone (Zeno), Ferrara, Bonacossi, spr. 1712, with addl music

Madama Dulcinea e il cuoco del Marchese del Bosco (int, Marchese Trotti), Rome, Capranica, carn. 1712; as La preziosa ridicola, Naples, S Bartolomeo, carn. 1716; A-Wn

L’innocenza difesa (Silvani), ? Ferrara, Bonacossi, spr. 1712; as Carlo re d’Alemagna, Bologna, Formagliari, 28 Oct 1713; as L’innocenza giustificata, Fano, Fortuna, sum. 1731

L’amor tirannico (D. Lalli), Rome, Capranica, carn. 1713; as Il Farasmane (5), Bologna, Formagliari, 20 Oct 1720; Pesaro, Pubblico, carn. 1721, addl music by A. Tinazzoli

Lisetta e Delfo (int), Rome, Capranica, carn. 1713

Bacocco [Bajocco] e Serpilla (int, A. Salvi), Verona, May 1715; as Il marito giocatore e la moglie bacchettona, Venice, S Angelo, carn. 1719; as The Gamester, London, King’s, 1 Jan 1737; as Serpilla e Bacocco, Venice, S Angelo, 1741; with addl music as Il giocatore, Paris, Opéra, 22 Aug 1752, Les ariettes du Joueur (Paris, c1752) [attrib. Doletti]; A-Wn (facs. in IOB, lxviii, 1984), B-Bc (facs. in IOB, lxviii, 1984), D-MÜs, ROu, W (2 copies, one attrib. Vinci), F-Pc, I-Fc, S-Skma

Amore e maestà (tragedia per musica, Salvi), Florence, Cocomero, 30 June 1715; as Arsace (rev. P.A. Rolli), London, King’s, 1 Feb 1721, addl music by F. Amadei; as Der ehrsüchtige Arsaces, Hamburg, 18 May 1722, arr. J. Mattheson, D-Bsb; rev., Florence, Pergola, carn. 1739, A-Wn, Act 2 GB-Lbl

La pastorella al soglio (G.C. Corradi), Mantua, Arciducale, carn. 1717

La virtù al cimento (Zeno), Mantua, Arciducale, carn. 1717; as La costanza trionfante, Recanati, fair and carn. 1720, addl music by Tinazzoli; rev. as Griselda, Venice, S Samuele, May 1720, arias A-Wn

La Merope (Zeno), Bologna, Formagliari, 24 Oct 1717

Lucio Papirio (Salvi), Naples, S Bartolomeo, 11 Dec 1717, arias and buffo scenes by F. Feo, doubtful, ? by F. Gasparini (see Strohm, 1989); Bologna, Formagliari, sum. 1718; Pesaro, Pubblico, carn. 1721, addl music by Tinazzoli

Antigona (tragedia, 5, B. Pasqualigo), Venice, S Cassiano, carn. 1718; Pesaro, Pubblico, carn. 1723, addl music by Tinazzoli; as La fedeltà coronata, Bologna, Malvezzi, 2 June 1727, GB-Lbl; as Antigona vendicata, Breslau, 1 Oct 1728

Le amazoni vinte da Ercole (Salvi), Reggio nell’Emilia, Pubblico, April 1718

Ifigenia in Tauride (tragedia, 5, Pasqualigo, after P.J. Martello), Venice, S Giovanni Grisostomo, carn. 1719, arias D-ROu and SHs

Il carceriero di se stesso (Salvi), Turin, Carignano, carn. 1720

Paride (5, F. Muazzo), Venice, S Giovanni Grisostomo, carn. 1720, arias SHs

Melinda e Tiburzio (int), Venice, S Angelo, carn. 1721; as La donna nobile, Venice, S Cassiano, carn. 1730

Nerone (tragedia per musica, A. Piovene), Venice, S Giovanni Grisostomo, carn. 1721, arias Mbs; as Nero, Hamburg, 17 Nov 1723, arr. Mattheson, Bsb

Nino (I. Zanella), Rome, Capranica, 7 Jan 1722, arias F-Pc; as Semiramide, Turin, Carignano, 1722; as Nino, Pesaro, Pubblico, carn. 1723, addl music by Tinazzoli

Ormisda (Zeno), Bologna, Malvezzi, 16 May 1722; as Artenice, Turin, Regio, carn. 1723, addl music by G.A. Giai and others

L’artigiano gentiluomo (Larinda e Vanesio) (int, Salvi, after Molière: Le bourgeois gentilhomme), Florence, 1722; as Le bourgeois gentilhomme, Florence, Pergola, carn. 1725; London, King’s, 1737

Alessandro Severo (Zeno), Milan, Regio Ducale, carn. 1723, GB-Lbl

L’Oronta (C.N. Stampa), Milan, Regio Ducale, carn. 1724

Berenice (Pasqualigo, after J. Racine), Venice, S Giovanni Grisostomo, carn. 1725, B-Bc, arias I-Vnm

Il malato immaginario (Erighetta e Don Chilone) (int, Salvi, after Molière: Le malade imaginaire), Florence, Pergola, carn. 1725

Un vecchio innamorato (int, D. Marchi), Florence, Pergola, carn. 1725

Monsieur di Porsugnacchi (Grilletta e Porsugnacco) (int, after Molière: Monsieur de Pourceaugnac), Milan, Regio Ducale, carn. 1727; as Pourceaugnac and Grilletta, London, King’s, 1737

Berenice (A.M. Lucchini: Farnace), Milan, Regio Ducale, carn. 1728

Adelaide (Salvi), Venice, S Cassiano, carn. 1729, GB-Lam, arias I-Vqs

L’impresario dell’isole Canarie (Dorina e Nibbio) (int, P. Metastasio), ? Venice, S Cassiano, 1729

Massimiano (G. Boldoni, after Pariati ?and Zeno: Constantino), Venice, S Giovanni Grisostomo, carn. 1731, B-Bc

Grullo e Moschetta (int), Venice, S Angelo, carn. 1732; London, King’s, 1737

Ifigenia in Aulide (Zeno), Florence, Pergola, carn. 1732

Il marito geloso (Giletta e Ombrone) (int), St Petersburg, 1734

Il Temistocle (Metastasio), Florence, Pergola, 3 Feb 1737

L’olimpiade (Metastasio), Florence, Pergola, sum. 1737

Le nozze di Perseo e Andromeda (azione drammatica, 2, Marchi), Florence, Pergola, 9 April 1738, A-Wgm, Wn

Balbo e Dalisa (int, Salvi), Rome, Capranica, carn. 1740, doubtful

La Fiammetta (commedia per musica), Florence, Cocomero, 29 Sept 1743

Lo scialacquatore (commedia per musica, Borghesi), Florence, Cocomero, 14 Sept 1744; as Lo scialacquatore alla fiera, Venice, S Cassiano, aut. 1745, with addl music

Probably arr. Orlandini: Arianna e Teseo (Pariati), Florence, Pergola, carn. 1739; Venceslao (Zeno), Florence, Pergola, 27 Dec 1741; Vologeso re de’ Parti (after Zeno), Florence, Pergola, Jan 1742

Arias in A-Wgm, Wn; B-Bc, Lc; D-Bsb, Dlb, SWl; F-Pc, Pn; GB-Lbl, Lgc, Mp, Ob; I-Bc, BGi, Fc, Mc, Rc; US-BE, FAlewis, Wc

oratorios and sacred cantatas

Il martirio di S Sebastiano (A. Ghirizzani), Florence, 1694

I fanciulli babilonesi, Florence, 1696

La costanza trionfante nel martirio di S Lucia (B. Colzi), Florence, 1705

Sara in Egitto (D. Cavanese), Florence, 1708, collab. others

Il figliuol prodigo (B. Pamphili), Siena, 1709, arias D-Dlb

Gli amori infelici di Ammone (Berzini), Florence, 1711

L’Assalone ovvero l’infedeltà punita, Florence, 1713

Dal trionfo le perdite ovvero Jefte che sagrifica la sua figlia (Cavanese), Florence, 1716, collab. others

Componimento per musica da cantarsi la notte del SSmo Natale (G.B. Pontici), Rome, 1721, arias, F-Pc

L’Ester (G. Melani), Bologna, 1723

Giuditta, Castel S Pietro, 1726

Jaele (D. Marchi), Florence, 1735

Assuero, Florence, 1738

Davidde trionfante (G.M. Medici), Florence, 1738

Il Gioas re di Giuda (Metastasio), Florence, 1744

Giuseppe riconosciuto (Metastasio), Florence, 1745

Tobia (Zeno), Florence, 1749

Componimento da cantarsi nel venerabile monastero di S Apollonia in Firenze (F. Casorri), Florence, 1750

Isacco figura del redentore (Metastasio), Florence, 1752

La deposizione dalla croce di Gesù Cristo Signor Nostro (G.C. Pasquini), Florence, 1760

miscellaneous

1 spiritual canzonetta, La ricreazione spirituale nella musica (Bologna, 1730)

3 canzonettas, Raccolta di varie canzoni (Florence, 1739, 1740)

22 sonate, a 3, B-Bc

1 sinfonia, hpd, D-Bsb

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BurneyH; La BordeE

F. Quadrio: Della storia e della ragione d’ogni poesia (Bologna, 1739–52)

G.B. Martini: Serie cronologica dei principi dell’Accademia de’ Filarmonici di Bologna (Bologna, 1776)

R. Strohm: Italienische Opernarien des frühen Settecento , AnMc, no.16 (1976)

R. Strohm: ‘Zu Vivaldis Opernschaffen’, Venezia e il melodramma nel Seicento, ed. M.T. Muraro (Florence, 1978), 237–48

R.L. and N.W. Weaver: A Chronology of Music in the Florentine Theater 1590–1750 (Detroit, 1978)

C.E. Troy: The Comic Intermezzo: a Study in the History of Eighteenth-Century Italian Opera (Ann Arbor, 1979)

R. Strohm: ‘Die Tragedia per Musica als Repertoirestück: zwei Hamburger Opern von Giuseppe Maria Orlandini’, HJbMw, v (1981), 37–54

W.C. Holmes: ‘An Impresario at the Teatro La Pergola in Florence: Letters of 1735–1736’, Music and Civilization: Essays in Honor of Paul Henry Lang, ed. E. Strainchamps, M.R. Maniates and C. Hatch (New York, 1984), 127–40

J.W. Hill: ‘Oratory Music in Florence, III: the Confraternities from 1655 to 1785’, AcM, lviii (1986), 127–77

F. Piperno: ‘Note sulla diffusione degli intermezzi di J.A. Hasse (1726–1741)’, Johann Adolf Hasse und die Musik seiner Zeit: Siena 1983 [AnMc, no.25 (1987)], 267–86

R. Strohm: ‘“Tragédie” into “Drama per musica”’, Informazioni e studi vivaldiani, ix (1988), 14–25; x (1989), 57–102; xi (1990), 11–26; xii (1991), 47–75

W.C. Holmes: Opera Observed: Views of a Florentine Impresario in the Early Eighteenth Century (Chicago, 1993)

W. Kirkendale: The Court Musicians in Florence during the Principate of the Medici (Florence, 1993)

JOHN WALTER HILL (work-list with FRANCESCO GIUNTINI)

Orlando Consort.

British vocal ensemble. It was founded in 1989 by Robert Harre-Jones, Charles Daniels, Angus Smith and Donald Greig to specialize in the performance of medieval and early Renaissance polyphony. The Orlando Consort collaborates especially closely with leading musicologists in each of the repertories concerned. Its interpretations are characterized by sensitivity to matters of intonation and pronunciation; in this, and in its approach to texting and vocal delivery, the ensemble has been influenced by the work of Christopher Page (with whose group, Gothic Voices, some of its members have been associated). Areas of special interest have included the earliest polyphonic repertories (including the St Martial and Notre Dame schools), the late Ars Nova, and individual figures such as Dunstaple, Vitry, Machaut, Du Fay, Ockeghem, Busnoys, Compère, Josquin and Obrecht. In addition, the ensemble regularly commissions works from contemporary (mostly British) composers, and has participated in several crossover projects.

FABRICE FITCH

Orléans.

City in central France. The presence of the councils and synods of the Gallican church during the 6th century encouraged musical life, especially in the new Ste Croix Cathedral and in the collegiate church of St Aignan. The nearby Abbey of Fleury at Saint-Benoît-sur-Loire was also a centre of music and learning; in 794 Abbot Theodolphus was appointed Bishop of Orléans by Charlemagne, and founded a choir school there. King Robert the Pious (c970–1031), who studied with Gerbert d'Aurillac, cantor at the St Aignan choir school, composed hymns and responsories. In the 12th century the goliard poet Hugo Primas of Orléans, known as ‘Primas’, was cantor at Ste Croix and composed a prosa, Lauda crucis.

Mystery and miracle plays involving music were frequently performed at Fleury and Orléans from the 12th century (several early examples in Latin with musical notation are preserved in the MS O 231). Tinctoris, who was succentor at the cathedral around 1460–62 and master of the choirboys at the cathedral choirschool (probably in the late 1960s), matriculated at the university in 1463. The poet and composer Eloy d'Amerval was master of the choirboys at St Aignan in 1471 and at Ste Crotx in 1483. During the period of Protestant administration four-voice settings of the Huguenot psalter by Jean Servin were published by Louis Rabier (1565). These followed other settings by the pastor Hughes Sureau (1562) and by Richard Grassot (1564); the latter was maǐtre des enfants at the cathedral in 1572. J.-B. Morin was born at Orléans in 1677 and trained in the choir school at St Aignan. 17th-century cathedral musicians included Nicolaus Benoist and Guillaume Minoret, and among the 18th-century choirmasters were Nicolas Grogniard (1718–24), Louis Homet and François Giroust, who was later surintendant de la musique to Louis XVI. The renowned Lupot family of instrument makers was active in Orléans in the late 18th century and early 19th.

A music academy was founded in 1670, and in 1722 a similar group with 60 performers was still active. After the Revolution a new concert society was established under J.-S. Demar (a pupil of F.X. Richter and Haydn) and the violinist J.-F. Mazas. The Institut Musical, established in 1834 under the direction of the organist C.-F. Pollet, included a music school and a concert association directed by Felice Blangini. In the 1920s the institute was merged with a municipal music school (founded 1868), becoming the Ecole Nationale de Musique. The Société des Concerts Populaires flourished between 1884 and 1906 and was reorganized by Philippe Gaubert as the Société des Concerts Symphoniques in 1907. Arthur Honegger's Jeanne d'Arc au bûcher premiered at Orléans in 1939.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

C. Cuissard: Etude sur la musique dans l'Orléanais (Orléans, 1886)

C. Cuissard: ‘Les chanoines et les dignitaires de la cathédrale d'Orléans d'après les nécrologes manuscrits de Ste.-Croix’, Mémoires de la Société archéologique de l'Orléanais, xxviii (1902), 59–257

J. Brosset: Silhouettes musicales orléanaises, J.-J. Vimieux (1798–1855) (Blois, 1921)

E. Jarry: ‘Orgues orléanaises du XVIe siècle: Saint-Croix, Saint-Paul’,Bulletin de la Société archéologique, historique orléanais, xxiii (1936), 119

R. Berthelot: Un demi-siècle de musique à Orléans (Orléans, 1971),

FRANK DOBBINS

Orles

(fl second half of the 14th century). ?French composer. His only known composition, a three-part Credo in motet style (ed. in CMM, xxix, 1962, and PMFC, xxiii/B, 1989), belongs to the Avignon repertory. The cantus paraphrases Vatican Credo I, like the four-part Credo of Guayrinet, but Orles’s composition has extensive hocket sections concluding the three main parts of the work, and in the Amen.

GILBERT REANEY

Orlo

(Sp.).

A wind instrument, possibly the Crumhorn.

Orlos

(Sp.).

See under Organ stop.

Orlov, Genrikh Aleksandrovich

(b Kiev, 29 Aug 1926). Russian musicologist. He studied the piano and composition at the Rimsky-Korsakov Music College at the Leningrad Conservatory (1945–6), and later musicology at the conservatory itself under Druskin (1946–51). He took the Kandidat degree at the Moscow Conservatory in 1957 with a dissertation on Rimsky-Korsakov's opera The Legend of the Invisible City of Kitezh, and in 1970 he was awarded the doctorate for his book Russkiy sovetskiy simfonizm, an analytical survey of the development of Soviet symphonic writing after the October Revolution. He became a member of the Union of Soviet Composers in 1955, and worked as a music administrator, conductor and pianist at the Baltic Fleet Theatre of Drama (1955–6) and as a research fellow and postgraduate supervisor at the Leningrad Institute of Theatre, Music and Cinematography (1957–76). In 1976 he moved to America, where he was visiting professor at Cornell University (1976–7), a humanities fellow at Harvard (1977–8), and professor at Wesleyan University, Middletown, Connecticut (1979–81). In 1983 he began writing and translating for the journal Israel Today; from 1986 he worked for the publishing company of Frager & Co., Washington, DC, and as a translator of books on philosophy and art. He retired in 1994.

During the 1950s, alongside his research into the music of Rimsky-Korsakov, Orlov was active as an advocate of Leningrad composers. His academic work took off in the 1960s, with the publication of his two major works, Simfonii Shostakovicha (1961) and Russkiy sovetskiy simfonizm (1966). He was the first Soviet musicologist to discuss the tragic fate of Shostakovich and his music in Simfonii Shostakovicha; in Russkiy sovetskiy simfonizm he was the first to include a large quantity of factual information on the music of the 1920s and 30s. During the 1970s, he concentrated on the aesthetics and philosophy of music. His theoretical studies concern musical thought, aesthetic values and semantics as the constituents of a cultural unity; his academic methodology touches on aspects of sociology, semantics, semiotics, the theory of perception in musical thought, and ethnomusicology. He was the first Soviet musicologist to formulate a modern theory of the functions of time and space in music; his book on the subject, Vremya i prostranstvo muzïki (‘The time and space of music’) was banned in the USSR. The culmination of his academic work is the book Drevo muzïki (1992), in which he draws together the many aspects of his earlier work and the teaching experience he acquired in America. Orlov's writings are distinguished by their clarity, concentration of thought and bold flights of scholarly fancy; they show his ability to reveal links between apparently unrelated facts in different areas of study. He belongs to the small number of musicologists who, during the years of the Iron Curtain, the Khrushchyov ‘thaw’ and the Brezhnev 'stagnation’, rigorously stayed abreast of advances in music and the arts, and in whose works the spirit of freedom and the opposition to dogmatic ideology was embodied.

WRITINGS

Sovetskiy fortepiannïy kontsert [The Soviet piano concerto] (Leningrad, 1954)

‘Simfonicheskaya poėma A. Petrova’, ‘Lyutsian Prigozhin’, ‘Vladlen Chistyakov’, ‘Simfoniya I. Shvartsa’, Sovetskaya muzïka, ii, ed. M.A. Grinberg and others (Moscow, 1956), 258–61, 262–5, 270–73, 274–7

Tvorcheskaya ėvolyutsiya N.A. Rimskogo-Korsakova v 1890–1900 godakh i ‘Skazaniye o nevidimom grade Kitezhe i Deve Fevronii’ [The creative evolution of Rimsky-Korsakov in the 1890s–1900s and The Legend of the Invisible City of Kitezh and the Maiden Fevroniya] (Kandidat diss., Moscow Conservatory, 1957); partially pubd, Voprosï muzïkoznaniya, iii (1960), 499–538

Vladimir Shcherbachyov (Leningrad, 1959)

Simfonii Shostakovicha [The symphonies of Shostakovich] (Leningrad, 1961)

‘Psikhologicheskiye mekhanizmï muzïkal'nogo vospriyatiya’ [The psychological mechanism of musical perception], Voprosï teorii i ėstetiki muzïki, ii (1963), 181–215

‘Upadok ili obnovleniye? K probleme sovremennoy simfonii’ [Decline or renovation? Towards the problem of the modern symphony], SovM (1963), no.4, pp.31–6

‘O shekspirovskom u Shostakovicha’ [On the Shakespearian element in Shostakovich's music], Shekspir i muzïka, ed. L.N. Raaben (Leningrad, 1964), 276–302

Dmitriy Shostakovich: biografiya (Leningrad, 1966)

Russkiy sovetskiy simfonizm [The Soviet Russian symphony] (diss., Institute of Theatre, Music and Cinematography, Leningrad, 1970; Leningrad, 1966)

‘Voyennïy rekviyem Brittena’ [Britten's War Requiem], Voprosï teorii i ėstetiki muzïki, v (1966), 65–99

‘V seredine puti: k 30-letiyu sozdaniya IV simfonii’ [In the middle of the journey: on the 30th anniversary of the Fourth Symphony], Dmitriy Shostakovich, ed. G.S. Ordzhonikidze (Moscow, 1967), 166–87

with A. Sokhor: ‘Tvorchestvo leningradskikh kompozitorov’ [The works of Leningrad composers], Muzïkal'naya kul'tura Leningrada za 50 let, ed. V.M. Bogdanov-Berezovsky (Leningrad, 1967), 52–172

‘Zarubezhnaya muzïka v sovetskom muzïkoznanii’ [Western music in Soviet musicology], Voprosï teorii i ėstetiki muzïki, vi–vii (1967), 115–46

Tonal'nost' v sovremennoy muzïke (Leningrad, 1968) [trans. of R. Réti: Tonality in Modern Music (New York, 1962)]

‘Khudozhestvennaya kul'tura i tekhnicheskiy progress’ [Art, culture and technical development], Voprosï teorii i ėstetiki muzïki, ix (1969), 18–40

‘O Betkhovenskoy programmnosti’ [On Beethoven's programme music], Lyudvig van Betkhoven: ėstetika, tvorcheskoye naslediye, ispolnitel'stvo, ed. A.A. Gozenpud, Yu.A. Kremlyov and L.N. Raaben (Leningrad, 1970), 65–81

‘Simfonizm Shostakovicha na perelome’ [The change in Shostakovich's symphonic work], Voprosï teorii i ėstetiki muzïki, x (1971), 3–31

‘Vremya i prostranstvo muzïki’ [Time and space of music], Problemï muzïkal'noy nauki, i (1972), 358–94

‘Semantika muzïki’ [The semantics of music], Problemï muzïkal'noy nauki, ii (1973), 434–79

‘Strukturnïye funktsii vremeni v muzïke’ [Structural functions of time in music], Voprosï teorii i ėstetiki muzïki, xiii (Leningrad, 1974), 32–57

‘Vremennïye kharakteristiki muzïkal'nogo opïta’, Problemï muzïkal'nogo mïshleniya, ed. M.G. Aranovskï (Moscow, 1974), 272–302; Eng. trans. as ‘The Temporal Dimensions of Musical Experience’, MQ, lxv (1979), 368–78

‘N.A. Rimsky-Korsakov na poroge XX veka: puti iskaniy’ [Rimsky-Korsakov on the threshold of the 20th century: avenues of investigation], Voprosï teorii i ėstetiki muzïki, xiv (1975), 3–30

‘Traditsionnïye i novïye podkhodï v izuchenii muzïki’ [Traditional and new approaches in music research], Metodologicheskiye problemï sovremennogo iskusstvoznaniya, i (1975), 111–26

with L. Kovnatskaya and I. Khlebarov: ‘Vernost' muzïke’ [Loyalty to music], SovM (1975), no.4, pp.63–7 [for M.S. Druskin's 70th birthday]

‘Towards a Semiotics of Music’, The Sign in Music and Literature, ed. W. Steiner (Austin, 1981), 131–7

‘Pri dvore torzhestvuyushchey lzhi: razmïshleniya nad biografiyey Shostakovicha’ [At the court of a truimphant lie: reflections on Shostakovich's biography], Strana i mir (1986), no.3, pp.62–75; repr. in D.D. Shostakovich: sbornik statey k 90-letiyu so dnya rozhdeniya, ed. L. Kovnatskaya (St Petersburg, 1996), 8–28

Drevo muzïki [The tree of music] (Washington DC and St Petersburg, 1992) [incl. excerpts from Orlov’s Vremya i prostranstvo muzïki]

LYUDMILA KOVNATSKAYA

Orlov, Nikolay (Andreyevich)

(b Elets, Orlov govt., 14/26 Feb 1892; d Grantown-on-Spey, Scotland, 31 May 1964). Russian pianist. He studied at the Gnesin Music School, Moscow, and then at the conservatory with Konstantin Igumnov, from whose class he graduated in 1910. Orlov also studied composition and counterpoint as a private pupil of Taneyev. He gave his first concert in 1912 and in the same year gave the première of Glazunov's First Piano Concerto. He taught in the Moscow Philharmonic School (1913–15) and was a professor at the conservatory (1916–21). From 1921 he lived abroad, giving concerts in eastern and western Europe, Latin America and the USA (début 1926), with particular success in Yugoslavia, Belgium, Poland, Latin America and England. In 1933 he gave a series of Chopin concerts in London; he settled in Britain in 1948. A distinguished artist with an immaculately finished technique, Orlov was particularly successful in achieving poetic tonal effects; his elegant style of playing belonged more to the late 19th century than to the modern Russian school. He was especially noted as an interpreter of Chopin, Schumann and Skryabin.

I.M. YAMPOL'SKY/JAMES METHUEN-CAMPBELL

Orłowski, Antoni

(b Warsaw, 1811; d Rouen, 11 Feb 1861). Polish violinist, pianist, conductor and composer. He studied at the Warsaw Conservatory (1824–9), where his teachers included Elsner (composition) and Bielawski (violin); in 1830 he left for Paris, where he studied composition with Le Sueur and played violin, viola and timpani in the orchestra of the Théâtre Feydeau. In 1832 he moved to Rouen, where he was a violinist at the Théâtre des Arts; from 1835 to 1837 he conducted the orchestra there, successfully staging Halévy's La Juive and his own opera Le mari de circonstance. While he was highly respected in Rouen as an instrumentalist, conductor and teacher, his compostions aroused less interest. His piano miniatures, particularly the mazurkas, polonaises and waltzes, were modelled on Chopin.

WORKS

(selective list)

lost unless otherwise stated

Stage: Walka rybołowców [The Battle of the Ospreys] (ballet), Warsaw, 30 Aug 1827; Gertruda w grochu [Gertrude in a Spot] (comic op, F. de Planard), 1831, Rouen, 1836; Le mari de circonstance (comic op, F. de Planard), Rouen, 1836

Inst: Ov., orch, c1838; 2 str qnts; 2 str qts; Pf Trio (Warsaw, 1830); Vn Sonata (Paris, c1833)

Pf: 2 rondeaux brillants, opp.3 and 7 (Paris, c1833); 5 capriccios in the form of a waltz, op.18 (Bonn, before 1843); Mazurka on themes from Chopin’s conc., fantasy and rondo (Warsaw, 1830); Waltz on Chopin’s themes (Warsaw, 1830)

Other pf miniatures and vocal works

BIBLIOGRAPHY

PSB

‘Antoni Orłowski’, Pamiętnik muzyczny i teatralny, vi (1862), 371–6, 389–93, 417–23, 465–70, 532–7

B.E. Sydow, ed.: Korespondencja Fryderyka Chopina, i (Warsaw, 1955), 30, 116, 120, 135–6, 139, 142–3, 157

BARBARA CHMARA-ŻACZKIEWICZ

Ormandy, Eugene [Blau, Jenő]

(b Budapest, 18 Nov 1899; d Philadelphia,12 March 1985). American conductor of Hungarian birth. He was proficient enough as a violinist to enter the National Hungarian Royal Academy of Music at five, and by the age of seven he was giving concerts. He began studying with Jenő Hubay two years later and graduated with a master’s degree at 14. After performing as leader of the Blüthner Orchestra in Germany and as a soloist on tours of central Europe, he was appointed professor of violin at 17. A concert agent persuaded him to emigrate to New York, but when he finally arrived in 1921 he found work hard to come by. He was forced to suffer the indignity of playing in the back of the orchestra at the Capitol Theatre in New York, but within a year he had graduated to leader. He made his début there when the regular conductor fell ill in September 1924, and was appointed associate music director in 1926. In 1927 he became an American citizen and met Arthur Judson, who helped him find guest conducting work (mostly light music for radio broadcasts) to supplement his activities at the Capitol. Judson brought him to Philadelphia to substitute for an indisposed Toscanini in 1931; this led to his appointment as music director of the Minneapolis SO (1931–6), where he became nationally known through his recordings, including the first-ever recordings of Kodály’s Háry János Suite and Schoenberg’s Verklärte Nacht. He returned to Philadelphia in 1936 to share the podium with Stokowski for two years, before becoming sole music director for 42 years (1938–80), after which he became conductor laureate. He took the orchestra on numerous transcontinental and international tours, and also appeared as a guest conductor in Europe, Australia, South America and East Asia.

Ormandy was quick to learn new works and usually conducted without baton or score. With a notably fine ear, he built on Stokowski’s voluptuous ‘Philadelphia Sound’ and soon added even greater polish and precision. Philadelphia paid the musicians well so he could afford the best; and, like Stokowski, he worked with them daily, often conducting over 100 concerts a year. Despite the glory he brought to his orchestra and his numerous awards (including an honorary KBE in 1976) and honorary doctorates, critics were always slightly circumspect in their praise. Whether the gloss of the orchestra offended a Puritan streak or the brilliance seemed too easy, his intepretations were often thought to be vulgar or shallow. Ormandy perhaps contributed to this image by playing so much of the late-Romantic and early 20th-century repertory which showed to advantage the lush sound he could command: Tchaikovsky, Dvořák, Strauss, Bruckner, Debussy, Ravel and reorchestrated Bach were his staple fare. He was less successful with Beethoven and Brahms. But he conducted much new music and gave the premières of Rachmaninoff’s Symphonic Dances, Bartók’s Piano Concerto no.3 and works by Britten, Hindemith, Martinů, Milhaud, Persichetti and Webern. His large and enterprising discography includes the first recordings of Shostakovich’s Cello Concerto no.1 and Symphony no.4, and of Mahler’s Tenth Symphony in the performing version by Deryck Cooke. He also played much American music and gave premières of works by Barber, Creston, Diamond, Ginastera, Hanson, Piston, Rorem, Schuman, Sessions, Thompson and Villa-Lobos.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

R. Gelatt: Music Makers (New York, 1953/R)

H.C. Schonberg: The Great Conductors (New York, 1967/R)

H. Kupferberg: Those Fabulous Philadelphians: the Life and Times of a Great Orchestra (New York,1969) [with discography of Philadelphia records]

J.L. Holmes: Conductors: a Record Collector's Guide (London, 1988), 214–17

JOSÉ BOWEN

Ormestad [Ormsen], Caspar.

See Ecchienus, Caspar.

Ørn [Øren, Ohren], Jacob [Aquilino Dano, Jacomo]

(d after 1652). Danish musician and composer. He is first heard of as one of the four musicians (the others being Mogens Pedersøn, Hans Brachrogge and Martinus Otto) sent by King Christian IV of Denmark to England in 1611 to serve his sister Anne, James I’s queen, while he was away at the wars and thus had, as he wrote, no need of them. They remained in England for three years. A pavan by Ørn, under the latinized name Jacomo Aquilino Dano, was copied (in US-NYp, Sambrooke manuscript) by Francis Tregian, who was at that time a prisoner in the Tower of London for recusancy. There thus appears to have been personal contact between the Danes and Tregian which is further evidenced by the presence in another of the manuscripts copied by Tregian (GB-Lbm Eg.3665) of ten otherwise unknown madrigals by Mogens Pedersøn and a similar number of Italian madrigals copied from Melchior Borchgrevinck’s two Giardino novo anthologies (1605–6). On his return to Denmark in 1614 Ørn was given an appointment in the royal chapel, which he served for 35 years. He received a benefice of Roskilde Cathedral in 1619 and was given the charge of six choirboys in 1624. He became deputy director of the chapel in 1637. He officiated at the coronation of King Frederik III in 1648, and in January 1649 he retired on his full salary for life in recognition of his long service. His name appears in the records for the last time on 28 February 1653. Apart from the above-mentioned pavan his only known composition is a four-part chorale setting in L.P. Thura’s Canticum Canticorum Salomonis (Copenhagen, 1640; transcr. in T. Laub: Om kirkesangen, Copenhagen, 1887). A project to provide settings for four voices with continuo of the whole book of Psalms, to which he referred in 1645 and 1647, if realized, has apparently not survived.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

A. Hammerich: Musiken ved Christian den Fjerdes Hof (Copenhagen, 1892)

J. Bergsagel: ‘Anglo-Scandinavian Musical Relations before 1700’, IMSCR XI: Copenhagen 1972, 263–71

J. Bergsagel: ‘Danish Musicians in England 1611–14: Newly Discovered Instrumental Music’, DAM, vii (1973–6), 9–20 [incl. edns of both pieces]

J. Bergsagel, ed.: Music in Denmark at the time of Christian IV, ii: Music for Instrumental Ensemble (Copenhagen, 1988)

H. Glahn: ‘Om musikken [til L.P. Thuras Højsangsparafrase]’, Hymnologiske meddelelser, xvii/5 (1988), 224–46

JOHN BERGSAGEL

Ornamentation.

For discussion of improvised embellishments see Improvisation; for notated ornaments and graces see Ornaments.

Ornaments.

Those more or less brief and conventional formulae of embellishment which have always been liable to occur within traditions of free ornamentation (see Improvisation), and which proliferated in European music of the Baroque period. They have often been indicated by symbols, although composers, performers, music copyists and editors, and scholars have by no means always shown consistency or agreement in the use of specific symbols. Moreover, the general understanding of signs, symbols, terms and contemporary performing styles of ornamentation has varied greatly across time and place. This article deals primarily with the symbols used in Western art music and their interpretation.

Throughout much of the history of western European music, performers have been inclined to embellish the notes provided them by the composer. Even in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, it is convenient to make a distinction between two kinds of embellishment. On the one hand, the technique of applying improvised or semi-improvised running figuration patterns to a given melody, so-called divisions or passaggi, creates melodic variation. Graces, on the other hand, are conventional melodic ornaments applied to single notes; by the Baroque era graces were indicated by a variety of stylized signs, most of which had, at least by intention, a particular meaning.

2. Spain, 1500–1800.

3. The English virginalists.

9. Late 18th century and 19th.

10. 20th century.

11. Index to ornaments and table of signs.

KENNETH KREITNER (1), LOUIS JAMBOU (2), DESMOND HUNTER (3), STEWART A. CARTER (4), PETER WALLS (5), KAH-MING NG (6–7), DAVID SCHULENBERG (8), CLIVE BROWN (9–10)

1. Middle Ages and Renaissance.

Before the 17th century ornamental signs in the conventional sense, added to notes to change their interpretation, were found only in keyboard and lute manuscripts, most of which were written in idiomatic tablatures. The earliest known use of stylized ornamental signs is seen in keyboard sources of the 14th and 15th centuries: the Robertsbridge Codex (c1320, GB-Lbl Add.28550) places a small circle above certain notes, and a number of German keyboard tablatures of the 15th century, most prominently the Buxheim Keyboard Manuscript (c1460–70, D-Mbs Mus.ms.3725), use a note form that adds a downward stem with a triangular loop. In all these cases it is clear that some sort of ornament is being indicated, but its exact nature (or even whether the same figure was meant every time) remains obscure.

Ornamental signs in lute tablatures came later: Vincenzo Capirola, in his manuscript anthology of lute music (1515–20, US-Cn VM C.25), used dotted red numerals to identify the upper auxiliary of a mordent and two dots above the number of the fret for the grace he called tremolo d'un tasto solo (tremolo on one fret), by which he meant a mordent, usually alternating between the first fret and the open string. In the 1548 Milanese edition of P.P. Borrono's music (Intavolatura di lauto … libro secondo, published by Castiglione) parentheses were inserted to isolate the two notes of a mordent.

English lute and keyboard sources of the late 16th and early 17th centuries also employed signs for mandatory ornaments. The most familiar are probably the diagonal strokes of varying number added to the stems of some notes by keyboard composers to indicate graces, as in the Fitzwilliam Virginal Book (1609–19, GB-Cfm; see §3 below); Diana Poulton (B1975) described and explained other kinds of grace, sometimes indicated by crosses or other signs, that appear in English lutebooks of the period. In all these cases the use of the signs appears to be unstandardized and experimental, and their interpretation must be made on a source-by-source, or even sometimes a composition-by-composition basis.

For most of the vocal and instrumental ensemble music of the Middle Ages and Renaissance, however, ornaments were not specified in the musical text but were added by performers at will within a more or less unwritten set of customs and proprieties. In this music, then, it is often impossible to draw clear lines between what we would call ornamentation, improvisation and arrangement, and the unwritten practice has to be reconstructed hypothetically. Evidence of its existence and nature is more abundant for some repertories than others, and as with most aspects of musical performance it is more explicit for the 16th century than before. Yet some sort of ornamental practice can reasonably be inferred for practically every repertory before 1600.

A number of early chant manuscripts use Significative letters, some of which may have had the effect of ornaments though their exact meanings are still conjectural. Several symbols of chant notation still used today had an original function that we would consider ornamental: the Liquescent neumes (epiphonus, cephalicus etc.) probably implied some sort of glissando; the quilisma also a glissando, possibly with a volume vibrato added; and the repercussive neumes (bistropha, tristropha, pressus etc.) an actual restriking of the note. All these interpretations are obscured by the uniformity of modern Solesmes style (see Notation, §III, 1).

Contemporary descriptions of 13th-century polyphony, chiefly by Anonymus 4, Franco of Cologne and Hieronymous de Moravia, show that, for all its fanciness as written, the music of the Notre Dame period was further embellished in performance. Anonymus 4 refers to a longa florata (flowered long) and a duplex longa florata (see Anonymous theoretical writings, §2, no.23), and Hieronymus describes several interpretative possibilities such as the florificatio vocis and flos harmonicus (both of which we would probably call trills), the reverberatio (an ornamental appoggiatura from below) and the nota procellaris (possibly a vibrato). All seem to have been added most appropriately to long notes, especially at the beginning or end of a phrase. The Plica, which developed from the liquescent neumes of chant and survived into the Franconian era, seems always to have functioned as a kind of grace note, sung differently from its companions.

Specific observations of this sort are more difficult to establish for secular monophony and for the polyphony of the 14th and 15th centuries. But the scattered remarks of theorists, normally lamenting excessive ornamentation, suggest that the tradition of adding ornaments to existing musical texts was all but universal, and a close examination of multiple versions and intabulations of a single song can reveal something of the character of this tradition.

By 1529 Martin Agricola in his Musica instrumentalis deudsch assumed that his audience of amateur instrumentalists would want to learn to add ornaments to their music, though his own instructions, even in a later edition, are fragmentary and abortive. As the musical literacy of amateurs grew over the course of the 16th century, however, a number of treatises offered instruction, in greater and lesser detail, in the art of instrumental and vocal ornamentation. Among the best-known are those by Ganassi (B1535), Ortiz (B1553), Dalla Casa (B1584), Bassano (B1585), Zacconi (E1592), Diruta (E1593) and Bovicelli (E1594). Their languages and vocabulary vary but, as Brown (B1976) has shown, most divide their subject broadly into graces (ornaments added to a single note) and passaggi or divisions (ornaments added between notes or over a longer passage).

They also generally agree that the two most important graces are the tremolo (in modern parlance, a trill or mordent) and groppo (or gruppo; a cadential upper-note trill, often with a turn at the end), and some add a few variants and additions such as Diruta's clamatione (a portamento up to the first note of a passage from a 3rd or 4th below) and Zacconi and Bovicelli's accento (a dotted figure filling in or expanding a written interval). Their treatments of passaggi are much more individual, but most share a pedagogical method, traceable at least to the early 15th century (see Fallows, B1990), in which each basic interval is decorated in numerous different ways – Ortiz, for example, shows 12 ways to fill in a major 2nd, Ganassi 28 and Bovicelli 35 – which the student would presumably practise over and over to develop a ready fund of ornamental figures to add while playing or singing (ex.1). Several treatises add specimen pieces of music with written-out ornamentation; these give a vivid, if perhaps exaggerated, view of the wealth of ornaments available and the use to which they were put in performance.

It must be emphasized that this kind of ornamentation was fundamentally an improvised practice, completely at the performer's discretion: no conventional 16th-century partbooks or choirbooks indicate ornaments in any way. The clean, uncluttered appearance of the music on the page is thus misleading. Performers of the Renaissance, instrumentalists and singers alike, saw improvised ornamentation as part of their fundamental training and their daily musical duty. The ability to add graces and passaggi at sight was part of the personality that a musician brought to the job; the treatises are full of commonsense advice on how to temper virtuosity with taste. Accompanied solo music, they say, may be ornamented more liberally than ensemble music; superius parts more than lower lines; happy music more than sad; cadences more than phrase beginnings; repetitions of a phrase more than its first presentation. Singers are further cautioned not to let their ornaments obscure the words, to abstain altogether in choral music with more than one on a part, and to avoid elaborate passaggi on the vowels ‘u’ and ‘i’.

See also Cadenza.

2. Spain, 1500–1800.

The first Spanish treatises referring to ornamentation – D.M. Durán's Súmula de canto de órgano (Salamanca, c1504) and the anonymous manuscript Arte de melodía sobre canto llano y canto d'órgano (early 16th century, E-Bbc 1325) – are concerned with vocal rather than instrumental music. Later, vihuelists (Milán, 1536) and other musicians (Ortiz, 1553; Bermudo, 1555; Santa María, 1565; Cerone, 1613) provided more extensive definition of instrumental ornamentation, combining the study of specific fingerings with attention to their execution. Correa de Arauxo (1626) alluded to the vocal ornaments recorded in the 17th century by such travellers as the Countess d'Aulnoy (see L. Jambou in Actes du Colloque musical franco-espagnol, Paris, 1999), and Martín y Coll introduced ornamented passages in his exercises for vocal training (2/1719). Nassarre (1723–4) considered both vocal and instrumental ornaments – the latter in connection with the keyboard – but observed that vocal music could sustain the execution of long ornamented passages only with difficulty. Thus the preponderance of attention paid to instrumental ornamentation partly obliterates a vocal practice of which little is known.

Theorists and practising musicians alike were concerned to define the ornamental procedures proper to their favourite string or keyboard instruments. This attitude entailed the use of terminology that evolved over the centuries and often had different meanings in different contexts. For example, vihuelists in the second third of the 16th century equated the redoble with the disminución or pasaje, whereas keyboard players of the period used redoble and quiebro interchangeably to mean trill. In the later 17th century guitarists such as Gaspar Sanz, Ruiz de Ribayaz and Francisco Guerau called the trill a trino; they also enriched the vocabulary of ornamentation with effects typical of the Baroque period: apoyamento, esmorsata, aleado, mordente, extrasino, temblor, arpeado. Organists called the redoble a glosa, a term also employed by Ortiz; for Nassarre, however, glosa was a generic term embracing such ornaments as the trino and aleado (mordent, although the term seems to have had a wider sense when applied to string instruments). Torres y Martínez Bravo employed glosas or figuras disminuidas as a general term for ornaments in his treatise on basso continuo (Reglas generales de acompañar, 1702, 2/1736).

From the first these musicians distinguished between ornamentation on an upper or lower neighbour note and ornamentation on a disjunct interval, or division. Santa María was the first to make systematic use of both division – a subject discussed and in part rejected by Bermudo – and ornamentation; the latter (ex.2) was restricted to the quiebro (mordent) and redoble, each of which comprised a number of forms (quiebro antiguo or nuevo reyterado, senzillo or de minimas, redoble antiguo or nuevo). His terminology thus distinguished between old practices and innovations in which the ornament typically began on an anacrusis. Correa de Arauxo applied this typology to new forms, while recognizing the use of quiebro by singers as synonymous with redoble; he himself used the term as a synonym for trinado and trino (ex.3). At the beginning of the 17th century players of plucked string instruments were more concerned to describe and codify the new rasgueado techniques of the Baroque guitar than to specify signs for ornaments; it was left to Sanz, in his Instrucción de música sobre la guitarra sobre la guitarra española (3/1674), to define and codify them according to a new system of nomenclature.

3. The English virginalists.

Oblique strokes indicating embellishment were introduced in England in the early 16th century. The most common symbol is the double stroke, which appears in virtually every source of English keyboard music in the period c1530–c1650. The single stroke occurs with much less frequency, and the triple stroke is confined to a small number of sources; a quadruple stroke is rare. Additional signs and what appear to be qualifying signs are given in a few sources. Sweelinck adopted the English usage of the double stroke and transmitted it to the north German school; the symbol is mentioned by Reincken in his Hortus musicus (1687). The signs are not discussed by any English theorist of the 16th or 17th century; their meanings must therefore be deduced largely from their application in the sources.

In the earliest surviving sources of English keyboard music (GB-Lbl Roy.App.56 and 58, both c1530), the application of single- and double-stroke signs is not related to embellishment. The single stroke is used in one of two ways: as a visual aid to clarify the movement of an inner part, or as a correction sign indicating that a note value has been given at a level too low. In these contexts the sign tends to be drawn horizontally rather than obliquely. The double stroke is used to effect cancellation. Signs consisting of two to four oblique strokes are used in the Mulliner Book (GB-Lbl Add.30513) to clarify part-writing when the parts cross. Furthermore, they are used to identify the merging of two voices in the Mulliner Book and in the 16th-century sections of GB-Lbl Add.29996. There is evidence that signs continued to be used occasionally as visual aids, sometimes to highlight particular rhythmic activity or to draw attention to an imitative entry. Cosyn's habit of drawing a single oblique stroke through the note head of each semibreve in a cantus firmus is simply a means of highlighting the line.

The earliest source in which single and double strokes appear to be associated with embellishment is the Matthew Bible of 1537 (Almonry Museum, Evesham). Both signs are used in music entered on three pages of the bible around 1540, possibly as an abbreviation for a division; the double stroke substitutes for an oscillation or a form of shake. Signs also appear to function occasionally as abbreviations for various divisions in the early sections of GB-Lbl Add.29996.

In the pieces added to the Mulliner Book around 1570 the single stroke is used as a grace sign but only in combination, either with two other single-stroke signs or with one single stroke and one double stroke. Clearly, single strokes in combination avoid confusion with correction. A parallel can be drawn with application in the Dublin Virginal Manuscript (c1570; EIRE-Dtc 410/2); in this source the single stroke is also used only in combination. In the Mulliner Book the combined signs grace triads and suggest some form of elaborate spread, possibly involving an element of oscillation. In the Dublin Virginal Manuscript pairs of single strokes grace notated 3rds, 5ths and 6ths; some form of oscillation seems to be the most likely meaning. The pairs of double strokes which also feature in this source suggest that a more rapid variety of oscillation is required. Active oscillating patterns are notated occasionally in keyboard music by Redford, Tallis and Blitheman. Double-stroke pairs, gracing mainly right-hand 3rds, are given in later sources, notably Clement Matchett's Book (1612, GB-En 9448). Triad gracing also occurs in later sources. This may involve one sign, occasionally two, exceptionally three; it tends to occur at the beginning or end of a strain, the probable implication being elaborate arpeggiation of the triad.

Throughout the virginalist era (c1570–c1650) a convention was observed with regard to the positioning of grace signs: the strokes are drawn through or placed at the ends of stems of minims and shorter note values; signs gracing semibreves and breves are normally placed above the note if it is in the higher or highest part on the staff, or below the note if it is in the lower or lowest part; however, some copyists drew the strokes through the note heads. Positioning at variance with this convention can often be attributed to careless copying or lack of space. Sometimes, however, it is applied in a way or with a degree of consistency which suggests that some special meaning may attach to it. In My Ladye Nevells Booke (1591), for instance, there is unusual positioning of several single- and double-stroke signs in The Carman's Whistle: the signs are drawn below blackened semibreves where one would expect superscript positioning (ex.4). A form of lower-note embellishment would seem to be implied, the subscript positioning indicating that the grace should begin on a note below the graced note. This application is of considerable interest in view of the fact that correction of the manuscript may have been undertaken by the composer of the pieces, Byrd, who tended to express improvised embellishment by using mainly the all-purpose double-stroke sign.

A written-out shake provided in one source for a given piece may be replaced by a double stroke in another; and it is clear that the sign and the notated division were considered analogous. Furthermore, some analogy existed between the signs: in Duncan Burnett's Book (c1600, GB-En 9447), for instance, the single stroke is often given in contexts in which realization as a shake seems to be required, the single stroke probably implying an upper-note start. An additional sign is used in this source (a slur-like curve directly under or over the note), possibly to distinguish a specific grace (perhaps a mordent).

Fingering indications are provided in a number of sources, and where these are given on graced notes they offer some help in determining appropriate realization of the implied graces. Such fingering usually confirms that improvised embellishment implied by grace signs would normally be accommodated within the line (as described by Santa María and Ammerbach). Other symbols which qualify the meaning of grace signs occur in the Weelkes Manuscript (GB-Lbl Add.30485). In this source, in pieces by Byrd, there are a number of instances in which a double stroke is accompanied by either a semiquaver or a sign which bears some resemblance to that used for the beat in the later decades of the 17th century (ex.5). The semiquaver seems to relate to speed of execution, the beat-like sign to shape and duration. In each context a cadential shake would be appropriate. If this is the meaning of the combined signs it suggests that the double stroke on its own normally implies a shorter grace. Indeed, on occasions both the single stroke and the double stroke appear to indicate very short, crisp graces. Furthermore, notational restrictions may affect the form or duration of realization; in ex.6, for instance, any form of lower-note realization of the single stroke is ruled out by the high tenor part. In the often cited table attributed to Edward Bevin (ex.7) the single stroke is expressed as a slide, and indeed realization as a lower-note grace is occasionally suggested by fingering indications; support for Bevin's interpretation is provided in Prendcourt's treatise on harpsichord playing and thoroughbass (c1700), transcribed by Roger North (GB-Lbl Add.32531). Although Bevin and Prendcourt may have identified one meaning of the single stroke, it is clear that the sign was also associated with upper-note realization.

The triple stroke functions as a grace sign in the Mulliner Book but only in one piece, a setting of Gloria tibi Trinitas by Blitheman. In this context the application seems to imply a short, crisp grace. There is some evidence in a later source connecting the strokes with speed of execution: in A Ground by Tomkins, recorded in the 17th-century section of GB-Lbl Add.29996, double-, triple- and quadruple-stroke signs occur in quick succession, and it would seem logical to realize the implied embellishments in a way that provides increased activity through this passage (ex.8). Triple-stroke signs are given in other 17th-century sources, in particular those associated with Cosyn. The sign appears to have more than one meaning. One interpretation is that it is a compound of a single stroke and a double stroke, and as such is possibly an ancestor of Locke's forefall and shake (Melothesia, 1673; see §6 below).

In summary, when oblique strokes were associated with embellishment they were probably used initially as abbreviations for various divisions. From about 1550 the signs seem to have acquired a freer association with embellishment. Only from the second half of the 17th century is there any real evidence of grace signs being associated with specific formulae. Nevertheless, it seems likely that by the mid-16th century the double-stroke sign in particular had developed an association with a form of shake.

4. Italy, 1600–50.

Ornamentation in early Baroque Italian music was inseparable from expression in general. Above all, singing and playing had to be accomplished with grace, an aesthetic concept so closely linked to ornamentation that the plural form grazie was applied generically to all the small-scale ornaments that came into vogue around 1600. These new ornaments (also called accenti, affetti or maniere) co-existed with the more elaborate passaggi or diminutions, which were remnants of Renaissance practice. In 1600 Pietro della Valle heard Cavalieri's Rappresentatione di Anima, et di Corpo in Rome. He later observed that this performance marked a watershed in Italian vocal style, introducing dynamic and dramatic effects and affetti, whereas previously singers had used only passaggi and trilli (Dickey, E1997, pp.245–6).

Singers were expected to perform passaggi with disposizione di voce (disposition of the voice). The latter term has aesthetic connotations but refers also to glottal articulation, which allows for precise definition of rapid streams of notes (Greenlee, E1987) and demands both speed and relatively low breath pressure (Sanford, A1997). Rognoni (E1620) related this vocal technique to the reversed tonguing (‘le-re-le-re’) of the cornett.

Most of the diminution manuals that serve as primary sources for passaggi follow a similar plan, presenting various patterns for embellishing simple intervals, cadential figures and stock phrases; some include fully ornamented pieces as well. The ten rules in Virgiliano's Dolcimelo (c1600; translated in Dickey, E1997, pp.248–9) provide a cogent summary of diminution practices. Ornamental patterns for a specific interval typically begin and end with the first note of that interval, before proceeding to the second skeletal note; Virgiliano advised placing this note in the middle of the pattern as well. If the pattern does not end with the initial note of the interval, it should nonetheless approach the second note from the same direction. Melodic motion is predominantly conjunct. By way of illustration, nine variations on the ascending 5th by Rognoni are shown in ex.9. Motion in quavers predominates in earlier manuals, but later books show more variation in rhythmic values and greater reliance on dotted notes. Another innovation in the later manuals is that small-scale ornaments are sometimes incorporated into passaggi. Ex.10 illustrates why so many observers of the time complained that over-elaborate passaggi could make a sad piece sound happy. (Rognoni's ornamental pattern has more beats than the original – a fairly common feature of his diminutions.) Frescobaldi added the rubric ‘come sta’ (as it stands) to some of his canzonas, probably as an admonition to forgo passaggi (but not affetti). Caccini (E1601/2) complained that singers too often used them indiscriminately on short rather than long syllables, thereby obscuring the text, though he occasionally admitted them on short syllables for decoration. He further professed his desire to make passaggi serve the meaning of the text.

In considering small-scale ornaments, one must approach the terminology with a certain scepticism. One author's trillo is another's tremolo, and a given term is sometimes used both generically and specifically in the same treatise. A further consideration is the difficulty of representing ornaments in notation. Trillo was perhaps the most ubiquitous term for a small-scale ornament in early Baroque Italy, and its abbreviation, ‘t’ or ‘tr’, was the only widely used ornament symbol. For Cavalieri (E1600) this ornament was the alternation of a note with its upper auxiliary (ex.11); Diruta (E1593) and Praetorius (PraetoriusSM) called the same effect ‘tremolo’. More often trillo refers to the rapid reiteration of a single note, a hallmark of early Baroque Italian vocal style (ex.12). Caccini said that the trillo was beaten with the throat. Glottal articulation for this ornament is confirmed in Monteverdi's Ritorno d'Ulisse in patria, where the composer has written above a notated trillo, ‘qui cade in riso naturale’ (here one falls into natural laughter; ex.13).

The two commonly recognized models for the early Baroque trillo – alternating notes and repeated notes – oversimplify the problem (Carter, E1990). Caccini's preface contains additional illustrations of the trillo that differ significantly from the design in ex.12 – brief, often non-cadential patterns that include auxiliary notes as well as repeated notes (ex.14). Such designs often comprise only a pair of repeated notes, which probably can be multiplied at the performer's discretion, following the advice of Durante (E1608). Quite possibly this alternative species of trillo also requires a subtler articulation. Notari (E1613) described the trillo as ‘a kinde of sweetness in your voice’, and Herbst (I1642, 3/1658) called it a ‘charming buzz’ (‘liebliches sausen’). Thus articulation of the trillo may have ranged from the sharp repercussions of a belly laugh to a subtle vibrato.

The gruppo (also groppo; ‘cluster’) is similar to a modern trill with a turned ending (ex.15). Rognoni compared it to the trillo: both are cadential ornaments, and both require glottal articulation. The cascata (ex.16) is simply a fall; all Caccini's illustrations of this ornament involve a characteristic rhythmic alteration that enhances the effect of the cascade. As its name suggests, the ribattuta di gola (restriking of the throat), which sometimes introduces a trillo, requires glottal articulation (ex.17). The intonazione (ex.18), though disparaged by Caccini, was recommended by Rognoni as a means of giving grace to the beginning of a note. The accento is an ornament used to connect two longer notes; it is not easily defined but often includes dotted rhythms (Dickey, B1991). Rognoni said it was most properly used in descending (ex.19) rather than ascending. According to Zacconi, accenti were particularly useful where passaggi might be inappropriate: on highly affective words, for example, or at the opening of a piece in imitative style where a voice sings by itself (Dickey, E1997, pp.256–7).

Some small-scale ornaments combine melodic and dynamic effects. Rognoni's portar la voce (‘carriage of the voice’) is made by ‘reinforcing the voice on the first note little by little, and then making a tremolo on the black [note, i.e. crotchet]’ (ex.20). For Doni (E1635) this reinforcing associated with the portar la voce (and the related strascino) also involved a gradual rise in pitch from the lower to the higher. Doni said that these effects were useful for mournful texts and were more suitable for female voices or castratos than for ordinary male voices. Mazzocchi's messa di voce similarly involves both a rise in pitch and an increase in dynamic level. Dynamic effects were also addressed by Caccini, who recommended the crescere e scemare di voce (increase and decrease of the voice, hence related to the messa di voce) for the beginning of a phrase. But he preferred above all the opposite effect, the esclamazione (ex.21), which he called a strengthening of the relaxed voice. Rognoni advised adding a tremolino (short repeated-note ornament) to the short note following the dotted note in this pattern.

Instrumentalists strove mightily to imitate the human voice, employing passaggi as well as small-scale ornaments and ideally adapting their ornaments to the character of the music. Farina (Capriccio stravagante, 1627) mentioned a special type of tremolo for string instruments that was done with a pulsating of the hand holding the bow, imitating the organ Tremulant. It received occasional use throughout the 17th century, often in affective slow movements (ex.22; see Carter, E1991). While the repeated-note trillo was occasionally employed in music for instruments as diverse as keyboard (ex.23) and trumpet (ex.24), a unique type of trillo was applied to the guitar in rasgueado style: the performer makes a rapid series of up- and down-strokes, touching all the strings. According to Foscarini (c1630; cited in Tyler, A1980, pp.83–4) it was done with a downward stroke with the thumb and then an up-stroke (with the thumb) and similarly with the middle finger. A similar rasgueado ornament is the repicco, which is more complex than the trillo and uses a variety of finger patterns. Like the trillo it generally covers all the strings, and often doubles, triples or even quadruples the number of written strokes.

In spite of Italian leadership in the development of Baroque ornamentation, native writers were curiously reticent on the subject after the early 1600s. Rognoni's Selva di varii passaggi (E1620) was the last comprehensive theoretical source on ornamentation to appear in Italy before the end of the century, and apart from a few scattered references one must look to German treatises for advice at mid-century. Following the lead of Praetorius's Syntagma musicum (1614–19), many of these Germans – including Bernhard (Ic1649), Herbst (I1642) and Crüger (E1630, E1660) – were enthusiastic advocates of the Italian style, though their knowledge of its ornamentation practices may have been largely second-hand (see §8 below).

(ii) Ornamentation in vocal music.

5. Italy, 1650–1750.

(i) Sources.

(iii) Ornamentation in the continuo.

(iv) Instrumental music.

(i) Sources.

Few ornament symbols were used in Italian music in the period 1650–1750, and of those that do appear, roughly half are associated with Geminiani or Pasquali, both of whom spent their musical careers in the British Isles. Insofar as there was an internationally understood set of symbols for ‘essential’ ornaments in the late Baroque period, it was predominantly French or German. J.J. Quantz (Versuch einer Anweisung, die Flöte traversiere zu spielen, I1752) observed, ‘In the Italian style in former times no embellishments at all were set down, and everything was left to the caprice of the performer’ (although he added that ‘for some time … those who follow the Italian manner have also begun to indicate the most necessary embellishments’). Thus, for example, the first edition of Corelli's Sonate a violino e violone o cimbalo op.5 (1700) lacks not only the celebrated free ornamentation of the 1710 Estienne Roger edition, but any ornament signs whatsoever – not even cadential trills are indicated. Even when Quantz explained that an Italian adagio required both free embellishment and the use of essential ornaments, he identified the latter with a French patrimony and implied that the Italian style subsumed the French: ‘In the second manner, that is, the Italian, extensive artificial graces that accord with the harmony are introduced in the adagio in addition to the little French embellishments’.

Nicola Matteis, in his Le false consonanze della musica (Gc1680), after advising guitarists to develop a ‘clever shake sweet and quick’, insisted that, ‘To set your tune off the better, you must make severall sorts of Graces of your one Genius, it being very troublesome for the Composer to mark them’. Roger North, writing in 1728, put the reticence of ‘the elder Italians’ down to an unwillingness to patronize competent musicians: ‘in their finest cantatas [they] have exprest no graces, as much as to say, Whoever is fitt to sing this, knows the comon decorums’. P.F. Tosi (Opinioni de' cantori antichi, e moderni, G1723) seems to confirm this view:

If the Scholar be well instructed in this, the Appoggiatura's will become so familiar to him by continual Practice, that by the Time he is come out of his first Lessons, he will laugh at those Composers that mark them, with a Design either to be thought Modern, or to shew that they understand the Art of singing better than the Singers. If they have this Superiority over them, why do they not write down even the Graces, which are more difficult and more essential than the Appoggiatura's?

Tosi dismissed as a ‘foreign infantile practice’ the tendency to indicate ornamentation in scores, a barb which struck home with his German translator, J.F. Agricola, who inserted a slightly aggrieved justification for being explicit about both appoggiaturas and free ornamentation (Anleitung zur Singekunst, I1757).

Not only are ornament signs few and far between in Italian scores, but there is little comment on the subject in Italian music treatises. As Frederick Neumann observed (I1978), ‘about 1620, a long silence, which lasted more than one hundred years, settled on Italian ornamentation theory’. A number of figured-bass manuals make passing mention of ornaments, especially cadential trills. The most informative of these is Gasparini's L'armonico pratico al cimbalo (F1708) where three chapters cover the use of acciaccaturas, mordents and embellishment in figured-bass accompaniments. Tosi has a fairly lengthy discussion of ornamentation from a singer's point of view. Tartini's Traité des agréments de la musique, probably written about the middle of the century and eventually published in a French translation by Pierre Denis (F1771), deals extensively with ornamentation. Geminiani's later scores are laden with ornament and dynamic indications; but by 1739, when the revised edition of his op.1 violin sonatas (‘con le grazie agli adagi’) appeared, his eclectic style, influenced by his fascination with French music, had become so idiosyncratic that he could no longer be regarded as a spokesperson for Italian performance. This was recognized by various 18th-century commentators and stated most forcefully by John Hawkins in 1776: ‘It is much to be doubted whether the talents of Geminiani were of such a kind as qualified him to give a direction to the national taste’.

Italian writers are not our only source of information about Italian ornamentation practices in this period. The widely held view that Italy and France had, in Quantz's phrasing, set themselves up as the sovereign judges and legislators in matters of taste meant that there was intense interest in the Italian style in other parts of Europe. Christoph Bernhard, in his succinct treatise on ornamentation Von der Singe-Kunst oder Maniera (Ic1649), used Italian terminology and treated the entire subject as if it were an Italian concern, discussing the differences between the Roman style (cantar sodo) and the more florid Neapolitan approach (cantar d'affetto or cantar passaggiato). His snapshot of mid-17th-century practice shows, for example, that the trillo as a repeated-note ornament was still in vogue. (G.A. Pandolfi wrote out trilli of this kind in several of his 1660 Sonate a violino solo.) Bernhard's small ornaments are limited to the trill, the accent and various types of portamento. Muffat's essay on playing in the Italian style (the preface to Ausserlesene Instrumentalmusik, 1701) made only passing and oblique mention of ornamentation (in sharp contrast to his equivalent essay on the French style), and this was to condemn players who ruined the music by an excess of ill-considered invention. (This was quite a common complaint; it is made, for example, by Giovanni Bononcini in the preface to his Sonate da chiesa p.6, F1672.) Quantz's systematic treatment of the subject in his Versuch and Agricola's expansive commentary on Tosi are among the important non-Italian sources from the mid-18th century.

(ii) Ornamentation in vocal music.

In recitative certain appoggiaturas were a matter of conventional syntax rather than an optional embellishment. A pair of repeated notes, especially at cadence points, implied the use of an appoggiatura on the first (always an accented penultimate syllable). Ex.25, from Vivaldi's La Griselda (1735), illustrates two standard instances of this. Alessandro Scarlatti normally wrote out the notes as sung where the falling 4th was involved (indicated by † in ex.26), but left the appoggiatura by step to the singer's understanding of the convention (* in ex.26). Scarlatti does not appear to introduce an appoggiatura where the vocal line rises (rather than falls) by a 4th (‡ in ex.26) nor, for that matter, does Agricola in his music examples relating to the use of appoggiaturas in recitative.

By the late 17th century, the da capo aria was the dominant solo vocal form. The repeat of the A section provided an opportunity for elaborate free embellishment (while singers were encouraged to restrict the first two parts of the aria to much more modest decoration). Tosi observed that reputations were made or lost on the ability of individual singers to do this well; but he stressed that the embellishments had to be well judged for the character and emotional content of a particular aria and that, above all, they had to appear spontaneous:

To the acquiring of this valuable Art, a few verbal Lessons cannot suffice; nor would it be of any great Profit to the Scholar, to have a great Number of Airs, in which a Thousand of the most exquisite Passages of different Sorts were written down: For they would not serve for all purposes, and there would always be wanting that Spirit which accompanies extempore Performances, and is preferable to all servile Imitations.

Da capo arias generally allow for a cadenza before the final cadence (on the repeat of the A section). Some singers introduced cadenzas at this point the first time through the A section and at the end of the B section, but the practice was frowned on by Tosi, Quantz and others. Cadenzas (literally ‘cadences’, though the word was transferred in this period to the ornamental elaboration of cadential formulae) nearly always conclude with a trill. Tosi noted that ‘Whoever has a fine Shake, tho' wanting in every other Grace, always enjoys the Advantage of conducting himself without giving Distaste to the End or Cadence, where for the most part it is very essential’.

(iii) Ornamentation in the continuo.

For continuo players ornamentation has a primarily harmonic function. Gasparini explained the etymology of ‘mordent’ (in this context, touching fleetingly on the semitone underneath the upper octave in an arpeggiated chord) by ‘its resemblance to the bite of a small animal that releases its hold as soon as it bites, and so does no harm’. He viewed acciaccaturas and similar dissonances as helping the singer being accompanied to be expressive. His chapter on ‘Diminution, Embellishment, and Adornment’ consisted essentially of music examples illustrating how the right hand can create diminutions above a left hand which provides for the bass line and its basic realization (‘the necessary consonances’). Finally, and with a warning that it was often not appropriate, he demonstrated ways in which diminution may be introduced into a bass line moving in steady crotchets.

One of Gasparini's examples illustrates that where (as was usual in dramatic, as distinct from sacred, recitative) the penultimate vocal note in a cadential formula seems to clash with the bass line, the continuo player can soften the dissonance with an appoggiatura which creates a 4–3 suspension (figures have been added to the continuo part in ex.25 to show how this principle applies to this extract, assuming that the singer follows the appoggiatura convention on the falling 4th; see §(ii) above).

(iv) Instrumental music.

Quantz's advice undoubtedly applies to Italian music: ‘In the allegro, as in the adagio, the plain air must be embellished and made more agreeable by appoggiaturas, and by the other little essential graces, as the passion of the moment demands’. Writers who discussed the ‘essential graces’ often took a wide view of the concept, embracing dynamic effects (piano and forte contrasts, the messa di voce) and other matters that are now regarded as types of articulation (e.g. staccato) rather than ornaments. Tartini discussed only four essential ornaments: the trill, appoggiatura, turn and mordent. He emphasized that the pace of a trill needed to be adjusted to the character of the movement. He also gave a range of ways for starting and quitting a trill (ex.27). While most of the written-out examples in the Traité des agréments de la musique show the upper-note start as the norm, the model for developing a secure and flexible trilling technique included in Tartini's Lettera alla signora Maddalena Lombardini implies a main-note start (and, moreover, an open-string main note).

Tartini reiterated the standard rules for the length of ‘long’ appoggiaturas – that they should fall on the beat and occupy half the value of the main note, or two-thirds of the value where they are attached to a dotted note. But he allowed for a de-emphasized appoggiatura where the context (a passage descending in 3rds) required it to be short and passing in character. In a case such as ex.28 the grace notes should be as short as possible and the accent should fall on the main notes. He acknowledged the possibility of rising appoggiaturas, but was uncomfortable about using them except in combination with other grace notes that provided an acceptable resolution of the dissonance (ex.29).

For Tartini the turn (and the inverted or lower turn which, like rising appoggiaturas, he found less useful) involved taking as little length and emphasis away from the main note as possible. This produces a rather different-sounding ornament from the evenly measured note groupings described in French and German sources. (Although Tartini did not specify that the three initial notes of the turn should come before the beat, it is difficult to follow his instructions without that being the effect.)

Tartini's coverage suggests that Italian practice in the application of these graces did not always conform to the rules enunciated elsewhere in Europe. Neumann argued from a large number of music examples that it is impossible to be dogmatic about the length and placing of small ornaments (i.e. whether they occur on or before the beat and how much, if any, of the value of the principal note they account for).

Tartini was not alone in discussing vibrato as an ornament alongside the four standard graces considered above. Agricola, in his commentary on Tosi, dealt with vibrato at the end of a chapter on trills, mordents and turns. These and other writers emphasized the importance of adjusting the speed and intensity of vibrato to its context. Geminiani included his famous description of the close shake (see §6) at the end of his discussion of ornaments in A Treatise of Good Taste in the Art of Musick (G1749), which then became example XVIII of The Art of Playing on the Violin (G1751). His encouragement to use this device ‘as often as possible’ needs to be read alongside his advice that the plain shake ‘may be made upon any Note’ and that the appoggiatura ‘will always have a pleasing Effect, and … may be added to any Note’. (Amusingly, Bernhard, Ic1649, included among his ornaments fermo, i.e. without vibrato, noting that it could ‘be regarded as a refinement mainly because the tremulo is a defect’.)

There was general agreement throughout Europe that the attitude towards slow movements – as melodic outlines needing embellishment – was one of the most distinctive and fascinating aspects of the Italian style in the late Baroque period (see Improvisation, §3(iv)). The vogue as it emerged in the later 17th century resembles a resurgence of diminution practices; but whereas diminution typically involved an arithmetical division of long notes into clearly articulated short notes, the most characteristic gestures of late 17th- or early 18th-century embellishment were slurred and asymmetrical, or at least not conspicuously measured, as if unpremeditated and driven by a spontaneous outpouring of emotion. The most famous – and controversial – model for this was the set of graces for the adagios purportedly by Corelli which Roger included in his 1710 edition of the op.5 sonatas. These were not the first such examples for this set of sonatas, and they were far from being the last (though most subsequent sets of graces concentrated on the slow movements from the second part, the sonate da camera). The most systematic instruction in embellishing italianate adagios came from Quantz who, stressing the need for an understanding of harmony, progressed from a demonstration of extempore variation of simple intervals to a consideration of entire movements.

This development parallels the expectations for free embellishment in da capo arias, though the decoration of instrumental movements was not necessarily reserved for repeats. In fact, of all the slow movements in the first part of Corelli's op.5, only the opening binary Adagio of Sonata no.5 in G minor makes any provision for repeats. A related development, which corresponds quite closely to vocal practice, is the use of florid decoration at cadence points. According to Quantz, cadenzas had become popular with the Italians in the early 18th century and

were subsequently imitated by the Germans and others who devoted themselves to singing and playing in the Italian style. … Perhaps the surest account which can be given of the origin of cadenzas is that several years before the end of the previous century, and in the first ten years of the present one, the close of a concertante part was made with a little passage over a moving bass, to which a good shake was attached; between 1710 and 1716, or thereabouts, the cadenzas customary at present, in which the bass must pause, became the mode.

Tartini distinguished between ‘natural cadences’ in which the decoration does not hold up the movement of the bass line, and ‘artificial cadences’ in which the bass line pauses on the dominant while the melodic instrument indulges in a cadenza above it. Both types of Cadenza conclude with a dominant trill (normally on the 5th of the chord) leading on to the tonic.

All forms of free ornamentation were, strictly speaking, the preserve of solo players, though there is evidence (mostly in the form of injunctions against doing it) that some orchestral players could not always repress the instinct to embellish.

6. English Baroque.

The virginalists' single and double strokes (see §3 above) lingered well into the 18th century before being supplanted by Italian signs. However, between the stroke sigla of the Golden Age and the italianized ornaments of the Hanoverian era, there existed in England an indigenous set of signs, known as ‘graces’, as sophisticated and comprehensive as the French agréments. Mace described these as: ‘Curiosities, and Nicities, in … the Adorning of your Play (for your Foundations being surely Laid, and your building well Rear'd, you may proceed to the Beautifying, and Painting of your Fabrick)’ (G1676, p.102). They had distinctly English names, and encompassed a larger vocabulary of ornamentation than that used in modern practice. They were inconsistently represented, their signs varying depending on instrumental tradition and continental influences.

The earliest published tabulation with written-out realizations of ornaments was for fretted and bowed instruments. Compiled by Charles Coleman, the ‘Table of Graces proper to the Violl or Violin’ appeared in John Playford's Breefe Introduction (G1654) and Christopher Simpson's Division-Violist (G1659); the latter echoed a distinction made by the Downes manuscript (c1615, GB-Lbl Eg.2971), which contrasted four graces ‘with the hand’ – the relish, shake, falle and tast – with three ‘with the bowe’ – the traile, thumpe and shake. Among the hand graces, Simpson differentiated between the smooth and the ‘shaked’: ‘Smooth is, when in rising or falling a Tone or Semitone, we draw … the Sound from one Note to another, in imitation of the Voyce … Shaked Graces we call those that are performed by a Shake or Tremble of a Finger’. There was a further subdivision of the latter into close shake (one-finger vibrato) and open shake, which should ‘exceed not the wideness of two Frets’.

For singers, Playford catered to the prevailing fashion by incorporating a translation of part of Caccini's preface to Le nuove musiche (1601/2) in the 1664 edition of A Breefe Introduction. The currency enjoyed by Caccini's ideas is confirmed in the 1666 edition: ‘Trills, Grups, and Exclamations … have been used to our English Ayres above this 40 years and Taught here in England, by our late Eminent Professors of Musick Mr. Nicholas Laneare, Mr. Henry Lawes, Dr. Wilson, and Dr. Colman’; and a condensed form of Caccini's ornaments appeared in the anonymous Synopsis of Vocal Musick (G1680). Tastes changed, and these ‘Directions for Singing after the Italian Manner’ fell into oblivion after the 12th edition of A Breefe Introduction (1694), which was revised by Henry Purcell. As a boy Purcell had been a chorister in the Chapel Royal under Henry Cooke, who according to Evelyn (diary, 28 October 1654), was ‘esteem'd the best singer after the Italian manner of any in England’. Strong traces of Italian ornamentation are to be found in Purcell's vocal writing, as in English song in general, which became technically more demanding in the wake of the arrival of Italian professional singers in the 1660s. In contrast, Purcell's decorative formulae for keyboard were largely based on those of the clavecinistes, even though very little French keyboard music survives in English sources. His posthumous Choice Collection of Lessons (G1696) contains ‘Rules for Graces’ for keyboards, purportedly ‘taken from his owne Manuscript’. Earlier attempts at tables of interpretation had been ineffectual: most of the signs given were not in normal use (e.g. those in GB-Lbl Add.31403), while others, for example in Locke's Melothesia (G1673), were unexplained. Purcell shared Locke's orthography, however, with the familiar strokes presented in a variety of permutations and projected above notes rather than through the stem.

The ‘most principal Grace in Musick’ (Playford) was the shake, represented in lute sources as in ex.30, and in keyboard sources as in ex.31. It was to be executed ‘sweet and quick’ (Matteis, Gc1680), ‘equal, distinctly mark'd, easy’ (Tosi, G1723), with (according to most 17th- and 18th-century sources) a perceptible acceleration. The initial auxiliary note was to be slightly prolonged, and the main note left sounding: ‘A Shake takes the Grace from the next note above it, which is to be heard a little, & then shaken of[f]; letting the proper note be heard at last’ (Blakeston, 1694, GB-Lbl Add.17853; similar description, Prelleur, G1731). Though all sources show an upper auxiliary start, main-note trills also existed, as in transcriptions of works by Froberger (c1700, by Blow) and Rossi. Usually played on the beat, shakes are also occasionally to be found with an ascendant prefix before the beat (ex.32). However, Playford's ‘Plain Shake’ or ‘Trill’ is the English equivalent of Caccini's reiteration on a single note, the ‘Trillo’.

As the shake involved the upper auxiliary, so the beat used the lower. It started off as an inverted mordent (ex.33a) played ‘into a Half Note beneath’ and continued ‘so long as my Time will allow me’ (Mace, G1676, p.105). However, by the late 17th century, the beat (ex.33b) was a single entity ‘fetcht from the half Note below the Note it stands over’ (Carr, G1684, 2/1686), like the French port de voix (or cheute) with pincé (see §7 below) but without their separate notational identities. Its sign resembles a mordent (the modern mordent was unknown in England before 1749). In the early 18th century the beat underwent a refinement of notation whereby the single stroke (ex.34a) required a diatonic lower auxiliary and the double stroke (ex.5b) a chromatic lower auxiliary (Prendcourt, c1700, GB-Y M.16s). The beat received its most emphatic endorsement from Pasquali. In his Art of Fingering the Harpsichord, published in Edinburgh (G?1760), he appears to have suppressed his native tradition, and printed what must have been the standard English interpretation (ex.35), which is a literal inversion of the shake. Ex.35 (bar 7, beat 1) clearly shows the turn as a standard Baroque device, alternating first with the upper and then with the lower auxiliaries. This grace was, however, different in Purcell's Choice Collection, being a five-note ornament starting with the consonant main note, slightly prolonged not only at the end but also at the beginning. More straightforward were the forefall and the backfall, being short appoggiaturas, respectively ascending and descending, applied on the beat to conjunct notes or notes a 3rd apart. The notation for these graces was replaced by small notes in the 18th century. The forefall was referred to as a ‘beat’ by Playford and a ‘Half-fall’ by Mace. The slur (ex.36a), also called elevation (ex.36b) or wholefall (ex.36c), was played from the 3rd below the main note ‘very swift, or the grace is lost’ (North, c1710; ed. Wilson, G1959, p.62). Comparison with its continental equivalent, the tierce coulée, reveals that the first (lower) note would have been sustained throughout when the harmonic sense allowed it. The less common slide or double backfall descended a 3rd into the main note.

Unaccented notes of decoration, though often written out, were also given grace symbols. The cadent rhythmically anticipated the following note, while the springer, acute or sigh was a changing note nonchalantly inserted between main notes: ‘After you have hit your Note … you must (just as you intend to part with your Note) dab one of your next Fingers lightly upon the same String, a Frett or 2 Fretts below … yet so gently, that you do not cause the String to sound’ (Mace, G1676, p.109). The sting was a vibrato, ‘not modish in these Days’, and executed ‘upon a Long Note, and a Single String … and so soon as It is struck, hold your Finger (but not too hard) stopt upon the Place, (letting your Thumb loose) and wave your Hand … downwards, and upwards several Times, from the Nut to the Bridge’ (ibid.). Coleman's vividly illustrated ‘Close Shake’ was a vibrato requiring another finger: ‘we shake the Finger as close and near the sounding Note as possible may be, touching the String with the shaking Finger so softly and nicely that it make no variation of tone. This may be used where no other Grace is concerned’ (Simpson, G1659, p.11; ex.37). Geminiani's sign for the ‘Close Shake’ (G1749, p.8), based on Mace's sign, resembles an extended trill or mordent, but the ornament was clearly a vibrato: ‘you must press the Finger strongly upon the String of the Instrument, and move the Wrist in and out slowly and equally’. A vibrato not involving pitch alteration was the bow vibrato (‘shake’ or ‘tremble’), likened by Simpson (G1659, p.10) to the Tremulant stop of an organ.

The term ‘roulade’ had two distinct meanings: in the Burwell Lute Tutor (Gc1660–72), the single roulade is equivalent to a backfall and the double roulade to a double backfall or slide, whereas Grassineau (G1740, p.205) defined the roulade as ‘a trilling or quavering’, the latter meaning ‘the act of trilling or shaking, or running a division with a voice’. The tut was a curtailed note in lute music: ‘always performed with the Right Hand … strike your Letter [i.e. note] (which you intend shall be so Grac'd), and immediately clap on your next striking Finger, upon the String which you struck; in which doing, you suddenly take away the Sound of the Letter [i.e. note], which is that, we call Tut’ (Mace, G1676, p.109).

The breaking of a chord was often considered not a grace but a part of rudimentary technique. Mace's ‘Raking Play’ required the lutenist to sound the bass and the top note together and ‘draw all over your Forefinger, very gently, till you have hit the Sixth String, and you will hear a very full Consort of 7 Parts’. In Purcell's ‘Rules’ (G1696), the broken chord, labelled ‘Battery’, is patently a misprint, the intention being an ascending arpeggio. This echoed continental practice; the downward arpeggio, however, is nowhere to be found in English rules for graces. A rhythmicized version, reflecting Italian practice, appears in a York Minster manuscript copied around 1700 by Captain Prendcourt (ex.38).

The ‘single relish’ was variously a turn and a trill, though Mace (G1676, p.107) asserted that the backfall of the latter ‘would always be performed very strongly, and smartly’, implying a perceptible dwelling on the appoggiatura. The ‘double relish’, like any other compound ornament, involved a shake; the term was used by Playford for Caccini's gruppo. The two constituent elements of Locke's ‘Fore-fall & Shake’ were sometimes separated (ex.39), allowing the shake to define the pulse and preventing the bar from going astray rhythmically. These are not to be confused with shakes with an ascending prefix taken before the beat (ex.40) or starting on the beat, the latter unknown in England before about 1725. The ascending prefix must also not be confused with the termination of the ‘Shake Turn'd’, which required a discernible lingering on the final main note (ex.41). Purcell's term ‘Plain Note & Shake’ (renamed ‘backfall-and-shake’ by Howard Ferguson: see Purcell, G1696) makes it clear that the initial note is not to be regarded as a backfall proper, but rather as a standard italianate appoggiatura taking half the value of the note being graced (two-thirds when it is dotted). Any addition of a tie between the plain note and the first note of the shake is unwarranted.

Most typeset music of the 17th century omits grace signs, probably because typography was inadequate. The scarcity of printed indications for graces, especially in English songs before 1700, precludes neither their use nor innovation: ‘to set your tune off better, you must make severall sorts of Graces of your own Genius, it being very troublesome for the Composer to mark them’ (Matteis, Gc1680, p.79). Manuscript versions of music often contain more ornaments than printed music, to which graces were often added by hand (exx.42a and b). Some writers attempted to give general rules to allay uncertainty; the anonymous author of The Synopsis of Musick pointed out that ‘Airy Songs’ did not need to be graced and required ‘only a lively and cheerful kind of Singing carried by the Air itself’, whereas it was in ‘Passionate Musick’ that gracing came into its own.

North ranked embellishing as the apex of musical skills, writing that ‘It is the hardest task that can be, to pen the manner of artificiall Gracing an upper part … the practice of Gracing is the practice of Composition, and without skill in the latter, the other will never succeede’ (c1726; ed. Wilson, G1959, p.149); and that all musicians should ‘informe themselves of the first principles of Harmony, plain and artificiall; for knowing the source whence all the ornaments flow’ (1728; ed. Chan and Kassler, G1990). Tosi (G1723; Eng. trans., 2/1743, p.182) suggested that the musician should ‘make new Graces, from whence … he will chuse the best’, and should use them ‘as long as he thinks them so; but, going on in refining, he will find others more deserving his esteem … he will increase his Store of Embellishments in a Stile which will be entirely his own’.

Graphic elucidations were employed to encourage the proper execution of graces: ‘the triller's aim is to make a strong spring shake, as fast as possible … like a squirrel scratching her ear’ (North, c1726; ed. Wilson, G1959, p.166). But there was an overriding caveat: ‘one great failure [of shaking graces] is the neglect of time, which much deforms them’ (ibid.), for ‘whether they be Beats or Shakes, you must be sure to play 'em in time; otherwise you had better play only the plain Notes’ (Blakeston, 1694, GB-Lbl Add.17853).

Ornaments, §7: French Baroque

7. French Baroque.

(i) Historical overview.

(ii) The agréments.

(i) Historical overview.

Although stenographic symbols for standard decorative formulae existed in early 17th-century France, notably in Vallet's lute publication Secretum musarum (1615–16), they were not codified in any systematic fashion. The absence of a notational convention was commented on by Bacilly (H1668, p.135):The majority of these ornaments are never printed in the music, either because they cannot accurately be reduced to print owing to a lack of appropriate musical symbols, or because it may be thought that a superabundance of markings might hinder and obscure the clarity of an air and thus result in confusion.The remedy came soon after, with the flowering of the harpsichord and viol repertories. Ornamental clichés proliferated in manuscripts of harpsichord (Louis Couperin) and viol (Dubuisson) music, and the ‘Table des agréments’ in Chambonnières' Pièces de clavecin (1670) spawned the inclusion of similar tables in the prefaces of most instrumental publications in France. The most comprehensive and fully developed table was by d'Anglebert (Pièces de clavecin, 1689; see fig.2), whose far-reaching influence was felt in Germany when the table was copied by J.S. Bach between 1709 and 1714. These tables maintained a high degree of consistency in the interpretation of named ornaments into the 19th century; the most important – cadence, port de voix, coulé and accent – were retained by Cartier (H1798, 3/c1803) for the violin, albeit with some alteration to their meaning. Indeed, ornamental nomenclature varied not just from one instrument to another but within an instrumental tradition. Such baffling diversity in marking ornaments was bemoaned by Montéclair and many others. Bérard attempted to rationalize French agréments by inventing new symbols, incorporating Greek and Hebrew letters, thus adding to the confusion.

Many composers, however, were content to use a very limited number of symbols, especially in 17th-century vocal parts, preferring to leave the option of more creative embellishment to the performer. Rameau, in his Code de musique pratique (1760), mentioned the need for variety in the execution of ornaments to prevent their becoming ‘insipid'. Often the choice of symbols was governed by tradition, and different sets of symbols were used in the same piece – for example in Rameau's Pièces de clavecin en concerts (1741), where the wavy line in the clavecin part and the cross in the basse de viole part both indicate a tremblement (ex.43). Loulié differentiated between the sign of a tremblement ‘dans les pièces’ and ‘dans la basse continue’, warning that ‘what I am going to say about the comma for les pièces must be understood for the small cross in the basse continue’. The ornaments in his Eléments ou principes de musique (H1696) were replaced in the Amsterdam edition of 1698; it appears that substitutions were necessary because many characters of type were unavailable in resetting the treatise. For example, the symbol for a trill (‘+’, used consistently in the original edition) is replaced by a ‘t’, even where the text continues to speak of a ‘cross’.

Agréments lie at the heart of what the French considered to be proper execution (propreté) and taste (goût). Bacilly observed: ‘Without any doubt a piece of music can be beautiful but at the same time unpleasant. This is usually a result of the omission of the necessary ornaments’ (H1668, p.135). Corrette wrote that ‘a song without any ornament is like an unpolished diamond’ (H1758, chap.15). In the choice of ornaments, Saint Lambert (H1702, p.42) advised that ‘good taste is the only law that one can follow’. Yet contemporary writers were seemingly unable clearly to define what le bon goût actually was. Hotteterre (H1707, §9.23) wrote that ‘one can scarcely give more certain rules for [the] distribution [of ornaments] … it is taste and practical experience, rather than theory, which can teach their appropriate use’. Others recommended study with a master or critical observation of one at work. Clearly, the use of tasteful ornaments was an integral part not only of a performer's artistry but also of his or her technique (Bacilly, H1668, p.89):

as can be observed among the majority of ill-trained singers, there are certain vocal qualities which will never sound satisfactory in themselves, no matter how well handled in performance. For example, some of these faults are singing through the nose, bad breath support, bad cadences and accents or plaintes, use of inappropriate ornaments at the end of an air or the incorrect placement of ports de voix, making passages with the tongue.

Le Gallois (H1680, pp.76–8) chastised ‘flashy players’ who exhibited poor taste in embellishing:

Their cadences are often played too rapidly, and as a result quite crudely, having been produced with too much energy … one hears nothing but a perpetual cadence, which prevents one from hearing the basic melody clearly. They continually, habitually add passages, especially from one note to its octave, which Chambonnières used to call ‘rattling’ [chaudronnier].

But he had special praise for Chambonnières' ability to improvise new embellishments (ibid., 70):

Each time he played a piece he added new delights with ports de voix, passages and different ornaments, including double cadences. In a word, he so varied them with all these different adornments that he was always able to disclose some new beauty in them.

François Couperin had less confidence in his readers' taste; in the preface to the third book of his Piéces de clavecin (1722), he declared that his ornaments and music were indissolubly linked:

I am always surprised, after the pains I have taken to indicate the agrémens which suit my pieces, and of which I have given separately a quite intelligible explanation in a particular méthode known as L'art de toucher le clavecin, to hear people who have learnt them without following my instructions. This negligence is unpardonable, the more so since it is not at all an arbitrary matter to introduce such ornaments as one wishes. I declare that my pieces must be executed as I have marked them, and that they will never make much of an impression on persons of true taste unless everything I have indicated is observed to the letter, without adding or subtracting anything.

Ornaments served a practical purpose: to provide shape and character to the melody.To sing or play proprement is to execute French melody with the ornaments that suit it. This melody, being nothing by the mere force of the sounds, and not having by the same any character, only receives it [character] by the affective contours that one gives it in executing it. These contours, taught by the masters of goût du chant, make up what one calls the agrémens of French song. (Rousseau, H1768, under ‘Proprement’, p.396)The most important ornaments, such as those with long appoggiaturas, provide melodic dissonance, thereby fulfilling a crucial harmonic role. It was this concept of ‘dissonance as decoration’ which Brossard, in his Dictionaire des termes (H1701, 2/1703), called the supposition and equated with ornement du chant. Masson (H1694, 2/1699, p.59) wrote that dissonance was required ‘for giving beauty to the melody, by adding a note which functions as an ornament … [and] for connecting the intervals, i.e. for rendering the melody smoother and sweeter’. Such ornaments acquire their expressiveness by being sounded against some present or implied consonant chord of resolution while simultaneously being used to ‘suppose’ or substitute for the displaced consonant. The ubiquity of such ornaments, used to enhance almost all cadential points, testifies to the growing notion of harmony, rather than melody, as the essential determinant of musical structure.

The playing of ornaments, whether supplied by the composer or provided by the performer, was never the sole prerogative of the melodist. Though continuo players often encounter bass-line embellishments in the form of divisions, bass-line ornament signs are less common. In the trio sonatas of François Couperin, however, the basse d'archet part surpasses the basse chiffrée in ornamentation, presumably because the latter was prepared first, so that the additional ornaments in the former were a result of afterthought and refinement.

The use of embellishment in orchestral playing was generally censured, although Muffat sanctioned ornaments other than diminutions in his introduction to book 1 of Florilegium (I1695). Lully's obsession with orchestral discipline and uniformity was mentioned by Sénecé (H1688, p.299), Montéclair (H1736, pp.86–7) and Le Cerf de la Viéville (H1705, p.227):[Lully's] instrumentalists did not take it upon themselves to ornament their parts. He would not have allowed them to do this any more than he allowed it with his singers. He did not think it was right when they imagined they knew more than he did and added graces to their parts. When this happened, he grew angry and quickly set them straight. It is a true story that more than once in his life he broke a violin across the back of a musician who was not playing it the way he wanted.As Bourdelot (H1715, pp.297–9) observed:

it is hard for a harpsichord, a viol and a theorbo (to say nothing of the string and wind instruments) all to hit upon just the same ornaments at the same time. One plays one figure, another plays a different one, and the result is such total cacophony that the composer no longer recognizes his own work, which seems completely deformed.

By mid-century, limited use of ornaments seems to have become accepted practice (Rousseau, H1768, p.200, under ‘Ensemble’).

Ornaments, §7: French Baroque

(ii) The agréments.

In the following discussion, the ornaments are grouped according to interval: (a) Unison: aspiration, balancement de main, batement, flattement, langueur, liaison, plainte, son coupé, suspension, tenuë, tremblement (these do not involve auxiliaries, though pitch may be affected); (b) Whole tone or semitone: aspiration, cadence, coulé, martellement, pincé, port de voix, tour de chant, tremblement; (c) The 3rd: double cadence, tierce coulé, tour de gosier; (d) Larger intervals: arpégé, compound ornaments, glissando.

(a) Unison.

(b) Whole tone or semitone.

(d) Larger intervals.

(a) Unison.

The expressive use of silence is represented by two ornaments: suspension and aspiration. The suspension is a delay of a note, and was considered particularly affective. The aspiration or son coupé is a shortening of a sound; d'Anglebert called it a détaché and recommended its use ‘avant un tremblement’ or ‘pincé’ (see below).

The prolongation of sound is a more convoluted matter. De Machy's liaison is a tie, joining two notes of the same pitch into a longer note. It is not to be confused with Jean Rousseau's (H1687, pp.103–4) liaison, which is a slur, encompassing several notes (and intervals) within a bowstroke. Rousseau called a tie or hold a tenuë, noting that ‘if one runs out of bow, one should change strokes as discreetly as possible’. The tenuë is usually indicated with long lines, though Marais used square brackets and De Machy sometimes used long notes written as double stops. This is one of the most distinctive technical aspects of the style brisé on the lute, harpsichord or viol, enhancing the sonority of the instrument while underpinning the harmonic progression. De Machy's preference for jeu d'harmonie over jeu de mélodie was attacked by Rousseau (H1687, p.64) because of the way in which the tenuës restricted the melody: ‘quite inappropriately, [De Machy] wishes to … tie us to practising the tenuës. Preferable to this are more important things … [such as] the beauty of the melody and its agréments, which are preferable to all tenuës which might wish to stand in the way’. The curved lines found in harpsichord préludes non mesurés are variously referred to as tenuë or liaison, the latter by the majority of writers. Whatever the terminology, the intended effect is that of ‘digital pedalling’, with the affected note left sounding (i.e. held) throughout the length of the sign or for an indeterminate duration (for examples see Prélude non mesuré).

French writers give detailed descriptions of the vibrato. For wind players the flattement or flaté, as described by Hotteterre (H1707; he also refers to it as tremblement mineur), involves the lowering of the pitch of a main note and has the sole purpose of ‘sweetening’ or ‘softening’ notes. Mahaut (H1759, chap.7) described it as ‘a wavering of the tone which is slower than that of a trill and produces an interval narrower than a semitone’. For string players the same ornament was named pincé by Marais, in common with all 18th-century writers, who described it as a vibrato produced by the rocking motion of two fingers pressed against each other. Variant interpretations confuse the picture. Bacilly evoked the comparison with a bow vibrato when likening the singer's doublement du gosier to the flatté, which is ‘easier to execute with the bow than with the voice’. Corrette's vocal flaté (H1758, chap.15) requires a barely perceptible upper auxiliary inflection of the voice, whereas his flattement for the flute (Hc1740), ‘done to swell and diminish the sound … extremely touching in tender pieces on long notes’, is reminiscent of the Italian Messa di voce (like Corrette's son filé). By contrast, Montéclair's (H1736, p.85) flatté was a vocal ornament produced by several slight, gentle aspirations, which he compared to a vibrato on one string. His other vocal vibrato, executed by making ‘several small aspirations more definite [plus marquées] and slower than those of the flatté’ (ibid.), is called balancement and is equated with the Italian tremolo, producing the effect of an organ Tremulant. This could well be the interpretation of the wavy lines in the ‘Shivering Chorus’ in Lully's Isis (1677; see Sawkins, H1996).

The single-finger vibrato is even more fraught with confusion, being referred to as aspiration by De Machy, balancement de main by Danoville (H1687) and langueur by Rousseau (H1687). The latter regarded it as a poor cousin to the two-finger vibrato, to be used ‘when the batement [Rousseau's and Danoville's term for the two-finger vibrato] is not possible, particularly when it must be a note held by the little finger’. The use of the fourth finger for this ornament was standard for Marais and most 18th-century composers, who, like De Machy, referred to it as the plainte.

(b) Whole tone or semitone.

The bulk of documentary evidence supports the practice of playing ornaments on the beat. However, several modern writers, notably Neumann and Mather, have argued for pre-beat performance, citing as reasons the avoidance of parallels and the subjective experience of the ability of anticipatory ornaments to aid the flow of the melodic line: thus a ‘pre-beat’ ornament is preferable for iambic pairs, while an ‘on-the-beat’ ornament is best applied to trochaic pairs of main notes.

The trill. The most common ornament in this category, the trill, had both melodic and harmonic applications, and was referred to interchangeably as tremblement or cadence. The latter term designated the specific ornament found at a melodic closing, the penultimate note of which was typically ornamented by a trill (though other ornaments are possible; see §(c) below). Loulié explained in Eléments (H1696, pp.83–4, under ‘Tremblement’):

It is customary to give to the tremblement the name of cadence; there is nevertheless a difference. The cadence is a melodic ending. Now, melodies are related to an air [much in the same manner] as periods and other parts [of speech] are to an address. The endings of these melodies, or sections of which an air is composed, are related [in speech] sometimes to periods, sometimes to commas, sometimes to question marks, etc., according to the different manners in which these melodies conclude. The ending or conclusion of each section is called cadence, of which there are many types … Since the tremblement enters into most of these cadences, the name of cadence has been given to the tremblement.

Rousseau (H1768, p.67) added that ‘Cadence is, in terms of the melody, that beating of the throat that the Italians call trillo, which we also call tremblement, and which is usually done on the penultimate note of a musical phrase, from where, without doubt, it has taken the name cadence’.

The anatomy of a trill is best revealed by Couperin (H1716, p.24), who described three components: the appuy, an upper auxiliary preparation; the battements, the oscillation proper; and the point d'arrêt, a termination on to the main note. This analysis, more properly for the tremblement appuyé, however, belies the dazzling variety in which trills can be executed. Most writers apportioned to the appuy half the value of the trilled note, for notes divisible by two, or a third, for those divisible by three (Bérard, H1755; Blanchet, H1756); naturally, the ornament takes on the suffix appuyé or (in the case of Hotteterre) pleine. Despite Couperin's example confirming an earlier example by d'Anglebert, it would seem that this ornament should have a reiterated upper auxiliary. Saint Lambert (H1702, p.47) not only omitted d'Anglebert's tie but also stated quite specifically that, in performing the tremblement appuyé, the ‘borrowed note’ (i.e. the upper auxiliary) should be heard once ‘before starting the tremblement’. This is not to be confused with Couperin's (H1713) tremblement appuyé et lié, in which the appuy is tied to the preceding note.

It is, however, possible that because of its brevity a note cannot accommodate any dwelling on the auxiliary or its point d'arrêt. In the former case, the suffixes non appuyé, sans appuyer, brisé (Hotteterre), détaché (Couperin) or precipitée (Corrette) apply. Sometimes the term simple is used, though this usually applies to a short, as opposed to longer (double) or long (triple), ornament. Mahaut associated such a non-appoggiatura trill with the Italian style, as opposed to the appuyé trill of the French style; Corrette's (H1758) cadence italienne, however, does have an appuyé as well as a two-note termination, and seems to differ from his double cadence (Hc1740) only in that the latter applies to notes in conjunct ascent. Note that De Machy's tremblement sans appuyer for the viol is actually a two-finger vibrato.

Trills are usually portrayed oscillating for the entire duration of the note, despite Couperin's illustration of a point d'arrêt. This feature could, however, be shortened to allow a brief silence, which Couperin called aspiré. A brief silence can also be found in Hotteterre's (2/1715) double cadence coupée, where it occurs between the termination of a trill and the subsequent note. This is unlike Corrette's (H1758) cadence coupée, whereby the point d'arrêt takes half the value of the ornament and has no ‘cut-off’. Often the tremblement runs into a termination, usually written out in small notes; however, d'Anglebert tended to consider this a compound ornament, tremblement et pincé. Couperin called those with a termination resolving upwards tremblement ouvert and those resolving downwards tremblement fermé. His term for a trill which oscillates across a few bars is tremblement continu.

Jacques de Gallot, in the ‘Méthode’ to his Pièces de luth (c1684) recommended the use of ‘rhythmically even trills as often as possible’, while Le Gallois (H1680, p.77) found that ‘there is nothing which makes playing more lovely … than to trill equally and to sustain the trill’. This does not exclude the shaping of the momentum of the ornament; as Couperin (H1716, pp.23–4) succintly put it, ‘a trill of any considerable duration … should begin more slowly than it ends’.

The appoggiatura. The symbol for the port de voix in keyboard music is almost always an inverse comma preceding the main note. (Chambonnières alone used a cross.) The ornament takes up half the value of the ornamented note. The choice of upper or lower auxiliary is guided by the note preceding the ornamented note. As d'Anglebert (1689) pointed out, the cheute en montant ascends to the main note, while the cheute en descendant approaches the main note from above; the falling motion of the latter explains Gallot's use of the term tombé. Couperin (1713) eschewed the symbol, opting for a small note linked by a square bracket and calling the ornament port de voix coulée, while Rameau's coulez is slurred with an overlegato. Other terms for this ornament include accent plaintiff (Mersenne) and coulement (Hotteterre).

A closely related ornament is Loulié's coulé (H1696, under ‘Coulé’), a vocal inflection from a subsidiary or weak note to a lower and stronger one. It is indicated by a comma between the main notes of varying intervals, and functions mainly as a descending anticipatory appoggiatura linking notes a 3rd apart; its descending counterpart is the port de voix, which Loulié indicated (with an oblique stroke) as playable either before or on the beat.

The inverted mordent and other ornaments. The pincé or pincement begins on the main note and involves only the lower auxiliary. For the flute Mahaut called it battement, a term used by Mersenne and adopted by most viol composers, though De Machy and Loulié referred to it as martellement. It is indicated by a comma after the note or by the modern sign for inverted mordent. Played very swiftly, the pincé is often preceded by a port de voix. These two ornaments are so closely associated that they have mutated into another ornament which Mahaut called martellement. Hotteterre's (1715) tour de chant has the appearance, in its explanation, of an inverted mordent, but is actually an extended preparation involving a lower auxiliary of the anticipation.

Rousseau's (H1687, p.90) viol aspiration is played a semitone or a whole tone higher at the very end of a long note; this note must be very short and separated from the main note. A vocal counterpart to this ornament is Bacilly's (H1668, 3/1679, p.189) accent, a passing note nonchalantly inserted between main notes: ‘There is in melody a particular note that is only articulated very lightly by the throat … it is always done on a long syllable, and never on a short one’. This description was echoed for wind instruments by Hotteterre (H1707), who observed that the passing appoggiatura is ‘borrowed' from the end of some notes to give them more expression. The main notes do not have to be conjunct: Corrette (H1758, chap.15) demonstrated how, in bridging a leap, a long note is held until a light upward inflection to the auxiliary precedes the following disjunct main note.

(c) The 3rd.

The turn. All French Baroque sources use the same sign for a four-note ornament, starting from the upper and involving a lower auxiliary, with the exception of Chambonnières (1670), whose turn involves two lower auxiliaries (but no upper auxiliary) and a point d'arrêt. It is variously called double cadence (Chambonnières), double cadence sans tremblement (d'Anglebert) and doublé (Rameau, 1724); Hotteterre's (2/1715) and Corrette's (H1758) turn, the tour de gosier, is applied after the main note.

The compound trill. A trill involving both upper and lower auxiliaries is called cadence, though the variation in interpretation is great. In d'Anglebert's case the direction from which his cadence is approached is evident from the orthography of the symbols, starting on either the upper or the lower auxiliary. Despite its name Rameau's double cadence does not imply longer repercussions: it is in fact identical with d'Anglebert's tremblement et pincé in being a standard trill terminated by a lower auxiliary turn. Compared to Rameau's, d'Anglebert's double cadence is a complicated affair, comprising both a turn and a compound trill.

Filling in a tierce. Filling in the interval of a 3rd is as inviting as it is convenient. Both outer main notes of the three-note ornament should be held, with a slight dwelling on the first and with the passing note released as soon as possible. Though the coulé is usually marked with a stroke through both notes, d'Anglebert's use of curves reveals a sophisticated approach (see fig.2): the horizontal curve, his coulé sur deux notes de suite, links two consecutive notes a 3rd (or more) apart, while the vertical curve, his coulé sur une tierce, is placed before or after the interval, respectively, for an ascending or descending ornament; the latter corresponds to Rousseau's (H1687, p.95) cheute. Hotteterre's straight line linking two consecutive notes a 3rd apart is the same ornament, but labelled port de voix double. Many composers, however, used notes perdues (small notes) to indicate the ornament. D'Anglebert has a four-note version of the ornament, starting on the lower auxiliary of the upper main note of a 3rd (double cheute sur une tierce) or on a single note (double cheute à une note).

(d) Larger intervals.

D'Anglebert's juxtaposition of a turn with a compound trill (double cadence) involves multiple auxiliaries, resulting in an ornament that spans the interval of a 4th. Consecutive notes of any interval can be joined to make ‘une grande liaison dans le chant’. This involves either a changing note tucked in just before the second main note (see above §(c), ‘The turn’), or some sort of a run, indicated by small notes and called coulade (Loulié, H1696, p.87).

Chords can be rendered more attractive by breaking them or by inserting acciaccaturas. A vertical curve or wavy line beside a chord or a stroke through the stem indicates harpègement or arpégé. D'Anglebert's use of the stroke – an innovation praised by Saint Lambert (H1702, chap.26, p.55) for ‘encumbering the score less’ – encompasses a refinement indicating upward or downward spreads, corresponding to acute or grave sloping strokes. Though agrément tables explain the arpeggio in terms of what appears to be rhythmic subdivision of notes, an ametrical spread is a more likely interpretation. This is corroborated by depictions of chord spreads in unmeasured keyboard preludes and by Saint Lambert's skewed representation of ‘Harpégez simples’ (ex.44), whereby ‘no perceptible interval appears between the notes which could alter or break the rhythm of the piece’. In contrast to the spreading of densely textured chords, Saint Lambert recommended the rhythmicized arpeggiation of a chain of two-note chords, advice reiterated in his later treatise (H1707, p.62) as ‘a kind of pulsation’ (une espèce de battement). This reflects the encroaching influence of Italian galanteries, as seen in the metrical subdivision of a figured bass realization in triplet rhythm in the Addendum (1724) to Delair's Traité (H1690). The dichotomy of harpègement (a spread chord) and arppegio [sic] (rhythmic figurations) in Corrette's ‘Explication des marques’ at the end of his Pièces de clavecin (1734; ex.45) is a succinct reminder of the continuing querelle about the merits of French versus Italian styles. D'Anglebert called the insertion of small notes within a chord cheute, of which there is a large variety. Saint Lambert's (H1702, p.55) term for this is ‘arpégé figuré’, with the acciaccaturas inserted ‘avec discretion’ but imparting no perceptible rhythmic alteration to the arpeggiation.

(iii) The 17th century: vocal ornamentation.

8. German Baroque.

Ornamentation in German-speaking regions of Europe during the period 1600–1750 encompasses a number of distinct traditions. Modern interest in the subject has focussed on questions arising in the instrumental works of J.S. Bach, and several relatively late theoretical sources (particularly Quantz, I1752, and C.P.E. Bach, I1753–62) have been regarded as authoritative. But a clearer understanding of Bach's ornamentation and that of the German Baroque as a whole emerges through a broader consideration of surviving music and documentation.

Perhaps because the practice was so widespread and so fundamental to good performance, no single word was used throughout the period for what we call ornamentation. Printz (I1689) discussed a number of ornaments as instances of figurae (figures), but by the 18th century the most common term for ornaments was Manieren. Only gradually, however, was the latter identified with specific melodic decorations. For Bernhard (Ic1649) Manier still had the general sense of ‘good style’; he used the term Kunststück for specific ornaments but also for fermatas and dynamics. All were understood, evidently, as ‘ornaments’ in the classical rhetorical sense that they contributed to the perfection of a performance.

(i) Sources.

(ii) Historical trends.

(iv) The 17th century: instrumental ornamentation.

(v) The later 17th and early 18th centuries.

(i) Sources.

Ornaments are discussed in theoretical sources that range from pedagogic works (such as Herbst, I1642, 3/1658, and Walther, I1708) to encyclopedic compendia (PraetoriusSM, WaltherML) and comprehensive treatises on specific instruments or the voice (Quantz, I1752; C.P.E. Bach, I1753–62; Agricola, I1757). In addition, ornament tables and verbal explanations of ornament signs are included in many printed and manuscript sources of keyboard music, especially after 1700 (see §(v)(a) below). The music itself frequently provides suggestions for the performance of ornaments and the realization of ornament signs.

The 17th-century theoretical sources are almost exclusively vocal and italianate in orientation, intended to convey to Germany the innovations of Caccini, Monteverdi and other early Baroque Italian musicians. Bernhard and Mylius (I1685) document the continuation of the Italian tradition at, for example, the Dresden court under Bernhard's teacher Schütz. Elements of 17th-century terminology and teaching persist in later treatises, many of which are highly retrospective.

Prefaces and ornament tables accompanying published compositions are the chief sources on instrumental ornamentation until the very end of the period. Important early examples are Georg Muffat's introductions to his publications of music for keyboard (1690) and for instrumental ensemble (1698). Following the practice of Chambonnières and later French composers, J.C.F. Fischer published an ornament table in his 1696 volume of keyboard suites; Bach included a table similarly derived from French models in the manuscript Clavier-Büchlein for his son Wilhelm Friedemann (1720).

Apart from Mattheson (I1739), the major German treatises of the 18th century offer little on ornamentation until shortly after 1750, when the Berlin publications of Quantz (on the flute), C.P.E. Bach (on keyboard instruments) and Agricola (on singing) provided thorough accounts of the execution of various ornaments and the appropriate contexts for each. Leopold Mozart's violin treatise (I1756) agrees with the Berlin treatises on most fundamental points concerning ornamentation. Modern authors have been strongly influenced by these treatises, whose rationalistic accounts appeal to students seeking ‘correct’ realizations of Baroque ornament signs. But the immediate orientation of these writers is mid-century secular music in the galant style, and thus their advice cannot be applied automatically to earlier repertories. Moreover, it is misleading to apply their terminology in older music. For example, 17th-century sources had no single expression for what came to be called the trill, and the latter word had several distinct meanings.

Donington (A1963, 4/1989) presents a coherent interpretation of Baroque ornamentation, derived in part from the late German sources mentioned above. Neumann (I1978) argues for greater diversity of interpretation, based on a systematic study of the available sources. (Donington, pp.620–40, replies to some of Neumann's more controversial conclusions.) Butt (I1994) includes an analysis of German Baroque theory and pedagogy on ornamentation, especially in vocal music.

(ii) Historical trends.

Broadly speaking, German Baroque ornamentation closely imitated contemporary Italian practices during the earlier part of the period, particularly in vocal music; adopted French practices and ornament signs beginning in the later 17th century, especially in keyboard music; and synthesized these two foreign traditions during the 18th century. German Baroque music followed general European trends in the gradual increase in the number and specificity of written indications for ornaments in musical scores, as well as in a proliferation of distinct ornament types as described in theoretical sources. In addition, there was a shift in the prevailing harmonic function of ornaments: whereas earlier ornamentation consists predominantly of the insertion of passing notes between consonances, later ornaments frequently commence on accented dissonances, used for expressive effect.

17th-century treatises discuss the stylized decoration of individual notes alongside more elaborate types of embellishment derived from the Renaissance practice of diminution. The two types of ornamentation become more distinct in 18th-century sources. Although early composers often failed to notate any ornamentation, the regular presentation of both types in 17th-century treatises implies that they were habitually improvised, at least by soloists.

Virtuosos continued to improvise elaborate embellishments in Italian-style music through the 18th century. Like Printz (I1676–7) and Niedt (I1700), Quantz provided numerous examples of embellishments on simple melodic intervals, and together with C.P.E. Bach and Agricola devoted considerable attention to cadenzas and other forms of improvisation. Music in the French style provided fewer opportunities for elaborate soloistic embellishment, instead favouring ornaments on single notes that could be designated by signs. Georg Muffat and later composers of French-style instrumental music evidently envisaged an approach to ornamentation modelled on Lully’s, in which an entire instrumental ensemble might perform ornaments uniformly, with little or no improvisation. Nevertheless, except in works for solo keyboard, explicit ornament signs remain rare until after 1750, apart from the abbreviation ‘t’ or ‘tr’ and the cross (+) sign. Ensemble musicians were evidently expected to select ornaments on the basis of their understanding of style (or by following a leader's instructions).

J.S. Bach, the Muffats (father and son) and others followed French contemporaries in scrupulously marking ornaments in their printed editions of keyboard music. But manuscripts are often less explicit, suggesting that the addition of ornament signs was a notational refinement, carried out for the benefit of students and the public. Copyists and music engravers often altered signs from those given by the composers, who were themselves not always consistent in their use of ornament signs: some signs given in ornament tables appear rarely in actual scores; occasionally, too, one finds several different signs used for the same effect. Each of these factors creates ambiguity for editors and performers, despite the apparently explicit notation of ornaments in 18th-century keyboard music.

To what degree French ornaments entered German singing is unclear, although the strong French element in many compositions must have had some influence on singers, as in the many arias from Bach's cantatas employing French dance rhythms. The ornaments described by Agricola – whose work is an annotated translation of Tosi's 1723 Italian treatise – are not in fact very distant from François Couperin's, although they are employed in a different stylistic context. But vocal music never became as explicit as instrumental in indicating ornaments. Although some relatively early treatises (e.g. Bernhard and Mylius) used letters and symbols to represent certain vocal ornaments, these never caught on; most singers evidently relied instead on their knowledge of style.

(iii) The 17th century: vocal ornamentation.

The style of ornamentation established by Italian solo singers around 1600 appears to have been maintained with little fundamental change in Germany through the 17th century; even the German names of these ornaments usually remained Italian (or latinized Italian). The ornaments were rarely notated, and the treatises are sparing in their advice as to where to apply them; modern performers must draw conclusions about the proper context of each ornament from the numerous examples given by Praetorius, Herbst and others. These examples generally give the ornaments in fixed rhythmic values; how literally the latter were meant to be interpreted is unclear, but some degree of rhythmic freedom can be assumed.

The repeated-note trillo was evidently used to the end of the 17th century; Praetorius's 1619 account was repeated practically verbatim by Herbst in 1658, and the ornament was still described by Printz. These writers mentioned first a staccato trillo sung on long notes and – apparently – usually written out, as in the works of Monteverdi (explicitly named by Praetorius). This may be the type of repeated-note figure that Printz (I1689) termed a bombus (ex.46). But Praetorius and Herbst also mentioned a second type indicated by the abbreviation ‘t’, ‘tr’ or ‘tri’. This could fall on short as well as long notes, but in either case both context and abbreviation may suggest a trill to modern performers (ex.47). In fact this latter trillo may have been a type of vibrato. Printz (I1689) seems to have used the term trillo only for this type, although he also described a trilletto that is much softer (‘viel linder’), its repercussions barely articulated (‘fast gar nicht angeschlagen’). Bernhard and Mylius used the term ardire for a similar ornament; Bernhard recommended it particularly in (vocal) bass parts, but Mylius discouraged its use.

Only after 1700 was the term ‘trill’ consistently applied in the modern way to oscillating ornaments. In German writings throughout the 17th century the expression ‘tremolo’ was preferred, referring to ornaments employing lower as well as upper auxiliaries. The tremolo is shown as occurring on notes of relatively long value, beginning on the main note and on the beat (ex.48: bar 1 shows the plain long note, bars 2 and 3 two possible types of tremolo). Praetorius noted that the ornament was more appropriate to instruments than to the voice. Organists, he said, called them ‘mordents’ (Mordanten); only around 1700 did the latter term become restricted to the downward-oscillating ornament.

Praetorius regarded a short version of the tremolo as particularly idiomatic to keyboard playing. Called the tremoletto, this ornament permitted a variety of realizations (ex.49), some of them resembling less trills than the ubiquitous figura corta of German 17th-century instrumental music (ex.49a). In keyboard and instrumental music, most instances of the abbreviation ‘t’ or ‘tr’ must refer to this ornament, not the trillo, although the latter term was being applied to the tremolo and tremoletto by the end of the century.

The groppo (or gruppo) was distinguished from the tremolo by concluding with a turn, which made it particularly suitable for cadential contexts (ex.50). Written-out groppi appear fairly frequently, especially in keyboard music from the first half of the century. But eventually this ornament too came to be understood as a type of trill and thus could be signified by ‘t’ or ‘tr’, although the closing turn often continued to be written out.

A longer oscillating ornament, the ribattuta, mentioned by Herbst and later writers, is already written out in somewhat earlier keyboard works such as Froberger's Toccata no.9 (Libro quarto, 1656, A-Wn; ex.51). Used to intensify an entry on a sustained note, it starts on the main note, slowly and sometimes in dotted rhythm, then accelerates, ending with various terminations. It continued in use through the 18th century.

Accento was the most widely used of several expressions for a large variety of passing-note ornaments. Janovka (I1701) gave the term Einfall as a German equivalent, but the latter seems not to have been much used. Praetorius and other early sources applied the term to various ornaments encompassing from one to several notes, but later writers sometimes restricted the term to particular types of single-note ornament.

One-note accenti appear in most illustrations as short, dissonant auxiliary notes on the weak part of the beat. Text underlay in vocal illustrations suggests that the passing note was always slurred to either the preceding or following main note, as was true of similar 18th-century ornaments. These ornamental notes were sometimes described as being sung gently, in contrast to the accented dissonant passing notes of later practice. When sung to the following syllable, the result was what Bernhard and others called anticipazione della syllaba (ex.52). The effect desired seems to have been that of a quick, smooth glide into the following accented note. A different effect was achieved through the anticipazione della nota, described by Bernhard as an anticipation in the modern sense and sung to the preceding syllable (ex.53).

Other terms for particular types of accenti include cercar la nota and intonazione, both used for figures in which a singer approached a note – especially the initial note of a phrase – from its neighbour, as Bernhard showed (ex.54). Under the heading accentus Praetorius also illustrated slides beginning a 3rd, 4th or more below the main note, in varying rhythms (ex.55).

Another type of accento involved a lightly sung escape note, employed before descending notes, illustrated by Bernhard (ex.56). Adding further ornamental notes produced what Herbst called the exclamatio. The latter term, for Praetorius as for Caccini, had signified merely an expressive swell in volume (‘Erhebung der Stimm’) on a long note. Here it becomes one or more short rising notes at the end of the long note (ex.57).

Herbst's longer exclamationes today would be considered divisions or embellishments rather than simple ornaments. Such figures are frequently written out, like the groppo and ribattuta, in music from throughout the Baroque, as in Schütz's Saul, Saul (ex.58) and J.S. Bach's Cantata 151 (ex.59). The same is true of the tirate (rapid scale figures) and other florid devices or passaggi frequently illustrated in 17th-century treatises. Such figures must have been employed as often by improvising performers as by composers.

(iv) The 17th century: instrumental ornamentation.

Vocal treatises indicate that keyboard and instrumental players employed the same ornaments as singers. But it is rare to find any signs other than ‘t’ or ‘tr’, which can probably stand for any of the trill- and mordent-like figures described above. Thus Froberger, whose autograph manuscripts use only this sign (borrowed from his presumed teacher Frescobaldi), employed it in contexts evidently calling for a descending tremoletto or mordent (ex.60), an ascending tremoletto (ex.61) and a groppo (ex.62). Significantly, these examples are all from a piece in French style (the Allemande of Suite V), but there is no certainty that at this date (1649) the ornaments were receiving the names or realizations applied to them in later French practice.

Later music is often more explicit. Numerous accenti appear as one-stroke signs in the keyboard suites of Kuhnau (I1689) (ex.63; the first one-stroke sign might represent an acciaccatura struck briefly as the chord is broken). A two-stroke sign used by the latter signifies a mordent (also in ex.63), but for Walther (I1708) and others the same symbol indicated a gedoppelter Accent, that is, a descending anticipazione della nota (ex.64). Walther's illustration recalls written-out instances of this ornament in early works of J.S. Bach such as Cantata 106, composed in the older italianate tradition (ex.65). In keyboard music such as Weckmann’s, however, the context for this sign suggests an upward passing note (the French port de voix) or mordent (ex.66).

(a) Ornament tables and signs.

(v) The later 17th and early 18th centuries.

The vocabulary of ornaments in Germany expanded during this period, while at the same time certain ornaments, such as the repeated-note trillo, fell out of use. Many German musicians evidently retained the old Italian terms for ornaments, which continued to receive discussion by Walther (1732) and Mattheson. But by about 1750 C.P.E. Bach and other German writers were advocating a highly stylized manner of ornamentation reminiscent of contemporary French approaches yet applied in sonatas, arias and other Italian genres, thus reflecting the German synthesis of the two national styles. The discussion below focusses on keyboard sources, since these are the most explicit with regard to ornamentation, but it is clear that other musicians employed most of the same ornaments.

Ornaments, §8(v): German baroque: The later 17th and early 18th centuries

(a) Ornament tables and signs.

The ornament tables that began to appear shortly before 1700 are one sign of an increasing concern for the precise notation and performance of ornaments. Often understood today as instructions for the performance of ornaments, the tables must have served rather to clarify which signs were used within a given work for ornaments whose manner of performance was already understood. For there was no standard system of ornament signs, and the symbols, realizations and names for ornaments that occur in German ornament tables are drawn from various sources. Thus J.S. Bach's table for W.F. Bach employs a sign for the Accent (appoggiatura) shaped like a half-circle or small letter ‘c’, similar to that used by d’Anglebert and Rameau for the port de voix (ex.67). But Bach's sign for the mordent resembles that of François Couperin's pincé, and his table shows several signs that are absent from French sources.

It is unclear whether the proliferation of ornament signs represents an expansion in the number of actual ornament types or merely greater precision in their notation, but there was probably an element of both. Georg Muffat (I1690), for example, used only four signs, all variants of the letter ‘t’, to signify four distinct types of Triller: short, long, with termination and inverted (i.e. a mordent). Already a refinement of the old use of a single ‘t’ (for tremolo), this system was greatly expanded by his son Gottlieb Muffat (1726), whose table shows five signs for different types of trill alone.

Most of the new signs are commonsense extensions of more basic ones. Thus in Bach's system the stroke through the middle of a trill sign converted the latter to a Mordant (ex.68); but the combination Trillo und Mordant produced what we would call a trill with a closing turn or termination (ex.69). Similarly, a straight descending stroke continuing into a trill sign indicated an Accent und Trillo (ex.70). C.P.E. Bach observed in 1753 that most of these signs remained unknown to all but keyboard players. But appoggiaturas indicated by small notes are common in many 18th-century repertories, and the accounts of Georg Muffat (1698), Agricola and others make it clear that instrumentalists and singers used the same ornaments as keyboard players.

Ornaments, §8(v): German baroque: The later 17th and early 18th centuries

(b) Appoggiaturas.

Figures such as Bach's Accent und Trillo reflect the growing importance of ornaments that open with an accented dissonance. The result was an increasingly mannered style of ornamentation based on the displacement of consonant notes to weak beats, a trend today particularly associated with mid-century Berlin but widespread elsewhere, particularly in the frequent ‘sigh motifs’ of early 18th-century music.

Appoggiaturas accordingly received much attention from late Baroque theorists. Quantz, C.P.E. Bach and Agricola replaced the term accento with Vorschlag and distinguished between two varieties: ‘variable’ (veränderlich) and ‘invariable’ (unveränderlich). Both are slurred to the following main note, thus eliminating the anticipazione della nota and other older types of accento, which, however, continue to occur as written-out figures.

The ‘invariable’ appoggiatura is a short upper or lower auxiliary note, most often attached to relatively brief notes. The name is somewhat misleading, for it might, depending on the tempo and the value of the main note, be either ‘crushed’ against the latter or performed more deliberately. The ‘variable’ appoggiatura precedes a relatively long note, of which it takes half the value (two-thirds if the note is dotted). Despite suggestions by contemporary theorists that composers should notate the precise value of ‘variable’ appoggiaturas, this practice came into widespread use only after 1750; in earlier music the written value of appoggiaturas (when shown as little notes) appears to have no relation to their intended length.

Modern writers have often applied the mid-century rules governing the length of ‘variable’ appoggiaturas to the music of J.S. Bach. A literal reading of his ornament table would indeed give the Accent precisely half the value of the following note, but this is true also of the French models for the table, and other sources suggest that French practice favoured shorter appoggiaturas. Where Bach intended the long ‘variable’ appoggiatura, he appears to have written it as a regular note, distinguishing it from short appoggiaturas indicated by signs or small notes within the same piece, as in the F major prelude from part 2 of the ‘48’ (ex.71).

The ‘variable’ appoggiatura can fall only on the beat, but pre-beat performance of the ‘invariable’ type persisted in some quarters. In a famous disagreement, Quantz insisted on pre-beat performance, whereas C.P.E. Bach described it as odious (‘hässlich’). Their Berlin colleague Agricola, who had studied with both Quantz and J.S. Bach, prescribed on-beat performance for the descending Vorschlag but noted that some famous performers (‘einige berühmte Ausführer’) employed pre-beat performance in the French manner (‘nach Art der Franzosen’) for the first two instances of the ornament shown in ex.72.

Possibly this ‘French’ manner was employed in earlier German music, including works of J.S. Bach. Equivocal passages cannot be firmly settled without recourse to unprovable assumptions. For example, C.P.E. Bach (i.2.2.17) counselled players to avoid ornaments that disturbed the purity of the harmony (‘Reinigkeit der Harmonie’), such as by creating parallel 5ths; one might expect this rule to apply in J.S. Bach's music, dictating pre-beat performance of the appoggiatura in ex.73. Yet Agricola (p.77) noted that it was customary to permit such parallels when they were products of short appoggiaturas and inaudible. On the other hand, it is at least suggestive that the bare octaves produced by on-beat performance of the appoggiaturas in the Augmentation Canon from Bach's Art of Fugue (ex.74) can, as Neumann suggests (p.135), be avoided by the graceful alternative favoured by Quantz (ex.75).

Ornaments, §8(v): German baroque: The later 17th and early 18th centuries

(c) ‘Mordant’.

The German term Mordant was not exactly equivalent to either the French pincé or the modern ‘mordent’; thus J.S. Bach used the expression not only for the mordent as such but also for various turning figures, as at the end of a trill (see ex.69). But the familiar French sign normally indicated what we call the mordent in German keyboard music after 1700, including Bach's (see ex.68). The mordent is often specified in other instrumental repertories as well but was never considered very appropriate in singing.

Ornaments, §8(v): German baroque: The later 17th and early 18th centuries

(d) Trills.

By 1700 the older meaning of trillo as a repercussive or vibrato-like ornament was disappearing, and the German term Triller was understood as the equivalent of the French tremblement. Like Tosi, François Couperin and other Italian and French contemporaries, German sources distinguished various types of trill depending on the duration of the ornament as a whole, the presence or absence of opening ‘preparation’ and closing turn, and whether or not the initial note is ‘tied’. Only in keyboard music were some of these distinctions regularly indicated notationally (beginning with Georg Muffat), but all musicians were expected to be familiar with them. The detailed descriptions of various types of trills by Agricola and C.P.E. Bach at mid-century flesh out distinctions evident in earlier ornament tables.

As early as 1698 Muffat stated quite explicitly that trills in music for instrumental ensemble began on the upper note; the same was indicated in keyboard ornament tables given by J.C.F. Fischer (1696) and most subsequent authors. To be sure, exceptions have been noted in treatises from as late as 1730 (see Neumann, 302–3), suggesting that conservative or provincial musicians retained older approaches; Walther in 1732 still cited Printz for examples of the old tremolo. But the overwhelming evidence is that, except in special cases such as the ribattuta or the Schneller, German trills after 1700 usually began on the upper note.

Short trills generally lacked a closing turn (Nachschlag) and in quick tempos might be reduced to a simple upper appoggiatura. On keyboard instruments certain short trills might be played with a snap of the fingers, producing what was called by 1750 the half-trill (Halbtriller) or Pralltriller. This is probably the type of trill called for in the fugue subject from the Toccata in J.S. Bach's Sixth Partita (ex.76), where the ornament accentuates the upper note of a ‘sigh motif’. The player probably paused on the main note before proceeding to the next, as suggested by the entry for Trillo in Bach's ornament table and other sources (ex.77).

Marpurg (I1755) suggested that quick, snapped trills sometimes started on the main note, producing a true ‘inverted mordent’ (to use a modern term sometimes applied to the short trill). This must indeed have been employed by some players as a simplified form of the short trill, or as a survival of the old tremoletto, but the major 18th-century sources do not recommend it. C.P.E. Bach called it the Schneller, always writing it out in small notes on the rare occasions when his music called for it.

C.P.E. Bach's examples of the Pralltriller are all, in addition, instances of the ‘tied trill’, in which a slur indicates the tying of the initial (upper) note to the previous note (ex.78). The ornament corresponds to the French tremblement appuyé et lié. German composers did not always write the slur; in a passage from the Courante of J.S. Bach's D minor French Suite the slur is nevertheless implied by the appoggiatura function of the note on the downbeat (ex.79; two bars later the same figure appears with a slur over all four quavers).

Already indicated by a special sign in the music of Gottlieb Muffat, the tied trill is a subtle and difficult ornament to perform. Today one often hears the trill anticipating rather than following the beat, defeating the evident purpose of the tie, which is to sustain the preceding note into the time of the following one. There it functions as a momentary suspension before becoming the upper note of the trill. But pre-beat performance (as a form of tremoletto) might have been the intention of some older composers (see ex.61); Gottlieb Muffat's father Georg had no special sign for the tied trill.

Longer trills might be used to sustain a long note and continue it melodically to the following beat, as in the slurred figure on which J.S. Bach built the Sarabande of his sixth French Suite, using what he called a Trillo und Mordant (see ex.69). In ex.80 the closing turn is written out, and in such contexts the trill was often unmarked, its performance being taken for granted.

C.P.E. Bach and Quantz both indicated that long trills normally ended with a turn or Nachschlag, even if the latter was not notated, as in ex.81 (from a trio sonata in Telemann's Essercizi musicali, Hamburg, 1739–40). By this rule it would be wrong to perform instead an anticipation of the final note, which is notated explicitly where desired, as in ex.82 (from J.S. Bach, Cantata 210; the ornament is presumably a short trill without termination). Agricola called for a turn even after each link in an ascending chain of trills (‘Kette von Trillern’), as in another passage from Telemann's Essercizi (ex.83). The turns were apparently omitted in the descending version.

Terminations in the form of turns were expected even on many short trills that pause before proceeding to the next note. Again, Gottlieb Muffat had a sign for such a trill; the ornament is similar to the tremblement et pincé illustrated in a manuscript table of ornaments by Bach's older brother Johann Christoph, copied from Dieupart's Six suittes de clavessin (Amsterdam, c1701) (ex.84). C.P.E. Bach was fond of a later version, the prallender Doppelschlag, which consisted of a Pralltriller followed by a turn or termination; in his illustration (ex.85) the trill is ‘tied’ to a preceding long appoggiatura. C.P.E. Bach indicated this ornament with a compound symbol borrowed from François Couperin; J.S. Bach and others wrote out the closing turn (ex.86; in ex.86b the trill is probably meant to be ‘tied’).

In long as well as short trills one sometimes finds the initial note explicitly indicated by a small note (appoggiatura) or other sign (as in exx.70–71). Included in tables by J.S. Bach and Gottlieb Muffat, this trill corresponds to Tosi's trillo preparato and Couperin's tremblement appuyé. Agricola, translating Tosi, declared that a trill must be prepared (‘vorbereitet’) if it is to be beautiful (‘schön’); nevertheless, the appoggiatura (Vorschlag) need not always be lengthened. This suggests a distinction between ordinary ‘unprepared’ trills and ‘prepared’ ones in which the first note is lengthened, perhaps for heightened accentuation or expressivity. Agricola followed Quantz in identifying the initial note of the trill as an appoggiatura (Vorschlag); although Quantz's examples show the latter as a separate small note, it was nevertheless for him an essential element of every trill.

Modern writers generally assume that this ‘appoggiatura’ always falls on the beat, but the point is rarely made explicit in the treatises, although it is the rule in musical illustrations. Quantz, however, implicitly allows pre-beat performance in some contexts, as when the first note would function as an unaccented passing note or coulé in the French style. Whether J.S. Bach or others employed this practice, as in the Gigue of his second French Suite (ex.87), is impossible to say.

J.S. Bach and Gottlieb Muffat are among those whose keyboard works occasionally use trills prefixed by turns or slides, which C.P.E Bach later described as trills from above and from below (‘von oben’ and ‘von unten’) (ex.88). The prefix, sometimes written out in the form of one or more small notes, may also have been added improvisatorily to many ordinary trills. J.S. Bach's term for the figure was Doppel-Cadenz, an expression sometimes applied by others to the long cadential trill with termination (see ex.69).

Few German composers before 1750 followed Couperin in specifying any chromatic alteration of the auxiliary notes in trills or other ornaments. Georg Muffat (I1690) called for the large half-step (‘grosser Halb-Thon’) in mordents, implying frequent chromatic alteration of the auxiliary to constitute a leading note, so long as it does not displease the ear (‘wofern es nur nicht übel in die Ohren fället’). Modern advice generally follows C.P.E. Bach in drawing auxiliary notes from the scale of the currently tonicized key, but Gottlieb Muffat frequently specified more liberal use of chromatic auxiliaries by setting accidentals beside the ornament signs (ex.89).

18th-century writers sometimes advised against certain obsolete or otherwise irregular types of trill, thus suggesting that they were in fact used by some performers. Quantz (9.2–4), although counselling that the speed of a trill should be appropriate to that of the tempo of a piece in general, condemned very slow trills, which he said were typical of French singing. He also proscribed trills in 3rds ‘except, perhaps, upon the bagpipe’ – an instrument that J.S. Bach imitated in the Musette of his sixth English Suite by writing out such a trill. Trills in 3rds are also occasionally written out in his early toccatas, and in some older 17th-century organ and violin music.

Whatever the type of trill, each note of the ornament was expected to be clearly articulated and in tune. Hence Agricola's detailed comments on appropriate vocal technique; he required that trills be produced from the throat and not merely by ‘bleating’, as in the ‘goat trill’ (Bockstriller) to which Quantz also objected. Quantz showed similar attention to details, providing special fingerings for trills on certain notes where they would otherwise be difficult to produce.

Ornaments, §8(v): German baroque: The later 17th and early 18th centuries

(e) Turn.

The turn, although similar in shape to the old circolo – a type of division illustrated by Printz (I1689) and Janovka – is closely related to the trill and appoggiatura in its 18th-century German versions. It seems to have been primarily a keyboard ornament, poorly attested in sources for other media. Mattheson referred to it by the old terms groppo and circolo mezzo; J.S. Bach knew it by the French name cadence, and later it was termed the Doppelschlag. It differs from the older French double cadence of, for example, Chambonnières (1670), in beginning on the note above the main note rather than on the latter. Moreover, in slower tempos or on longer notes it might occupy only the beginning of the note's value, as Gottlieb Muffat's table suggests (ex.90). The sign is sometimes displaced to the right, in which case the ornament is delayed, as C.P.E. Bach shows (ex.91; typical here are the positioning of the accidental above the turn sign, the staccato note c'' in the realization of the ornament, and the shortening of the following d'' to half its original value). J.S. Bach and others frequently wrote the sign in upright form, but the spatial orientation of the symbol became significant only with later composers. Thus C.P.E. Bach inverted the usual symbol to indicate an inversion of the ornament, although he considered the latter a form of slide (Schleifer) (ex.92).

Ornaments, §8(v): German baroque: The later 17th and early 18th centuries

(f) Slide.

The slide, like the turn, resembles an earlier ornament, the intonazione. 18th-century slides were closely related to broken chords that incorporate passing notes (acciaccaturas or coulés), as is clear from the sign employed for this ornament by Gottlieb Muffat (ex.93; cf ex.96). For slides Kuhnau (1689) had already used the name Schleifer, which later became the usual German term; unlike his successors he recognized a descending as well as an ascending form. J.S. Bach adopted Kuhnau's sign for the ascending slide; unfortunately, in Bach's more hastily written manuscripts the sign appears virtually identical with a small note. The resulting copyist errors have been perpetuated in some editions, as in the B minor flute sonata (ex.94). C.P.E. Bach and other late writers are clear about placing the slide on the beat, but this was not always true of earlier forms of the ornament. Georg Muffat (1698) regarded the on-beat slide as a variety of esclamazione, illustrating it alongside a post-beat instance. Both forms of the slide occur as written-out figures in the music of J.S. Bach and his contemporaries.

Further variants of the slide are shown in the treatises of Agricola and C.P.E. Bach together with other varieties of compound appoggiatura. The most important of these is perhaps the double appoggiatura (Anschlag), which became a favourite in the mid-century Berlin style and must have derived from opera seria. It has no special sign but was indicated by small notes (ex.95).

Ornaments, §8(v): German baroque: The later 17th and early 18th centuries

(g) Other ornaments.

Although the repercussive trillo and trilletto of the earlier Baroque fell out of favour, vibrato was described as an ornament in the 18th century, occasionally under the term ‘tremolo’ (Mattheson, L. Mozart), more often as Bebung. It was probably confined to special contexts, such as the sustained chromatic notes over which J.S. Bach occasionally placed long wavy lines (see Neuman, 519–20). Quantz (14.10) and Agricola (pp.121–2) mentioned its use on certain long notes, implying its absence elsewhere.

German woodwind, string, lute and clavichord players evidently produced a type of Bebung analogous to the French flattement. Unlike the Tremulant of the organ, which produced an intensity vibrato on every note, this was a pitch vibrato produced by rocking the hand or finger, as in a trill, but without actually articulating the adjacent note. The lutenist Ernst Gottlieb Baron (I1727) employed signs for two distinct types of vibrato, used to emphasize certain accented notes. Keyboard music lacks a sign for it before the first (1753) volume of the treatise by C.P.E. Bach, who used it only rarely afterwards.

Among other ornaments arising out of idiomatic vocal and instrumental techniques, the various types of keyboard arpeggiation (Brechung or Harpeggio and the like in German sources) are among the most common. They appear to differ little from their French counterparts. They were apparently not recognized as ornaments until the late 17th century; Kuhnau and Georg Muffat made no mention of them. Inconsistent use of signs occasionally creates ambiguities. For example, a diagonal stroke between note heads sometimes indicates the incorporation of a passing note into an arpeggio, as in J.S. Bach's third English Suite (ex.96); Marpurg and Kirnberger (1771–9) referred to this variety of the French coulé as an accentuirte Brechung. But the same sign could also stand for the simple breaking of a chord, perhaps in measured rhythm as Walther showed in his 1708 treatise (ex.97).

(i) Appoggiaturas, anticipatory notes and grace notes.

9. Late 18th century and 19th.

Between the middle of the 18th century and the beginning of the 20th attitudes towards the role, function and usage of ornaments underwent a radical transformation. An aesthetic in which almost all music involved an element of free ornamentation gradually gave way to one in which, for the most part, composers expected ornaments to be introduced only where specifically marked. At the same time, the number of ornament signs in common use declined. Furthermore, 19th-century composers increasingly expected ornament signs to function as shorthand for precise figurations; they were not content, as many of their 18th-century predecessors were, to leave the realization to the performer.

(ii) Trills, turns and related ornaments.

Ornaments, §9: Late 18th century and the 19th

(i) Appoggiaturas, anticipatory notes and grace notes.

Until the early 19th century small notes extra to the value of the bar indicated several quite different things. The meaning of such notation is (and was) often difficult to determine. Late 18th-century and early 19th-century authorities drew attention to the scope for misunderstanding the intended execution of small notes a 2nd above or below the note they precede. These might indicate any of three things: notes taking a substantial portion of the one they precede (hereafter referred to as appoggiaturas); notes tied to the one they precede and executed very quickly on or just before the beat (the term ‘grace note’ is used here with no necessary suggestion of pre-beat performance); or notes tied to and taking time from the one they follow (anticipatory notes), which were common in the late 18th century and throughout the 19th century in the context of trill endings and certain types of portamento.

During the late 18th and early 19th centuries there were particular problems in distinguishing between the appoggiatura, which has an important harmonic function, and the grace note, which, because it is performed so rapidly that neither the preceding nor the following note appears to lose any significant value, has primarily an accentual or ornamental function. Theorists in the second half of the 18th century periodically suggested that small notes indicate the intended value of the appoggiatura. C.P.E. Bach observed in 1753 that ‘people have recently begun to indicate such appoggiaturas according to their true value’; among composers who began to do so during the second half of the century were Gluck (from the time of his Paris operas), Haydn (from about 1762) and Mozart. Many other composers were much more casual, especially Italians, who often did not trouble to indicate appoggiaturas at all in places where the singer or instrumentalist might have been expected to supply them. Confusion over this type of notation remained a serious problem for many at the end of the 18th century. In the fifth edition (1791) of Löhlein's popular Clavier-Schule, for instance, the editor, J.G. Witthauer, having urged composers to indicate the length of appoggiaturas, concluded: ‘How many pieces would then, at least with respect to the appoggiaturas, be less badly performed, and how much trouble would be spared to the beginner!’

Where it was unclear from the notation whether an appoggiatura or a grace note was implied, some theorists, notably Türk, attempted to assist the performer by providing examples of musical contexts indicating grace note treatment. If it was decided that an appoggiatura was intended, and that the given value was not a reliable indication of its intended length, the performer had to determine what value to give it. Many 18th-century writers advanced general guidelines. The assertion that an appoggiatura should normally take half a binary main note and two-thirds of a ternary main note, promulgated in the mid-18th century by, among others, Tartini, Quantz, Leopold Mozart and C.P.E. Bach, was widely repeated by 18th- and 19th-century theorists. Some musicians, including Francesco Galeazzi and Bernhard Romberg, taught that before a ternary note the appoggiatura should take only a third of the value of the main note; others such as Clementi allowed it to take either a third or two-thirds of a dotted note according to context. Many theorists, following Bach, Mozart and Quantz, felt that an appoggiatura before a tied note, or a note followed by a rest, should take the full value of the note before which it stood, though it was admitted that the resolution on to a rest might not always be permitted by the harmony. Indeed many theorists, having articulated their guidelines, cautioned that the length of appoggiaturas, which by their very nature required a rhythmically unconstrained delivery, might often be conditioned by the expression or by the exigencies of the harmony.

By the end of the 18th century Türk and other theorists were arguing that it would be better to incorporate all appoggiaturas into full-size notation, leaving small notes to indicate grace notes. Beethoven's practice illustrates this changing attitude; he very rarely used small notes to indicate appoggiaturas (except in vocal music), reserving them principally for grace notes. Others, however, resisted that approach on the grounds that the notation of appoggiaturas with small notes was the most appropriate way of eliciting the special manner of performance they required, through either accentuation, flexible length or ornamental resolution (or a combination of these). H.C. Koch (‘Vorschlag’, Musikalisches Lexikon, 1802) articulated this clearly when he remarked that the reason for notating appoggiaturas as ornaments

has its origin in the particular and exceptional manner in which the appoggiatura is performed. Namely … one should markedly bring out the appoggiatura itself by means of a particular accent, or sound it with a certain rapid swelling of the strength of the note: and then slur the following melodic main note to it softly or with decreased strength.

A variety of ornamental resolutions is indicated by musicians as different in time and background as Domenico Corri and Baillot (ex.98).

In the case of an appoggiatura on the major or minor 2nd below the main note, some singing tutors, including Corri and Lanza, considered that in contrast to the falling appoggiatura it should be delivered with increasing strength, so that the main note received the greater accent.

When, in late 18th- and early 19th-century scores, an appoggiatura on the 2nd above or below is found before a pair of notes with a strong–weak metrical stress which are of equal length and on the same pitch, it seems clear that the appoggiatura was meant to take the whole length of the note before which it stood. This practice can be found at least as early as the 1760s and as late as the 1820s, but apparently it was not discussed at the time by theorists. In a letter of 1768, however, Haydn specifically stated that in such cases the realization of ex.99a should be as in ex.99b, not as in ex.99c. This treatment can also be found in Corri's realization of J.C. Bach's ‘Nel partir bell’idol mio' in A Select Collection. It was clearly intended, too, in Schubert's operas, as indicated by comparison of the vocal part with the orchestral parts (ex.100). Interestingly, Schubert consistently gave the appoggiatura half the value of its intended realization. A similar usage is found in Weber (perhaps deriving from his lessons with Michael Haydn), for instance in Der Freischütz.

This notation, confined largely to German composers, raises the broader question of how such pairs of notes on the same pitch should be treated when they have no indication for an appoggiatura. Crutchfield (J1989) has argued persuasively that an appoggiatura of some kind is appropriate almost always in recitative and often in arias. The practice was so well known that Italian composers in particular rarely troubled to notate appoggiaturas in such circumstances, and if a composer wanted the music sung as notated he would have to specify it, as Verdi did in Rigoletto (no.13). The preservation of this tradition among 19th-century artists is demonstrated by early recordings. Charles Santley (1834–1922), for instance, added appoggiaturas, as well as other ornamentation, in both recitative and aria in his recording of Mozart's ‘Non più andrai’.

By the second quarter of the 19th century the use of small notes to indicate appoggiaturas of the above types was fast disappearing. Where single small notes were still employed they were intended to be performed very rapidly as grace notes on or just before the beat. A sign of changing practice in this respect is Philip Corri's treatment of the matter in his L'anima di musica (1810), where, reversing Türk's approach, he instructed readers to assume that small notes represented grace notes except in a limited number of circumstances, of which he gave examples. In later treatises discussion of appoggiaturas was largely intended as an aid to the performance of older music, which formed an increasingly large proportion of the contemporary repertory. By the middle of the 19th century the now customary notation of grace notes was widespread.

General rules for an appropriate manner of grace note performance in any given period are impossible to formulate. Practice varied from time to time, place to place and individual to individual. The matter is also complicated by wider questions of historical performing practice in respect of tempo rubato, rhythmic freedom in general and, particularly, the practice in keyboard music of playing the left hand before the right. For such reasons a simplistic rule of on or before the beat, grafted on to an otherwise ‘modern’ style of playing, is essentially meaningless. During the Classical period German authorities generally taught that in most if not all circumstances grace notes should be performed on the beat (i.e. against the bass note that pertained to the main note before which the grace note stood). Milchmeyer's Die wahre Art das Pianoforte zu spielen (1797) was among the few late 18th-century German sources to recommend a pre-beat conception of grace notes as the norm. Pre-beat performance, especially in the context of tierces coulées, was commonly associated with what Türk called the ‘French style or the so called Lombard Taste’. Leopold Mozart recognized the possibility that ex.101a could imply pre-beat performance, but considered that the composer would specify this more clearly by writing it out as in ex.101b. Löhlein's explanation of the similar figure in ex.102a, in his Anweisung zum Violinspielen, as indicating anticipatory notes (ex.102b) was ‘corrected’ to ex.102c in Reichardt's 1797 edition of the treatise. There was always a degree of ambiguity in such circumstances.

Throughout the 19th century German writers continued predominantly to instruct that grace notes should be performed on the beat, as did many theorists of other nationalities. Although there was no unanimity among late 18th-century and 19th-century musicians as to whether the grace note or the main note should receive the greater accent, the majority – with the notable exception of Hugo Riemann – seem to have favoured the latter conception. In particular instances there was always the possibility of disagreement. Edward Dannreuther, for example, considered that the small note in bar 3 of Schubert's A Moment musical op.94 ex.103a was ‘meant for a Nachschlag’, and illustrated it as in ex.103b; while Riemann in his annotated edition of the work indicated an accented performance on the beat (ex.103c). Among musicians on whom French influence was strongest, however, a pre-beat conception not only of grace notes but also of ornaments of two or more notes, which in the German tradition were still widely regarded as occurring on the beat, seems to have been the norm. In 1840 Fétis and Moscheles observed in the Méthode des méthodes pour piano:

Acciaccaturas, slides and groups of two or three notes are placed immediately before the principal note. In the old school it was understood that they should share in the time of the principal note, but they are now to be played quickly and lightly before the time of the large note.

It was not, though, merely a question of nationalities. The German violinist and pedagogue Andreas Moser, writing at the beginning of the 20th century, supported a pre-beat conception in many cases and considered that preference for a pre-beat or on-beat conception of grace notes was largely determined by the nature of different instruments. He observed that even at that time ‘there were the most contradictory opinions among practical musicians’ (Violinschule, iii, 28), noting that keyboard players still tended to favour placing grace notes firmly on the beat while the majority of singers and string players anticipated them, and he suggested that this had been the case continuously since the mid-18th century. Although this view was probably shared by Joseph Joachim, whose direct experience went back to the 1830s, documentary evidence suggests that, in theory at least, the French–German split was as strong among violinists as among keyboard players in the mid-19th century: Spohr explicitly required on-beat performance, while Baillot envisaged the performance of grace notes before the beat.

Nevertheless, in practice this theoretical distinction may have mattered little if the grace note was performed quickly and lightly, as the vast majority of writers said it should be. Where concrete evidence for the performance of grace notes exists, such as barrel organs or, at the end of the 19th century, recordings and piano rolls, it is often difficult to determine whether in particular instances a grace note occurs on or before the beat.

Ornaments, §9: Late 18th century and the 19th

(ii) Trills, turns and related ornaments.

The elaborate systems of ornament signs developed by 18th-century keyboard players was not widely adopted, even in keyboard music, during the Classical period. For other instruments composers rarely employed anything but ‘tr’, the mordent sign and various forms of turn sign, the most common being those shown in fig.3. Only the last four were normally found in printed music. The sign ‘tr’ usually indicated a trill with a number of repetitions of the upper auxiliary, while the mordent sign indicated only one or two repetitions (depending whether it began with the auxiliary); however, each of these signs was sometimes used with the meaning usually applicable to the other. The various forms of turn sign cannot reliably be related to particular melodic and rhythmic patterns; sometimes they too could be synonymous with ‘tr’, and in manuscript sources the distinction between fig.3a and fig.3d or 3e is often unclear.

During the 19th century, as composers became concerned to take greater control of their music, they increasingly wrote out ornaments in full. The progression is neatly illustrated by Wagner's turns: up to Lohengrin he used signs, but in Tristan and his later operas he always incorporated the turns into the notation. Inverted mordents were often indicated either by small notes or in normal notation, and even trills were sometimes fully notated, for instance by Dvořák (op.106) and Tchaikovsky (opp.64 and 74).

Considerable controversy has been generated by the question of how trills in music from the period 1750 to 1900 should begin. Scholarship has clearly shown that, although the upper-note start was never quite as self-evident as advocates such as C.P.E. Bach implied, it was undoubtedly the dominant practice in the mid-18th century. When and where a general preference for a main-note start began to emerge remains uncertain. Moser identified the strongest support for the upper-note start as being in north Germany; he asserted, however, that in Mannheim the trill was to begin from above only if specifically notated, and that C.P.E. Bach's authority was countered by ‘the powerful influences which stemmed from the Viennese masters of instrumental music’ (Violinschule, iii, 19–20). What evidence Moser may have possessed for this statement, other than received tradition by way of Joachim, remains unclear. Certainly, a considerable number of the trills on the musical clocks from the 1790s containing Haydn's Flötenuhrstücke begin on the main note, but there is no consistency and no connection with Haydn's notation. Arguments for and against Mozart's preference have been advanced, and the matter has been exhaustively examined by Neumann (J1986). For Beethoven, too, the evidence is largely circumstantial. In 1828, however, Hummel published his unambiguous opinion that a main-note start should be the norm, and Spohr followed suit a few years later. Baillot offered four different beginnings without recommending the primacy of any. Some 19th-century composers took trouble to indicate the beginnings of trills, particularly to show a start from below, and their manner of doing this was used by Franklin Taylor in 1879 as evidence for their normal practice. It seems probable that among major 19th-century composers Weber, Chopin and Mendelssohn generally favoured an upper-note start. In this as in other aspects of performance, however, dogmatism and rigidity are undoubtedly out of place.

Trill endings were subject to much variation. By far the most usual was the two-note ending; in 1776 Reichardt, for instance, recommended that if no trill ending was marked orchestral players should automatically employ this type of suffix, and many musicians throughout the period considered this the default ending. In solo performance, on the other hand, more elaborate endings might commonly have been expected to be improvised until at least the middle of the 19th century, regardless of what a composer indicated.

The expressive effect of a turn depends on its position in the melody, its rhythmic configuration, its melodic shape and the speed with which it is executed. The relationship between the turn and the trill has always been close. C.P.E. Bach considered that the two ornaments were interchangeable in many instances. Most 18th-century authors stated that turns should be performed quickly, but a variety of speeds, depending on context, would certainly have been employed by musicians throughout the period. In general, turns, along with other short ornaments, would have been added at will by 18th- and early 19th-century performers, and they remain appropriate as improvised embellishment in some later 19th-century repertories, especially Italian vocal music. In the 19th century, just as there was a greater tendency for trills to begin with the principal note, there is evidence that in some circumstances performers may have been increasingly inclined to start turns with the main note. With respect to the positioning of accenting turns on or before the beat, many of the same factors apply as in the case of the grace note; the majority of authorities favoured on-beat performance, but some advocated performance before the beat. The turn in ex.104a might have been executed in any of the ways shown in ex.104b–f. The form of turn for which Leopold Mozart used the conventional German term Doppelschlag (he used Mordent for the accenting turn) was clearly considered by him as a connecting ornament, its principal use, both in its direct and inverted forms, being as an extempore embellishment to an appoggiatura (ex.105); the same usage was still illustrated in the 19th century by Campagnoli. In the revised 1787 edition of his treatise Mozart also showed it as a simple connection between two conjunct or leaping notes (ex.106).

These patterns were standard, varying slightly from author to author in their exact rhythmic configuration and placement. In the 18th century it seems to have been generally accepted that the connecting turn, like the accenting turn, would be performed rapidly, and this remained true for many 19th-century musicians. There was, however, a growing tendency towards the middle of the century to execute some turns in a more leisurely manner. In the 1830s A.B. Marx thought that the turn should be ‘performed in moderately fast or even fast tempo’. Near the end of the century Dannreuther recorded:

The turn in Bellini's cantilena, both andantino and largo, was sung in a very broad way, so the notes formed part of the principal phrase, just as it is now to be found written out and incorporated in Wagner's Tristan. The ornamental notes, resembling a turn at the end of a long breath, were always given piano, diminuendo, leggiero as in Chopin (ex.107).

A number of 19th-century authorities, including Romberg and Marx, mentioned the possibility that a direct turn sign might equally well invite an inverted turn, depending on the musical context. Uncertainty about the implications of turn signs even extended to Wagner's music, and on various occasions in Rienzi and Tannhäuser (in the latter case at the composer's instigation in 1875) direct turn signs were interpreted as inverted turns.

In addition to the major classes of notated ornaments (which throughout much of the period might well have been introduced where they were not written) there were others that were only occasionally notated, though very frequently employed. Chief among these were vibrato, portamento and arpeggiando. A few composers marked vibrato with dots under a slur or by various accent signs under slurs (which in string playing probably indicated an unmeasured bow vibrato or portato), as well as with a wavy line (ex.108a–c). The crescendo–diminuendo sign, in connection with a single note of shorter value was also used by many composers to invite, if not to instruct, string players to make an ornamental vibrato, as explained in the Joachim and Moser Violinschule. Portamento was sometimes called for by a verbal instruction, but 19th-century composers often implied its use either by fingerings (in string playing), by grace notes that were separated from their main notes by more than a tone, or by slurs (this may sometimes be the meaning of slurs between syllables in vocal music). Arpeggiando was frequently marked in keyboard music by the conventional signs, though many 19th-century composers indicated it in small notation. Arpeggiando signs or notation were probably intended to prevent its omission in places where it was vital to the expression; however, players throughout the period would have been expected to use it ad libitum in a range of contexts that were explained by many theorists.

10. 20th century.

The study of ornaments and their manner of execution since the beginning of the 20th century has been predominantly a matter of charting different responses to the challenge of performing a historical repertory. The conditions of this study are fundamentally different from those of previous centuries, for although mechanical instruments preserve aspects of earlier practice the development of recording allows us to hear precisely how ornaments were applied and executed by individual performers. The continuing trend towards a literal interpretation of the composer's notation, which began during the 19th century, has sometimes led to profoundly unhistorical approaches to older repertory. In the first decades of the century a tradition of extensive improvised ornamentation in certain types of vocal music continued. Recordings of Rossini's ‘Una voce poco fa’ by such singers as Marcella Sembrich, Amelita Galli-Curci and Luisa Tetrazzini, for instance, involve much additional ornamentation, most of which is individual to the singer concerned. By the second half of the century such practices were regarded as unwarrantable liberties, and in Teresa Berganza's 1972 recording, for example, the aria is sung with virtually no modification of Rossini's text. The obsession with fidelity to the notation even led, in the middle decades of the century, to a widespread abandonment of the prosodic appoggiaturas that had earlier been taken for granted in vocal music. With the growing interest in historical performance during the later decades of the century, performers began to reintroduce these appoggiaturas, though they are still not employed as widely as they would have been at the beginning of the 20th century. As late as 1986 Neumann argued for the literal performance of many passages in Mozart, where the composer would almost certainly have expected his singers to employ appoggiaturas. The interpolated portamentos, involving the insertion of grace notes, that were still considered a mark of fine singing in the late 19th century, and can be heard on early recordings, disappeared during the early decades of the century and were not revived. In mid-20th-century string playing and singing portamento was used ever more sparingly and discreetly, and came in due course to be regarded as thoroughly tasteless. Little attempt was made to reintroduce portamento as an aspect of historical performance, despite abundant evidence for its integral role in many repertories. It is otherwise with vibrato. Although the notion of vibrato as an ornament can still be found in Leopold Auer's Violin Playing as I Teach it (1921) and Henry Wood's The Gentle Art of Singing (1927), the concept of continuous vibrato as an essential aspect of tone production had, in practice, made that notion largely irrelevant by the time Siegfried Eberhardt advocated continuous vibrato as the secret of a fine tone in Der beseelte Violin-Ton in 1910. Styles of continuous vibrato changed considerably during the 20th century, and it remains a standard aspect of most modern performance. Despite the untenable claims of Donington and others that continuous vibrato has always been an integral aspect of tone production in singing and string playing, many early music performers in the late 20th century revived an ornamental approach to vibrato within a basically vibrato-less tone, and their example influenced modern performances of repertory from the 18th century. But there is still a widespread fallacy among performers that from Beethoven onwards a full-blooded continuous vibrato is stylistically appropriate.

The 20th century produced many studies of historical performing practice. In the first half of the century these had relatively little influence on the practices of professional musicians. In the second half of the century there was growing interest in traditions with which performing musicians have entirely lost contact; but it is an intrinsically hazardous business to try to unravel the relationship between written texts and aural phenomena, and scholarly studies of ornamentation have tended to breed controversy. The third quarter of the 20th century saw particularly passionate debate about such issues as when trills ought to start with the upper note and whether grace notes should precede or coincide with the beat, and the influence of personal taste on all sides of the argument has sometimes been stronger than scholarly detachment. However, recent studies of historical recordings (now more widely available, in transfers to CD, than before) have spread awareness of the mutability of musical taste, the diversity of practice and the scope for alternative aesthetics of performance. In the light of such experience there seems to be a growing appreciation that by their very nature ornaments are flexible, and that seeking hard and fast solutions in particular cases is often not only unrealistic but unhistorical.

11. Index to ornaments and table of signs.

The numbers are those of the sections above in which the ornaments are discussed.

Accent: (springer), 7; (appoggiatura), 8
Accent und Trillo (prepared trill), 8
Accento, 1, 4, 8
Accentuirte Brechung (broken chord with passing note), 8
Acciaccatura, 5, 8, 9
Acute (springer), 6
Aleado (mordent), 2
Anschlag (double appoggiatura), 8
Anticipazione della nota (passing note), 8
Anticipazione della syllaba (passing note), 8
Apoyamento (appoggiatura), 2
Appoggiatura, 5, 9, 10
Appuy (appoggiatura), 7
Ardire (?vibrato), 8
Arpeado, 2
Arpégé, 7
Arpeggiando, 9
Aspiration: (curtailed note), 7; (springer), 7; (vibrato), 7Backfall: (descending appoggiatura), 6; backfall and shake, 6; double backfall (slide), 6
Balancement: (tremolo), 7; balancement de main (vibrato), 7
Batement: (vibrato), 7; battement (mordent), 7; battements (trill), 7
Battery (broken chord), 6
Beat, 6
Bebung (vibrato), 8
Bombus (repeated note), 8
Brechung (broken chord), 8Cadence: (trill), 7; (turn), 8
Cadence coupée, 7
Cadent (note of anticipation), 6
Cadenza, 5
Cascata, 4
Cercar la nota (passing note), 8
Cheute (appoggiatura), 7
Circolo, circolo mezzo (turn), 8
Clamatione (portamento), 1
Coulé: (appoggiatura), 7; (slide), 7
Coulement (appoggiatura), 7
Crescere e scemare di voce, 4 Détaché (curtailed note), 7
Diminution, disminucion (ornamental division), 2, 5
Doppel-Cadenz (trill commencing with turn, or trill with turned ending), 8
Doppelschlag (turn), 8, 9
Doublé (turn), 7
Double cadence: (turn), 7; (compound trill), 7
Double cadence coupée, 7
Double cadence sans tremblement (turn), 7
Doublement du gosier, 7
Double relish, 6
Duplex longa florata, 1 Einfall (appoggiatura or passing note), 8
Elevation (slur), 6
Esclamazione: (strengthening of the relaxed voice), 4; (ascending passing note at end of main note), 8
Esmorsata, 2
Exclamatio, 8
Extrasino (vihuela portamento), 2Fermo, 5
Flaté, flatté, flattement (vibrato), 7
Florificatio vocis (trill), 1
Flos harmonicus (trill), 1
Forefall: 3, 6; forefall and shake, 6 Gedoppelter Accent, 8
Glosa, 2
Groppo, grup, gruppo (trill, often with turn), 1, 4, 6, 8Halbtriller (short, snapped trill), 8
Half-fall (appoggiatura), 6
Harpègement, 7
Harpeggio, 8 Intonazione, 4, 8Kette von Trillern (chain of trills), 8Langueur (vibrato), 7
Liaison: (tie), 7; (slur), 7
Longa florata, 1Martellement (mordent), 7
Messa di voce, 4, 5
Mordent, Mordant, mordente, 2, 5, 8, 9 Nachschlag, 8, 9
Nota procellaris (?vibrato), 1 Pasaje (ornamental divisions), 2
Passaggio (ornamental division), 1, 4, 8
Pincé: (vibrato), 7; (mordent), 7
Pincement (mordent), 7
Plainte (vibrato), 7
Portamento, 5, 9, 10
Portar la voce, 4
Port de voix (appoggiatura), 7
Port de voix coulée, 7
Prallender Doppelschlag (trilled turn), 8
Pralltriller (short, snapped trill), 8 Quiebro: (trill), 2; (mordent), 2 Raking play (form of lutenists’ broken chord), 6
Redoble: (ornamental division), 2; (trill), 2
Relish: single relish (variously a turn and a trill), 6; double relish, 6
Repicco, 4
Reverberatio (appoggiatura), 1
Ribattuta, 4, 8
Roulade: (appoggiatura), 6; (‘trilling’ or ‘quavering’), 6; single roulade (backfall), 6; double roulade (double backfall or slide), 6Schleifer (slide), 8
Schneller (inverted single mordent), 8
Shake: 3, 5, 6; close shake (vibrato), 6; open shake, 6; plain note and shake, 6; plain shake (reiterated note), 6; shake turned, 6
Sigh (springer), 6
Single relish, 6
Slide, 3, 6, 7, 8, 9
Slur, 6
Son coupé (curtailed note), 7
Son filé, 7
Springer, 6
Sting (vibrato), 6
Strascino, 4
Stroke, 3
Supposition, 7
Suspension (truncated note), 7Temblor, 2
Tenuë (tie), 7
Tierce coulé, 7, 9
Tirata (scale-like embellishment), 8
Tombé (descending appoggiatura), 7
Tour de chant (inverted mordent), 7
Tour de gosier (turn), 7
Tremble (bow vibrato), 6
Tremblement: (trill), 7; tremblement mineur (vibrato), 7; tremblement sans appuyer (De Machy; vibrato), 7; tremblement et pincé (trill with turned ending), 7; tremblement ouvert (trill resolving upwards), 7; tremblement fermé (trill resolving downwards), 7; tremblement continu (oscillates for a few bars), 7
Tremoletto: (trill), 8; (mordent), 8
Tremolino (repeated note), 4
Tremolo: (mordent), 1, 8; (repeated note), 4; (trill), 1, 4, 8; (vibrato), 8
Tremolo d’un tasto solo (mordent), 1
Trill, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10
Triller: (trill), 8
Trilletto (vibrato), 8
Trillo: (trill), 4, 8; (repeated note), 4, 5, 8; (vibrato), 8; Trillo und Mordant (trill with turned ending), 8
Trinado, trino (trill), 2
Turn, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9
Tut (curtailed note), 6 Vibrato (as ornament), 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10
Vorschlag: (appoggiatura or passing note), 8; unveränderlicher Vorschlag (invariable or short appoggiatura), 8; veränderlicher Vorschlag (variable or long appoggiatura), 8Wholefall (slur), 6

b: middle ages and renaissance

BIBLIOGRAPHY

A General. B Middle Ages and Renaissance. C Spain, 1500–1800. D English virginalists. E Italy, 1600–50. F Italian late Baroque. G English Baroque. H French Baroque. I German Baroque. J After 1750.

a: general

c: spain, 1500–1800

d: english virginalists

e: italy, 1600–1650

f: italian late baroque

a: general

MGG1 (‘Diminution’; H. Engel)

MGG2 (‘Verzierungen’; D. Gutknecht)

H. Goldschmidt: Die Lehre von der vokalen Ornamentik (Charlottenburg, 1907/R)

A. Beyschlag: Die Ornamentik der Musik (Leipzig, 1908/R)

A. Dolmetsch: The Interpretation of the Music of the XVIIth and XVIIIth Centuries Revealed by Contemporary Evidence (London, 1915, 2/1946/R)

R. Haas: Aufführungspraxis der Musik (Potsdam, 1931/R)

A. Schering: Aufführungspraxis alter Musik (Leipzig, 1931)

P.C. Aldrich: The Principal Agréments of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries: a Study of Musical Ornamentation (diss., Harvard U., 1942)

T. Dart: The Interpretation of Music (London, 1954, 4/1967/R)

E.T. Ferand: Die Improvisation in Beispielen aus neun Jahrhunderten abendländischer Musik, Mw, xii (1956, 2/1961; Eng. trans., 1961)

W. Georgii: Die Verzierungen in der Musik: Theorie und Praxis (Zürich and Freiburg, 1957)

R. Donington: The Interpretation of Early Music (London, 1963, 4/1989)

G. Frotscher: Aufführungspraxis alter Musik (Wilhelmshaven, 1963, 8/1997; Eng. trans., 1981)

K. Wichmann: Vom Vortrag des Recitativs und seiner Erscheinungsformen: ein Beitrag zur Gesangspädagogik (Leipzig, 1965)

K. Wichmann: Der Ziergesang und die Ausführung der Appoggiatura: ein Beitrag zur Gesangspädagogik (Leipzig, 1966)

P.F. Williams: ‘The Harpsichord Acciaccatura: Theory and Practice in Harmony, 1650–1750’, MQ, liv (1968), 503–23

R. Donington: A Performer's Guide to Baroque Music (London, 1973)

H. Ferguson: Keyboard Interpretation from the 14th to the 19th Century (London, 1975/R)

B.B. Mather and D. Lasocki: Free Ornamentation in Woodwind Music, 1700–1775 (New York, 1976)

S.A. Sanford: Seventeenth and Eighteenth Century Vocal Style and Technique (DMA diss., Stanford U., 1979)

J. Tyler: The Early Guitar: a History and Handbook (London, 1980)

H. Krones and R. Schollum: Vokale und allgemeine Aufführungspraxis (Vienna, 1983)

R. Troeger: Technique and Interpretation on the Harpsichord and Clavichord (Bloomington, IN, 1987)

R. Jackson: Performance Practice, Medieval to Contemporary: a Bibliographic Guide (New York and London, 1988)

G. Moens-Haenen: Das Vibrato in der Musik des Barock: ein Handbuch zur Aufführungspraxis für Vokalisten und Instrumentalisten (Graz, 1988)

D. Gutknecht: Studien zur Geschichte der Aufführungspraxis alter Musik (Cologne, 1993)

S.A. Sanford: ‘A Comparison of French and Italian Singing in the Seventeenth Century’, Journal of Seventeenth-Century Music, i/1 (1995) 〈www.sscm.harvard.edu/jscm〉

S. Sanford: ‘Solo Singing, I’, A Performer's Guide to Seventeenth-Century Music, ed. S. Carter (New York, 1997), 3–29

b: middle ages and renaissance

P. Aaron : Thoscanello de la musica (Venice, 1523/R, rev. with suppl. as Toscanello in musica, 4/1562; Eng. trans. collating all edns, 1970)

M. Agricola: Musica instrumentalis deudsch (Wittenberg, 1529/R, enlarged 5/1545); Eng trans. by W. Hettrick (Cambridge, 1994)

S. di Ganassi dal Fontego: Opera intitulata Fontegara (Venice, 1535/R1969 in BMB, section 2, xviii; Eng. trans., 1959); ed. L. de Paolis (Rome, 1991)

S. di Ganassi dal Fontego: Regola rubertina (Venice, 1542/R); ed. W. Eggers (Kassel, 1974); Eng. trans. in JVdGSA, xviii (1981), 13–66

D. Ortiz: Trattado de glosas sobre clausulas y otros generos de puntos en la musica de violone (Rome, 1553); ed. Max Schneider (Berlin, 1913, 3/1961)

E.N. Ammerbach: Orgel oder Instrument Tabulatur (Leipzig, 1571, 2/1583); ed. C. Jacobs (Oxford, 1984)

G. Dalla Casa: Il vero modo di diminuir (Venice, 1584/R; Eng. trans. in HBSJ, i, 1989, pp.109–14)

G. Bassano: Ricercate, passaggi et cadentie (Venice, 1585); ed. R. Erig (Zürich, 1976)

I. Horsley: ‘Improvised Embellishment in the Performance of Renaissance Polyphonic Music’, JAMS, iv (1951), 3–19

W.H. Rubsamen: ‘The Justiniane or Viniziane of the 15th Century’, AcM, xxix (1957), 172–84

I. Horsley: ‘The Solo Ricercar in Diminution Manuals: New Light on Early Wind and String Techniques’, AcM, xxxiii (1961), 29–40

W. Dürr and U. Siegele: ‘Cantar d'affetto: zum Vortrag monodischer Musik’, GfMKB: Leipzig 1966, 208–15

E.T. Ferand: ‘Didactic Embellishment Literature in the Late Renaissance: a Survey of Sources’, Aspects of Medieval and Renaissance Music: a Birthday Offering to Gustave Reese, ed. J. LaRue and others (New York, 1966/R), 154–72

D. Poulton: ‘Graces of Play in Renaissance Lute Music’, EMc, iii (1975), 107–14

H.M. Brown: Embellishing Sixteenth-Century Music (London, 1976)

R. Erig and V. Gutmann: Italienische Diminutionen: die zwischen 1553 und 1638 mehrmals bearbeiten Sätze/Italian Diminutions: the Pieces with More than One Diminution from 1553–1638 (Zürich, 1979)

L. Brunner: ‘The Performance of Plainchant: Some Preliminary Observations of the New Era’, EMc, x (1982), 317–28

C. Page: ‘The Performance of Ars Antiqua Motets’, EMc, xvi (1988), 147–64

H.M. Brown and S. Sadie, eds.: Performance Practice: Music before 1600 (London, 1989)

D. Fallows: ‘Embellishment and Urtext in the Fifteenth-Century Song Repertories’, Basler Jb für historische Musikpraxis, xiv (1990), 59–85

B. Dickey: ‘L'accento: in Search of a Forgotten Ornament’, HBSJ, iii (1991), 98–121

C. Jacobs: ‘Ornamentation in Spanish Renaissance Vocal Music’, Performance Practice Review, iv (1991), 116–85

B. Thomas: ‘Divisions in Renaissance Music’, Companion to Medieval and Renaissance Music, ed. T. Knighton and D. Fallows (London, 1992), 345–53

B. Toliver: ‘Improvisation in the Madrigals of the Rossi Codex’, AcM, lxiv (1992), 165–76

A. Haug: ‘Zur Interpretation der Liqueszenzneumen’, AMw, l (1993), 85–100

M.C. Bradshaw: ‘Giovanni Luca Conforti and Vocal Embellishment: from Formula to Artful Improvisation’, Performance Practice Review, viii (1995), 5–27

T.J. McGee: ‘“Ornamental” Neumes and Early Notation’, Performance Practice Review, ix (1996), 39–65

c: spain, 1500–1800

R. Strizich: ‘Ornamentation in Spanish Baroque Guitar Music’, JLSA, v (1972), 18–39

D. Preciado: Quiebros y redobles en F. Correa de Araujo (1575/77–1654): estudio sobre los adornos de la música de tecla española de principios del s. XVI (Madrid, 1973)

F. Cook: ‘Les batteries à la guitare baroque espagnole d'après Marin Mersenne’, Musique ancienne, vii (1979), 22–7

N.D. Pennington: The Spanish Baroque Guitar, with a Transcription of De Murcia's Passacalles y obras (Ann Arbor, 1981)

d: english virginalists

e: italy, 1600–1650

R. Rognoni: Passaggi per potersi essercitare (Venice, 1592)

L. Zacconi: Prattica di musica (Venice, 1592/R)

G.L. Conforti: Breve et facile maniera d'essercitarsi (Rome, 1593/R; Eng. trans., 1989, as The Joy of Ornamentation)

G. Diruta: Il transilvano (Venice, 1593/R); ed. M.C. Bradshaw and E.J. Soehnlen (Henryville, PA, 1984)

G.B. Bovicelli: Regole, passaggi di musica (Venice, 1594/R); ed. in DM, 1st ser., Druckschriften-Faksimiles, xii (1957)

E. de' Cavalieri: Rappresentatione di Anima, et di Corpo (Rome, 1600/R); ed. in CMI, xxxv–xxxvi (Milan, 1919)

A. Virgiliano: Il dolcimelo (MS, c1600/R)

A. Banchieri: Cartella, overo Regole utilissime à quelli che desiderano imparare il canto figurato (Venice, 1601, 3/1614 as Cartella musicale; Eng. trans., 1981; 4/1615 as La cartellina musicale; 5/1623 as La banchierina, overo Cartella piccola del canto figurato)

G. Caccini: Le nuove musiche (Florence, 1601/2/R); ed. in RRMBE, ix (1970)

G.L. Conforti: Salmi passaggiati (Venice, 1601–3, 2/1618 as Passaggi sopra tutti li salmi); ed. M.C. Bradshaw (Neuhausen-Stuttgart, 1985)

A. Agazzari: Del sonare sopra 'l basso con tutti li stromenti e dell'uso loro nel conserto (Siena, 1607/R, 2/1608 in Sacrarum cantionum … liber II; Eng. trans. in StrunkSR1); ed. V. Gibelli (Milan, 1979)

O. Durante: Arie devote (Rome, 1608)

G.G. [J.H.] Kapsberger: Libro primo di arie passeggiate (Rome, 1612)

G.G. [J.H.] Kapsberger: Libro primo di mottetti passeggiate (Rome, 1612)

A. Notari: Prime musiche nove (London, 1613)

A. Brunelli: Varii esercitii (Florence, 1614); ed. R. Erig (Zürich, 1977)

G. Frescobaldi: Toccate e partite d'intavolatura di cimbalo et organo … libro primo (Rome, 1615, 4/1628); prefaces in SartoriB; Eng. trans. in Dolmetsch, A1915

F. Rognoni: Selva di varii passaggi (Milan, 1620/R)

G.P. Foscarini: Il primo, secondo, e terzo libro della chitarra spagnola (n.p., n.d. [after 1628])

J. Crüger: Synopsis musica (Berlin, 1630, enlarged 2/1654)

G.B. Doni: Trattato primo sopra il genere enarmonico (MS, 1635); ed. in A.F. Gori and G.B. Passeri: Lyra Barberina amphichordos, i (Florence, 1763/R)

G. Frescobaldi: Fiori musicali (Venice, 1635)

D. Mazzocchi: Madrigali (Rome, 1638)

P. della Valle: Discorso della musica dell'età nostra (MS, 1640); ed. in A.F. Gori and G.B. Passeri: G.B. Doni: Lyra Barberina amphichordos, ii (Florence, 1763/R)

J. Crüger: Musica praticae praecepta brevia (Berlin, 1660)

G. Rose: ‘Agazzari and the Improvising Orchestra’, JAMS, xviii (1965), 382–93

H.W. Hitchcock: ‘Vocal Ornamentation in Caccini's Nuove musiche’, MQ, lvi (1970), 389–404

R. Greenlee: ‘Dispositione di voce: Passage to Florid Singing’, EMc, xv (1987), 47–55

S. Carter: ‘Francesco Rognoni's Selva di varii passaggi (1620): Fresh Details Concerning Early Baroque Vocal Ornamentation’, Performance Practice Review, ii (1989), 5–33

S. Carter: ‘On the Shape of the Early Baroque Trill’, Historical Performance, iii/1 (1990), 9–17

S. Carter: ‘The String Tremolo in the 17th Century’, EMc, xix (1991), 49–60

B. Dickey: ‘Ornamentation in Early Seventeenth-Century Italian Music’, A Performer's Guide to Seventeenth-Century Music, ed. S. Carter (New York, 1997), 245–68

f: italian late baroque

G.M. Bononcini: Sonate da chiesa, op.6 (Venice, 1672/R)

F. Gasparini: L'armonico pratico al cimbalo (Venice, 1708/R; Eng. trans., 1963, as The Practical Harmonist at the Harpsichord)

G. Tartini : Traité des agréments de la musique (Paris, 1771); ed. E.R. Jacobi (Celle, 1961) [incl. Eng. and Ger. trans. and facs. of orig. It. MS, I-Vc]

W. Dean: ‘Vocal Embellishment in a Handel Aria’, Studies in Eighteenth-Century Music: a Tribute to Karl Geiringer, ed. H.C.R. Landon and R.E. Chapman (London, 1970), 151–9; repr. in W. Dean: Essays on Opera (Oxford, 1990), 22–9

R. Freeman: ‘Farinello and his Repertory’, Studies in Renaissance and Baroque Music in Honor of Arthur Mendel, ed. R.L. Marshall (Kassel and Hackensack, NJ, 1974), 301–30

W. Dean: ‘The Performance of Recitative in Late Baroque Opera’, ML, lviii (1977), 389–402

J.E. Smiles: ‘Directions for Improvised Ornamentation in Italian Method Books of the Late Eighteenth Century’, JAMS, xxxi (1978), 495–509

H.M. Brown: ‘Embellishing Eighteenth-Century Arias: on Cadenzas’, Opera & Vivaldi: Dallas 1980, 258–76

D.R. Fuller: ‘Ornamentation’, Companion to Baroque Music, ed. J.A. Sadie (London, 1990), 417–34

E. Gatti: ‘Nel solco della tradizione italiana: “Les adagios brodés” di Pietro Nardini’, Pietro Nardini: Livorno 1994, 53–84

N. Zaslaw: ‘Ornaments for Corelli's Violin Sonatas, op.5’, EMc, xxiv (1996), 95–118

g: english baroque

J. Playford : A Breefe Introduction to the Skill of Musick for Song and Violl (London, 1654, rev. 12/1694/R by H. Purcell)

C. Simpson: The Division-Violist, or An Introduction to Playing upon a Ground (London, 1659, 2/1667/R as Chelys: minuritionum artificio exornata/The Division-Viol, 3/1712)

The Burwell Lute Tutor (MS, c1660–72/R)

M. Locke: Melothesia, or Certain General Rules for Playing upon a Continued-Bass (London, 1673/R); ed. C. Hogwood (Oxford, 1987)

T. Mace: Musick's Monument (London, 1676/R)

P. Reggio: The Art of Singing, or A Treatise wherein is Shewn how to Sing Well Any Song Whatsoever, and also how to Apply the Best Graces, with a Collection of Cadences Plain, and then Graced (Oxford, 1677)

The Synopsis of Vocal Musick (London, 1680)

N. Matteis: Le false consonanse della musica (London, c1680; Eng. trans., 1682/R)

H. Salter: The General Companion: being Exact Directions for the Recorder (London, 1683)

R. Carr: The Delightful Companion, or Choice New Lessons for the Recorder or Flute (London, 1684, 2/1686)

A New and Easie Method to Learn to Sing by Book (London, 1686)

H. Purcell: A Choice Collection of Lessons for the Harpsichord or Spinet (London, 1696, 3/1699); ed. H. Ferguson (London, 1964, 2/1968)

The Compleat Musick-Master (London, 1704, 3/1722)

The Bird Fancyer's Delight (London, 1717); ed. S. Godman (London, 1954)

The Harpsichord Master Improved (London, 1718)

P.F. Tosi: Opinioni de' cantori antichi e moderni (Bologna, 1723/R; Eng. trans., ed. J.E. Galliard, 1742, 2/1743/R as Observations on the Florid Song)

W. Babell: XII Solos … with Proper Graces Adapted to Each Adagio (London, c1725)

P. Prelleur: The Modern Musick-Master, or The Universal Musician (London, 1731/R, 4/1738)

J. Grassineau: A Musical Dictionary (London, 1740/R, rev., enlarged 2/1796 by J. Robson, rev. 3/1784 by J.C. Heck)

F. Geminiani: A Treatise of Good Taste in the Art of Musick (London, 1749/R1969 with introduction by R. Donington)

F. Geminiani: The Art of Playing the Violin (London, 1751/R1952 with introduction by D.D. Boyden)

N. Pasquali: The Art of Fingering the Harpsichord (Edinburgh, ?1760)

C. Zuccari: The True Method of Playing an Adagio Made Easy by 12 Examples (London, c1760)

J. Hook: Guida di musica, Being a Complete Book of Instructions for Beginners on the Harpsichord or Piano Forte (London, c1785)

R. Beer: ‘Ornaments in Old Keyboard Music’, MR, xiii (1952), 3–13

V. Duckles: ‘Florid Embellishment in English Song of the Late 16th and Early 17th Centuries’, AnnM, v (1957), 329–45

M.V. Hall: ‘Handel's Graces’, HJb 1957, 25–43

J. Wilson, ed.: Roger North on Music (London, 1959)

T. Dart: ‘Ornament Signs in Jacobean Music for Lute and Viol’, GSJ, xiv (1961), 30–33

H. Ferguson: ‘Purcell's Harpsichord Music: Lecture-Recital’, PRMA, xci (1964–5), 1–9

J. Harley: ‘Ornaments in English Keyboard Music of the Seventeenth and Early Eighteenth Centuries’, MR, xxxi (1970), 177–200

M. Cyr: ‘A Seventeenth-Century Source of Ornamentation for Voice and Viol: British Museum MS. Egerton 2971’, RMARC, no.9 (1971), 53–72

M. Tilmouth: ‘York Minster MS. M.16(s) and Captain Prendcourt’, ML, liv (1973), 302–7

B. Cooper: ‘New Light on John Stanley's Organ Music’, PRMA, ci (1974–5), 101–6

D.H. Till: English Vocal Ornamentation, 1600–1660 (diss., U. of Oxford, 1975)

P.L. Furnas: The Manchester Gamba Book: a Primary Source of Ornaments for the Lyra Viol (diss., Stanford U., 1978)

M. Boxall: ‘The Harpsichord Master of 1697 and its Relationship to Contemporary Instruction and Playing’, English Harpsichord Magazine, ii (1981), 178–83

G. Cox: Organ Music in Restoration England: a Study of Sources, Styles, and Influences (New York, 1989)

M. Chan and J.C. Kassler, eds.: Roger North: ‘The Musicall Grammarian’ (Cambridge, 1990)

H.D. Johnstone: ‘The English Beat’, Aspects of Keyboard Music: Essays in Honour of Susi Jeans, ed. R. Judd (Oxford, 1992), 34–44

I. Spink, ed.: The Blackwell History of Music in Britain, iii: The Seventeenth Century (Oxford, 1992) [incl. I. Spink: ‘Vocal Music II: from 1660’, 175–96; B. Cooper: ‘Keyboard Music’, 341–66; M. Spring: ‘Solo Music for Tablature Instruments’, 367–405]

C. Price: ‘Newly Discovered Autograph Keyboard Music of Purcell and Draghi’, JRMA, cxx (1995), 77–111

H.D. Johnstone: ‘Ornamentation in the Keyboard Music of Henry Purcell and his Contemporaries’, Performing the Music of Henry Purcell, ed. M. Burden (Oxford, 1996), 82–104

M. Shepherd: ‘The Interpretation of Signs for Graces in English Lute Music’, The Lute, xxxvi (1996), 37–84

R. Spencer: ‘Singing Purcell's Songs: 17th Century Evidence, with Suggestions for Singers Today’, Singing (1996–7), 31–3

M. Cyr: ‘Ornamentation in English Lyra Viol Music, I: Slurs, Juts, Thumps, and Other “Graces” for the Bow’, JVdGSA, xxxiv (1997), 48–66

M. Cyr: ‘Ornamentation in English Lyra Viol Music, II: Shakes, Relishes, Falls, and Other “Graces” for the Left Hand’, JVdGSA, xxxv (1998), 16–34

h: french baroque

AnthonyFB

MersenneHU

N. Vallet: Secretum musarum/Secret des muses (Amsterdam, 1615–16, 2/1618–19); ed. A Souris (Paris, 1970, 2/1989)

P. Trichet: Traité des instruments de musique (MS, 1630s, F-Psg 1070); ed. F. Lesure, AnnM, iii (1955), 283–387; iv (1956), 175–248; edn pubd. separately (Neuilly-sur-Seine, 1957/R; Eng. trans., 1973)

J. Denis: Traité de l'accord de l'espinette (Paris, 1643, 2/1650/R; Eng. trans., 1987)

J. Millet: La belle méthode, ou L'art de bien chanter (Lyons, 1666/R)

B. de Bacilly: Remarques curieuses sur l'art de bien chanter (Paris, 1668, 3/1679/R; Eng. trans., 1968)

J. de la Barre: Airs à deux parties avec les seconds couplets en diminution (Paris, 1669/R)

J. Rousseau: Méthode claire, certaine et facile, pour apprendre à chanter la musique (Paris, 1678, 5/c1710/R)

J. Le Gallois: Lettre de Mr Le Gallois à Mademoiselle Regnault de Solier touchant la musique (Paris, 1680); partial Eng. trans. in D. Fuller: ‘French Harpsichord Playing in the 17th Century: after Le Gallois’, EMc, iv (1976), 22–6

Danoville: L'art de toucher le dessus et basse de viole (Paris, 1687/R)

J. Rousseau: Traité de la viole (Paris, 1687/R)

A. Bauderon de Sénecé: Lettre de Clément Marot … à l'arrivée de J.-B. de Lully aux Champs-Elysées (Cologne, 1668); repr. in Echo musical (5 Feb, 5 March and 5 April 1913)

E.D. Delair: Traité d'accompagnement pour le théorbe et le clavessin (Paris, 1690, 2/1724)

M. L'Affilard: Principes très-faciles pour bien apprendre la musique (Paris, 1694, 5/1705/R)

C. Masson: Nouveau traité des règles pour la composition de la musique (Paris, 1694)

E. Loulié: Eléments ou principes de musique (Paris, 1696/R, 2/1698; Eng. trans., 1965)

S. de Brossard: Dictionaire des termes grecs, latins et italiens (Paris, 1701, enlarged 2/1703/R as Dictionaire de musique, 3/1705/R); Eng. trans., ed. A. Gruber (Henryville, PA, 1982)

M. de Saint Lambert: Les principes du clavecin (Paris, 1702/R); ed. R. Harris-Warrick with Eng. trans. (Cambridge, 1984)

J.L. Le Cerf de la Viéville: Comparaison de la musique italienne et de la musique françoise (Brussels, 1705–6/R)

J.M. Hotteterre: Principes de la flûte traversière, ou flûte d'Allemagne, de la flûte à bec, ou flûte douce, et du haut-bois, diviséz par traitéz (Paris, 1707/R, 7/1741; Eng. trans., 1968, 2/1983)

M. de Saint Lambert: Nouveau traité de l'accompagnement du clavecin, de l'orgue et des autres instruments (Paris, 1707/R; Eng. trans., 1991)

P. Bourdelot and P. Bonnet-Bourdelot: Histoire de la musique et de ses effets, ed. J. Bonnet (Paris, 1715/R, 7/1743)

F. Couperin: L'art de toucher le clavecin (Paris, 1716, 2/1717/R); ed. M. Halford with Eng. trans. (New York, 1974)

A. de Villeneuve: Nouvelle méthode … pour apprendre la musique et les agréments du chant (Paris, 1733)

M.P. de Montéclair: Principes de musique (Paris, 1736/R)

J.M. Hotteterre: Méthode pour la musette (Paris, 1737/R)

M. Corrette: Méthode pour apprendre aisément à jouer de la flûte traversière (Paris, c1740/R; Eng. trans., 1970, as Michel Corrette and Flute-Playing in the Eighteenth Century)

J.-A. Bérard: L'art du chant (Paris, 1755)

J. Blanchet: L'art ou les principes philosophiques du chant (Paris, 1756)

M. Corrette: Le parfait maître à chanter (Paris, 1758, enlarged 2/1782)

A. Mahaut: Nouvelle méthode pour apprendre en peu de tems à jouer de la flûte traversière (Paris, 1759/R; Eng. trans., 1989)

J.-J. Rousseau: Dictionnaire de musique (Paris, 1768/R; Eng. trans., 1771, 2/1779/R)

J.-B. Cartier: L'art du violon (Paris, 1798, enlarged 3/c1803/R)

J. Arger: ‘Le role expressif des agréments dans l'école vocale française de 1680 à 1760’, RdM, i (1917–19), 215–26

P. Brunold: Traité des signes et agréments employés par les clavecinistes français des XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles (Lyons, 1925/R)

H. Prunières: ‘De l'interprétation des agréments du chant aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles’, ReM, nos.122–6 (1932), 329–44

F. Neumann: ‘Misconceptions about the French Trill in the 17th and 18th Centuries’, MQ, l (1964), 188–206

A. Caswell: ‘Remarques curieuses sur l'art de bien chanter’, JAMS, xx (1967), 116–20

L'interprétation de la musique française aux XVIIème et XVIIIème siècles: Paris 1969 [incl. A. Souris: ‘Apport du répertoire du luth à l'étude des problèmes d'interprétation’, 107–19; A. Geoffroy-Dechaume: ‘Du problème actuel de l'appoggiature ancienne’, 87–105; F. Cossart-Cotte: ‘Documents sonores de la fin du XVIIIe siècle: leurs enseignements pour l'interprétation’, 139–52; X. Darasse: ‘Les enseignements d'André Raison’, 182–95]

A. Cohen: ‘L'art de bien chanter (1666) of Jean Millet’, MQ, lv (1969), 170–79

F. Neumann: ‘Couperin and the Downbeat Doctrine for Appoggiaturas’, AcM, xli (1969), 71–85; repr. in Essays in Performance Practice (Ann Arbor, 1982), 227–41

B. Schwendowius: Die solistische Gambenmusik in Frankreich von 1650 bis 1740 (Regensburg, 1970)

K. Gilbert: Foreword to François Couperin: Pièces de clavecin (Paris, 1972)

M.B. Collins: ‘In Defense of the French Trill’, JAMS, xxvi (1973), 405–39

R.A. Green: ‘Jean Rousseau and Ornamentation in French Viol Music’, JVdGSA, xiv (1977), 4–41

C. Pond: ‘Ornamental Style and the Virtuoso: Solo Bass Viol Music in France c.1680–1740’, EMc, vi (1978), 512–18

W. Hancock: ‘The Frequency and Positioning of Ornaments in French Viol Music’, Chelys, viii (1978–9), 38–50

D. Fuller: ‘An Unknown French Ornament Table from 1699’, EMc, ix (1981), 55–61

C. Horrix: Studien zur französischen Lautenmusik im 17. Jahrhundert (diss., U. of Tübingen, 1981)

J. Hsu: A Handbook of French Viol Technique (New York, 1981)

N. McGegan and G. Spagnoli: ‘Singing Style at the Opéra in the Rameau Period’, Jean-Philippe Rameau: Dijon 1983, 209–26

B.B. Mather: ‘The Performance of Trills in French Baroque Dance Music’, Concerning the Flute, ed. R. De Reede (Amsterdam, 1984), 55–64

Zur vokalen und instrumentalen Ornamentik in der ersten Hälfte des 18. Jahrhunderts: Blankenburg, Harz, 1986 [incl. F. Wesolowski: ‘Französische Vokalornamentik in der ersten Hälfte des 18. Jahrhunderts’, 13–22; M. Rônez-Kubitschek: ‘Die französischen Manieren des 18. Jahrhunderts in den Quellen der Violinmusik’, 23–33]

E. Kooiman: ‘Verzierungen in der klassischen französischen Orgelmusik’, Zur Interpretation der französischen Orgelmusik, ed. H.J. Busch (Berlin, 1986), 65–77

B. Scheibert: Jean-Henry D'Anglebert and the Seventeenth-Century Clavecin School (Bloomington, IN, 1986)

J. Spitzer and N. Zaslaw: ‘Improvised Ornamentation in Eighteenth-Century Orchestras’, JAMS, xxxix (1986), 524–77

D. Ledbetter: Harpsichord and Lute Music in 17th-Century France (London, 1987)

J. Spitzer: ‘A Grammar of Improvised Ornamentation: Jean Rousseau's Viol Treatise of 1687’, JMT, xxxiii (1989), 299–332

P. le Huray: ‘Couperin's Huitième Ordre’, Authenticity in Performance: Eighteenth-Century Case Studies (Cambridge, 1990), 42–69

B. Scheibert: ‘New Information about Performing “Small Notes”’, The Harpsichord and its Repertoire: Utrecht 1990, 92–118

L.E. Peterman: ‘Michel Blavet's Breathing Marks: a Rare Source for Musical Phrasing in Eighteenth-Century France’, Performance Practice Review, iv (1991), 186–98

T. Christensen: Rameau and Musical Thought in the Enlightenment (Cambridge, 1993)

M. Seares: ‘Mersenne on Vocal Diminutions’, Performance Practice Review, vi (1993), 141–5

L. Sawkins: ‘Trembleurs and Cold People: How Should they Shiver?’, Performing the Music of Henry Purcell, ed. M. Burden (Oxford, 1996), 234–64

D. Tunley: The Eighteenth-Century French Cantata (Oxford, 2/1997)

K. and E. Ott: Handbuch der Verzierungskunst in der Musik (forthcoming)

i: german baroque

PraetoriusSM, iii

WaltherML

J.A. Herbst: Musica practica (Nuremberg, 1642, 2/1653 as Musica moderna prattica, 3/1658)

C. Bernhard: Von der Singe-Kunst oder Maniera (MS, c1649); ed. in J. Müller-Blattau: Die Kompositionslehre Heinrich Schützens in der Fassung seines Schülers Christoph Bernhard (Kassel, 1926, 2/1963); Eng. trans. in W. Hilse: ‘The Treatises of Christoph Bernhard’, Music Forum, iii (1973), 1–196, esp. 13–29

C. Bernhard: Tractatus compositionis augmentatus (MS, c1657); ed. in J. Müller-Blattau: Die Kompositionslehre Heinrich Schützens in der Fassung seines Schülers Christoph Bernhard (Kassel, 1926, 2/1963); Eng. trans. in W. Hilse: ‘The Treatises of Christoph Bernhard’, Music Forum, iii (1973), 1–196, esp. 31–196

W.C. Printz: Phrynis Mitilenaeus, oder Satyrischer Componist, i–ii (Quedlinburg, 1676–7, 2/1696); iii (Dresden and Leipzig, 1696)

W.M. Mylius: Rudimenta musices, das ist Eine kurtze und grund-richtige Anweisung zur Singe-Kunst (Mühlhausen, 1685)

J. Kuhnau: Neuer Clavier-Übung erster Theil (Leipzig, 1689); ed. in DDT, iv (1901/R)

W.C. Printz: Compendium musicae signatoriae et modulatoriae vocalis (Dresden, 1689/R, 2/1714)

G. Muffat: Apparatus musico-organisticus (Salzburg, 1690/R); ed. M. Radulescu (Vienna, 1982)

G. Muffat: Suavioris harmoniae instrumentalis hyporchematicae florilegium primum (Augsburg, 1695); ed. H. Rietsch, DTÖ, ii, Jg.i/2 (1894/R); Eng. trans. in StrunkSR1

F.E. Niedt: Musicalische Handleitung (Hamburg, 1700–17, 2/1721/R; Eng. trans., 1989)

T.B. Janovka: Clavis ad thesaurum magnae artis musicae (Prague, 1701/R, 2/1715/R as Clavis ad musicam)

J.G. Walther: Praecepta der musicalischen Composition (MS, 1708, D-WRtl); ed. P. Benary (Leipzig, 1955)

E.G. Baron: Historisch-theoretisch und practische Untersuchung des Instruments der Lauten (Nuremberg, 1727/R; Eng. trans., 1976, as Study of the Lute)

J.D. Heinichen: Der General-Bass in der Composition, oder Neue und gründliche Anweisung (Dresden, 1728)

J. Mattheson: Der vollkommene Capellmeister (Hamburg, 1739/R)

J.J. Quantz: Versuch einer Anweisung die Flöte traversiere zu spielen (Berlin, 1752/R, 3/1789/R; Eng. trans., 1966, 2/1985, as On Playing the Flute)

C.P.E. Bach: Versuch über die wahre Art das Clavier zu spielen, i (Berlin, 1753/R, 3/1787/R); ii (1762/R, 2/1797/R); Eng. trans. of pts i–ii (New York, 1949, 2/1951)

F.W. Marpurg: Anleitung zum Clavierspielen (Berlin, 1755, 2/1765/R)

L. Mozart: Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule (Augsburg, 1756/R, 3/1787/R; Eng. trans., 1948, as A Treatise on the Fundamental Principles of Violin Playing)

J.F. Agricola: Anleitung zur Singekunst (Berlin, 1757/R) [trans., with addns, of P.F. Tosi: Opinioni de' cantori antichi e moderni, Bologna, 1723/R); Eng. trans., ed. J.C. Baird (Cambridge, 1995)

J.P. Kirnberger: Die Kunst des reinen Satzes (Berlin, 1771–9/R; partial Eng. trans., 1982, as The Art of Strict Musical Composition)

H. Schenker: Ein Beitrag zur Ornamentik als Einführung zu C.Ph.E. Bachs Klavierwerke (Vienna, 1908); Eng. trans. in H. Siegal: ‘A Contribution to the Study of Ornamentation’, Music Forum, iv (1976), 1–139

F. Salzer: ‘Über die Bedeutung der Ornamentik in Philipp Emanuel Bachs Klavierwerken’, ZMw, xii (1929–30), 398–418

W. Emery: Bach's Ornaments (London, 1953/R)

W. Kolneder: Georg Muffat zur Aufführungspraxis (Strasbourg, 1970)

F. Neumann: Ornamentation in Baroque and Post-Baroque Music, with Special Emphasis on J.S. Bach (Princeton, NJ, 1978, 3/1983)

N. Zaslaw: ‘Baroque Ornamentation Surveyed: Frederick Neumann's Major New Study’, EMc, ix (1981), 62–9

R. Hill, ed.: Keyboard Music from the Andreas Bach Book and the Möller Manuscript (Cambridge, MA, 1991)

J. Butt: Music Education and Art of Performance in the German Baroque (Cambridge, 1994)

3. The place of ostinato in musical structure.

j: after 1750

Grove1 (‘Shake’; F. Taylor)

SchillingE (‘Doppelschlag’; A.B. Marx)

G.S. Löhlein: Clavier-Schule (Leipzig and Züllichau, 1765–81, 9/1848 ed. F. Knorr)

G.S. Löhlein: Anweisung zum Violinspielen (Leipzig and Züllichau, 1774, enlarged 3/1797 by J.F. Reichardt)

J.F. Reichardt: Ueber die Pflichten des Ripien-Violinisten (Berlin and Leipzig, 1776)

J.A. Hiller: Anweisung zum musikalisch-zierlichen Gesang (Leipzig, 1780)

D.G. Türk: Clavierschule, oder Anweisung zum Clavierspielen für Lehrer und Lernende (Leipzig and Halle, 1789, enlarged 2/1802/R; Eng. trans., 1982)

D. Corri: A Select Collection of Choice Music (London and Edinburgh, c1790)

F. Galeazzi: Elementi teorico-pratici di musica (Rome, 1791–6, vol.i enlarged 2/1817); Eng. trans. of vol.i, ed. A. Franscarelli (DMA diss., U. of Rochester, NY, 1968)

J.P. Milchmeyer: Die wahre Art das Pianoforte zu spielen (Dresden, 1797)

M. Clementi: Introduction to the Art of Playing on the Piano Forte (London, 1801, 11/1826)

H.C. Koch: Musikalisches Lexikon (Frankfurt, 1802/R, rev. 3/1865 by A. von Dommer)

J.A. Amon : Recueil de vingt-six cadences ou points d'orgue faciles pour la flûte (Charenton, ?1804, 2/?1806)

G. Lanza: The Elements of Singing (London, 1809, abridged c1819)

D. Corri: The Singer's Preceptor (London, 1810)

P.A. Corri: L'anima di musica (London, 1810, many later edns)

F.J. Fröhlich: Vollständige theoretisch-praktische Musikschule (Bonn, 1810–11)

B. Campagnoli: Nouvelle méthode de la mécanique progressive du jeu de violon … op.21 (Leipzig, 1824; Eng. trans., 1856)

J.N. Hummel: Ausführlich theoretisch-practische Anweisung zum Piano-Forte-Spiel (Vienna, 1828, 2/1838; Eng. trans., 1829)

L. Spohr: Violinschule (Vienna, 1832; Eng. trans., 1843)

P. Baillot: L'art du violon: nouvelle méthode (Paris, 1835)

C. Czerny: Vollständige theoretisch-praktische Musikschule op.500 (Vienna, 1839)

F.-J. Fétis and I. Moscheles: Méthodé des méthodes de piano (Paris, 1840/R; Eng. trans., 1841)

B.H. Romberg: Violoncell-Schule (Berlin, c1840); Eng. edn as A Complete Theoretical and Practical School for the Violoncello (London, 1839)

M. Garcia: Traité complet de l'art du chant (Paris, 1840–47/R; Eng. trans., 1893, as Hints on Singing; new. Eng. trans., 1975–84)

C.-A. de Bériot: Méthode de violon op.102 (Paris, 1858

E. Dannreuther: Musical Ornamentation (London, 1893–5)

J. Joachim and A. Moser: Violinschule (Berlin, 1902–5; Eng. trans., c1907; trilingual edn, 1959, rev. M. Jacobsen)

A. Schering: ‘Zur instrumentalen Verzierungskunst im 18. Jahrhundert’, SIMG, vii (1905–6), 365–85

S. Eberhardt and C. Flesch: Der beseelte Violin-Ton (Dresden, 1910; Eng. trans., 1911)

L. Auer: Violin Playing as I Teach it (New York, 1921/R)

H.J. Wood: The Gentle Art of Singing (London, 1927–8, abridged 2/1930)

C.G. Hamilton: Ornaments in Classical and Modern Music (Boston, 1930/R)

H.-P. Schmitz: Die Kunst der Verzierung im 18. Jahrhundert (Kassel, 1955, 4/1983)

E. and P. Badura-Skoda: Mozart-Interpretation (Vienna, 1957; Eng. trans., 1962/R, as Interpreting Mozart on the Keyboard)

R. Celletti: ‘Il vocalismo italiano da Rossini a Donizetti’, AnMc, v (1968), 267–94, 214–47

A.B. Caswell: ‘Mme Cinti-Damoreau and the Embellishment of Italian Opera in Paris, 1820–1845’, JAMS, xxviii (1975), 459–92

C. Tolstoy: ‘The Identification and Interpretation of Sign Ornaments in Haydn's Instrumental Music’, Haydn Studies: Washington DC 1975, 315–23

J.W. Dorenfeld: Ornamentation in Mozart's Concert Arias for Aloysia Weber: the Traditions of Singing and Embellishment (DMA diss., U. of British Columbia, 1976)

W. Crutchfield: ‘Vocal Ornamentation in Verdi: the Phonographic Evidence’, 19CM, vii (1983–4), 2–54

F. Neumann: Ornamentation and Improvisation in Mozart (Princeton, NJ, 1986)

C. Brown: ‘Bowing Styles, Vibrato and Portamento in Nineteenth-Century Violin Playing’, JRMA, cxiii (1988), 97–128

E. Kooiman: Inequality in Classical French Music: Ornamentation in Classical French Organ Music (Buckfastleigh, 1988)

S. Rosenblum: Performance Practices in Classic Piano Music (Bloomington, IN, 1988)

A.B. Caswell, ed.: Embellished Opera Arias, RRMNETC, vii–viii (1989)

W. Crutchfield: ‘The Prosodic Appoggiatura in the Music of Mozart and his Contemporaries’, JAMS, xlii (1989), 229–74

R.D. Levin: ‘Instrumental Ornamentation, Improvisation and Cadenzas’, Performance Practice: Music after 1600, ed. H.M. Brown and S. Sadie (London and New York, 1989), 267–91

C. Brown: ‘Performing Practice’, Wagner in Performance, ed. B. Millington and S. Spencer (New Haven, CT, 1992), 99–119

M. Nastasi: ‘Thomas Lindsays Elements of Flute Playing … (1828): ein Dokument des klassisch/romantischen Flötenspiels wiederentdeckt’, Travers & Controvers: Festschrift Nikolaus Delius, ed. M. Nastasi (Celle, 1992), 152–75

C. Brown: ‘String Playing Practices in the Classical Orchestra’, Basler Jb für historische Musikpraxis, xvii (1993), 41–64

W. Goldhan: Musik-Ornamente von Ferdinand Eckhardt sen., Beethoven, Brahms, Bruckner, Rachmaninov, Wagner (Berlin, 1993)

J. Boss: ‘Schoenberg on Ornamentation and Structural Levels’, JMT, xxxviii (1994), 187–216

C. Brown: Classical and Romantic Performing Practice 1750–1900 (Oxford, 1999)

Ornithoparchus [Vogelhofer, Vogelmaier, ?Vogelstätter], Andreas

(b Meiningen, c1490). German theorist. His first musical studies were in Saxony and later he travelled in Germany, Austria, Bohemia and Hungary. On 19 November 1512 he matriculated at Rostock University. In 1514 he was rector of the parochial school in St Ludgeri, Münster, where he wrote a Latin grammar, Enchiridion latinae constructionis (Deventer, 1515). On 25 August 1515 he matriculated at Tübingen University, although he already held the degree of Master of Arts from Rostock, but he subsequently called himself a Master of Arts of Tübingen. While in Rostock he became particularly interested in music theory and began work on a music treatise. This was the basis for further music lectures at the universities of Tübingen, Heidelberg and Mainz. A travelling humanist scholar and disciple of Erasmus, he matriculated at Wittenberg (1516), Leipzig (1516) and Greifswald (1518).

Ornithoparchus published his treatise Musicae activae micrologus in Leipzig in 1517 (R1977). By the term ‘musica activa’ he meant musica practica as opposed to musica theoretica. In the dedications of the four books of the treatise he showed something of his wide musical experience. The first book, on ‘cantus planus’, is dedicated ‘to the Governours of the State of Lyneburg’ (Dowland’s translation) for the use of the young. The second and fourth books are dedicated to two musicians of the chapel of the Heidelberg court, the Kapellmeister Philipp Surus and the organist Arnolt Schlick. The second book, on musica mensuralis, was written in collaboration with Georg Brack, the second Kapellmeister at Stuttgart, whom he had visited there about 1515. Ornithoparchus’s list of the most excellent musicians (bk 2, chap.8) includes Ockeghem, Ghiselin, Alexander Agricola, Obrecht, Josquin, La Rue, Isaac, Finck, Brumel and Lapicida, and among theorists Gaffurius, Jacobus Faber Stapulensis and Tinctoris were considered authorities. In the course of his discussion of musica ficta he extended the Guidonian system by two notes at each end. The fourth book, on counterpoint, follows Schanppecher’s pattern in Wollick’s treatise in distinguishing between improvised counterpoint added to a cantus firmus (‘sortisare’) and the written ‘composition’. Ornithoparchus advised beginners to use a ten-line staff. He sharply criticized practices in sacred music, complaining of the priests’ inadequate musical knowledge and hasty singing, wrong accentuation, incorrect pronunciation, rhythmic waywardness, ‘crying’ and ‘howling’. For psalm singing he advised the reader to study De vero modo psallendi (GB-Ob Ashmol.) written by Michael Muris Galliculus, a member of the Cistercian cloister of Altzelle in Saxony. Ornithoparchus’s treatise was clearly popular, for editions followed in 1517, 1519 and 1521, and editions were published in Cologne (1533 and 1535) with the title De arte cantandi micrologus. It was widely used as a textbook: in 1539 it was used at Kraków University; Angelo da Picitono incorporated whole chapters into his Fior angelico di musica (Venice, 1547), as did Sebastiani in his Bellum musicale (Strasbourg, 1563); and in 1609 Dowland published an English translation (R1973). Both Johann Gottfried Walther and Hawkins knew Ornithoparchus’s work; the latter included a translation of the chapter on sacred music in his General History.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

HawkinsH

J.W. Lyra: Andreas Ornithoparchus aus Meiningen … und dessen Lehre von den Kirchenaccenten (Gütersloh, 1877)

G. Pietzsch: ‘Zur Pflege der Musik an den deutschen Universitäten bis zur Mitte des 16. Jahrhunderts’, AMf, iii (1938), 302–30, esp. 322; vi (1941), 23–56, esp. 35, 38, 54; pubd separately (Hildesheim, 1971)

E.E. Lowinsky: ‘On the Use of Scores by Sixteenth-Century Musicians’, JAMS, i (1948), 17–23

L.C. Michels: ‘Een musico-dialectologische tekst’, Neophilologus, xl (1956), 310–14

N.C. Carpenter: Music in the Medieval and Renaissance Universities (Norman, OK, 1958/R)

E.E. Lowinsky: ‘Secret Chromatic Art Reexamined’, Perspectives in Musicology, ed. B.S. Brook, E.O.D. Downes and S. van Solkema (New York, 1972), 91–135; repr. in idem: Music in the Culture of the Renaissance and other Essays (Chicago, 1989), 754–78

W. Werbeck: Studien zur deutschen Tonartenlehre in der ersten Hälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts (Kassel, 1989), 86–123

W. Braun: Deutsche Musiktheorie des 15. bis 17. Jahrhunderts, ii: Von Calvisius bis Mattheson (Darmstadt, 1994), 90, 254

E. Schwind: Kadenz und Kontrapunkt: zur Kompositionslehre ca.1470–ca.1570 (diss., U. of Freiburg, 1995)

KLAUS WOLFGANG NIEMÖLLER

Ornstein, Leo

(b Kremenchug, 2 Dec 1893). American composer and pianist of Ukrainian birth. As a child, he studied at Petrograd Conservatory. Emigrating to New York in 1907, he studied the piano at the Institute of Musical Art with Bertha Fiering Tapper, who became an important mentor. In 1911 he made his New York début performing standard repertory, while two years later, in 1913, he wrote his first Modernist compositions, Dwarf Suite and Wild Men's Dance (Danse sauvage). The same year he set off on a European tour with Tapper, on which he met Busoni and M.-D. Calvocoressi and gained a strong sense of the newest European trends. His first major appearance as a virtuoso specializing in modern music took place in London on 27 March 1914, where he performed his own music, together with that of Schoenberg and a group of Bach transcriptions by Busoni. In January and February 1915 he gave a series of four recitals at the Bandbox Theatre in New York, which quickly led to Ornstein becoming something of a cult figure, especially for the tone clusters that became his trademark. He abruptly withdrew from the concert stage in 1922, continuing to perform only occasionally thereafter, for example, in 1925 when he appeared with the Philadelphia Orchestra for the première of his Piano Concerto. Ornstein's principal focus during these years was teaching. In 1924 he became head of the piano department at the Philadelphia Music Academy, and a few years later he established the Ornstein School of Music in Philadelphia. He retired from teaching in 1953 but continued to compose.

Ornstein's compositions divide into three large groups: experimental works (almost all dating from the 1910s), more conservative pieces that hint of Eastern Europe (from the same period and after) and later pieces that integrate the two extremes. Most of his instrumental music is programmatic. Some works, such as Impressions de Notre Dame or Three Moods, evoke landscapes or emotional states, many building on Debussy-like practices, from filigree semiquaver textures to extended triadic harmonies, pentatonicism and parallelisms. Most of his experimental works, such as the Wild Men's Dance, were for piano, though the Violin Sonata op.31 is his most uncompromisingly modernist. Dissonant and atonal, these early pieces often display an individual use of gapped, chromatic clusters, quite apart from the manner of Cowell, Ives or Bartók. This period is also distinguished by the common use of free-wheeling structures, which give the impression of a spontaneous composition process. In many ways they exemplify the creative spontaneity espoused at the time by the philosopher Henri Bergson.

Though Ornstein was rediscovered by Vivian Perlis and others in the 1970s – he received the Marjorie Peabody Waite Award from the National Institute of Arts and Letters in 1975 – much of his output remains unknown. Two of his finest works, the Piano Sonatas nos.7 and 8, were written when the composer was in his 90s.

WORKS

(selective list)

instrumental

Orch: Evening Song of the Cossack, chbr orch, op.14 no.1, 1923; Pf Conc., 1923; Lysistrata Suite, 1930; Nocturne and Dance of the Fates, c1937Chbr: Sonata, op.31, vn, pf, c1915; 3 Russian Impressions, vn, pf, 1916; Sonata, op.26, vn, pf, c1918; 2 Sonatas, op.52, vc, pf, c1918; c1920; Pf Qnt, 1927; 3 str qts, op.28, op.99, c1929, no.3, 1976; 6 Preludes, vc, pf, 1931; Allegro (Intermezzo), fl, pf, 1959; Fantasy Pieces, va, pf, 1972; Hebraic Fantasy, vn, pf, 1975; Poem, fl, pf, 1979Pf (solo unless otherwise stated): 6 Lyric Fancies, op.10, 1911; A Paris Street Scene at Night, op.4 no.3, 1912; Suicide in an Airplane, c1913; Pièce, pf 4 hands, op.19 no.1, 1913; Wild Men's Dance (Danse sauvage), op.13 no.2, c1913; 3 Preludes, op.20, c1914; Suite russe, op.12, c1914; Three Moods, 1914; Cossack Impressions, op.14, c1914; Impressions de la Tamise, op.13 no.1, 1914; Impressions de Notre Dame, op.16 nos.1–2, 1914; Dwarf Suite, op.11, c1915; A la Chinoise, op.39, c1918; Poems of 1917, op.41, 1918 [after W. Frank]; Serenade, op.5 nos.1–2, 1918A la Mexicana, op.35, c1920; Arabesques, op.42, c1920; 6 Watercolors, op.80, c1921; 2 Improvisations, pf 4 hands, op.95, 1921; Nocturnes nos.1–2, c1922; Sonata no.4, c1924; 2 Lyric Pieces, c1924; 15 Waltzes and 42 numbered pieces, 1950–72; Tarantelle diabolique, 1960; 5 Intermezzi, 1965–8; 3 Landscapes, 1968; A Morning in the Woods, 1971; Some New York Scenes, 1971; Biography in Sonata Form, 1974; Burlesca, 1976Impromptu no.1 (Epitaph), no.2 (A Bit of Nostalgia), 1976; A Dream almost Forgotten, 1978; An Autumn Fantasy, 1978; Barbaro, 1978; 5 pieces, 1978; Just a Fun Piece, 1978; The Recruit and the Bugler, 1978; A Small Carnival, 1978; Valse diabolique, 1978; A Reverie, 1979; Chromatic Dance, 1980; Sonata no.6, c1981; The Deserted Garden, 1981; 2 Legends, 1982, Sonata no.7, 1988; Sonata no.8, 1990; Works for children

vocal

Songs (1v, pf): 3 Songs, op.33, c1915; Mother o'mine (R. Kipling), c1916; There was a Jolly Miller Once, c1916; The Corpse, 1917; Two Oriental Songs (F. Martens), c1918; 5 songs (W. Frank), op.17, c1928, arr. 1v, orch, c1929 [untitled]; 4 songs without words, 1928 [untitled]; LullabyChoral: 3 Russian Choruses, SATB, op.61, 1918; America [various arrs.]

MSS in US-NH

Principal publishers: Joshua, Poon Hill Press

BIBLIOGRAPHY

EwenD

C. Van Vechten: ‘Leo Ornstein’, Music and Bad Manners (New York, 1916), 229–43

C.L. Buchanan: ‘Ornstein and Modern Music’, MQ, iv (1918), 174–83

F. Martens: Leo Ornstein: the Man, his Ideas, his Work (New York, 1918/R)

L. Ornstein: ‘The Trend of Ultra-Modern Composition’, Musical Observer, xxi (1922), 54–5

V. Perlis: ‘The Futurist Music of Leo Ornstein’, Notes, xxxi (1974–5), 735–50

T.E. Darter jr: The Futurist Piano Music of Leo Ornstein (diss., Cornell U., 1979)

C.J. Oja: ‘Leo Ornstein: “Wild Man” of the 1910s’, Making Music Modern: New York in the 1920s (New York, forthcoming)

MICHAEL BROYLES/CAROL J. OJA

Orologio [Horologius], Alessandro [Alexander]

(b c1550; d Vienna, ?1633). Italian composer and instrumentalist, resident in German-speaking countries. He is first heard of as ‘trumpeter and musician’ at the court of the Emperor Rudolf II in Prague just before 1580. He continued his association with the court until 1613 – he was appointed vice-Kapellmeister in 1603 – but made numerous journeys, which included visits to the courts at Dresden and Wolfenbüttel. During one such visit in 1594 to the court of the Landgrave Moritz of Hesse at Kassel he met John Dowland, who probably brought him to the attention of the court of King Christian IV of Denmark, with which he also seems to have been connected for a time. Extant references to his extensive travels have resulted in some confusion. Eitner assumed that there must have been two Orologios, and his error was carried into many subsequent sources. Orologio was pensioned in Prague in 1613, after which he is known to have been active at Steyr and at the monastery at nearby Garsten.

Orologio was one of the first ensemble instrumentalists to achieve a wide reputation both as a performer and as a composer competent in diverse genres (a few instrumentalists before him, such as Tylman Susato and Jean d'Estrée, had also established themselves as composers but only of certain kinds of secular music). His vocal writing is skilful; he preferred tightly spaced imitation, and his lines unfold with charm and freshness. He was aware of contemporary experiments in chromaticism, but they do not have an important place in his style. His intradas of 1597, dedicated to Christian IV, are short and sonorous and among the best 16th-century ensemble pieces.

WORKS

Edition: Alessandro Orologio: Opera omnia, ed. F. Colussi (Udine, 1992–) [C]

Il primo libro de madrigali, 5vv (Venice, 1586); C

Il secondo libro de madrigali, 4–6vv (Dresden, 1589); C

Canzonette, libro I (Venice, 1593); C

Canzonette, libro II (Venice, 1594); C

Il secondo libro de madrigali, 4–6vv (Venice, 1595); C

Canzonette, 3vv (Venice, 1596); C

Intradae, 5, 6 insts (Helmstaedt, 1597); C

Madrigals, 1583¹¹, 1585¹⁶, 1590¹¹, 1592¹⁵, 1597¹⁴, 1598¹⁵

Miserere mei Deus, 5vv, 1611¹; ed. F. Commer, Musica sacra, xxiv (1885)

Further sacred and secular works in MSS

BIBLIOGRAPHY

R. Eitner: ‘Alessandro Orologio’, MMg, xxx (1898), 36–40

R. Eitner: ‘Drei Briefe von Alessandro Orologio’, MMg, xxxi (1899), 42–5

K. Nef: ‘Die Intraden von Alexander Orologio’, Gedenkboek aangeboden aan Dr. D.F. Scheurleer (The Hague, 1925), 219–25

A. Einstein: ‘Italienische Musik und italienische Musiker am Kaiserhof und an den erzherzoglichen Höfen in Innsbruck und Graz’, SMw, xxi (1934), 3–52, esp. 39

A. Kellner: Musikgeschichte des Stiftes Kremsmünster (Kassel, 1956), 158

R. Flotzinger: ‘Alessandro Orologio und seine Intraden (1597)’, DAM, xvii (1986), 53–64

P. Merkù: ‘Alessandro Orologio in njegova oporoka/Alessandro Orologio und sein Testament’, Gallus Carniolus in Evropska renesansa/Gallus Carniolus und die europäische Renaissance: Ljubljana 1991, 171–84 [with Ger. summary]

KEITH POLK

Orologio, Giovanni Dondi dall'

(b Chioggia, c1330; d Abbiategrasso, 19 Oct 1388). Italian poet, physician and astrologer. He taught in Padua, Pavia and Florence. He was a friend and follower of Petrarch, and wrote sonnets, five madrigals and three ballatas, transmitted by the manuscript I-Vm lat.XIV 223, which may be an autograph. His ballata La sacrosanta carità d'amore, labelled in this source as ‘Balata Florentiae’ (c1368) was set to music by Bartolino da Padova and was also sent to the poet-minstrel Francesco di Vannozzo to add to his repertoire; another musical setting, for his ballata Omay çascun se doglia, survives.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

DBI (T. Pesenti)

Padua sidus preclarum: i Dondi dall'Orologio e la Padova dei Carraresi (Padua, 1989) [exhibition catalogue]

A. Daniele, ed.: Giovanni Dondi dall' Orologio: Rime (Vicenza, 1990)

GIANLUCA D'AGOSTINO

Ó Rónáin, Muiris.

See Fleischmann, Aloys.

O’Rourke, William Michael.

See Rooke, William Michael.

Orozbakov, Saghimbai

(b Issyk-Kul, Kyrgyzstan, 1867; d Issyk-Kul, Kyrgyzstan 1930). Kyrgyz jomokchu (Manas bard). He was born to the family of a kerneeich musician (player of the kerney, a pipe) and belonged to the Saiak clan of the Kurman-Moinok tribe, who were nomads in the Tien Shan area. He heard the performances of many outstanding Manas bards, notably Belmurat Kulmanov, also known as Balyk (1793–1873). Unlike many other epic narrators, Orozbakov was literate. From his youth he was famous as an improviser, especially of ceremonial laments or koshok, in which the life and acts of the dead were narrated in song. In accordance with the tradition of Kyrgyz bards he did not name his masters but referred only to a dream in which Semetei, a son of the hero Manas, gave him his talent and imposed upon him the duty of glorifying the deeds of Manas. By the time of the Bolshevik revolution Orozbakov was recognized as a chon jomokchu (‘great creator and epic bard’). A recording of his version in 250,000 verses (the most complete version of the first part of Manas) was made during the period 1922–6. The texts were published in four volumes in Frunze (1978–82), and the music was written down by B. Vinogradov in 1947 with the help of the Manas researcher Ibraim Abdyrakhmanov, who received the performing tradition personally from Orozbakov.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

S. Musayev: The Epoc ‘Manas’ (Frunze, 1984) [in Eng., Ger. and Russ.]

B. Vinogradov: ‘Napevï “Manasa”’ [Singing of Manas], Manas: kirgizskiy geroicheskiy ėpos [Manas: Kyrgyz heroic epic] (Moscow, 1984), 502–7

I. Laude-Cirtautas: ‘Kirgizskiy poėt-skatizel' Saghimbai Orozbakov (1867–1930) i ėpos “Manas”’ [Kyrgyz poet-narrator Orozbakov and the epic Manas], Sovetskaya tyorkologiya [Soviet Turkology], no.3 (1987), 74–82

ALMA KUNANBAYEVA

Orozco, Rafael

(b Córdoba, 24 Jan 1946; d Rome, 24 April 1996). Spanish pianist. From 1952 he studied at the Córdoba Conservatory (where his teachers included his father and his aunt) and, from 1960, at the Madrid Conservatory. By the time he graduated in 1964 he had won prizes in competitions at Bilbao and Jaén. From the age of 17 he studied with Alexis Weissenberg, at the Accademia Musicale Chigiana in Siena and elsewhere; Maria Curcio-Diamond was another important influence. After he won the 1966 Leeds Piano Competition he developed an international career, with engagements in London, at several British festivals and in many European and American cities. Giulini's enthusiasm for his playing was a significant factor in the development of his career. Orozco was an exuberant virtuoso, at his best in such works as Rachmaninoff's concertos, which allowed full display of his sparkling technique, in particular of the evenness and dexterity of his fingerwork. He made admired recordings of the Rachmaninoff concertos, and of the complete Iberia by Albéniz. In his last years his musicianship became more reflective: with a less hectic concert schedule, he turned to composers he had hitherto avoided, notably Schubert. He died of AIDS-related illnesses at the age of only 50.

MAX LOPPERT/JESSICA DUCHEN

Orozov, Karamoldo (Toktomambet)

(b 1883; d 1960). Kyrgyz komuz player and composer. He was a pupil of Murataaly Kurenkeyev and a representative of the classical school of komuz players of Kyrgyzstan. His kyuu (programmatic instrumental pieces) include Ibarat (‘Edification’), an orchestral version of which became popular under the title Prazdnichnaya ubertyura (‘Festive Overture’), Nasyikat (‘Sermon’), Kokoi kesti (‘Sad Recollection), Kambarkan (a traditional topic for Kyrgyz komuz players in honour of Kambar, the legendary inventor of the komuz), Syngan bugu (‘An Aggrieved Representative of the Bugu Clan’) and Dyunyuio (‘Peace’). In 1928 A.V. Zatayevich recorded 31 of Orozov's kyuu, and tape recordings of his 60 works are kept in the sound archive of the Krygyz radio station.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

V.S. Vinogradov: Kirgizskiye narodnïye muzïkanti i pevtsï [Kyrgyz folk musicians and singers] (Moscow, 1972), 48–59

ALMA KUNANBAYEVA

Orpharion.

A wire-strung plucked instrument of the Bandora family, of similar scalloped shape but smaller and tuned like the lute. It appeared slightly later than the bandora, the first literary reference to it being in a poem (1590) by Michael Drayton. Thereafter it was mentioned with increasing familiarity and was listed in household inventories so frequently that it must have been played almost as widely as the lute. By the end of the 17th century it had fallen into disuse, along with many other plucked instruments. The curious name of the instrument was also used for the title of a book, Greenes Orpharion (1599), which the author derives from ‘Orpheus and Arion, two, famous in their time for their instruments’. It would seem that, like the bandora, the orpharion was redolent of classical symbolism (see Wells, 1982).

Of the surviving instruments hitherto thought to be orpharions, the earliest, made by John Rose in 1580, may well be a high-pitch bandora (see Bandora for further discussion and Rose, John for illustration). Another, by Francis Palmer and dated 1617, is housed in the Claudius Collection at Copenhagen (see fig.1). It has nine double courses and is exactly the shape depicted in contemporary illustrations. Although it is a little smaller than the scale drawing of Praetorius (Theatrum instrumentorum, 1620), all its dimensions are within a centimetre of those recorded around 1690 by Talbot (see Gill, GSJ, 1960). The bridge and frets are slanted to give a progressive increase in string length from treble (53·5 cm) to bass (60·5 cm). The pegbox, topped with a carved head in typical English style, is of ‘viol’ type with lateral pegs. The instrument’s ribs do not taper in depth, but the neck is cut away on the bass side as on a cittern. Until the 1980s this instrument was the only example of its type known to have survived, though certain features and marks on the pegbox and head suggest that it is not quite in its original state (see Segerman and Abbott, 1976).

In 1982, however, attention was drawn to another orpharion in the Historisches Museum, Frankfurt (see Segerman, 1982; fig.2). This anonymous, undated eight-course instrument is much smaller than the one in Copenhagen and has string lengths of only 42·5 cm (treble) and 48 cm (bass). To judge from photographs, there are again features here that may not be original, including the pegbox, metal tuning pins, bridge position and possibly the bridge itself, which may date from a restoration carried out in 1957. Nevertheless the instrument is of great interest. A larger example, with nine courses, was reported in 1983 at the Städtisches Museum, Brunswick.

The earliest collection of orpharion music is found in William Barley’s New Booke of Tabliture, published in three parts for Lute, Orpharion and Bandora in 1596. This also contains the first full description and illustration of the instrument, described as ‘the Stately Orpharion’. Barley continues:

… the Orpharion is strong with more stringes than the Lute, and also hath more frets or stops, and whereas the Lute is strong with gut stringes, the Orpharion is strong with wire stringes, by reason of which manner of stringing, the Orpharion doth necessarilie requrie a more gentle and drawing stroke than the Lute, I mean the fingers of the right hand must be easilie drawen over the stringes, and not suddenly griped, or sharpelie stroken as the Lute is: for if yee should doo so, then the wire stringer would clash or jarre together the one against the other; which would be a cause that the sounde would bee harsh and unpleasant.

Barley’s reference to the number of strings is explained by the fact that his lute has only six courses, whereas his orpharion has seven, as can be seen in his illustration (fig.3) and in the music itself. The lowest course is tuned a tone below the sixth, giving the intervals 2–4–4–3–4–4. It has been suggested that this setting for the seventh course distinguishes orpharion music from that for the lute, but in fact there is a considerable repertory, both English and continental, for a seven-course lute tuned the same way. The woodcut also shows the sloping bridge and frets, which had great importance as far as the open string range was concerned; indeed, it was this increase in range that made the orpharion possible.

Whereas the bandora was never extended beyond seven courses, the development of the orpharion was roughly the same as that of the lute. Praetorius illustrated a seven-course instrument, but gave tunings for eight courses (D–F–G–c–f–a–d'–g', and a tone higher). The undated instrument in Frankfurt has eight courses; the Palmer at Copenhagen and the Brunswick example have nine. Ten courses are required for the orpharion pavan in Pilkington’s second set of madrigals (1624). When Talbot noted the dimensions of an orpharion (c1695), he added:

Tis a kind of tenor to the Cittern carrying 9 double ranks sometimes 7. Fretts 15. Some like the English Theorbo carrie 5 double 8ve ranks of open Basses on 5 Nutts on long head besides those 7 on the plate.

Because of the identical tuning, there is nothing to distinguish music for orpharion from that for lute; indeed, the two instruments were largely regarded as interchangeable, as is made clear by the title-pages of many of the English books of ‘lute’ songs published between 1597 and 1622. There is some incomplete music ‘for 3 Orph’ and ‘for iii Wiers’ [i.e. three viols] in the Cambridge consort books (GB-Cu Dd.3.18 f.55–6 [orpharion parts], Dd.5.20 f.10v and Dd.5.21 f.11 [viol parts]) that seem to require a bass orpharion, which Praetorius called Penorcon.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

PraetoriusSM, ii

PraetoriusTI

W. Barley: A New Booke of Tabliture … to Play on Sundry Instruments, as the Lute, Orpharion and Bandora (London, 1596); ed. W.W. Newcomb as Lute Music of Shakespeare’s Time (Philadelphia, 1966)

D. Gill: ‘An Orpharion by John Rose’, LSJ, ii (1960), 33–40

D. Gill: ‘The Orpharion and Bandora’, GSJ, xiii (1960), 14–25

D. Gill: ‘James Talbot’s Manuscript, v: Plucked Strings – the Wire-strung Fretted Instruments and the Guitar’, GSJ, xv (1962), 60–69

J. Godwin: ‘Instruments in Robert Fludd’s Utriusque cosmi … historia’, GSJ, xxvi (1973), 2–14

J. Godwin: ‘Robert Fludd on the Lute and Pandora’, LSJ, xv (1973), 11–19

R. Hadaway: ‘An Instrument-Maker’s Report on the Repair and Restoration of an Orpharion’, GSJ, xxviii (1975), 37–42

E. Segerman and D. Abbott: ‘On the Palmer Orpharion’, FoMRHI Quarterly, no.3 (1976), 48–56

D. Gill: Wire-Strung Plucked Instruments Contemporary with the Lute, Lute Society Booklets, iii (London, 1977)

D. Gill: ‘Bandora, Orpharion and Guitar’, GSJ, xxxi (1978), 144 only

I. Harwood: ‘A Case of Double Standards? Instrumental Pitch in England c1600’, EMc, ix (1981), 470–81

E. Segerman: ‘Orpharion News’, FoMRHI Quarterly, no.27 (1982), 25–8

R.H. Wells: ‘The Orpharion: Symbol of a Humanist Ideal’, EMc, x (1982), 427–40

IAN HARWOOD/LYLE NORDSTROM

Orphéon.

French male-voice choral movement. It developed from 1815 through the work of Guillaume Louis Bocquillon Wilhem, a strong advocate of the teaching of singing in schools, who first used the term Orphéon about 1830. The Orphéon choral society was established in Paris in 1833 and rapidly expanded (see Paris, §VI, 4); an annual concert was given at the Trocadéro with 1500 performers. A military Orphéon was established at Lyons in 1843, and by 1859 there were 700 provincial societies; 3000 ‘Orphéonistes’ performed in London in 1860. By the turn of the century the movement reached a peak of popularity with over 2000 societies in France, where it was the equivalent of British competitive festivals.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

M. Maréchal and G. Parès: Monographie universelle de l'Orphéon, sociétés chorales, fanfares (Paris, 1910)

J. Fulcher: ‘The Orphéon Societies: “Music for the Workers” in Second-Empire France’, IRASM, x (1979), 47–72

Orpheus.

Legendary figure of Greek pre-history. He was thought to have lived during the generation before the Trojan War.

1. Orpheus and music.

Various ancient references make Orpheus a Thracian, thus placing him with other legendary singers from Thrace such as Linus and Thamyris. He was usually accounted the son of the Muse Calliope and of Oeagrus, but Pindar (Pythian, iv.176–7) referred to Apollo ambiguously as either Orpheus’s patron or his father. He was at any rate linked with the god in many ways, notably through music (see Musaeus).

Neither the poetry ascribed to Orpheus or to his followers nor the varying religious practices called Orphism by modern scholars has any strong connection with music. Non-Orphic literature and art, for the most part, provide the evidence for his single most striking aspect, namely his fame as an unequalled singer to the lyre who possessed magical power to move all living things. Orpheus first appears in a sculptured panel of the mid-6th century bce; here he stands upon a ship’s deck, holding a kithara. Certain details identify the scene as being from the Argonaut myth. Later in the 6th century the poet Ibycus noted his fame, but significant literary references first occur in 5th-century writers, beginning with Simonides’ lyrical description of the birds and fish listening to Orpheus’s singing. Pindar (Pythian, iv.177) called him ‘the father of song’; Aeschylus (Agamemnon, 1629–30) wrote of his power to charm the whole of nature; Euripides mentioned this power repeatedly (Bacchae, 560–64 is a representative passage), stressing its magical aspect, and in the Rhesus Orpheus showed ‘mysteries’ (943–4, 966), taken to be the rites of Dionysus (Apollodorus, i.3.2).

In the Argonautica of Apollonius Rhodius, Orpheus serves as the boatswain whose music set the beat for the rowers (i.540). But the same work, together with the later Orphic Argonautica based on it, makes clear that his singing and playing saved Argo’s company from the Sirens and other perils. Through these extraordinary gifts he also won the chance to bring his wife Eurydice up from Hades. His powers continued to manifest themselves even after his own death: after he had been torn apart by Thracian women, his severed head continued to sing and prophesy until carried by the waves to Lesbos, which then became the most musical of all islands (Virgil, Georgics, iv.523–4; Ovid, Metamorphoses, xi.50–55). Here the myth is clearly aetiological, an attempt to account for the great tradition of Terpander, Sappho and Alcaeus (cf Nicomachus, Excerpts, 1: ed. Jan, 266). In early Christian times Christians displayed a distinctly contradictory attitude towards the figure of Orpheus, whose worship did not diminish in the midst of Christian observance: they depicted Christ with the lyre, but saw music’s power to enchant as an attribute of Satan.

In every case, the incidents that constitute the Orpheus legend have some connection with music. For the Greeks he was the supreme embodiment of music’s affective power, intensified to the extreme of literal enchantment. They credited him with this power not only as singer and lyre player but also as poet and seer (cf Euripides, Alcestis, 357–62). A modern conception of music will not suffice here: Orpheus represents the broader context inherent in the term mousikē, the province of the Muses.

2. Later treatments.

Musical treatment of the Orpheus myth has concentrated on the death of Eurydice, Orpheus's wife, and his attempt to retrieve her from the underworld. The tree-nymph Eurydice trod on a snake when chased by Aristaeus, son of Apollo and Cyrene. Orpheus braved the ferryman Charon, the Furies, and the monstrous dog Cerberus, and so charmed death's domain by his music that the return of Eurydice was granted provided he did not look on her during the upward journey. The classical myth consigns Eurydice to the shades once more; opera has usually preferred a happy ending, relying on the immortality of Orpheus as lyre player and the ultimate favour of the gods. In a non-operatic context, certain composers have treated of Orpheus's death at the hands of Thracian bacchantes and the casting of his severed head into the river Hebrus.

Operas based on the Orpheus myth cover a period of almost 400 years. Among the more notable are 17th-century works by Jacopo Peri (1600), Giulio Caccini (1602), Monteverdi (1607), Domenico Belli (1616), Stefano Landi (1619), Luigi Rossi (1647), J.J. Löwe von Eisenach (1659), Antonio Sartorio (1672), Matthew Locke (1673), J.P. Krieger (1683), Antonio Draghi (1683), M.-A. Charpentier (c1685), Bernardo Sabadini (1689), Lully (1690), Reinhard Keiser (1698, rev. 1699, 1709) and André Campra (1699, Act 3 of Le carnaval de Venise).

Many Orpheus operas stem from the 18th century: John Weldon (c1701), Fux (1715), Telemann (1726), J.F. Lampe (1740), Rameau (c1740, projected), Ristori (1749), Wagenseil (1750), Graun (1752), Gluck (1762 and 1774), F.-H. Barthélemon (1767), Antonio Tozzi (1775), Bertoni (1776), Asplmayr (1780, lost melodrama), Franz Benda (1785), J.G. Naumann (1786), Dittersdorf (1788), J.F. Reichardt (1788, revision of Bertoni, 1776), Trento (1789), Haydn (1791), Paer (1791), Peter Winter (1792), P.-D. Deshayes (1793, parody of Gluck) and Antoine Dauvergne (composed before 1797).

Orpheus interest continued into the 19th century with such composers as Christian Cannabich (1802), Kanne (1807), Kauer (1813), Offenbach (1858) and Godard (1887); and the myth persisted into 20th-century opera with Azevedo da Silva (1907), Debussy (1907–16, projected Orphée-roi), Roger-Ducasse (1913), Malipiero (1925, parts 1 and 3 of the triptych L'Orfeide), Milhaud (1925), Krenek (1926), Casella (1932) and Birtwistle (1986).

The Orpheus story has also been treated in other ways. Robert Gallenberg (1831) and Stravinsky (1948) wrote ballets on the subject. Liszt's symphonic poem Orpheus (1854), designed as prelude to a performance of Gluck's opera, was arranged by the composer for two pianos (c1854–6) and piano duet (c1858); Liszt also composed a postlude to the opera on the same themes (unpublished). The dismemberment of Orpheus was tackled by Berlioz in his ‘monologue et bacchanale’ La mort d'Orphée (composed 1827) and by Tippett in ‘The Severed Head’, first of three songs from part 2 of The Mask of Time (1982).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

GroveO (F.W. Sternfeld) [incl. fuller list of operas and further bibliography]

K. von Jan, ed.: Musici scriptores graeci (Leipzig, 1895/R)

R. Eisler: Orpheus: the Fisher (London, 1921)

W.K.C. Guthrie: Orpheus and Greek Religion (London, 1934, 2/1952/R)

K. Ziegler: ‘Orpheus’, Paulys Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, xxxv (1939), 1251–3

I.M. Linforth: The Arts of Orpheus (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1941/R)

R. Böhme: Orpheus: das Alter des Kitharoden (Berlin, 1953)

A. Marlow: ‘Orpheus in Ancient Literature, Music and Letters’, ML, xxxv (1954), 361–9

H. Koller: ‘Orpheus, der irdische Sänger’, Musik und Dichtung im alten Griechenland (Berne, 1963), 49–58

G.R.S. Mead: Orpheus (New York, 1965)

J. Pollard: Seers, Shrines and Sirens (London, 1965), 93ff

R. Böhme: Orpheus: der Sänger und seine Zeit (Berne and Munich, 1970)

J.B. Friedman: Orpheus in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, MA, 1970)

M. Detienne: ‘Orphée au miel’, Quaderni urbinati de cultura classica, xii (1971), 7–23

W.A. Strauss: Descent and Return: the Orphic Theme in Modern Literature (Cambridge, MA, 1971)

R.A. Skeris: Chrōma theou: on the Origins and Theological Interpretations of the Musical Imagery used by the Ecclesiastical Writers of the First Three Centuries, with Special Reference to the Image of Orpheus (Altötting, 1976)

L. Vorreiter: ‘Apollon-, Orpheus-, und Thamyris-Lyren’, Archiv für Musik-organologie, ii (1977), 113–33

C. Segal: ‘The Magic of Orpheus and the Ambiguities of Language’, Ramus, vii (1978), 106–42

M.L. West: The Orphic Poems (Oxford, 1983)

W. Burkett: Griechische Religion der archaischen und klassischen Epoche (Stuttgart, 1977; Eng. trans., 1985), 296–301

F. Graf: ‘Orpheus: a Poet among Men’, Interpretations of Greek Mythology, ed. J. Bremmer (London, 1987), 80–106

For further bibliography see Greece, §I.

WARREN ANDERSON/THOMAS J. MATHIESEN (1), ROBERT ANDERSON (2)

Orpheus (Chamber Orchestra).

American ensemble consisting of 16 strings and 10 woodwind. It was formed in 1972 by the cellist Julian Fifer. The group rehearses and performs without conductor, treating chamber orchestra literature as chamber music. Completely self-governed, the members themselves are responsible for interpretation, programming, repertory and choice of soloists, and they rotate seating and section leadership. Orpheus presents an annual series at Carnegie Hall, and tours regularly throughout the world. They have made over 50 recordings for Deutsche Grammophon, many of which feature Orpheus musicians as soloists; one, a 1994 recording of Vivaldi’s Four Seasons, was the first classical CD release with CD-ROM. A documentary film by the director Allan Miller, ‘Orpheus in the Real World’, was telecast in Europe and Japan in 1995 and 1996. The group’s unique style of working has generated interest from the business world as well as the music community; Orpheus is the subject of a two-year study by the Harvard University School of Business, and has worked with New York University and the University of Chicago on projects related to issues of leadership and self-governance.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

L. Kandell: ‘A Conductor? Who Needs a Conductor?’, New York Times (26 Nov 1995)

J. Traub: ‘Passing the Baton: Workplace Democracy in the Orpheus Chamber Orchestra’, New Yorker (26 Aug 1996)

ELLEN HIGHSTEIN

Orpheus Quartet.

German-based string quartet. It was founded in 1987 by Charles-André Linale (b Rouen, 1958), Emilian Piedicuta (b Bucharest, 1955), Emile Cantor (b Laren, nr Hilversum, 1955) and Laurentiu Sbarcea (b Bucharest, 1961). Linale had previously led the Ensemble Intercontemporain and the Orlando Quartet. The group won all the competitions it entered: the Valentino Bucchi in Rome (1988), the Karl Klingler in Munich (1990) and the Osaka in Japan (1993). Based in Düsseldorf, it gives a regular concert series in that city and tours widely, collaborating with such guests as the pianists Menahem Pressler and Therese Dussaut, the cellist Pieter Wispelwey and the clarinettist José-Luis Estelles. Its first American tour was made in 1998 and it returned in 1999. Drawing on its members' backgrounds in three countries, it plays with beautiful tone, immaculate ensemble and a rare stylistic sense, mastering a repertory extending from the Viennese Classics to such 20th-century composers as Malipiero – all of whose quartets it has played in concert and recorded – Berg, Bartók, Janáček, Schulhoff and Shostakovich. Its performances of Debussy, Ravel and Dutilleux have attracted much praise, in concert and on record. Other recordings include works by Beethoven and Schubert and the complete quartets of Brahms and Bartók. All four members teach at the Utrecht Conservatory and give summer courses at Arosa, Switzerland, and Sveg, Sweden; in addition Linale and Sbarcea teach in Aachen, Piedicuta in Wuppertal and Cantor in Mainz and Essen. Their instruments are a violin that is a joint production of Giuseppe Guarneri ‘Filius Andreas’ and Guarneri del Gesù, a 1748 violin by Pietro Paolo de Vitor of Venice, a viola of about 1700 by Giovanni Tononi and a 1694 cello by Giovanni Grancino.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

T. Potter: ‘Orpheus in the Overworld’, The Strad, civ (1993), 656–8

TULLY POTTER

Orphica.

A portable piano which could be played while carried, in the manner of a guitar, or while set on a table or stand, or while resting in the performer’s lap (see illustration). First described in 1795 by its inventor, Karl Leopold Röllig, it has a small soundbox containing a three- to four-octave keyboard that activates a Viennese action; the strings run transversely across the soundbox from a harp-shaped open frame at the performer's left to tuning-pins set at the right. The style of the stringing was intended to imitate the ancient lyre, an attribute of Orpheus.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

K.L. Röllig: Orphica: ein musikalisches Instrument (Vienna, 1795)

V. Luithlen and K. Wegerer: Kunsthistorisches Museum, Katalog der Sammlung alter Musikinstrumente, i: Saitenklaviere (Vienna, 1966/R), 80–2

J. Koster: Keyboard Musical Instruments in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston (Boston, 1994), 224–7

EDWIN M. RIPIN/JOHN KOSTER

Orr, Buxton (Daeblitz)

(b Glasgow, 18 April 1924; d Hereford, 27 Dec 1997). British composer. He gave up a career in medicine to study at the GSM, where he was taught composition by Frankel and conducting by Buesst (1952–5). His early works include film scores, notably for the ‘Hammer’ horror films, and the successful one-act opera The Wager, which was given its première at Sadler’s Wells in 1961. From 1965 to 1990 he was a professor at the GSM, where he founded the Contemporary Music Ensemble, and of which he was made a Fellow in 1971. He was conductor of the London Jazz Composers’ Orchestra (1970–80), giving performances across Europe and at the 1972 Jazzfest Berlin. A jazz style is appealingly deployed in several works, notably those for brass band, as in the brightly scored A Caledonian Suite commissioned by the BBC. His individuality and communicability is also evinced in the more serious works, including the series of Refrains (1–6), the three piano trios and Sinfonia ricercante (1987). These works are characteristic of his style in which lyricism and rhythmic vitality combine with rigorous motivic and contrapuntal processes and pitch-centred atonality. Of his music theatre works of the 1980s, Ring in the New, composed while composer-in-residence at the Banff School of Fine Arts, Canada, won the 1988 Seagrams Prize of the America National Music Theatre Network.

WORKS

(selective list)

Stage: The Wager (op, 1, C.H.P. Johnston), 1961, arr. chbr ens, 1996; Unicorn (music theatre, Orr), 1981; The Last Circus (music theatre, Orr), 1984; Ring in the New (music theatre, M. Bawtree), 1986; The Alchemist (op), unfinished

Orch: Bulgarian Suite, 1960; A Celtic Suite, str, 1968; Fanfare and Processional, str, 1968; Trbn Conc., trbn, brass band, 1971; A John Gay Suite, sym. wind band, 1972; Interplay, jazz orch, 1973; Refrains III, jazz orch, 1973; Tpt Conc., tpt, brass band, 1976; Triptych, 1977; A Caledonian Suite, brass band, 1980; Sinfonia ricercante, 1987; Narration, sym. wind ens, 1993

Vocal: Songs of Childhood (Scottish poets), Mez/Bar, pf, 1962; Canzona (Scottish poets), T, cl, str trio, 1963; The Ballad of Mr and Mrs Discobbolos (E. Lear), T, gui/pf, 1965; 8 Songs from the Yüan, Ct, pf, 1969; many kinds of yes (e.e. cummings), 2vv, 1971; The Knight and the Lady (R.H. Barham), 1v, 1978; 10 Types of Hospital Visitor (C. Causley), S, db/pf, 1986

Chbr and solo inst: Bagatelles, pf, 1952; Sonata, vn, pf, 1955; 3 Diatonic Preludes, hp, 1965; Episodes, eng hn/va, pf, 1966; Sonata per 10, double wind qnt, 1967; Refrains I, eng hn/va, pf, 1970; 5 Sketches, 4 trbn, 1970; Refrains II, cl, va, pf, 1971; Str Qt no.1 (Refrains IV), 1977; Side by Side, pf, 1979; Pf Trio no.1, 1982; Str Qt no.2, 1985; Tournament, brass ens, 1985; Variations, pf, 1985; Pf Trio no.2, 1986; A Carmen Fantasy, vc, pf, 1987, arr. orch/(opt. obs, opt hns, str); Portrait of the Don, vc, pf/str, 1987; Refrains V, cl, pf, 1988; Pf Trio no.3, 1990; Refrains VI, 14 insts, 1992; Elegy, vc, pf, 1994; Duo, baroque vn, db, 1994; Str Trio, 1996; Catfish Row, vc, pf, 1997; Tales from the Windsor Forest, vc, pf, 1997

MSS in GB-Lmic

Principal publishers: Anglo-Continental, Gamber Press, Alphonse Leduc, Novello, OUP

WRITINGS

‘Buxton Orr Writes about Benjamin Frankel’s Symphonies and the Death of Tonality’, The Listener (12 Oct 1972), 483

‘The Symphony Today’, The Composer, no.47 (1973), 11–14

‘Some Reflections on the Operas of Benjamin Britten’, Benjamin Britten: Peter Grimes and Gloriana, ed. N. John (London, 1983)

‘Freedom and Structure’, Music Teacher, lxxii (1993), 18–19

BIBLIOGRAPHY

J. Blezzard: ‘New Initiatives, Old Music and New Discoveries’, CMc, no.48 (1991), 69–73

G. Higginson: ‘The Music of Buxton Orr: an Introduction’, British Music Society Newsletter, no.76 (1997), 111

Obituaries: M. Anderson, The Independent (31 Dec 1997); The Times (24 Jan 1998); M. Miller, MO, cxxi (1998), 188 only

MALCOLM MILLER

Orr, C(harles) W(ilfred)

(b Cheltenham, 31 July 1893; d Painswick, 24 Feb 1976). English composer. In his youth he learnt the piano and musical theory and was inspired by performances of Elena Gerhardt. Attracted to lieder, particularly those by Brahms and Wolf, he decided to be a songwriter and moved to London, where he enrolled at the GSM. Entranced by the music of Delius, he introduced himself to the composer who became his mentor and criticized sympathetically his early compositions; through Delius he met Warlock who helped him publish his first songs. A victim of eczema since a childhood vaccination, in adulthood he developed tuberculosis. Orr married in 1929 and, following medical advice, left London and settled in Painswick, where, except for a spell during World War II, the couple lived until his death.

Orr spent his life perfecting the art of setting words to music. He immersed himself in poetry, particularly that of A.E. Housman and went on to write more Housman settings than any other composer. He penetrated to the heart of each poem, intuitively understanding Housman’s repressed emotion. Anguish is portrayed with poignant chromaticism in, for example, The Lads in their Hundreds (1936). Piano parts, including many postludes, not only provide the harmony but evoke the scene, ranging from fluttering semiquavers depicting aspen leaves in Along the Field (1927) to the heavy chordal march to the scaffold of The Carpenter’s Song (1922). Orr’s harmonic language, a blending of English modality and post-Wagnerian Romanticism, gives him a singular voice. Though his output was small, he proved one of Britain’s finest 20th-century songwriters.

WORKS

Songs, 1v, pf; Plucking the Rushes (after Chin., trans. A. Waley), 1921; Silent Noon (D.G. Rossetti), 1921; When the Lad for Longing Sighs (A.E. Housman), 1921; 2 Songs from A Shropshire Lad (Housman): Tis Time I Think by Wenlock Town, Loveliest of Trees, The Cherry, 1921–2; The Carpenter’s Son (Housman), 1922; When I was One-and-Twenty (Housman), 1924; With rue my heart is laden (Housman), 1924; Is my team ploughing (Housman), 1925; On your Midnight Pallet Lying (Housman), 1925; O When I Was in Love with You (Housman), 1926; This Time of Year (Housman), 1926

The Earl of Bristol’s Farewell (J. Digby), 1927; Tryste Noel (L.I. Guiney), 1927; When as I Wake (P. Hannay), 1928; 7 Songs from A Shropshire Lad (Housman), song cycle (1934): Along the Field, 1927, When I Watch the Living Meet, 1930, The Lent Lily, Farewell to barn and stack and tree, 1928, O fair enough are sky and plain, 1931, Hughley Steeple, 1930, When Smoke Stood Up from Ludlow, 1929; Soldiers from the Wars Returning, 1928; Bahnhofstrasse (J. Joyce), 1932 [see 4 Songs, 1959]; The Lads in their Hundreds (Housman), 1936

3 Songs from A Shropshire Lad (Housman) (1940): Into My Heart an Air that Kills, 1935, Westward on the High-Hilled Plains, 1927, O see how thick the goldcup flowers, 1939; The Isle of Portland (Housman), 1938; In Valleys Green and Still (Housman), 1952; Hymn before Sleep (Latin, trans. H. Waddell), 1953; While Summer On is Stealing (Latin, trans. Waddell), 1953; 4 Songs (1959): Bahnhofstrasse (Joyce), 1932, Requiem (Latin, trans. Waddell), 1954, The Time of Roses (T. Hood), 1955, Since Thou, O Fondest and Truest (R. Bridges), 1957

Choral: The Brewer’s Man (L.A. Strong), B, TB, 1927; Slumber Song (N. Lindsay), unison vv, pf (1937); Fain would I change that note, SAA, pf (1937)

Inst: Cotswold Hill-Tune, str orch, 1937; Midsummer Dance, vc, pf (1957)

Principal publishers: J. & W. Chester, Oxford University Press

BIBLIOGRAPHY

S. Northcote: ‘The Songs of C.W. Orr’, ML, xviii (1937), 355–9

I.A. Copley: ‘An English Songwriter: C.W. Orr’, Composer (1968), no.29, pp.12–14

C. Palmer: ‘C.W. Orr: an 80th Birthday Tribute’, MT, cxiv (1973), 690–92

C. Palmer: ‘In Memoriam C.W. Orr’, Delius Society Journal, no.55 (1977), 10–15

J. Wilson: C.W. Orr: the Unknown Song-Writer (London, 1989)

JANE WILSON

Orr, Robin [Robert] (Kemsley)

(b Brechin, Angus, 2 June 1909). Scottish composer and teacher. He attended Loretto School, Edinburgh, and learned the organ from an early age, for his father, an amateur organist, had built an instrument in his home. Organ studies continued, under Alcock, when he went in 1926 to the RCM, where he also studied the piano with Benjamin and composition with Moule. In 1929 he was elected organ scholar of Pembroke College, Cambridge, and there he was a pupil of Rootham and Dent, taking the MusB in 1932 and the MA in 1938. He continued his composition studies under Casella at the Accademia Chigiana and under Boulanger in Paris. In 1933 Orr was appointed director of music at Sidcot School, Somerset, and in 1936 he became assistant lecturer in music at Leeds University. He returned to Cambridge in 1938 to succeed Rootham as organist of St John’s College, where he taught for the next 18 years, apart from a period of war service as an intelligence officer in the RAF (1941–5). In 1947 he was appointed university lecturer in music; in 1948 he was elected Fellow of St John’s; and in 1951 he received the Cambridge MusD. He also taught at the RCM, and was, from 1953, a trustee of the Carl Rosa opera company. Orr left to become professor of music at Glasgow University in 1956, and was the founding chairman of Scottish Opera in 1962; but in 1965 he went back once more to Cambridge, to take the chair of music. There he was the force behind the construction of the new faculty building and concert hall. He was made a CBE in 1972 and received the honorary DMus of Glasgow University the same year. In 1976, the year he retired, Dundee University awarded him the honorary LLD. He was elected an honorary fellow of St John's College in 1987 and of Pembroke College in 1988. The ‘Robin Orr’ lectures at Cambridge were inaugurated in 1989.

Orr's music, outward-looking and cosmopolitan thanks to the influence of Dent and studies abroad, finds its sources in the interwar music of Stravinsky and Bartók, fusing lively and sometimes startling rhythms with shrewd transformation techniques and at times innovative harmony. He works slowly and methodically, and is keenly responsive to the quality of text in both lyric poetry and drama. Orr is at his best in such compact, impulsive scores as the three symphonies, the Sinfonietta helvetica and his three operas. Of these last, the pithy, socially perceptive Full Circle (commissioned by Scottish Television) employs identical forces to Stravinsky's L'histoire du soldat; Hermiston is tense and powerful, lyrical and graphically bleak, with skilfully characterized libretto by Bill Bryden; the witty, artful comic opera On The Razzle, commissioned for the opening of the new Royal Scottish Academy of Music and Drama theatre in Glasgow, displays a flurry of ingenious personal vignettes. Equally noteworthy is Orr's vocal output, in particular his settings of Skelton and Rilke, and his useful and substantial contribution to Anglican church music.

WORKS

(selective list)

Stage: Oedipus at Colonnus (incid music, Sophocles), 1950; Full Circle (op, 1, S.G. Smith), Perth, 1968; Hermiston (op, 3, B. Bryden, after R.L. Stevenson), Edinburgh, 1975; On the Razzle (op, 3, T. Stoppard), Glasgow Royal Scottish Academy of Music and Drama, 1988

Orch: The Prospect of Whitby, ov., 1948; Italian Ov., chbr orch, 1952; Rhapsody, str, 1956; Sym. in one Movt (Sym. no.1), 1963; Sym. no.2, 1970; Sym. no.3, 1978; Sinfonietta helvetica, 1990

Sacred choral: They that Put their Trust in the Lord, SATB, 1946; A Festival Te Deum, SATB, org/orch, 1951; Te Deum and Jub, C, SATB, org, 1953; I Was Glad, SATB, 1955; Come and Let Yourselves be Built, SATB, org, 1961; Mag and Nunc dimittis, SATB, org, 1967; Sing Aloud unto God, SATB, org, 1968; Make a Joyful Noise unto the Lord, SS, org (1969); Songs of Zion (pss), SATB, 1978; O God, Ruler of the World, SATB, org, 1982; Trinity Blessed, SATB, 1987; Laudate Dominum, SATB, 1987; Jesu, Sweet Son Dear, carol, SATB, 1989

Secular vocal: 3 Songs of Innocence (W. Blake), Mez, str qt, 1932; 3 Chin. Songs, Mez, pf, 1943; 4 Romantic Songs (Lat., trans. H. Waddell), T, ob, str qt, 1950; 3 Pastorals (M. Webb), S, rec/fl, va, pf, 1951; Arr. 7 Scots Songs, medium v, pf, 1954; Spring Cant. (medieval Lat. verse, trans. Waddell, T. Nashe), Mez, chorus, orch, pf obbl 1955; Arr. 7 Trad. Scots Airs, medium v, pf, 1964; From the Book of Philip Sparrow (S. Skelton), Mez, str orch, 1969; Journeys and Places (E. Muir), Mez, str qt, db, 1970; Liebeslied (R.M. Rilke), Mez, pf, 1972 [after R. Strauss]; Versus from Ogden Nash, medium v, str/pf, 1978

Chbr and solo inst: Toccata alla marcia, org, 1937; Sonatina, vn, pf, 1938; Sonata, va, pf, 1947; Serenade, str trio, 1948; Serenade, hn, pf, 1951; Duo, vn, vc, 1953, rev. 1965; Sonata, vn, hpd/pf, 1956; 3 Preludes on Scottish Psalm Tunes, org, 1958; Elegy, org, 1968; 3 Lyric Pieces, pf, 1994; Rondeau des Oiseaux, rec/fl, 1994

Principal publishers: Anglo American, Bayley & Ferguson, Chappell, Hinrichsen, OUP, Paraclete Press

WRITINGS

‘Full Circle’, MT, cix (1968), 321–3

‘Hermiston’, MT, cxvi (1975), 700–02

Musical Chairs (London, 1998) [Autobiography]

BIBLIOGRAPHY

CC (I. Weir)

GroveO (H. Cole)

F. Aprahamian: ‘Full Circle’, Sunday Times (14 April 1968)

W. Mann: ‘Hermiston’,The Times (29 Aug 1975)

‘On the Razzle’, Neue Zűrcher Zeitung (9 July 1988)

J. Day: ‘Robin Orr at 80’, Centrepiece, [Cambridge] no.4 (1989), 7

C. Grier: ‘No Mean In-Between’, The Scotsman (11 Sept 1989)

PAUL GRIFFITHS/RODERIC DUNNETT

Orrego-Salas, Juan (Antonio)

(b Santiago, 18 Jan 1919). Chilean composer and musicologist. In 1943 he completed his composition studies with Pedro Allende and Domingo Santa-Cruz, and also took a diploma in architecture. He taught history at the Santiago Conservatory and conducted the Catholic University Choir, which he had founded in 1938. From 1944 to 1946 Rockefeller and Guggenheim grants enabled him to study in the USA: he studied composition with Thompson and Copland and musicology with Paul Henry Lang and George Herzog. He was then appointed professor of composition at the University of Chile (1947), editor of the Revista musical chilena (1949) and music critic for El mercurio (1950). After completing the degree of Profesor Extraordinario at the University of Chile (1953) he returned to the USA with a second Guggenheim Fellowship. Back in Chile he was for two years director of the Instituto de Extensión Musical and dean of the music department of the Catholic University. He moved again to the USA to found and direct the Latin American Music Center at Indiana University (1961–87), where he was involved in promoting Latin-American music through festivals, concerts, broadcasts and the compiling of the largest existing library of scores and recordings of 20th-century works from this area. In 1971 he received an honorary doctorate from the Catholic University, Santiago, and was accorded corresponding membership of the Chilean Academy of Fine Arts. He has won the Olga Cohen Prize twice (1956 and 1958) and a Biennial Chilean Music Festival Award three times. He received the Gabriel Mistral Prize in 1988 and the Chilean National Arts Prize in 1992. Works have been commissioned by leading institutions and ensembles, and his music has been widely performed.

A neo-classical craftsmanship, tempered by free invention, is characteristic of Orrego-Salas’s music. Formal procedures taken from all periods after the Middle Ages are used without strictness. Something of the variety in his output is demonstrated in the modal linearity of the Canciones castellanas op.20, the colourful instrumentation and energetic rhythm of the Sonata a 4 op.55, and the declamatory monody and concertante writing of the cantata América, no en vano invocamos tu nombre op.57. Since 1961, Orrega-Salas has allowed musical absolutes to permeate his music and play a role in the creation of through-composed forms. Through an architectural process which he describes as ‘minimalist’ he focusses the listener's attention on the most salient modules of a composition, thereby imparting an element of referentiality to ever-changing textures.

WORKS

(selective list)

Dramatic: Juventud (ballet) op.24, 1948; [after Handel: Solomon]

El retablo del rey Pobre (op-orat), 1950–52 [after ensaladilla by J. de Valdivielso]; Umbral del sueño (Impulsos) (ballet) op.30, 1951; La veta del diablo (film score), op.37, 1953; La caleta olvidada (film score), 1959; The Tumbler’s Prayer (El saltimbanqui) (ballet), op.48, 1960; Versos de ciego (incid music, L.A. Heiremans), 1961; Widows (Viudas) (op, prol, 3, Orrego-Salas, after A. Dorfman), op.101, 1990

Orch: Escenas de cortes y pastores, op.19, 1946; Obertura festiva, op.21, 1948; Sym no.1, op.46, 1949; Pf Conc. op.28, 1950; Sym. no.2 ‘To the Memory of a Wanderer’, op.39, 1954; Serenata concertante, op.40, 1954; Jubilaeus musicus, op.45, 1957; Sym. no.3, op.50, 1961; Concerto a 3, op.52, pf trio, orch, 1962; Concerto, op.53, wind, 1964; Sym. no.4 ‘Of the Distant Answer’, op.59, 1966; Variaciones serenas, op.69, str, 1971; Ob Conc., op.77, 1980; Vn Conc., op.86, 1984; Pf Conc. no.2, op.93, 1985; Riley's Merriment (Scherzo), op.94, a sax, pf, perc, orch, 1986; Fantasia, op.95, pf, wind orch, 1987; Fanfare, op.97, 1987; Vc Conc., op.104, 1992; Sym. no.5, op.109, 1995; Sinfonia in 1 movt ‘Semper reditus’, op.112, 1997

Choral: No lloreis mis ojos (L. de Vega), op.3, SATB, 1937, withdrawn; 2 Songs (G.M. de Jovellanos, G. Mistral), op.4, S, pf, 1938, withdrawn; 4 canciones corales (trad., St John of the Cross), op.6, SATB, 1942; Canto a lo Divino (trad.), op.7, SATB, 1942; Let down the bars, oh death (E. Dickinson), op.8, SATB, 1945; Romances pastorales (L. de Góngora y Argote), op.10, SATB, 1945; Cánones y rondas (trad.), children's chorus, 1946; Romance del señor don Gato (trad.), op.16, TTBB, 1946; Cánticos de Navidad (de Vega, Orrego-Salas), op.22, SSA, 1948; Alboradas (de Vega), op.56, SSA, hp, pf, perc, 1965; América, no en vano invocamos tu nombre (P. Neruda), op.57, S, Bar, male chorus, orch, 1966; 3 Madrigals (Sp. 15th century), op.62, 1967; Missa in tempore discordiae, op.64, T, SATB, orch, 1969; The Days of God (orat, after Bible: Genesis), op.73, S, A, T, B, chorus, orch, 1975; Un canto a Bolivar (Neruda), op.78, TTB, folk insts, 1981; Bolivar (Orrego-Salas), op.81, nar, SATB, orch, 1982; Lo que no digo, lo canto (Orrego-Salas), op.83, male vv, folk insts, 1982; La ciudad celeste (cant., Orrego-Salas, after Bible: Revelation), op.105, Bar, SATB, orch, 1992; The Goat that couldn't Sneeze (trad. Mexican tale), op.106, children's vv, chbr orch, 1992; 3 canticos sagrados, op.108, chbr chorus, fl, cl, hn, str qt, hp, perc, 1995; Himno a la Cordillera, op.113, SATB, orch, 1997

Chbr: 2 Pieces, op.1, vn, pf, 1936, withdrawn; Poem, op.5, fl, pf, 1938, withdrawn; Sonata, op.9, vn, pf, 1945, rev. 1964; Sonata a 2, op.11, vn, va, 1945; Conc. da camera, op.34, ww qt, 2 hn, hp, str, 1952; Sextet, op.38, cl, pf, str qt, 1954; Duos concertantes, op.41, vc, pf, 1955; Pastoral y scherzo, op.42, vn, pf, 1956; 2 divertimentos, opp.43–4, fl, ob, bn, 1956; Str Qt no.1, op.46, 1957; Concertino, op.54, brass qt, 1963; Sonata a 4 (Edgewood Sonata), op.55, fl, ob, hpd, db, 1964; Pf Trio, op.58, 1966; 4 liriche brevi, op.61, sax, pf, 1967; Mobili, op.63, va, pf, 1967; A Greeting Cadenza for William Primrose, op.65, va, pf, 1970; Volte, op.67, pf, 15 wind, hp, perc, 1971; Serenata, op.70, fl, vc, 1972; Sonata de estio, op.71, fl, pf, 1972; Presencias, op.72, fl, ob, cl, hpd, str trio, 1972; De Profundis, op.76, tuba, vc qt, 1979; Trio no.2, op.75, vn, vc, pf, 1977; Variations for a Quiet Man op.79, cl, pf, 1980; Tangos, op.82, 11 players, 1982; Balada, op.84, vc, pf, 1983; Glosas, op.91, vn, gui, 1984; For Young Violinists (Andantino), op.96, 1987; Gyrocantus, op.98, fl, cl, vn, vc, hpd, cel, perc, 1987; Midsummer Diversions, op.99, vc, tuba, 1987; Partita, op.100, a sax, vn, vc, pf, 1988; Diferencia del Retablo, op.102, 2 pf/pf 4 hands, 1991; 3 Fanfarrias, op.107, brass qnt, 1994; Str Qt no.2, op.110, 1996; Pf Qnt (Variations on themes of Schubert), 1997

Solo vocal: 2 Songs (Jovellanos, Mistral), op.4, S, pf, 1938, withdrawn; Canciones en 3 movimientos (G. Cruchaga), op.12, S, str qt, 1945; Cantata de Navidad (St John of the Cross, L. de Vega), op.13, S, orch, 1945; Song (C.G. Rossetti), op.15, A, pf, 1946; Canciones castellanas (M. de Santillana, G. Vicente, J. del Encina), op.20, S, fl, cl, eng hn, tpt, hp, perc, va, vc, 1948; Romancillo (F. de Borja), op.23, A, pf, 1948; Cantos de advenimiento (D. de la Vega, G. Mistral), op.25, S, vc, pf, 1948; El alba del Alhelí (R. Alberti), op.29, S, pf, 1950; Garden Songs (C. Benavente), op.47, S, fl, va, hp, 1959, rev. 1967; Alabanzas a la Virgen (J. de Valdivielso, other old Span.), op.49, S/T, pf, 1959; Psalms, op.51, reciter, wind orch, 1962; Words of Don Quixote, Bar, ens, 1970; Psalms (Bible) op.74, B, pf, 1977; Canciones en el estilo popular (Neruda), op.80, 1v, gui, 1981; Biografía mínima de Salvador Allende (D. Valjalo), op.85, 1v, tpt, gui, perc, San Diego, 1983; Cinco canciones a seis (20th-Century Sp. poets), op.87, Mez, 2 vn, cl, vc, pf, 1984; Ash Wednesday (cant., T.S. Eliot), op.88, Mez, str, 1984; Cancion de Cuna, op.103, S, gui, 1991

Solo inst: Minuetto, op.2, pf, 1937, withdrawn; Pf Suite no.1, op.14, 1946; Variaciones y fuga sobre un pregón, op.18, pf, 1946; 10 piezas simples para niños, op.31, pf, 1951; Pf Suite, op.32, 1951; Cancion y danza para niños, op.33, pf, 1951; Rústica, op.35, pf, 1952; Suite, op.36, bandoneon, 1952; Pf Sonata, op.60, 1967; Esquinas, op.68, gui, 1971; Dialogues in Waltz, op.89, pf 4 hands, 1984; Rondo-Fantasia, op.90, pf, 1984; Variations on a chant, op.92, hp, 1984

Principal publishers: Barry, Chester, Hargail, Instituto de Extensión Musical, Pan-American Union, Peer, C.F. Peters

WRITINGS

‘El empleo de la forma en la música de Soro’, RMC, no.30 (1948), 18–23

‘Los “Lieder” de Alfonso Leng’, RMC, no.54 (1957), 59–64

‘The Young Generation of Latin American Composers: Backgrounds and Perspectives’, Inter-American Music Bulletin, no.38 (1963), 1–10

‘Rol de la educación musical en las relaciones entre la creación artistica y el público’, RMC, nos.87–8 (1964), 46–56

‘The Acquisition of Latin American Books and Music’, Notes, xxii (1965–6), 1008–13

‘Araucanian Indian Instruments’, EthM, x (1966), 48–57

‘Heitor Villa-Lobos: figura, obra y estilo’, RMC, no.93 (1965), 25–62; Eng. trans. in Inter-American Music Bulletin, no.52 (1966) [whole issue]

ed. with G. List: Music of the Americas (Bloomington, 1967)

ed. : Music from Latin America Available at Indiana University: Scores, Tapes and Records (Bloomington, 1971)

‘Presencia de la arquitectura en mi música’, RMC, no.169 (1988–9), 5–20

‘El retablo del Rey Pobre Cuarenta Anos Después’, RMC, no.175 (1991), 57–71

‘Discurso de aceptación del Premio Nacional de Arte (1992)’, RMC, no.182 (1994), 11–13

‘Altazor y la Missa in tempore discordiae: reciprocidad de palabra y música’, RMC, no.182 (1994), 14–43

‘Los años cincuenta en Chile: una retrospectiva’, RMC, no.187 (1997), 42–5

Many other articles in Andean Monthly, Clave (Montevideo), Revista musical chilena, Tempo and Zig-Zag (Santiago)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

V. Salas Viú: La creación musical en Chile (1900–1951) (Santiago, 1951)

D. Santa-Cruz: ‘El concierto para piano en la obra de Orrego-Salas’, RMC, no.68 (1959), 39–42

L. Merino: ‘Visión del compositor Juan Orrego-Salas’, RMC, nos.142–4 (1978), 5–112

G.R. Benjamin: ‘Dramme per musica en las obras de Juan Orrego-Salas, opera 76–106’, RMC, no.182 (1994), 44–100

GERALD R. BENJAMIN

Orso [Celano], Francesco

(b Celano, nr L’Aquila; d ?Naples, after 1581). Italian composer and priest. In his Primo libro de’ madrigali (1567; ed. in SCMad, xxii, 1996) he is called ‘Don Francesco Orso da Celano’ on the title-page, and ‘Don Celano’ in the running heads. The little that is known of his career suggests connections with Naples. He dedicated the 1567 print to a member of the Neapolitan nobility, Don Hernando Alarcon, whom Kaufman identified as the fourth Marquis of the Valle Siciliana and Renda (the dedication is signed from Naples, 25 June 1567). He composed seven three-voice canzoni napoletane published by Scotto (1566⁹ and 1566¹⁰) under the name Don Francesco Celano. Documents place him in Naples in 1573 (when he witnessed a contract for Benedetto Serafico of Nardò), and in 1580–81 (when, as prior of the Celestine of S Pietro a Maiella in Naples, he was called before the inquisition; this document has not survived).

Orso’s Primo libro, published in Venice by Claudio Merulo, contains 12 madrigals: an eight-part canzone, a seven-part sestina, and ten other compositions. Orso was fond of word painting (for example, the playful use of mensuration in Un lauro mi difese). He also used chromaticism for text-expressive purposes: there are many instances of consecutive half-steps, quickly shifting, unanticipated harmonic changes, and chords built on B and F. Probably the most intriguing aspects of the print are the notational innovations he devised for the final madrigal in the volume, his two-part setting of Petrarch’s sonnet Il cantar nov’e’l pianger (referred to on the title page as ‘due madrigali cromatici nel fine’). As he explained in a letter to his readers (an interesting theoretical statement in its own right), Orso assumed a division of the tone into two equal semitones. He used three signs: sharp (in addition to the usual F, C, and G, he used D and A, and the enharmonic B for C and E for F), natural (‘bequadro’, only in connection with B) and flat (‘bemolle’, in connection with B and E). Another unusual feature is that he used letters to indicate a half-step down from a sharpened pitch to its usual place (e.g., ‘f’ to indicate F following an F and so forth, with the exception of B, for which he uses B rather than the letter ‘b’ which could obviously have been misunderstood). He also used ‘cumulative’ sharps, in which each notated sharp raises a pitch one half-step. Thus, three successive Gs are actually: G, A, B. In addition to the book of five-voice madrigals, Orso probably published a book of six-voice madrigals that has not survived (MischiatiI).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

L. Amabile: Il Santo Officio della Inquizione in Napoli (Città di Castello, 1892)

T. Kroyer: Die Anfänge der Chromatik im italienischen Madrigal des XVI. Jahrhunderts (Leipzig, 1902/R), 83ff

H.W. Kaufmann: ‘Francesco Orso da Celano, A Neapolitan Madrigalist of the Second Half of the Sixteenth Century’, Studi musicali, ix (1980), 219–69

H.W. Kaufmann: ‘Francesco Orso’s Commentary on the Chromatic Writing in his First Book of Madrigals (1567)’, Essays on J.S. Bach and Other Divers Subjects: a Tribute to Gerhard Herz, ed., R.L. Weaver (Louisville, KY, 1981), 156–64

K.A. Larson: The Unaccompanied Madrigal in Naples from 1536 to 1654 (diss., Harvard U., 1985), 293–302

J.A. Owens: Introduction to Il primo libro de’madrigali … con due madrigali cromatici nel fine (Venice, 1567), SCMad, xxii (1996)

JESSIE ANN OWENS

Ortakov, Dragoslav

(b Gevgelija, 22 April 1928). Macedonian musicologist and composer. He studied music in Skopje and at the academies in Zagreb (1951–2) and Belgrade (1952–5), and composition with Pierre Wissmer at the Schola Cantorum, Paris (1961). On his return to Skopje, he held appointments as professor at the Music School (1956–63), music critic for Radio Skopje (1963–4), director of the Folklore Institute and director of opera and ballet at the Macedonian National Theatre (1964–7). He taught at the University of Skopje (1966–88), where he established the musicology department and served as dean (1977–88). He took the doctorate at the university (1986) with a dissertation on Macedonian Ars Nova. His early research on Byzantine and Slavonic music included transcriptions of early chant found in manuscripts from religious foundations in Ohrid and elsewhere in Macedonia. He was among the first writers to consider folk music to be the basis for certain Slavonic chant melodies. Tracing the development of early chant, the rise of nationalism in the 19th century and notions of Macedonian musical identity in postwar Yugoslavia, Ortakov's research led to the first scholarly study of Macedonian art music (1982). As a writer, critic and editor over a long period for the journals Razgledi, Kulturen zhivot and Zvuk, his writings have also encompassed broad cultural issues relating to music and art in the Balkans. As a composer, Ortakov has written music in a wide variety of genres, ranging from chamber and orchestral works to film music. While early works such as Gudachki kvartet (1962) draw on folk melodies, his Eleorp '76 (1976) is among the earliest electronic music composed in Macedonia and reveals the influence of western European avant-garde music. Ortakov's interest in melodic and rhythmic variation is manifest in his significant output of vocal music, culminating in Zidari (1982), a song cycle for bass, clarinet, cello and piano.

WRITINGS

‘Création musicale macédonienne d'aujourd'hui’, Zvuk, nos.77–8 (1967)

‘La musica in Macedonia’, Quid, ii (1969)

‘Musica sacra in Macedonia, Gloria a San Cirillo’, Kulturen zhivot, xvi/2–3 (1971), 17–18

‘Kon prasanjata za potekloto i razvojnite linii na make dons koto crkovno peenje’ [The Origin and Lines of Development of Macedonian Chant], Makedonska muzika, ii (1979), 17–25

‘Nekoi prashanja za metro-ritmikata vo vizantisko-slovenskata duhovna muzika’ [Questions on the metro-rhythmics in Byzantine-Slavonic sacred music], Makedonska muzika, iii (1981), 37–42

Muzichkata umetnost vo Makedonija [Musical art in Macedonia] (Skopje, 1982)

‘Stremezhot kon objektivinot izraz vo vizantisko-slovenskata duhovna muzika’ [Towards an objective expression in Byzantine-Slavonic sacred music], Makedonska muzika, v (1984)

Works of Music for the Stage by Macedonian Composers (Skopje, 1985)

20 godini Fakultet sa muzichka umetnost [20 years of the Faculty of Music, Skopje] (Skopje, 1986)

Ars Nova Macedonica: osnovni estetichki procesi vo makedonskata umetnost od XIX vek so poseben osvrt vrz muzikata [Ars Nova Macedonica: basic aesthetic processes in Macedonian art of the 19th century, with particular reference to music] (diss., U. of Skopje, 1986)

‘Kon prashanjeto za hromatikata vo vizantisko-slovenskata muzika’ [The question of chromaticism in Byzantine-Slavonic music], Makedonska muzika, vi (1986)

ed., with I. Ivanovski and T. Skalovski: Makedonskiot Folklor vo umetnichkoto tvoreshtvo do 1945 godina [Macedonian folklore in the arts up to 1945] (Skopje, 1986)

ORHAN MEMED

Ortega, Sergio

(b Antofagasta, 2 Feb 1938). Chilean composer. At the age of 20 he abandoned architecture training for a career in music, studying composition with G.B. Schmidt and Roberto Falabella at the University of Chile. In 1969 he became a professor of composition there, taking over the artistic direction of the university television station the following year. Forced by political events to flee Chile in 1973, he settled in Paris, where he became director of the Ecole Nationale de Musique at Pantin.

Ortega's operas, songs, chamber music and film scores have been heard throughout Europe as well as in Chile. But he has reached his widest audience with his two political anthems Venceremos (‘We Shall Triumph’), composed in 1970 as the hymn for Salvador Allende's government, and El pueblo unido jamás será vencido (‘The People United will Never be Defeated’), written in May 1973 in protest against the growing right-wing movement in Chile. Political protest is also central to many of his operatic and vocal works; the writing of Pablo Neruda has proved a particular inspiration in this respect. His music incorporates atonal and other modernist techniques alongside a memorable lyricism, and draws on Chilean musical traditions, though rarely through the use of actual quotation and never merely for the sake of local colour.

WORKS

(selective list)

Ops: La dama del canasto (musical comedy, 1, I. Aguirre), Santiago de Chile, 1965; Splendor y muerte de Joaquín Murieta (chbr op), 1969, rev. version, Santiago, 1998; Un roi sans soleil (chbr op, M. Rio), Colmar, 1974; Les traces de tes mains (chbr op, C. Pöppelreiter, after P. Neruda), Berlin, 1980; Messidor (Adamante, G. Destal and Ortega), Argenteuil, 1988; Le Louis perdu (J. Gaucheron), Pantin, 1989; Les contes de la Révolution à Aubervilliers (F. Combes), Aubervilliers, 1989; Le dernier domineur (C. Monet), Chalon-sur-Saône, 1990

Chbr and solo inst: Sonata, vc, 1960; De la vida de cuartel, db, pf, 1963; Bajo un cielo cada vez mas blanco, fl, 1965; Umbrales, piezas para muñecos, pf, 1970; Nocturne, fl, va, vc, gui, 1971; Quirivan, vc, 1979, rev. 1983; Doloritas, brass qnt, 1980; Acoso y muerte de un hombre, str qt, 1983; El Alfarero, org, 1984; El monte y el río, pf trio, 1985; Récit d'un naufrage (G. García Márquez), spkr, 7 sax, 1990

Cants.: La fragua (Ortega), spkr, male chorus, chbr orch, 1972; Bernardo O'Higgins (Neruda), 6 solo vv, fl, gui, va, vc, db, pf, perc, 1978; Chant de rivalité (M. Rossi), 4 solo vv, tpt, synth, pf, db, perc, 1978; Les deux mères (Ortega), S, Mez, chorus, 2 fl, cl, archlute, vc, db, pf, 2 perc, 1986

Other vocal: Primeras noticias de mi muerte (M. Muñoz Lagos), Bar, 2 vn, 2 va, 2 vc, 1961; Soneto primitivo para un editorialista mercenario (P. Neruda), Bar, fl, db, pf, perc, 1962; Responso por el guerillero muerto (Neruda), S, 2 perc, 1967; Los cantos del capitán (Neruda), S, pf, 1982; Ballades pour la paix (E. Sanguineti), S, Bar, 2 spkrs, 12 insts, 1986, collab. F. Goldmann, H. Gramatges, K. Huber, L. Lombardi; Le prince heureux (after O. Wilde), S, cb, perc, 1990

Political anthems, incl. Venceremos, 1970; El pueblo unido jamás será vencido, 1973; incid music, film scores

BIBLIOGRAPHY

S. Ortega: ‘Meine Arbeit mit dem politischen Lied’, Arbeiterklasse und Musik (Berlin, 1977), 103–12

J.P. González: Chilean Musicians' Discourse of the 1980s: a Collective Poetics, Pedagogy and Socio-Aesthetics of Art and Popular Music (diss., UCLA, 1990)

DAVID MILLER

Ortega del Villar, Aniceto

(b Tulancingo, Hidalgo, 1825; d Mexico City, 17 Nov 1875). Mexican composer. A younger son of the littérateur and statesman Francisco Ortega (1793–1849), he entered the Seminario Conciliar at Mexico City in 1837, S Ildefonso seminary in 1840, and the School of Medicine in 1841, graduating in 1845. He had a distinguished career in medicine, and was also a founding member (1866) of the Sociedad Filarmónica Mexicana. At the Gran Teatro Nacional on 1 October 1867 a military band and 20 pianists united in a grandiose performance of his march, the Zaragoza (1863, published in 1867 as op.9 and dedicated to the hero who defeated the French on 5 May 1862), which became Mexico’s second national anthem. At the same concert were played his Potosina and Republicana marches. His opera in nine scenes Guatimotzin, setting a libretto by José Cuellar about the defence of Mexico by the last Aztec ruler Cuauhtémoc (?1502–25), had its première at the Gran Teatro Nacional on 13 September 1871, with Angela Peralta and Enrico Tamberlik in the leading roles. Although Ortega’s music for the supposedly Tlaxcalan tzotzopizahuac danced in the opera strongly recalls the third movement of Beethoven’s Seventh Symphony, the score as a whole later caused him to be hailed as a Mexican Glinka. His piano Invocación a Beethoven op.2, first performed in 1867 and published by Wagner & Levien, helped to initiate a vogue that culminated in the first Beethoven Festival at Mexico City in 1871. The same firm also published a number of his salon piano pieces.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

M. Domínguez: Obituary, Gaceta médica de México, x/23 (1 Dec 1875)

O. Mayer-Serra: Panorama de la música mexicana desde la independencia hasta la actualidad (Mexico City, 1941), 88–92, 138–46 [with musical examples]

O. Mayer-Serra: Música y músicos de Latinoamérica (Mexico City, 1947) [with bibliography]

R. Stevenson: Music in Mexico: a Historical Survey (New York, 1952/R), 203f, 209

G. Baqueiro Fóster: Historia de la música en México (Mexico City, 1964), 220–32

Diccionario Porrúa de historia, biografía y geografía (Mexico City, 3/1971), 1532

M. Kuss: ‘The “Invention” of America: Encounter Settings on the Latin American Lyric Stage’, RdMc, xvi (1993), 198–201

ROBERT STEVENSON

Ortells, Antonio Teodoro

(b Rubielos, c1650; d Valencia, 4 Nov 1706). Spanish composer. He was a choirboy at the Real Colegio del Corpus Christi in Valencia from 21 December 1657 until 8 May 1664, and taught the choirboys their dances for the Corpus Christi celebration of 1666. He was maestro at the parish church of S Andrés in Valencia and in about 1671 became maestro de capilla at Albarracín Cathedral. He returned to Valencia in 1674 as chaplain of the Colegio del Corpus Christi and his appointment as interim maestro de capilla there was confirmed on 22 June 1676. The following year he was made maestro de capilla of Valencia Cathedral. His duties were typical of those in similar positions, including conducting, composing and the instruction of choirboys; ill-health forced him to relinquish this last responsibility on 1 July 1704, and he died two years later.

Ortells was a dominant figure in Valencian music at the end of the 17th century. His skill as a composer was praised by Francesc Valls in his Respuesta … á la censura de Don Joachim Martínez (1716) and Mapa armónico (1742). His large output survives mainly in Valencia, at the cathedral and the Colegio del Corpus Christi, but works are distributed in a number of other Spanish archives (in E-Bc, E, LEc, MO, ORI, PAp and elsewhere). The Valencia Cathedral archive holds 296 works by Ortells – ten masses, eight Magnificat settings, 89 other Latin works and 189 villancicos with Castilian texts – and another 47 works are extant at the Colegio del Corpus Christi, including seven masses and four Magnificat settings. He also composed three oratorios for the Real Congregación de S Felipe Neri between 1702 and 1706, but only the texts survive (in E-VAc). Ortells was a master of the polychoral style, writing many of his pieces for eight to 12 voices divided into two or three choirs; often one choir is instrumental. He was not especially influenced by the growing interest in Italian music in Spain, but his music does show a certain harmonic daring, and his villancicos make considerable use of dance rhythms. His villancico Deliciosas auras (E-E) is for two choirs of four voices each with accompaniment parts for each choir. It is a fine example of the composer's sensitive text-setting and powerful use of chordal textures. A setting of the Lamentations for 12 voices has been published (ed. H. Eslava y Elizondo, Lira sacro-hispana, 2nd ser., i, Madrid, 1869).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

V. Ripollés: Preface to El villancico i la cantata del segle XVIII a València (Barcelona, 1935), pp.v, viiiff

J. Climent: ‘La música en Valencia durante el siglo XVII’, AnM, xxi (1966), 211–41, esp. 227

J. Piedra: ‘Maestros de capilla del Real colegio de Corpus Christi (Patriarca) (1662–1822)’, AnM, xxiii (1968), 61–127, esp. 71

A. Martín Moreno: Historia de la música española, iv: Siglo XVIII (Madrid, 1985)

PAUL R. LAIRD

Orthel, Léon

(b Roosendaal, North Brabant, 4 Oct 1905; d The Hague, 6 Sept 1985). Dutch composer and pianist. By 1921 he was already studying with Wagenaar. A state scholarship enabled him to continue his composition training with Juon and Sachs at the Berlin Musikhochschule (1928–9), after which he returned to Wagenaar for one year. He was professor of piano at The Hague Royal Conservatory (1941–71) and of composition at the Amsterdam Conservatory (1949–71). In the 1930s he strived for an independent voice, dissociating himself from the then current polytonal and atonal techniques; the results of this are evident in one of his most popular compositions, the Second Symphony (Sinfonia piccola) (1940). His music is at the same time light-hearted, rather French in vein (the sonatines for piano), and dramatic and brilliant, as in the Fourth Symphony (Sinfonia concertante) for piano and orchestra (1949) with its Rachmaninoff-like expressiveness. Orthel's chamber music and songs are more economically structured, a trait that can be followed in both his sonatas for cello and piano (1925, 1958) and his important series of Rilke songs, written between 1934 and 1980.

WORKS

(selective list)

Orch: Scherzo, op.10, pf, orch, 1927; Vc Conc., op.11, 1929; Concertino alla burla, op.12, pf, orch, 1930; Sym. no.1, op.13, 1933; Sym. no.2 (Sinfonia piccola), op.18, 1940; Sym. no.3, op.24, 1943; Sym. no.4 (Sinfonia concertante), op.32, pf, orch, 1949; Scherzo no.1, op.37, 1955; Scherzo no.2, op.38, 1957; Sym. no.5 (Musica iniziale), op.43, 1960; Sym. no.6, op.45, 1961; 3 movimenti ostinati, op.59, 1972; Tpt Conc., op.68, 1974; Album di disegni, op.81, 1977; Evocazione, op.83, 1977; Suite no.2, op.88, 1981; Muziek, op.89, db, orch, 1981; Vc Conc. no.2, op.95, 1984

Inst: Sonate no.1, op.5, vn, pf, 1924; Sonate no.1, op.6, vc, pf, 1925; Preludes, op.7, pf, 1925; Ballade, op.9, vc, pf, 1927; Sonate no.2, op.15, vn, pf, 1933; Epigrammen, op.17, pf, 1938; Sonatine no.3, op.28, pf, 1945; Sonatine no.4, op.36, pf, 1953; 5 études-caprices, op.39, pf, 1957; Sonate no.2, op.41, vc, pf, 1958; Str Qt, op.50, 1964; Sonate, op.52, va, pf, 1965; Otto abbozzi, op.57, fl, vc, pf, 1971; Org Sonata, op.66, 1973; 5 Bagatellen, op.67, hp, 1973; Petite suite, op.69, hp, 1974; Sonatine no.6, op.70, pf, 1974; Sonatine no.8, op.78, pf, 1975; Little Suite, op.79, vn, pf, 1977; 5 schizzetti, op.82, hp, 1977; Sonatine no.9, op.84, pf, 1977; Sonatine no.10, op.90, pf, 1981; Org Sonata no.2, op.91, 1981

Rilke Songs (mostly S, pf): op.16, 1934; op.25 (Nonnen-klage), 1943, arr. 1v, orch, 1947; op.26, 1943; op.30, 1946; op.33, 1951; op.51, 1965; op.53, 1966; op.54, Bar, pf, 1967; op.55, 1971; op.56, B, pf, 1971; op.61, 1972; op.62 (4 esquisses valaisannes), 1972; op.63 (6 quatrains valaisannes), 1972; op.65, 1973; op.74, 1975

Other vocal: 3 chansonnettes (A. Rimbaud), op.58, 1v, pf, 1972; 4 liederen (Nijhoff), op.64, 1v, cl, pf, 1972; Un martyre (C. Baudelaire), op.71, 1v, pf, 1974, arr. 1v, orch, 1975; 2 mélodies (Baudelaire), op.72, 1v, pf, 1975; 4 liedjes (Bloem), op.75, Bar, pf, 1975; Vijf liederen (Slauerhoff), Bar, pf, 1982

Principal publisher: Donemus

BIBLIOGRAPHY

W. Paap: ‘Vierde symfonie van Léon Orthel’, Mens en melodie, v (1950), 411–12

J. Wouters: ‘Léon Orthel: Piccola sinfonia’, Sonorum speculum, no.6 (1961), 20–25

J. Geraedts: ‘Léon Orthel: Scherzo nr. 2’, Sonorum speculum, no.25 (1965), 20–23

ROGIER STARREVELD/LEO SAMAMA

Orthochronic notation.

A form of notation in which the shapes of the notes indicate the durational relationships between notes. See Notation, §III, 4(i).

Orthros

(Gk.: ‘daybreak’).

A morning Office in the Greek Orthodox Church, equivalent to Matins and Lauds of the Roman rite. Together with Hesperinos, the evening Office, it is one of the principal hours in both the urban and monastic rites.

The origins of the morning Office lie in the all-night vigils of the early Christians, particularly in respect of the recitation of canticles and psalms. The singing of some of the fixed psalms, for example, Psalms l and cxlviii–cl and the ‘hexapsalmos’ (see below), is attested as early as the 5th century. In the 6th century differences began to emerge in the chanting of the Byzantine Offices in monasteries and urban churches: Orthros as celebrated in the urban rite of Hagia Sophia at Constantinople was restricted to prayers, canticles and psalms with a variety of refrains; the monastic rite, influenced by the Palestine tradition, came to be characterized by the addition of stichēra and the singing of the Kanōn. By the beginning of the 13th century, however, these different ways of celebrating Orthros and the other Offices had gradually merged into a single ‘mixed’ rite.

The melodies for the Ordinary chants of Orthos are generally contained in the Akolouthiai manuscripts, which date from the beginning of the 14th century; the music for the Proper chants is supplied from older liturgical books, such as the Stichērarion, the Heirmologion and the psaltikon (Kontakarion). Recitation of the full set of chants at Orthros in its most developed form was restricted to Sundays and important feasts. The order is as follows:

(i) Troparia (see Troparion): psalm refrains sung at the beginning and end of the Office, after the ‘Morning Gospel’ and the third canticle of the kanōn. The rarity of troparia (or kathismata) melodies in notated manuscripts suggests that they were usually transmitted orally.

(ii) The ‘hexapsalmos’: a group of six psalms, beginning with Psalm iii and ending with Psalm cxlii.10b.

(iii) The Theos kyrios: a verse of Psalm cxvii (27a) sung as a refrain to other selected verses of that psalm. Its musical style is that of moderately embellished psalmody and it concludes with the troparion of the day. On weekdays and during Lent the Theos kyrios is replaced by a triple allēlouia sung to simple melodies that are distinct from those chanted in the Divine Liturgy. A series of short troparia honouring the Trinity is regularly sung with this triple allēlouia.

(iv) The polyeleos (Gk.: ‘many times mercy’): a series of verses from Psalms cxxxiv–cxxxv ending with an allēlouïa refrain. The chant is found in a number of different versions in the manuscripts. Some of its melodies are followed by designations such as ‘as sung in Constantinople and all over the world’, ‘as sung in Thessaloniki’, ‘monastic’ or ‘Latrinos’; others have single verses ascribed to composers of the 14th and 15th centuries, for example, Joannes Koukouzeles, Xenos korones and Demetrios Dokeianos. Although most verses belong to the kalophonic style (see Kalophonic chant and Byzantine chant §12), a few carry the designation palaion (‘old’ or ‘traditional’).

(v) The amōmos: Psalm cxviii, sung on Saturdays and replacing the polyeleos on Sundays in Lent. Like the polyeleos, it is found in several versions, each consisting of a series of selected psalm verses, and its melodies are generally in the kalophonic style, with each verse ascribed to a different composer or locality.

(vi) The anabathmoi: a set of three or four troparia in each mode. They were originally designed to be sung with the gradual psalms (cxix–cxxx and cxxxii), from which they incorporate textual and melodic quotations. Because the anabathmoi were transmitted from the 11th century as ‘antiphons’ in the oktōēchos section of the stichēraria, they provide valuable evidence about the Byzantine psalm tones before the appearance of the akolouthiai manuscripts in the early 14th century. Such evidence possibly dates back to the late 8th century (see Strunk, 1960).

(vii) A Prokeimenon: a responsorial chant based on selected psalm verses and sung before the reading of the ‘Morning Gospel’. The akolouthiai manuscripts contain a set of prokeimena (concluding with Psalm cl.6) in each of the eight modes. All the prokeimena are set in simple psalmodic style, except for one (for Orthros on Sundays), which is in a florid style and is transmitted in the psaltikon manuscripts with the prokeimena for Hesperinos.

(viii) The pentēkostos: Psalm l, sung after the reading of the ‘Morning Gospel’. On important feasts it is performed antiphonally and with a concluding troparion or stichēron.

(ix) The Kanōn: a series of poetic strophes combined with the recitation of the nine biblical canticles. Melodies for the kanōnes are transmitted in the heirmologion. Inserted into the kanōn after the sixth canticle is the kontakion.

(x) A Kontakion. Originally polystrophic in form, it was eventually reduced to the proem and first stanza alone. The earliest extant melismatic melodies for the kontakia are contained in psaltikon manuscripts dating from the end of the 12th century; syllabic melodies for the proems, however, appear only sporadically in sources from the 13th century onwards and are usually found with a collection of model stanzas for troparia.

(xi) An exaposteilarion: a short chant following the kanōn. Melodies for the exaposteilaria are similar in style to those of the troparia and are transmitted only in a small number of stichēraria dating from the 11th century onwards. The 11 exaposteilaria for Sundays, which are written in a metre of 15 syllables per line, are traditionally ascribed to Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogennetus (reigned 908–59).

(xii) Hoi ainoi: ‘Lauds’ psalms (cxlviii–cl), performed on Sundays and feasts with stichēra interpolated between the final verses. According to the akolouthiai manuscripts their melodies are in simple psalmodic style, similar to that of the Kyrie ekekraxa chanted at Hesperinos.

(xiii) The heōthinon (Gk:. ‘morning stichēron’): a set of 11 chants, each written over one of the 11 ‘Morning Gospels’ on the Resurrection, sung with the final doxology of hoi ainoi on Sundays. The heōthina, which are traditionally ascribed to Emperor Leo VI (reigned 886–912), are considerably more elaborate in their musical style than most other stichēra.

(xiv) The Doxa en hypsistois Theō (Gloria in excelsis Deo): the chant following hoi ainoi. Although no completely notated melody for the Byzantine Doxa survives, the manuscripts sometimes contain neumations for the incipit, and occasionally longer portions of the text or quotations within other chants, thus providing some idea of the variety of ways in which the Doxa was sung.

(xv) The Trisagion: sung before the final troparion (apolytikion). The earliest notated melodies appear in the 13th-century asmatikon manuscripts. However, a number of different Trisagion melodies, most of them set in the Byzantine modes on G (2nd authentic, 2nd and 4th plagal), are notated in the 14th-century akolouthiai manuscripts.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

F. Mercenier and F. Paris: La prière des églises de rite byzantin, i (Chevetogne, 1937)

O. Strunk: ‘The Byzantine Office at Hagia Sophia’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, ix–x (1956), 175–202

O. Strunk: ‘The Antiphons of the Oktoechos’, JAMS, xiii (1960), 50–67

M.M. Morgan: ‘The Musical Settings of Psalm 134: the Polyeleos’, Studies in Eastern Chant, iii, ed. M. Velimirović (Oxford, 1973), 112–23

D. Conomos: Byzantine Trisagia and Cheroubika of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries (Thessaloniki, 1974)

D. Touliatos-Banker: ‘The Byzantine Orthros’, Byzantina, ix (1977), 324–83

D. Touliatos-Banker: The Byzantine Amomos Chant of the 14th and 15th Centuries (Thessaloniki, 1984)

R. Taft: The Liturgy of the Hours in East and West (Collegeville, MN, 1986)

E. Toncheva: ‘The “Latrinos” Settings of the Polyeleos (Psalm 135): the Typological Problems of the Late Byzantine Psalmody’, Cantus Planus VI: Éger 1993, 473–92

C. Troelsgård: ‘The Exaposteilaria Anastasima with Round Notation in MS Athos, Ibērōn 953’, Studi di musica bizantina in onore di Giovanni Marzi, ed. A. Doda (Lucca, 1995), 15–28

For further bibliography see Byzantine chant

CHRISTIAN TROELSGÅRD

Ortigue, Joseph (Louis) d’

(b Cavaillon, 22 May 1802; d Paris, 20 Nov 1866). French critic and writer on music. He studied music first under H.S. Blaze and his son (Castil-Blaze), then went to Aix-en-Provence to study law, where he also played second violin in quartet performances by amateurs who styled themselves Beethovenistes(as opposed to Rossinistes). During his probation as a lawyer in Paris in 1827 he began to write for the Mémorial catholique and soon after he decided to become a music critic. His first brochure, De la guerre des dilettanti (1829), set the tone for his criticism which often led to confrontations, namely with Fétis. In the same year his first article on Berlioz appeared in Le correspondant. He was to remain a close friend and ardent promoter of Berlioz all his life, although he disagreed with him on religious music. He also wrote the first Berlioz biography (Revue de Paris, December 1832, repr. in Le balcon de l’Opéra, 1833), known wrongly as the ‘autobiography’ since Berlioz merely contributed a sketch (less than half the final text).

In 1830 d’Ortigue, a liberal Catholic, spent six months studying with the controversial Abbé Lamennais, who later introduced him to Liszt (whose first biography he published in the Gazette musicale, 1835) and invited him to help write the third volume of his Esquisse d’une philosophie devoted to aesthetics. In 1837 d’Ortigue was commissioned to research music manuscripts in the Bibliothèque Royale and he collected material for his major work, the Dictionnaire liturgique, historique et théorique de plain-chant (1853). For nearly 30 years he devoted himself to the study of plainsong and religious music, advocated a reform of church music in various publications including La maîtrise, which he founded with Niedermeyer (1857–60), the Journal des maîtrises, which he founded with Félix Clément (1862), and through a congress for the restoration of plainsong which he organized in 1860.

D’Ortigue eventually contributed more than 700 articles to over 40 periodicals, an output comparable to that of Berlioz. He deputized for Berlioz as music critic for the Journal des débats, and eventually succeeded him early in 1864. A few months earlier he had also become chief editor of Le ménestrel. His writings include a novel (La Sainte-Baume, 1834) in which some chapters are introduced by musical quotes. He published a Messe sans paroles (Paris, 1864), a piece for organ and a few songs.

WRITINGS

all published in Paris

De la guerre des dilettanti, ou De la révolution opérée par M. Rossini dans l’opéra françois, et des rapports qui existent entre la musique, la littérature et les arts (1829)

Le balcon de l’Opéra (1833)

La Sainte-Baume (1834)

De l’école musicale italienne et de l’administration de l’Académie royale de musique à l’occasion de l’opéra de M. H. Berlioz (1839, 2/1840 as Du théâtre italien et de son influence sur le goût musical françois)

Abécédaire du plain-chant (1841)

Dictionnaire liturgique, historique et théorique de plain-chant et de musique de l’église, au Moyen-Age et dans les temps modernes (1853/R)

Introduction à l’étude comparée des tonalités et principalement du chant grégorien et de la musique moderne (1853) [articles ‘Philosophie’ and ‘Tonalité’ from the Dictionnaire]

Aperçu sommaire de la littérature et de la bibliographie musicale en France (1855)

with L. Niedermeyer: Traité théorique et pratique de l’accompagnement du plain-chant (1857; Eng. trans., 1905)

La musique à l’église (1861)

Articles on Adam, Baillot, Berlioz, Chopin, Cramer, Czerny, David, dominante, Donizetti, Duport, Duprez, Erard, Farinelli, Fétis, Rossini, in the Dictionnaire de la conversation et de la lecture (1870)

Articles and reviews in over 40 journals, incl. L’avenir, Le correspondant, Le courrier de l’Europe, L’ère nouvelle, La France catholique, La France musicale, Journal de Paris, Journal des débats, Journal des jeunes personnes, Journal des maîtrises, Mémorial catholique, Le ménestrel, Le national, L’opinion publique, La quotidienne, Revue de musique ancienne et moderne, Revue de Paris, Revue des deux-mondes, Revue et gazette musicale de Paris, Revue européenne, Le temps, L’univers religieux, L’université catholique

BIBLIOGRAPHY

FétisB

C.-F.-H. Barjavel: Dictionnaire historique, biographique et bibliographique du département de Vaucluse (Carpentras, 1841)

J.L. Heugel: Obituary,Le ménestrel (25 Nov 1866)

A. de Pontmartin: Obituary,Revue de Paris (10 Dec 1866)

M. Barber: ‘Joseph d’Ortigue’, Mémoires de l’Académie de Vaucluse, 2nd ser., xviii (1918), 273–98 [with list of works]

H. Berlioz: Correspondance générale, ed. P. Citron (Paris, 1972–95)

J.-M. Bailbé: ‘La Sainte-Baume’, Cahiers mennaisiens, v (1975), 20–28

S. L’Écuyer Lavoix: ‘Joseph d’Ortigue et la linguistique de la musique’, Etudes littéraires, xv/1 (1982), 11–31

S. L’Écuyer: La vie et l’oeuvre de Joseph d’Ortigue (1802–1866): critique musical (diss., U. Laval, 1992)

S. L’Écuyer: Joseph d’Ortigue, critique musical: biographie et textes choisis (1827–1846) (Paris, 1999)

SYLVIA L’ÉCUYER

Ortiz, Cristina

(b Bahia region, 7 April 1950). Brazilian pianist. After early studies in Rio de Janeiro she won a fellowship to work with Magda Tagliaferro in Paris. At the age of 19 she won first prize in the 1969 Van Cliburn Competition, and after further coaching and advice from Rudolf Serkin commenced an intensive international career, making her New York début in 1971 and her London début (playing Rachmaninoff’s First Concerto with the LSO and Previn in 1973). Her exceptionally wide-ranging repertory extends from standard classics to more exotic fare, notably the music of her native Brazil. Early recordings of music by, among others, Alfredo Vianna, Guarnieri and Oscar Lorenzo Fernandez testified to a natural sympathy for this repertory, later confirmed in discs of works by Villa-Lobos (including the five piano concertos). Ortiz’s engaging fluency is also heard to advantage in recordings of music by Constant Lambert, Dohnányi, Shostakovich and Prokofiev, and in an album devoted to music inspired by children (Debussy, Kabalevsky, Khachaturian, Mompou etc.). She has appeared with many of the world’s leading orchestras and conductors and is also an experienced and sympathetic chamber musician.

BRYCE MORRISON

Ortiz, Diego

(b Toledo, c1510; d ?Naples, c1570). Spanish theorist and composer. He was at Naples by 10 December 1553, when he dedicated his Trattado de glosas to the Spanish nobleman Pedro de Urríes, Baron of Riesi (Sicily). This work appeared simultaneously in Spanish and in an Italian version full of hispanicisms suggesting that Ortiz served as his own translator. If so, he must already have spent an extended period in the part of Italy under Spanish rule.

By February 1558 Ortiz was maestro de capilla of the viceregal chapel maintained at Naples by Fernando Alvarez de Toledo, 3rd Duke of Alba and Spanish Viceroy from 1556 to 1558. In 1565 he was still maestro de capilla to the conservative Pedro Afán de Rivera, Duke of Alcalá, Alvarez de Toledo's successor as Spanish Viceroy (1559–71) to whom he dedicated his Musices liber primus. A book of masses promised in the preface to this work never appeared.

The Trattado de glosas, or ‘treatise on the ornamentation of cadences and other types of passage in the music of viols’, is the first printed ornamentation manual for the player of bowed string instruments. It teaches neither how to improvise nor how to add ornamentation at sight, but provides numerous written-out ornaments fitting exactly prescribed time limits. The player is told in book 1 to inspect the dozen or more ornamented variants provided after each simple cadence or passage, to choose the most apt and to write it into his part at the appropriate place. The accidentals shown in the simple cadence are to be retained in whatever ornamented variant the player selects. The second book begins with four solo recercadas (studies) for bass viol, followed by six recercadas on the bass La spagna in which agile tenor-clef counterpoints for violón are accompanied by keyboard harmonizations of the theme. Next come four recercadas (ornamented versions) of Arcadelt's four-voice madrigal O felici occhi miei for viol and keyboard, followed by four of Pierre Sandrin's four-part chanson Douce mémoire. Book 2 concludes with eight recercadas for bass viol and keyboard over passamezzo basses. Neither book quotes any distinctively Iberian air. Ortiz's preoccupation with bowed rather than plucked instruments contrasted with contemporary Spanish preference. The sole 16th-century peninsular manuscript that cites his ornamentation formulae is a Portuguese keyboard source (P-C Mus.242), not a Spanish viol source.

The hymns, psalms, Salves and alternatim Magnificat settings of Ortiz's Musices liber primus, for four to seven voices, are without exception based on plainsong. Although one setting of Pange lingua gloriosi quotes a Spanish chant, few other native traits are evident in the collection. His use of accidentals (the same note may be unaltered in one verse and sharpened in the next) agrees with Infantas's treatment of plainsong cantus firmi in Plura modulationum genera (1579). In his dedication Ortiz encouraged the Spanish predilection for accompanying sacred polyphony with instruments. In his preface he referred to Ockeghem, Josquin Des Prez and Mouton as the ‘true doctors of music’, a view in accord with the conservative style of his compositions, which show the distinctive influence of Morales.

A five-part funeral motet, Pereat dies (ed. H. Eslava in Lira sacro-hispana, Madrid, 1869), is not in the book of 1565 and may be by another Ortiz, like the three long six-part motets of I-Rvat C.S.24, copied in 1545. Vicente Lusitano, the probable author of an anonymous treatise (ed. in Collet), mentioned a Missa ‘L'homme armé’ by ‘Ortiz’. Two intabulations in Valderrábano's Silva de sirenas (1547) are ascribed in that collection not to Diego but to Miguel Ortiz.

WORKS

Trattado de glosas sobre clausulas y otros generos de puntos en la musica de violones (Rome, 1553; also pubd in It. as: Glose sopra le cadenze et altre sorte de punti in la musica del violone); ed. M. Schneider (Kassel, 1967)

Musices liber primus hymnos, Magnificas, Salves, motecta, psalmos (Venice, 1565); ed. in Borrowdale

BIBLIOGRAPHY

StevensonSCM

H. Collet: Le mysticisme musical espagnol au XVIe siècle (Paris, 1913)

R.J. Borrowdale: The ‘Musices Liber Primus’ of Diego Ortiz, Spanish Musician (diss., U. of Southern California, 1952)

P.G. Strassler: Hymns for the Church Year, Magnificats, and Other Sacred Choral Works of Diego Ortiz (diss., U. of North Carolina, 1966)

H.M. Brown: Embellishing Sixteenth-Century Music (London, 1975)

J. González López: ‘Diego Ortiz en su época: recercadas, tientos, fantasías’, Nassarre: revista aragonesa de musicología, vi (1990), 195–205

R. Stevenson: ‘Spanish Polyphonists in the Age of the Armada’, Inter-American Music Review, xii/2 (1992), 17–114, esp. 44–6

ROBERT STEVENSON

Ortiz (Fernández), Fernando

(b Havana, 16 July 1881; d Havana, 10 April 1969). Cuban ethnomusicologist, lawyer, ethnologist and writer. He spent his childhood in Minorca and studied law at the universities of Havana, Barcelona and Madrid, where he took the doctorate in 1901. After working in the Cuban diplomatic service (1903–9) he taught political science and law (1909–18) and later Cuban ethnography at the University of Havana. His interest in musicology dated from his early student years; he was self-taught in music, and became an authority on Cuban folk music and folklore, making outstanding contributions to Cuban ethnomusicology during a period of some 50 years. His interests were particularly in the Afro-Cuban tradition. He edited several periodicals, such as Revista bimestre cubana (1911), and founded others, such as Archivos del folklore cubano, Estudios afrocubanos and Ultra. He also founded the Society of Cuban Folklore, the Society of Afro-Cuban Studies, was president of the Academy of Cuban History and after the 1959 Cuban Revolution was made a member of the National Commission of the Academy of Sciences. His numerous publications all deal with Cuban studies; his music research primarily concerns Afro-Cuban musical instruments, traditional religious music repertories, and the study of African aspects of Cuban music.

WRITINGS

Los negros brujos (Madrid, 1906)

Los negros esclavos (Havana, 1916)

Los Cabildos afrocubanos (Havana, 1921)

Glosario de afronegrismos (Havana, 1924, 2/1991)

‘El estudio de la música afrocubana’, Musicalia, i (1928–9), 115, 169

‘La música sagrada de los negros Yorubá en Cuba’, Estudios afrocubanos, ii (1928), 89

‘De la música afrocubana: un estímulo para su estudio’, Universidad de Habana, i (1934), 111

La ‘clave’ xilofónica de la música cubana (Havana, 1935/R)

‘La música sagrada de los negros Yorubá en Cuba’, Ultra, iii/13 (1937), 77

‘Afro-Cuban Music’, Inter-American Quarterly, i/3 (1939), 66

‘Preludios étnicos de la música afro-cubana’, Revista bimestre cubana (1947), no.49, p.5; no.50, p.123; (1948), no.51, p.41, no.52, p.131; (1949), no.53, p.63, no.54, p.87

‘La música y los areítos de los indios de Cuba’, Revista de arqueología y etnología, iii/6–7 (1948), 115

‘La música de las tumbas’, Bohemia [Havana], xli (1949), no.4, pp.22, 93, 98, 106; no.6, pp.20, 90, 97

La africanía de la música folklórica de Cuba (Havana, 1950, 2/1965)

‘Cuban Drumbeat’, Américas, ii/11(1950), 6

‘El kinfuiti: un tambor para “jalar” muertos’, Bohemia [Havana], xlii (1950), 20

‘El güiro de moyubá o jobá’, Homenaje al doctor Alfonso Caso (Mexico City, 1951), 299

Los bailes y el teatro de los negros en el folklore de Cuba (Havana, 1951, 2/1981)

Los instrumentos de la música afrocubana (Havana, 1952–5/R)

‘La música afrocubana’, RMC, no.43 (1952), 13–17

‘La transculturación blanca de los tambores de los negros’, Archivos venezolanos de folklore, i (1952), 235

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Miscelánea de estudios dedicados a Fernando Ortiz (Havana, 1955–7) [incl. articles on Ortiz by B. Becerra Bonet, I. Castellanos, A. Iduarte, J. Price Mars]

J. Comas and B. Becerra: ‘La obra escrita de Don F. Ortiz’, Inter-American Review of Bibliography, vii (1957), 347–71

A. Garcis-Carranza, ed: Bio-bibliografia de Don Fernando Ortiz (Havana, 1970)

R. Moore: “Representations of Afrocuban Expressive Culture in the Writings of Fernando Ortiz”, Latin American Music Review, 15:i (1994), 32–54

GERARD BÉHAGUE

Ortiz, Gabriela

(b Mexico City, 20 Dec 1964). Mexican composer. She graduated in composition (1990) from the Escuela Nacional de Música, where she studied under Ibarra; she also took classes there in analysis and composition with Lavista (1985–90). She went on to study in England with Saxton, as well as attending courses at London Contemporary Dance Theatre (1992), Dartington International Summer School (1992) and Darmstadt (1994). Her works have been performed widely and commissions include Altar de muertos (1996) for the Kronos Quartet.

Ortiz’s music, for the most part conventionally notated, combines a free use of tonality with references to traditional and popular styles, rock, African and Afro-Caribbean music. These are particularly evident in the rich rhythmic nature of works such as Altar de neón and Concierto candela for percussion and orchestra. Her experimental electro-acoustic pieces have led to a more complex manipulation of sounds.

WORKS

Dance scores: Hacia la deriva, 1989; Eve and all the rest, 1991; Errant maneuvers, 1993

Orch: Patios, 1989; Concierto candela, solo perc, orch, 1993; Altar de neón, perc qt, chbr orch, 1995; Zocalo-Bastille, vn, perc, orch, 1996

Chbr and solo inst: Danza, prep pf, 1984; Patios serenos, pf, 1985; Divertimento, cl, 1986; Str Qt no.1, 1987; Huítzitli, ganassi s rec, 1989, pic, rev. 1993 Apariciones, ww qnt, str qnt, 1990; Elegía, 4 S, fl, vn, va, vc, db, perc, hp, 1991; En pares, 2 fl, 2 cl, 2 tpt, 2 hn, perc, 2 vn, 2 vc, db, hp, 1992; 5 pa’2, gui, fl, 1995; Río de las mariposas, 2 hp, steel drum, 1995; Atlas-Pumas, vn, mar, 1995

El-ac: Magna Sin, steel drum, tape, 1992; 5 Micro Etudes, tape, 1992; Things like that happened, vc, tape; El trompo, vib, tape, 1994; Altar de muertos, str qt, tape, 1996

Other works: Music for sculptures, 1989 [for works by E. Osterwalder]

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Y. Moreno: La composición en México en el siglo XX (México, 1994)

RICARDO MIRANDA-PÉREZ

Ortiz (Alvarado), William

(b Salinas, 30 March 1947). Puerto Rican composer. He studied composition with Campos-Parsi and Veray at the Puerto Rico Conservatory of Music (BMus 1976), continuing with Billy Jim Layton and Arel at SUNY, Stony Brook (MA 1978). His doctorate in composition followed studies with Lejaren Hiller and Morton Feldman at SUNY, Buffalo (PhD 1983). He was assistant director of Black Mountain College II (1982–), and in 1986 was appointed a teacher at the Bayamón campus of the University of Puerto Rico.

A great deal of Ortiz's music is associated with the ‘street music’ of the Latino and black sections of the great US urban centres, principally New York City, where he lived during much of his youth. This ‘urban-folk’ usage, often evoking the style and the spirit of youthful street-corner gatherings, reflects Ortiz's vision of his music as the ‘violent beauty of urban life: the expression of the shouts in the street – those that are felt, that are muffled’. His expressed intention was to ‘convert the language of the street into a legitimate instrument’, a goal realized to a great extent in such works as Street Music (1980) and Graffiti Nuyorican (1983). Ortiz's palette has more recently expanded to embrace a broader range of stylistic references, including insular Puerto Rican and generalized Caribbean allusions; characteristic of this broader vision is his Suspensión de soledad en tres tiempos (1990).

Ortiz has actively participated in international congresses since early in his career, and has received commissions from such organizations as the Guitar Society of Toronto, the Puerto Rico SO, the New York State Council on the Arts, Seton Hall University and the National Association of Puerto Rican Composers.

WORKS

(selective list)

Op: Rican (bilingual street op, W. Ortiz), 1986, American Opera Projects, New York, 8 June 1991

Orch: Kantuta, ritual, orch, 1976; Antillas, 1981; Resonancia esférica, 1982; Llegó la banda, 1984; Joceo, str, 1987; Pasacalle, band, 1988; Concierto de metal para un recuerdo, brass, metal perc, 1989; Suspensión de soledad en tres tiempos, 1990

Vocal: 9 poemas Zen, S, T, fl, gui, 1975; Canto: 28 de septiembre, S, pf, 1975; 3 Songs from El Barrio, Bar, pf, 1977; Elegía a los inocentes caidos, SATB, orch, 1978; A capella, 4vv, 1983; Madrigal, Ct, T, B, 1984; A Delicate Fire, A, gui, 1986; Mano de hielo, A, gui, 1987; Romance, boy S/S, gui, 1988, arr. chorus, 1988; Unknown Poets from the Full-Time Jungle, S, pf, 1992

Chbr: Str Qt no.1, 1976; Suite, Tercer mundo, fl, rec, 2 gui, perc, 1977; Música, 2 vc, fl, cl, 1978; Rumbo, vc, pf, 1980; Street Music, fl, trbn, 2 perc, 1980; Cool Breeze, fl, bn, cl, 1982; Graffiti Nuyorican, perc, pf, 1983; Housing Project, sax qt, 1985; Bolero and Hip-Hop on Myrtle Avenue, ob, pf, 1986; Str Qt no.2, 1987; Caribe urbano, fl, ob, cl, hn, pf, 1990; A Sensitive Mambo in Transformation, elec gui, synth, drumset, elec db, 1991; Obra pública, wind qnt, 1992; Loasisai, b cl, mar, 1993; Trío concertante en tres realidades, vn, va, vc, 1995

Perc: Tamboleo, 1972; 124 E. 107th Street, 6 perc, tape, nar/actor, 1979; Bembé, 4 perc, 1981; Urbanización, 1985; Palm Tree in Spanglish Figurines, timp, 1987; Rapeo, snare drum, 1988; Eco pare un grito gris, mar, 1994

Pf: 4 piezas, 1974; Montuno, 1981; Del tingo al tango, 1984; Danza pare Rhonda, 1986; Mulata fantasía, 1987; Bella Aleyda, 1989

Gui: 3 fragmentos, gui, 1973; Pavana, gui/pf, 1977; Dualidad, 2 gui, 1979; Síntesis, gui, tape, 1979; Piezas típicas puertorriqueñas, 2 gui, 1981; Toque, 4 gui, 1981; Abrazo, 4 gui, 1984; Fotografía de Méctor, 1997

Tape: Composición electrónica, 1978; 3 estudios, computer, 1979

Principal publishers: American Composers Editions, A M Percussion, Instituto de Cultura Puertorriqueña, North/South, Quadrivium Music, Smith Publ.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

D. Thompson: ‘Contemporary String Music from Puerto Rico’, American String Teacher, xxxiv/1 (1984), 37–41

‘La musica contemporanea en Puerto Rico’, RMC, xxxviii (1984), 110–17

C. Aharonián: ‘Die gewaltsame Schönheit des urbanen Lebens’, Musiktexte, no.61 (1995), 33–4

DONALD THOMPSON

Ortiz de Zárate, Domingo

(b c1650; d after 1704). Spanish friar and composer. From early 1673 he lived at the Augustinian friary in Madrid and for eight years carried on an active correspondence with his teacher Miguel de Irízar, maestro de capilla of Segovia Cathedral from 1671 to 1684. From 1702 until at least 1704 Ortiz de Zárate was maestro de capilla of the Mercedarian convent, Madrid. His letters contain much valuable information about the state of contemporary Spanish music; they reveal the wide use of villancicos, the difficulty of finding appropriate texts, the emphasis placed on high voices and the increasing vogue of music for ten or more parts. The compositions and activities of various Madrid musicians, including Juan Hidalgo, Cristóbal Galán, Mathías Ruiz, Carlos Patiño and Juan del Vado, are also mentioned. Three eight-part villancicos by him (one with an obbligato part for clarion) are in manuscript (D-Mbs).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

J.J. Maier: Die musikalischen Handschriften der K. Hof- und Staatsbibliothek in Muenchen (Munich, 1879), 102–3

J. López-Calo: ‘Corresponsales de Miguel de Irízar’, AnM, xviii (1963), 197–222, esp. 198

Catálogo de villancicos y oratorios en la Bibliotheca Nacional: siglos XVIII–XIX (Madrid, 1990), 263ff

ROBERT STEVENSON

Orto, Marbrianus [Marbriano] de [Dujardin, Marbrianus]

(b Tournai, c1460; d Nivelles, Jan or Feb 1529). Franco-Flemish composer. Archival documents discovered by Jeremy Noble indicate that his surname was Dujardin, as Fétis had suspected, but he himself used the Latin form ‘de Orto’, as is shown by various autograph signatures. He was the illegitimate son of a priest; in papal registers he is called ‘citizen of Tournai’, and it is likely that he was born and received his early training there.

The earliest documents of his career name him as a member of the household of Ferry de Cluny, Cardinal-Bishop of Tournai, with whom he travelled to Rome in May to June 1482. Cardinal Ferry died in Rome in October 1483, and in December Orto was appointed a singer in the papal chapel of Sixtus IV. He continued to serve under Innocent VIII and Alexander VI until at least 1499. He was particularly favoured by Innocent VIII (1484–92), who awarded him many benefices and removed the impediment created by his illegitimacy. Orto obtained the lucrative post of procurator, allowing him to represent individuals from his own diocese of Tournai, as well as those in which he held canonries (Liège and Cambrai), at the papal court. In the papal chapel he worked closely with Josquin des Prez. In 1491–3 he and Josquin both sought certain benefices at churches in the diocese of Cambrai. The outcome is not known, but in 1494 Orto was appointed by Alexander VI to serve on a commission to assist Josquin in acquiring a canonry at Cambrai.

At some time between 1489 and 1496, while still a member of the papal chapel, Orto became dean of the collegiate church of Ste Gertrude in Nivelles. As spiritual head of the chapter of canons and canonesses, he eventually took up residence there and maintained a close connection with the community for the rest of his life. He bestowed many gifts on the church, the most lavish being a splendid bronze coffer designed to hold the saint’s reliquary (it is still displayed in the transept).

On 24 May 1505 Orto was appointed singer in the Habsburg-Burgundian chapel of Philip the Fair, who legitimized him. In late 1505 or 1506 Orto became premier chapelain and in this capacity he accompanied the court on Philip’s ill-fated voyage to Spain in 1506. The 17th-century historians Ryckel and Chifflet credited Orto with translating the medieval Latin Vita Gertrudis into French to fulfil a vow he made during the journey, but this translation does not survive.

After Philip's unexpected death in September 1506, Orto and other members of his chapel were retained in Spain by Juana, Philip's widow, until the dissolution of her court in August 1508. Returning to the Netherlands, Orto helped to reorganize the chapel for Philip's son Charles (later Charles V) under the regency of Philip’s sister, Margaret of Austria. A document of 1509 refers to him as ‘first chaplain of my gracious lord’ (i.e. Charles). From 1510 to 1517 he shared that office, on an alternating six-month basis, with Anthoine de Berghes.

In 1510 Orto was recorded as a canon at the church of Our Lady, Antwerp, and in 1513 as a canon at Ste Gudule, Brussels. Although his name is crossed out on the list of payments of Charles’s court on 21 June 1517, in a document dated 18 May 1518 he is called ‘councillor and first chaplain of Charles's chapel’ and in 1522 he was engaged for Charles's voyage to England and Spain. He died at Nivelles in 1529, possibly during the epidemic that ravaged the town in that year.

Until 1940, when Ste Gertrude suffered severe bomb damage, Orto’s tomb inscription could be seen in the pavement of the choir: ‘Here lies Marbrianus Orto, dean and canon of this church, who decorated it with the present bronze coffer and other gifts, February 1528’ [new style 1529].

Among his works the masses are the most important. All five published by Petrucci in Misse de Orto (Venice, 1505) are of the cantus-firmus type, but the treatment of the borrowed melodies is varied. Liturgical chants of the Ordinary are paraphrased in the tenor of the Missa dominicalis. Missa ‘L’homme armé’ presents the well-known tune schematically in various mensurations, diminution and transposition, generally in the tenor but sometimes in one or more of the other voices. Missa ‘La belle se sied’ treats the popular melody more freely, whereas Missa ‘Petita camusetta’(also called ‘Mi mi’) borrows only the first five notes of the tune, using them as head-motif and ostinato. Missa ‘J’ay pris amours’, with two different Credo settings, is built on both the tenor and superius of the anonymous chanson in a technique approaching that of the parody mass.

Like his masses, Orto’s motets are generally based on cantus firmi. The five-part Salve regis mater celebrates the election of Pope Alexander VI in 1492. Although anonymous in I-Rvat C.S.35, it is placed among Orto’s works in that manuscript and is almost certainly by him. His two hymn settings are included in Rvat C.S.15 together with hymns by Dufay and Josquin, and along with anonymous hymn settings in late 15th-century style. Gerber and Osthoff have suggested that Dufay’s hymn cycle (composed around 1430) was revised jointly by Josquin and Orto when both were members of the papal chapel.

Some of his chansons exhibit retrospective traits. D’ung aultre amer and Fors seulement are built on voices from rondeaux by Ockeghem, and the three-part rondeau Venus tu m'a pris is an accompanied duo in the Burgundian manner. Other chansons are more forward-looking: Je ne suis poinct, Mon mary m'a diffamée and Se je perdu mon amy treat popular tunes in lively imitation. Et il y a trois dames a Paris is similar; its homogeneous four-part texture, fluent imitation and attractive themes suggest the ‘modern’ French chanson style of the early 16th century. Standing apart among Orto’s works is Dulces exuviae, a setting of Dido’s lament from the Aeneid. Its chromatic inflections and expressive dissonance, evoking the tragic queen's grief and despair, make this one of the outstanding examples of musical humanism in the Renaissance.

WORKS

only principal sources given

masses and mass sections

Misse de Orto (Venice, 1505) [1505]

Missa dominicalis, 4vv, 1505, I-VEcap 761 (c.f. Mass XI, XV, Credo IV)

Missa ‘J’ay pris amours’ (cum duobus Patrem), 4vv, 1505; Ag II ed. in MSD, vi (1965) (c.f. Superius, T of anon. chanson; has 2 Credo)

Missa ‘La belle se sied’, 4vv, 1505, A-Wn 1783 (c.f. popular melody)

Missa ‘L’homme armé’, 4vv, 1505, I-Rvat C.S.64; ed. in Monumenta polyphoniae liturgica, 1st ser., i/7 (Rome, 1948)

Missa ‘Petita camusetta’ (Mi mi), 4vv, 1505, A-Wn 1783, D-J 32; Ag III ed. in AmbrosGM, v, 198 (c.f. motto)

Missa, 4vv, I-Rvat C.S.35 (Superius in canon)

Kyrie in honorem beatissime virginis, 4vv, 1505¹ (c.f. Kyrie IX); ed. in CMM, xcv (1982)

Credo ‘Le serviteur’, 4vv, A-Wn 1783 (c.f. T of Du Fay’s chanson)

Credo, 5vv, I-Rvat C.S.35 (c.f. Credo IV)

motets

Ave Maria gratia plena, 4vv; ed. in H. Hewitt, O. Petrucci: Harmonice musices odhecaton A (Cambridge, MA, 1942, 2/1946) (c.f. ?chant)

Ave Maria mater gracie, 5vv, B-Br 9126, I-Rvat C.S.35

Da pacem Domine, 5vv, Rvat C.S.35 (c.f. chant)

Descendi in ortum meum, 4vv, A-Wn 15941 (Superius lost; c.f. chant)

Domine non secundum, 4vv; ed. as part of ‘Missa carminum’ in J. Wolf, Werken van Jacob Obrecht (Amsterdam and Leipzig, 1908–21), xx–xxi; repr. (Farnborough, Hants., 1968), iv, 101–11 (c.f. chant)

Salve regis mater/Hic est sacerdos, 5vv, I-Rvat C.S.35 (for the election of Pope Alexander VI, 1492; c.f. chant; anon. in source but surrounded by works by Orto and probably by him)

other liturgical works

Lamentatio Jeremie prophete, 4vv, ed. in Musikalische Denkmäler, vi (Mainz, 1965)

Lucis creator optime, 4vv, I-Rvat C.S.15 (c.f. chant; verse 2: Superius and B in canon; verse 4: Superius, T in canon)

Ut queant laxis, 4vv, Rvat C.S.15 (c.f. chant in S, B; verse 2, Nuncius celso, is by Du Fay)

chansons

D’ung aultre amer, 4vv, ed. in MRM, ii (1967) (c.f. Superius of Ockeghem’s rondeau; A, B are riddle canons)

Et il y a trois dames a Paris (Les troys filles de Paris), 4vv, 1504³, I-Fc B.2442 ed. M. Honegger and G. Dottin (Paris, 1967)

Fors seulement, 4vv, Fc B.2439; ed. in RRMMA, xiv (1982) (c.f. Superius of Ockeghem’s rondeau)

Je ne suis poinct, 4vv, Fc B.2442 (B lost but probably in canon with T; c.f. popular melody)

Les troys filles de Paris, see Et il y a trois dames a Paris

Mon mary m’a diffamée, 4vv, ed. in MRM, ii (1967) (c.f. popular melody in canon)

Se je perdu mon amy, 4vv, CH-SGs 461; ed. in F.J. Giesbert, Ein altes Spielbuch aus der Zeit um 1500 (Mainz, 1936) (c.f. popular melody)

Venus tu m’a pris (rondeau), 3vv, ed. in H. Hewitt, O. Petrucci: Harmonice musices odhecaton A (Cambridge, MA, 1942, 2/1946)

other works

Dulces exuviae, 4vv, ed. in Picker (1965) (text: Virgil, Aeneid iv.651–4)

‘La mi la sol’, 4vv, CH-SGs 461; ed. in F.J. Giesbert, Ein altes Spielbuch aus der Zeit um 1500 (Mainz, 1936) (textless)

doubtful works

Impulsus eversus sum, attrib. ‘Joannes de Horto’ in 1564⁵, probably by a later composer

Je cuide se ce temps me dure, frag., attrib. ‘De orte’ in D-ISL 1544, elsewhere attrib. Japart and Congiet

BIBLIOGRAPHY

MGG1 (H. Osthoff)

Vander StraetenMPB, vi–vii

J.G.A. Ryckel: Historia Sanctae Gertrudis (Brussels, 1637), 438

J. Chifflet: Aula sacra principium Belgii (Antwerp, 1650), 39

F.X. Haberl: ‘Die römische “schola cantorum” und die päpstlichen Kapellsänger bis zur Mitte des 16. Jahrhunderts’, VMw, iii (1887), 18–296; repr. as Bausteine für Musikgeschichte, iii (Leipzig, 1888/R)

G. van Doorslaer: ‘La chapelle musicale de Philippe le Beau’, Revue belge d’archéologie et d’histoire de l’art, iv (1934), 21–57, 139–65

H. Osthoff: ‘Vergils Aeneis in der Musik von Josquin des Prez bis Orlando di Lasso’, AMw, xi (1954), 85–102

R. Gerber: ‘Römische Hymnenzyklen des späten 15. Jahrhunderts’, AMw, xii (1955), 40–73; repr. in Zur Geschichte des mehrstimmigen Hymnus (Kassel, 1965), 63–95

A.-M. Bragard: ‘Musiciens flamands et wallons à la cour du pape Léon X’, Bulletin de l’Institut historique belge de Rome, xxxii (1960), 75–112

E. Brouette, ed.: Les ‘Libri annatarum’ pour les pontificats d’Eugène IV à Alexander VI, iv, Analecta Vaticano-Belgica, xxiv (Brussels and Rome, 1963)

M. Picker: The Chanson Albums of Marguerite of Austria (Berkeley, 1965)

H. Hewitt: ‘Fors seulement and the Cantus Firmus Technique of the Fifteenth Century’, Essays in Musicology in Honor of Dragan Plamenac, ed. G. Reese and R.J. Snow (Pittsburgh, 1969), 91–126

A. Dunning: Die Staatsmotette 1480–1555 (Utrecht, 1970)

J. Noble: ‘New Light on Josquin's Benefices’, Josquin des Prez: New York 1971, 76–102, esp. 89

R. Miller: The Musical Works of Marbriano de Orto (diss., Indiana U., 1974) [inc. edns of all securely attributed works which survive complete]

R. Sherr: The Papal Chapel ca. 1492–1513 and its Polyphonic Sources (diss., Princeton U.,1975)

M. Duggan: ‘Queen Joanna and her Musicians’, MD, xxx (1976), 73–95

E. Lowinsky: ‘Humanism in the Music of the Renaissance’, Medieval and Renaissance Studies, ix (1982), 87–220; repr. in Music in the Culture of the Renaissance and other Essays (Chicago, 1989), i, 154–218

A. Roth: ‘Primus in Petri aede Sixtus perpetuae harmoniae cantores introduxit’, Un pontificato ed una città: Sisto IV (1471–1484) [Rome 1984] (Vatican City, 1986), 217–41

R. Sherr: ‘Illibata Dei Virgo Nutrix and Josquin's Roman Style’, JAMS, xl (1988), 434–64; repr. in Music and Musicians in Renaissance Rome and Other Courts (Aldershot, 1999)

M. Picker: ‘The Career of Marbriano de Orto (ca. 1450–1529)’, Collectanea II: Studien zur Geschichte der päpstlichen Kapelle [Heidelberg 1989], ed. B. Janz (Vatican City, 1994), 529–57

A. Roth: ‘Liturgical (and Paraliturgical) Music in the Papal Chapel towards the End of the Fifteenth Century: A Repertory of Embryo’, Papal Music and Musicians in Late Medieval and Renaissance Rome [Washington, 1993], ed. R. Sherr (Oxford, 1998), 125–137, esp. 133

R. Sherr: ‘A Biographical Miscellany: Josquin, Tinctoris, Obrecht, Brumel’, Musicologica humana: Studies in Honor of Warren and Ursula Kirkendale , ed. S. Gmeinwieser, D. Hiley and J. Riedlbauer (Florence, 1994), 65–73

MARTIN PICKER

Orvieto, Ugolino of.

See Ugolino of Orvieto.

Ory, Kid [Edward]

(b La Place, LA, 25 Dec c1890; d Honolulu, 23 Jan 1973).American jazz trombonist and bandleader. Between 1912 and 1919 he led one of the most prominent bands in New Orleans. He then moved to California, where he also led a group; in Los Angeles in 1922, as Spikes’ Seven Pots of Pepper, it became the first of the black New Orleans-style jazz bands to issue a recording, Ory’s Creole Trombone/Society Blues (Nordskog). In 1925 Ory went to Chicago, where he participated in some of the period’s most important jazz recording sessions, with Louis Armstrong’s Hot Five, Jelly Roll Morton’s Red Hot Peppers, the New Orleans Wanderers and King Oliver’s Dixie Syncopators. He returned to Los Angeles in 1930 and in 1933 abandoned music to work on a poultry farm and in a railway post office; in 1942, however, he resumed playing, and in 1944 regained prominence through his performances on Orson Welles’s radio broadcasts. He then toured extensively with his band until 1966, when he retired to Hawaii. Ory’s playing was highly rhythmic; he made full use of slurs and glissandos in the early tailgate trombone style, of which he was the most famous exponent, and was also notable for his use of mutes. He composed the well-known Muskrat Ramble (1926, OK).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

M. Ertegun: ‘Just Playing Music I Love, Says Kid Ory’, Down Beat, xviii/16 (1951), 2

Giltrap and Dixon: Kid Ory (London, c1958)

G. Marne: ‘The Kid Ory Story’, International Musician, lxiii/6 (1964), 18–19, 30 only

J.J. Lucas: ‘Kid Ory’, Jazz Journal, xviii/1 (1965), 6–8

M. Williams: ‘The Kid’, Jazz Masters of New Orleans (New York, 1967/R), 205–21

A. Hubner: ‘Kid Ory’, Selections from the Gutter: Jazz Portraits from the ‘The Jazz Record’, ed. A. Hodes and C. Hansen (Berkeley, CA, 1977) 112–15

B. Bigard: With Louis and the Duke (London, 1985)

J. Darensbourg: Telling it Like it is, ed. P. Vacher (London, 1987; Baton Rouge, LA, 1987, as Jazz Odyssey: the Autobiography of Joe Darensbourg)

Oral history material in LNT

JOSÉ HOSIASSON

Oryema, Geoffrey

(b Uganda, 1953). Ugandan composer. Born into a prominent musical family, Oryema received a privileged education in Western music. His father, a prominent government minister, was one of the last great inanga (seven-string harp zither) players in Acholiland, and taught him to play, together with the myamulere (flute), the lukeme (thumb piano) and other indigenous percussion instruments. While still young, Oryema also received training from his mother, director of the Ugandan national dance company, and attended the Kampala School of Dramatic Arts, where he founded a theatre company. At the age of 24 his father was murdered by Idi Amin, forcing him to flee in the trunk of a car to Kenya. Today, Oryema is a respected musician-songwriter, maintaining the songs of his youth and experimenting with the diversity of musical cultures offered in Paris. Oryema's moody and contemplative music reflects an original combination of acoustic African rhythms with ambient electronic pop. He has recorded three albums with Peter Gabriel's Real World label, accompanied by such pop luminaries as Brian Eno and Daniel Lanois. He has performed on the 1993–4 WOMAD USA tours, at the 1994 Reebok Human Rights Awards and at the 1995 Rainforest Foundation International Benefit.

RECORDINGS

Exile, Real World Records CDRW14 (1990)

Beat the Border, Real World Records CDRW37 (1993)

Night to Night, Real World Records CDRW58 (1996)

FRANK GUNDERSON

OSA

[Ochranny Svaz Autorsky]. See Copyright §VI, (under Czech Republic).

Osaka.

City in Japan. It is the country's second largest city and is musically the most active town in west Japan. The traditional musical style of Osaka and Kyoto is known as the Kamigata style, in contrast to the Edo style of Tokyo. When European music was introduced to Japan (after 1868), Osaka, Kyoto and Kōbe (west of Osaka) formed an important musical centre second only to Tokyo.

The musical distinction of Osaka began in the 17th century when gidayū singing for the bunraku puppet play became popular there. Asahi-za (formerly Bunraku-za) is the main theatre for puppet plays; for kabuki there is the Osaka New Kabuki-za. The major concert halls are the Nakanoshima Kōkaidō (built in 1918), the Festival Hall (1958; also used for opera), the Osaka Kōsei-nenkin Hall (1968) and the Symphony Hall (1982), while the small Izumi Hall (1990) is used for chamber music. In Kōbe there is the Kōbe Bunka Hall (1973).

The Osaka PO (founded in 1947 as the Kansai SO and renamed in 1960) and the Osaka Century Orchestra (founded in 1989) are the two major orchestras, while the Telemann Chamber Orchestra specializes in Baroque music. Choral groups are active in Osaka and its vicinity, including the Kwansei Gakuin Glee Club, a student organization founded in the 1890s. The Kansai Opera Company (founded in 1949) is the major opera company in west Japan.

The annual Osaka International Festival was founded in 1958. Almost all Japanese composers participated in Expo ’70 in Osaka, as did several from abroad including Stockhausen and Xenakis. The Fourth Symposium of the IMS in July 1990, entitled ‘Tradition and its Future in Music’, was the first international musicological congress held in Asia. The three major newspapers in Japan, each with its own broadcasting stations and musical sponsorship, have their headquarters in Osaka: they are the Asahi, the Mainichi and the Yomiuri.

Osaka Music School (founded in 1915) became Osaka College of Music in 1958. Several other colleges have competent music departments, for example Ōsaka Geijutsu Daigaku, Osaka University of Education, Sōai Women’s College and Kōbe Jogakuin Daigaku (Kōbe Women’s College). In Hiroshima (west of Osaka) the Elizabeth Music College (founded as a conservatory in 1948, and a college since 1963) specializes in sacred music.

For bibliography see Japan.

MASAKATA KANAZAWA

Ōsaki, Shigemi

(b Yokohama, 3 Jan 1948). Japanese musicologist. He graduated from the Tōhō Gakuen College of Music in Tokyo (BM 1970) and from the Graduate School of the Tokyo National University of Fine Arts and Music (MA 1972). He undertook extensive Haydn studies in Europe (1978–9) and was visiting professor at the University of Mainz (1986–7). He became full professor at the Tōhō Gakuen College of Music in 1993. His research interest has centred around the performing practice of Western (especially German) music of the 18th and 19th centuries. He has approached this from the point of view of the social context of music, orchestral practice and music printing, and has made a contribution to advancing research on the meaning of musical performance in different social contexts and on the function of musicology.

WRITINGS

Ōkesutora no shakai-shi: doitsu no ōkesutora to gakuin-tachi no ayumi [A social history of the orchestra: the courses of orchestras and their musicians in Germany] (Tokyo, 1990)

Gakufu no bunka-shi [A cultural history of music publication] (Tokyo, 1993)

Ongaku-ensô no shakai-shi: yomigaeru kako no ongaku [A social history of musical performance: the sound of the past revived] (Tokyo, 1993)

TATSUHIKO ITOH

Osanz, Miguel Antonino

(b Botaya, Huesca, 1760; d Soria, 28 May 1825). Spanish composer. After staying at the monastery of S Juan de la Peña, near Jaca, he arrived at Soria in 1781. He was appointed maestro de capilla at Soria from 1781 until his death in 1825. In total, 168 of his works survive, and a further 13 works have been attributed to him; all his music was composed for Soria Cathedral. The voices and instruments he used depended on the varying membership of the chapel, which decreased during this time. His style employs the homophony and vocal ornamentation that were typical at the time, though he used counterpoint in his more solemn works.

WORKS

MSS in the cathedral of S Pedro Apostol, Soria

Vocal: 24 masses; 2 requiems; 8 grads; 4 seqs; 20 villancicos; 6 Mag; 11 Lamentations; 26 responsories; many pss, 1 (Laudate Dominum omnes gentes) ed. J. López Calo and others, Las edades del hombre: la música en la iglesia de Castilla y Leon: Polifonia y organo (Valladolid, 1991), hymns, ants, etc.

Inst: Concerto, fl, vns, hns, b; Versos, vns, hns, va, b

M. MONTSERRAT SÁNCHEZ SISCART

Osborn, Franz

(b Berlin, 11 July 1905; d Basle, 8 June 1955). British pianist of German birth. He was educated at Berlin University. His piano studies were mainly with Schnabel, and he also studied composition with Schreker and conducting with Fritz Busch. The rise of the Nazi regime caused him to leave his native country in 1933, by which time he had won an international reputation as a discerning pianist. He became a British subject in 1946. In London his association with Max Rostal led to many distinguished performances, especially of Classical sonatas for violin and piano. Osborn also won high praise for his performances of Mozart's later concertos and Beethoven’s sonatas and concertos. Earlier in his career he had given a number of important premières, including those of Prokofiev’s Fifth Sonata and Hindemith’s Klaviermusik op.37.

FRANK DAWES/R

Osborne, Charles (Thomas)

(b Brisbane, 24 Nov 1927). British writer on music, poet and critic of Australian birth. He studied the piano, composition and singing privately in Brisbane and Melbourne, and moved to England in 1953. He was assistant editor of the London Magazine from 1958 before being appointed assistant literature director of the Arts Council in 1966 and director in 1971. Besides his writings on literary topics Osborne has written mainly on vocal music, particularly 19th-century opera, including a useful descriptive survey of Verdi’s operas; he is also known as a critic and broadcaster.

WRITINGS

The Complete Operas of Verdi (London, 1969)

ed. and trans.: The Letters of Giuseppe Verdi (London, 1971)

ed. and trans.: Richard Wagner: Stories and Essays (London, 1973)

The Concert Song Companion (London, 1974)

Wagner and his World (London, 1977)

The Complete Operas of Mozart (London, 1978)

The Complete Operas of Puccini (London, 1981)

The Dictionary of Opera (London, 1983)

Verdi: a Life in the Theatre (London, 1987)

The Complete Operas of Richard Strauss (London, 1988)

The Complete Operas of Richard Wagner (London, 1990)

The Bel canto Operas of Rossini, Donizetti and Bellini (London, 1994)

DAVID SCOTT/R

Osborne, Conrad L(eon)

(b Lincoln, NE, 22 July 1934). American music critic. He was educated at Columbia University and also studied singing with Cornelius Reid and acting with Frank Corsaro. He has acted in the theatre and on television and has sung operatic baritone roles with various musical organizations in the New York area. As a writer, he was chief vocal critic and contributing editor of High Fidelity (1959–69), and New York music critic of the London Financial Times (1962–9). In 1970 he was appointed advisory editor of the Musical Newsletter and in 1978 his critical guide The Complete Operas of Mozart (New York, 1978/R) was published.

Osborne has contributed numerous articles to publications in the USA and England, including detailed critical discographies of the operas of Verdi (1963), Mozart (1965), Wagner (1966–7) and Russian composers (1974–5) for High Fidelity, and articles and reviews for Opus (from 1984). His chief interest is opera, and his background as a performer has strongly influenced his critical writing on the subject. Since the early 1970s he has devoted more of his time and interest to private singing teaching than to journalism. Osborne is widely regarded as one of the most discriminating vocal critics in the USA.

PATRICK J. SMITH

Osborne, George Alexander

(b Limerick, 24 Sept 1806; d London, 16 Nov 1893). Irish pianist and composer. The son of an organist and lay vicar of Limerick Cathedral, he was intended for the clergy and first studied theology. Later he learnt to play the piano, in which he was virtually self-taught. He spent the year 1825 as the guest of the Prince of Chimay in Belgium, where he came to know the Classical repertory by attending private and public concerts. He went to Paris the following year and studied the piano with J.P. Pixis and harmony and counterpoint with Fétis. Soon afterwards he perfected his piano technique under the guidance of Frédéric Kalkbrenner, and became one of the finest exponents of Kalkbrenner’s playing style in France.

Osborne rapidly became a fashionable pianist and a well-known teacher in both Paris and London. He settled in London in 1843, but made frequent trips to Paris where his patrons were drawn from the aristocracy and intellectual society, and included in particular wealthy Irishmen and Englishmen living in France. His concerts in Paris attracted the most fashionable audiences, and his friends included the most eminent musicians of the period, among them Chopin, Bériot and particularly Berlioz, who admired Osborne’s playing of Chopin’s works and consulted both Chopin and Osborne about writing for the piano. That Osborne’s fame was perhaps not commensurate with his abilities as a pianist is documented by a critic for the Revue et gazette musicale de Paris of 20 March 1842, who wrote of him as ‘the elegant, fluent, clean and not too energetic pianist whom you well know’.

Osborne’s compositions include a few dozen violin and piano duos, written in collaboration with Bériot, and numerous piano fantasias and transcriptions, mostly derived from operas by Auber, Rossini, Donizetti and Verdi. He also wrote some chamber music, including a septet, a sextet, a piano quintet, several string quartets, three piano trios and a number of songs. Two operas, several scenas, three overtures and some marches for orchestra, are all apparently lost (mentioned in Brown-StrattonBMB). Although his music is not distinguished by its invention or originality, it is well made and had popular appeal; Berlioz found his songs and trios ‘lofty in style and spacious in design’.

In London, Osborne was a member of the Philharmonic Society and was for a time its director; he was also a director of the RAM. He lectured before the Musical Association four times between 1879 and 1885; his reminiscences of Chopin, Berlioz and other musicians active in Paris in the middle of the 19th century are valuable for their biographical – and autobiographical – information and insight into the personalities of his musical friends.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BerliozM; Brown-StrattonBMB; FétisB

G.A. Osborne: ‘Musical Coincidences and Reminiscences’, PMA, ix (1882–3), 95–113

A.W. Ganz: Berlioz in London (London, 1950/R)

JEAN MONGRÉDIEN

Osborne [Osborn], John

(b New England, c1792; d New York, 27 May 1835). American piano maker. He was one of several apprentices who learned their craft under Benjamin Crehore of Milton, Massachusetts. He is said to have served this apprenticeship during the years (c1810–14) when Crehore was associated with the Boston shop of Lewis and Alpheus Babcock and Thomas Appleton. By 1815 Osborne had set up his own shop on Newbury Street, Boston, and by 1820 had moved to Orange Street. Among his Boston apprentices were Jonas Chickering, Lemuel and Timothy Gilbert, and Ebenezer R. Currier. Osborne entered into a short-lived partnership with James Stewart in 1822, and in that year removed his shop to Boylston Square. From about 1830 until his death Osborne worked primarily in New York, although it appears that for much of that time he concurrently had business relationships in Albany, New York, first with Meacham and Pond, and then as a partner with Peter King. According to Spillane, in October 1834 Osborne moved into a large factory that he had built on Third Avenue at 14th Street.

Osborne described himself as a builder of upright, grand, square and cabinet pianos. His pianos won several awards, including the first premium at the American Institute. Of the relatively few Osborne pianos that survive, most are squares, several of which incorporate a longitudinal metal bar that was patented on 29 July 1824 by a Boston medical doctor and inventor named John Dwight. Two extant upright pianos of Osborne’s made between 1818 and 1821, with a range of six octaves (F' to f''''), are among the earliest such pianos built in America. Representative instruments are at the Smithsonian Institution, Washington, DC, and at Sturbridge, Massachusetts.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

R.G. Parker: A Tribute to the Life and Character of Jonas Chickering by one who Knew him Well (Boston, 1854)

H.K. Oliver: Reports and Awards of the International Exhibition, 1876 (Philadelphia, 1878)

D. Spillane: History of the American Pianoforte (New York, 1890/R)

CYNTHIA ADAMS HOOVER, DARCY KURONEN

Osborne, Nigel

(b Manchester, 23 June 1948). English composer. He studied composition with Leighton and serial techniques with Wellesz at Oxford (BMus 1970). His studies continued at the Warsaw Academy with Rudziński, and at the Polish Radio Experimental Studio (1970–71). While in Poland, Osborne helped establish an artistic commune and the Materials Service Corporation, a live electronic improvisation group which toured students’ and workers’ clubs. In 1978 he was appointed lecturer in music at the University of Nottingham, leaving in 1990 to become professor at the University of Edinburgh. Awards for his works include the Radio Suisse Romande Opera (1971), Gaudeamus (1973) and Radcliffe (1977) prizes.

Osborne’s compositional development has involved working through the modernism which formed his artistic background. The Concerto for flute and chamber orchestra (1980) employs seven metres, superimposed in various combinations, with seven corresponding sets of pitch relations. Such structuring reflects both the legacy of the avant garde’s concern for pre-compositional organization, and his own capacity and enthusiasm for analytical thought: ‘I don’t view music romantically, if you think about the brain, then part of its natural function is organizing and processing sound’ (Osborne). In the 1970s, he found a useful analogue to musical processes in structuralist thought. Prelude and Fugue (1975), for example, transposes into musical terms a pattern of tensions in the structure of a South American folktale. His interpretation of structuralism led to an exploration of universal ‘deep’ musical structures which he sees as common to different cultures. Osborne’s other pre-compositional interests have centred upon acoustical research, and he developed a chord-building technique derived from the overtones of the harmonic series. Zansa (1985) employs harmonies extrapolated from both harmonic and inharmonic spectra, relating the two in a manner suggesting the traditional interplay between consonance and dissonance. Albanian Nights (1991) uses the beats produced by two classical horns playing pitches close together to set the tempos and metric modulations within the piece. However, such organizational means are always put to serve concrete musical, rather than conceptual, ends; Osborne’s practical sensibility partly is further borne out by his skills in orchestration. He has increasingly sought to be part of music-making which is ‘physically and mentally liberating …, optimistic in spirit and even capable … of giving its strength to a weakened society’, allying himself with such a society in Sarajevo for clarinet, cello and piano (1994).

WORKS

(selective list)

Ops: Hell’s Angels (chbr op, 2, D. Freeman, after O. Pinizza: Das Liebeskonzil), 1985, London, Royal Court, 6 Jan 1986; The Electrification of the Soviet Union (2, C. Raine), 1987, Glyndebourne, 5 Oct 1987; Terrible Mouth (1, H. Barker), 1991, London, Almeida, 10 July 1992

Vocal-orch: Seven Words (after Schütz), T, T, B, chorus, orch, 1971; The Sickle (S.A. Esenin, V.V. Mayakowski), S, orch, 1975; Tracks, double SATB, orch, wind band, 1990

Orch: Vc Conc., 1977; Conc., fl, chbr orch, 1980; Esquisse, str, 1987; Eulogy, chbr orch, 1990; Vn Conc., 1990; The Sun of Venice, 1991; Albanian Nights, 1991; The Art of Fugue, vc, orch, 1993

Chbr and solo inst: Remembering Esenin, vc, pf, 1974; Prelude and Fugue, ens, 1975; After Night, gui, 1977; Figure/Ground, pf, 1977; Figure/Ground, pf, 1978, rev. 1979; In camera, gui, ens, 1979; Quasi una fantasia, vc, 1979; Mythologies, fl, cl, tpt, hp, vn, vc, 1980; Sonata, pf, 1981; Fantasia, ens, 1983; Wildlife, ens, 1984; Zansa, ens, 1985; Mbira, vn, pf, 1985; Lumière, str qt, 4 children’s groups, 1986; The Black Leg Miner, ens, 1987; Zone, ob, cl, str trio, 1989; Canzona, 4 tpt, hn, 4 trbn, 1990; Sarajevo, cl, pf, vc, 1994

Other vocal: Heaventree (various), SATB, 1973; Kinderkreuzzug (textless), children’s vv, ens, 1974; Chansonnier (medieval Fr. ballads), chorus, ens, 1975; Passers By, 3 vv, b rec, vc, slides, 1976; I am Goya (A. Voznesensky), B-Bar, fl, ob, vn, vc, 1977; Orlando furioso (Osborne, after Ariosto), chorus, wind, 1977; 2 Spanish Songs (trad.), S, 1977; Vienna. Zurich. Constance. (D.M. Thomas), S, vn, vc, 2 cl, perc, 1977; Madeleine de la Ste-Baume, S, db, 1979; Songs from a Bare Mountain (medieval texts), SSAA, 1979; Under the Eyes (T. Paulin), 1v, fl, ob, perc, pf, 1979; Gnostic Passion (Gnostic texts), 1980; Choralis I, vv, 1981; Choralis II, vv, 1981, rev. 1982; Cant. piccola (Raine), S, str qt, 1982; Choralis III, vv, 1982; Alba (S. Beckett), Mez, ens, 1984; Pornography (Raine), Mez, ens, 1985: see also El-ac

El-ac: Musica da camera, vn, tape delay, audience, 1975; Kerenza at the Zawn, ob, 4-track tape, 1978; Poem without a Hero (A. Akhmatova, trans. D. Thomas), S, Mez, T, B, live elecs, 1980; The Cage (J. Whiting), T, ens, live elecs, 1981; Alba (S. Beckett), Mez, ens, 1984; The Four-Loom Weaver, Mez, tape, 1985

Principal publisher: Universal

BIBLIOGRAPHY

N. O’Loughlin: ‘The Music of Nigel Osborne’, MT, cxxi (1980), 307–11

P. Griffiths, ed.: New Sounds, New Personalities: British Composers of the 1980s (London, 1985)

Osborne, Richard (Ellerker)

(b Hessle, E. Yorks, 22 Feb 1943). British broadcaster and critic. He studied English at the University of Bristol (BA 1965, MLitt 1967) and in 1970 became a contributor to BBC Radio 3. In 1971 he began an association with the programme ‘Record Review’, of which he was the presenter from 1988 until it ceased to be broadcast in 1998. From 1967 to 1972 he was a reviewer for Records and Recording and since 1973 he has reviewed regularly for Gramophone. Since 1992 he has been the music critic for The Oldie. He also writes for Opera, the Times Literary Supplement and The Independent.

As a broadcaster and reviewer, Osborne is well known to a generation of musicians and their audiences. His Master Musicians monograph on Rossini (1986) was acclaimed for its scholarship and readability and is still the standard work in English on its subject. He has also written two books on Karajan, the second a sympathetic, detailed biography, rich in documentation, including assessments of every significant performance and recording.

WRITINGS

Rossini (London, 1986, 2/1993)

Conversations with Karajan (Oxford, 1989)

‘Beethoven’, A Companion to the Symphony, ed. R. Layton (London, 1993), 80–106

Herbert von Karajan: a Life in Music (London, 1998)

ROSEMARY WILLIAMSON

Osculati, Giulio [Iulio; Osculatus, Iulius]

(b Lodi; d after 1615). Italian composer. About 1601 he entered the chapel of the Polish king, Zygmunt III, at Kraków, probably as a tenor; he left before 1614. His two collections of works dedicated to Polish patrons (1604–9), as well as one piece included in the collection Melodiae sacrae (ed. V. Lilius, Kraków, 1604), containing works by King Zygmunt's musicians, date from this period. He returned to Lodi, where in October 1614 he was maestro di cappella of the church of the Incoronata. The textures of his works are those of classic a cappella polyphony but they also include polychoral pieces, some of which were reprinted in anthologies and also copied into manuscripts. (See A. and Z.M. Szweykowski: Włosi w kapeli królewskiej polskich Wazów [Italians in the Chapel Royal of the Polish Vasa Kings]; Krakow, 1997.)

WORKS

Missae, liber primus, 5vv (Venice, 1604)

Liber primus motectorum, 5–10, 12vv (Venice, 1609)

Sacra omnium solemnitatum vespertina psalmodia cum cantico Beatae Virginis Mariae tam vocibus quam instrumentis concinenda (Venice, 1615)

Motets, 1604², 1611¹, 1612³, 1613², 1615¹³, 1617¹, 1621²

ZYGMUNT M. SZWEYKOWSKI

Osghian, Petar.

See Ozgijan, Petar.

O’Shaughnessy.

See Levey family.

Osiander, Lucas

(b Nuremberg, 15/16 Dec 1534; d Stuttgart, 17 Sept 1604). German theologian and composer. He was the son of the famous Nuremberg Protestant Andreas Osiander. His study of theology began after his father had moved to Königsberg, and continued in 1553 in Tübingen. After serving for three years as a deacon in Göppingen, he was promoted to the coveted position of Spezial-Superintendent in Blaubeuren (1558). In 1563 he became city pastor at St Leonhard's in Stuttgart and in 1569 court minister and member of the consistory in the same city. His position as private tutor to Prince Ludwig of Württemberg gave rise to certain difficulties with Ludwig's successor, Prince Friedrich. In 1594 he was appointed chaplain of the collegiate church in Stuttgart, and two years later prelate in Adelberg near Göppingen. As a result of a disagreement with the prince in 1599, however, he was exiled. From then until 1603, when he was allowed to return from exile, he was a cleric in Esslingen near Stuttgart.

In 1569 Osiander (then court minister) wrote the preface to Sigmund Hemmel's four-part Der gantz Psalter Davids, wie derselbig in teutsche Gesang verfasset; this expressed the intention of the collection to render the chorale melody ‘understandable to the entire Christian communion’. Hemmel's edition may have given Osiander the initial idea for his own Fünffzig geistliche Lieder und Psalmen mit vier Stimmen auff contrapunctsweise (für die Schulen und Kirchen in löblichen Fürstenthumb Würtenberg) also gesetzt, das eine gantze Christliche Gemein durchaus mit singen kann, published in Nuremberg in 1586 (modern edn by F. Zelle, Berlin, 1903; see also Schuler). The latter consists entirely of purely homophonic settings (contrapunctsweise) which might enable choir and congregation to sing together easily; as such it soon came to be used in Lutheran churches following Reformation precepts. The cantus firmus is placed in the soprano, unlike the Reformation metrical psalm settings in which the melody is given to the tenor. Osiander's settings, harmonized throughout with 5-3 chords, are of slight musical value, but the Kantionalsatz principle used here was taken up and improved by Raselius, Eccard, Franck, Vulpius and others up to and including Schein who published a Cantionale in 1627. The prefaces to many of these later works repeat Osiander's title almost word for word. The Kantionalsatz principle was later superseded by that of thoroughbass accompaniment. Two reports on organs that he wrote bear witness to his musical expertise in other directions.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BlumeEK

MGG1 (W. Brennecke)

WinterfeldEK

E. Emsheimer: ‘Lucas Osiander als Orgelbauer’, Musik und Kirche, iii (1931), 180–87, 236–43

E. Wolf: Der vierstimmige homophone Satz: die stilistischen Merkmale des Kantionalsatzes zwischen 1590 und 1630 (Wiesbaden, 1965)

L.E. Schuler: Lucas Osiander and his ‘Fünfftzig geistliche Lieder und Psalmen’: the Development and Use of the First Cantional (diss., Washington U., 1986)

WALTER BLANKENBURG

Osijek

(Ger. Essek; Hung. Eszék).

The largest town in Slavonia, the region of Croatia on the Drava. It was first mentioned in 1196. Immediately after the expulsion of the Turks, in 1687, Jesuits and Franciscans arrived. The first full organ was built in 1762 in the Franciscan church by Antonius Römer of Graz; the Franciscans employed organists and Kapellmeister, and assembled extensive musical archives. The military band (‘musica turcica’) also participated in church and civic festivities.

In the 19th century increased prosperity brought a flourishing of music. The Gesellschaft der Musikfreunde der Königlichen Freistadt Eszék (1830–38) took part at mass and in concerts, and organized a music school. Founded in 1847 by Pajo Kolarić, the first civilian band planted that tradition in the town. The Esseker Zivilkapelle (1867–76) had 20 members under a board led by Count Gustav Prandau, a musical amateur whose legacy includes about 600 compositions of his own and of Central European masters (held by the Museum of Slavonia in the town); the board helped arrange promenade concerts and supervised music in the primary schools and Gymnasium. Choral groups also date from this period: the Essegger Gesangsverein was founded in 1868 by the teacher and organist Ivan Nepomuk Hummel, and the Lipa society (1876–8, refounded 1894) remains active. The Osječko Dobrovoljno Glazbeno Društvo (Osijek Voluntary Music Society) – founded in 1891, renamed Kuhač in 1907 (after the Osijek-born musicologist Franjo Ksaver Kuhač, 1834–1911) and active until the end of World War II – had about 100 members, an orchestra (from 1891) and a music school (from 1921, still in existence). Also born in the town was the violin virtuoso Franjo Krežma (1862–81).

German troupes brought opera and operetta in the 19th century. The foundation in 1907 of the Hrvatsko Narodno Kazalište (Croatian National Theatre), with an opera company, attracted many professional musicians. That theatre has stayed in operation (with breaks during 1927–35 and World War II), specializing in chamber pieces in the Croatian and international repertories. In 1970 an annual festival of chamber opera and ballet was initiated, the Annale Komorne Opere i Baleta, and in 1976 a biennial piano competition, Memorijal Darko Lukić. A Filharmonijsko Društvo (Philharmonic Society) existed between 1921 and the start of World War II.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

L. Šaban and Z. Blažeković: ‘Izveštaj o dvogodišnjem sređivanju triju glazbenih zbirki u Osijeku i pregledu glazbenih rukopisa i knjiga u franjevaćkim samostanima u Slavoniji i Srijemu’ [Report on the classification and cataloguing of three musical archives in Osijek during 1978–9 and the review of musical manuscripts and books in Franciscan monasteries in Slavonia and Srijem in 1978–9], Arti musices: muzikološki zbornik, xi (1980), 47–95

K. Kovačević, ed.: ‘Osijek’, Leksikon jugoslavenske muzike, ii (Zagreb, 1984), 129–31

B. Ban: Glazbena škola Franje Kuhača: povijest i život [Kuhač's music school: history and life] (Osijek, 1996) [with Eng. summary]

VJERA KATALINIC

Oscar I, King of Sweden.

Composer and patron of music. See under his son, Prince Gustaf.

Oscar II, King of Sweden.

Patron of music, younger brother of Prince Gustaf.

Oslo.

Capital city of Norway. It was founded about 1050 and became the capital in 1299. It was officially known as Oslo until 1624, when it was renamed Christiania; from 1897 it was called Kristiania, and in 1925 reverted to Oslo.

Little survives of the music of the Middle Ages. The so-called ‘Olavsmusikken’ was used during the Mass of St Olaf on 29 July, and was probably partly composed in a church or religious house in Oslo; the sequences Lux illuxcit and Predicasti are extant. Another sequence, the ‘St Hallvardsekvensen’, may also have originated in Oslo. The Reformation was introduced to Norway in 1536, but Catholic musical practice continued until the introduction of Reformed liturgical music (Hans Thommissøn’s Psalmebog, 1569, and Niels Jesperssøn’s Graduale, 1573). The leading musicians in Oslo, as in the rest of Norway, from the end of the 16th century until the beginning of the 18th, were the organists and municipal musicians; grammar schools (formerly the cathedral schools) also cultivated music.

The first municipal musician in Oslo recorded by name was Peter Trompeter (1637); later figures were Erik Piber (c1650), Paul Røder (1655–72), Henrik Meyer (1710–58), Peter Høeg (1758–60) and C.F. Groth (1795–1828). The earliest known organist was Lauris Orgemester (1524); later organists included Antoni Walter (d 1668), Johan Utrecht (from 1668), J.F. Classen (from 1749) and J.C. Krøyer (from 1777, d 1809). The cathedral school existed by about 1250. The first known cantor was Narve Toresson (1474); others were Klemet Pederssøn (d 1581), Claus Berg (from 1581, d 1614) and Classen (from 1720). After 1800 the office of cantor in Oslo was combined with that of organist at the Vor Frelsers Kirke. From the mid-18th century the number of semi-public and public concerts in the city increased; many foreign performers visited it, including Mingotti’s opera company and G.J. Vogler, and musical societies were founded. Its first dramatic society was formed in 1764; the better-known Dramatiske Selskab was established in 1780, reorganized in 1799 and disbanded in 1838. The municipal musicians generally directed public concerts.

Although the city was the capital of Norway for hundreds of years, it did not replace Trondheim and Bergen as the country’s musical centre until the early 19th century. This status was connected with the institutions then established: the Musikalske Lyceum (1810–38) and the Christiania Theater in 1827 (which became the Nationale Theater in 1899). The first Norwegian Singspiel, Waldemar Thrane's Mountain Adventure, was presented at the Musikalske Lyceum in 1825. Light opera was occasionally performed at the Christiania Theater from as early as 1827. From about 1860 the theatre produced one new opera a year as well as many operettas. When the renowned L.M. Lindeman became organist at the cathedral (formerly the Vor Frelsers Kirke) in 1839, the city gradually became a centre of sacred music; Lindeman’s comprehensive work on the collection of Norwegian folk music was also carried out there.

Famous teachers, composers and conductors now came into closer contact with the capital, among them Kjerulf, Grieg, Johan Svendsen, J.G. Conradi and J.D. Behrens. Conradi founded the first choral societies there, and Behrens had considerable influence on Norwegian choral singing as founder and conductor of the Norske Studentersangforening (1845), the Christiania Handelsstands Sangforening (Mercantile Choral Society, 1847) and the Christiania Haandverkersangforening (Artisans’ Choral Society, 1848). The German ‘Harz-Verein’ orchestra went to Norway in 1840 and in six years gave more than 300 concerts in and around Oslo, mainly of music by such composers as the elder Johann Strauss and Joseph Lanner. Many of its members, including Ferdinand Rojahn and Carl Warmuth, settled there. In 1843 Warmuth founded a music business which continued until 1908; as the country’s largest music dealers and publishers it was of considerable importance in Norwegian musical life. Other significant names in this sphere were the Hals Brothers (who founded a piano factory in 1847, a concert office in 1880, a music shop and press in 1887), Edvard Winther (a music shop from 1822 and press from 1826), P. Håkonsen (shop and press from 1881) and H. Zapffe (shop and press from 1893).

The Musikalske Lyceum presented a series of vocal and instrumental works as well as light opera, and the Philharmoniske Selskab, formed in 1846, continued this tradition. Purely symphonic concerts were rare until Kjerulf and Conradi began their subscription concerts in 1858, and the attendance at these concerts was disappointing; they had to be suspended the following year, and the Philharmoniske Selskab came once more to the fore. However, in 1867 Grieg and Otto Winter-Hjelm started their subscription concerts, which this time met with success. Until 1871 Grieg often conducted these concerts and in 1871 the Musikforening was founded, largely on his initiative; it was active until the Filharmoniske Selskap was formed in 1919. Some of Norway’s greatest musicians served as conductor of the Musikforening: Grieg, Svendsen, Ole Olsen, Johan Peter Selmer and Iver Holter. Between 1899 and 1919 the orchestra of the Nationale Theater also gave popular orchestral concerts, conducted by Johan Halvorsen.

The Musik-konservatori was of great importance in the musical life of the country; founded in Christiania in 1883 by L.M. Lindeman and his son Peter, it was initially a school for organists, but was designated a conservatory of music in 1894. Choral activity increased steadily during the century. Many new societies were founded, such as Grøndahl’s Choir (1878), the Ceciliaforening (1879) and Holter’s Korforening in 1897. On several occasions these took part in great choral and orchestral concerts. Several song festivals were held in Christiania (1866, 1896, 1914 and 1935). The Christiania Strygekvartet (1865–94) was the first Norwegian chamber group; another ensemble, the Kvartetforening, was formed in 1876.

For economic and social reasons there was no opera company in Oslo before 1950, and until then there were only occasional performances of opera. Foreign groups paid occasional visits, the Lyceum had given some performances, and a series of works was presented at the Christiania Theater, often with foreign performers; until 1919 the Nationalteatret gave performances of many operas and light operas. Between 1918 and 1921 Kristiania had a regular stage for opera, the Opéra Comique, but it was plagued by economic difficulties. In 1950 the Norsk Operaselskap (Norwegian Opera Company) was formed, giving opera a considerably firmer foundation. It gave frequent performances, and eventually the Norske Opera was opened in 1959 under the direction of Kirsten Flagstad, subsequently presenting opera and ballet of an international standard. The company is now funded by the government. The Oslo Sommeropera festival (1983–92) gave several Norwegian premières, such as Ariadne auf Naxos, La clemenza di Tito, La finta giardiniera and A Midsummer Night's Dream, and also church concerts. Both the Oslo Nye Teater and the Norske Teater give many musicals.

The Filharmoniske Selskap (Philharmonic Society) was formed in 1919 to replace both the Musikforening and the orchestra of the Nationale Theater, and has become Norway’s foremost professional symphony orchestra. In 1980 it changed its name to the Oslo Filharmoniske Orkester. Mariss Jansons became chief conductor in 1979 and Esa-Pekka Salonen was the permanent guest conductor from 1984 to 1989. The orchestra, which had 102 members in 1995, has made a number of tours to the USA, Japan and several European countries, attended several international festivals and made many outstanding recordings. The Oslo Filharmoniske Kor, founded in 1921, has some 90 members; Stefan Sköld became director in 1990. The Norske Kammerorkester (founded 1977) is based in Oslo. It was directed by Terje Tønnesen from 1977 to 1981, succeeded by Iona Brown in 1984. It has made many recordings and tours and collaborated with leading soloists including Mstislav Rostropovich. The city acquired a Konserthus in 1977; its two halls can seat 1700 and 300 and the organ in the large hall has 90 stops. The city's newest and largest concert venue is the Oslo Spectrum (opened 1991), accommodating an audience of 11,000 (major sports events are also held there). The orchestra of the Norwegian Opera has occasionally performed away from the opera house. The establishment of a broadcasting station, Norsk Rikskringkasting (NRK), in 1925 was of great importance for the country’s musical life. It has supported many Norwegian performers and ensembles, and founded its own orchestra in 1946; it also has several choirs.

Chamber groups in the capital in the 20th century included the quartets of G.F. Lange (1899–1906), Buschmann (1911–19), Johan Halvorsen (1915–19), the Filharmoniske Selskap (formed in 1919) and Hindar (1944), the Norske Blåsekvintett (1955) and the Oslo Blåse-solister (1972). The Oslo Sinfonietta, established in 1986, plays mainly contemporary music, as do the Borealis and Cicada ensembles. The city’s most important music traders and publishers are Norsk Musikforlag (founded 1909) and Musik-Hus (1939). Among the leading organists in the city during the 1990s were Terje Kvarn and Kåre Nordstoga (at the cathedral), John Lammethun (Uranienborg Kirke) and Harald Herresthal (Majorstua Kirke).

The conservatory was reorganized as the Musikkhøgskole in 1973, and came under full government funding in 1978. The Statens Operahøgskole was established in 1964 as Statens Operaklasse. The Østland Musikkonservatorium also serves as a conservatory for the Oslo district. Private schools include the Barratt-Dues Musikkinstitutt (1927). The University of Oslo set up its institute of musicology in 1958. The Norwegian music collection in the university library in Oslo is the country’s largest music library. The Norsk Folkemusikkinstitutt (1951) has a comprehensive collection of Norwegian traditional music. There are also collections of music in the Deichman Library and the Musikkhøgskole, and of musical instruments at Bygdøy Folk Museum and at the Musikkhøgskole.

The capital has also become a centre of jazz. Not until about 1950 was there any great activity in Norwegian jazz; the Norsk Jazzforbund was founded in Oslo in 1953 and the Norsk Jazzarkiv in 1981. Most of the country’s musical organizations are based in Oslo: the Norges Organistforbund (1904), the Norsk Musikerforbund (1911), the Norsk Musikklaereres Landsforbund (1914), the Norsk Komponistforening (1917), Ny Musikk (the Norwegian branch of the ISCM, 1938), Norske Populaerautorer (NOPA, 1957), the Landslag for Musikk i Skolen (1955) and the Rikskonsertene (1967), a foundation for the promotion of new music. Festivals based in Oslo include the Oslo Kammermusikkfestival (founded 1989), the Oslo Jazzfestival and the Ultima-Oslo Contemporary Music Festival. World Music Day was held in Oslo in 1953 and 1990. Queen Sonja's international music competition was established in 1988.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

H.J. Huitfeldt: Christiania theaterhistorie (Copenhagen, 1876)

J.G. Conradi: Kortfattet historisk oversigt over musikens udvikling og nurvaerende standpunkt i Norge [Short historical review of the development and present state of music in Norway] (Christiania, 1878)

Nordisk musik-tidende (1880–92)

T.H. Blanc: Christiania theaters historie i tidsrummet 1827–77 (Kristiania, 1899)

G. Reiss: Musikken ved den middelalderlige Olavsdyrkelse i Norden (Kristiania, 1912)

M. Berkenhoff: Boken om Filharmonien (Oslo, 1929)

I.E. Kindem: Den norske operas historie (Oslo, 1941)

E. Høigaard: Oslo Kathedralskoles historie (Oslo, 1942)

A. Berg and B. Hagtvedt: Vår Frelsers Kirke (Oslo, 1950)

A. Hernes: Impuls og tradisjon i norsk musikk 1500–1800 (Oslo, 1952) [with Fr. summary]

Ø. Anker: Christiania Theaters repertoire 1827–99 (Oslo, 1956)

Ø. Anker: Kristiania Norske Theaters repertoire 1852–1863 (Oslo, 1956)

H. Huldt-Nystrøm: Fra munkekor til symfoniorkester: musikkliv i det gande Christiania og i Oslo (Oslo, 1969)

E. Nordsjø: Fra drøm til virkelighet: norsk operasangerforbund 1926–1976 (Oslo, 1975)

N. Grinde: ‘Latinskolen og dens kor i Christiania ca 1720–40’, SMN, iii (1977), 15–32

K. Michelsen: ‘Om musikkfirmaet Carl Warmuth i Christiania’, SMN, iii (1977), 33–51

H. Huldt-Nystrøm: ‘Hva sang disciplene ved Christiania Kathedralskole i 1600-årene?’, SMN, v (1979), 27–48

A. Hendriksen: Musikalsk virksomhet ved Christiania Theater fra 1850 til 1877 (diss., U. of Oslo, 1983)

E. Solbu and H. Jorgensen, eds.: En levende tradisjon: Jubileumsskrift til 100-års dagen for opprettelsen av Musikkonservatoriet i Oslo (Oslo, 1983)

I. Halvorsen: Det musikalske lyceum (diss., U. of Oslo, 1984)

K. Michelsen: ‘Historien om Harz-Musikverein’, SMN, xiv (1988), 147–74

Ø. Norheim and H. Herresthal, eds.: Carl Warmuth, kongelig Hof-Musikhandler, Christiania: Festskrift til 150-årsjubileet 1993 (Oslo, 1993)

KARI MICHELSEN

Osman [Uthman], Muhammed

(b Cairo, 1855; d Cairo, 19 Dec 1900). Egyptian composer. The son of a teacher in a Cairo mosque, he learnt music with the qānūn player Qustandi Mansy, and then underwent another period of apprenticeship as a singer with the ensemble of El-Rasheedy, thus learning much about modes, Arab rhythms and the vocal repertory. He achieved fame as a singer but lost his voice through illness and turned to composition in the classical monodic style of the period. Soon acknowledged as one of the leading composers of his time, he had his vocal pieces performed by the best singers, in particular Abdo El Hamouly. His most important contribution to the vocal repertory was in the genre of the dawr, an elaborate form for solo singer, small chorus of about four men and takht, a traditional ensemble of ‘ud (lute), qānūn (zither), nay (end-blown flute), violin and percussion. Osman took up the dawr, which originated in Egypt with El-Masloub, and invested it with new life, establishing it as the most important and widely performed type of Egyptian vocal art music. With him the dawr consisted of three (or four) sections with short instrumental interludes, the first solo and the subsequent ones alternating the soloist with the chorus in melodies that soared higher in range. In the middle (hank) section he introduced elaborate melismatic passages, still in antiphony, where the tempo became more lively. The beautifully rounded lines and subtle modulations of his compositions reveal a particular melodic gift.

Osman also taught music and singing. One of his most famous students was the Jewish composer-singer Dawood Hosny. On one occasion he travelled to Istanbul, with a musical delegation, to sing for the sultan, who decorated him. On his return he is said to have introduced certain Turkish modes previously unknown in Egypt. In addition to many dawr pieces (reckoned by recent research to number 68) he composed mūwashshah songs, which are shorter traditional vocal pieces in which the complex irregular rhythmic patterns are preserved. His music was transmitted orally until the early decades of the 20th century, when it was notated in outline, leaving many details to the imagination and skill of the performer. Once neglected, his pieces have returned to full favour. Among his most important disciples were two of his sons, the singers Aziz and Ibrahim. Some later composers revived his music in new forms; Gamal Abdel-Rahim's orchestral-choral work Kadni'l hawa is based on Osman's dawr.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

M. Kamel and I. Shafik: Muhammad Osman (Cairo, n.d.)

A. El-Guindy: Ruwwad al-nagham el-Araby [Pioneers of Arab melodies] (Dar Talas, Damascus, 1984)

H.T. Abdel-Latif: Mohammed Osman's Style in Composing the ‘Dawr’ (thesis, Helwan U., 1989)

A. Khairy: Analytical Study of the ‘Hank’ Section in the Form ‘Dawr’ by Mohammad Osman, Abdel-Fattah Qatr and Mohammad Abdel-Wahab (diss., Helwan U., 1993)

SAMHA ELKHOLY

Osnabrück.

City in Lower Saxony, Germany. It was established as an ecclesiastical centre with the foundation of a bishopric by Charlemagne in about 785, and as a result the strong influence of Alcuin was felt in the cathedral school (founded 9th century). For several centuries the Scholaster, and from 1221 the cathedral Kantor, was responsible for training the ‘poor scholars’ who constituted the cathedral choir. In the 13th and 14th centuries there were also musical establishments in the Marienkirche, Johanniskirche and Katharinenkirche. There was a corps of town musicians (Stadtmusikanten) whose history is recorded continuously from 1386 to 1842.

Dramatic presentations of biblical narratives were common in medieval Germany, and a manuscript, dating from the early 16th century, that belonged to the Gertrudenkloster on the outskirts of the town contains an Easter play; the play is in German, but the hymns (which have musical notation) are in the customary Latin. There are also fragments of a processional, a Christmas celebration, and a Bischofsspiel; after the Reformation such dramatic activity was taken over by the students of the town Gymnasium.

During the Reformation the Protestant cause was supported by the citizens of Osnabrück, but the cathedral and the Johanniskirche remained Roman Catholic. Dual loyalties led to the maintenance of both Protestant and Catholic traditions, the latter being strengthened in 1625 with the arrival of the Jesuits, at whose school biblical drama was cultivated. At that time Bishop Franz Wilhelm von Wartenburg, an acquaintance of Carissimi, took a special interest in church music, emphasizing its importance at synods in 1628 and 1651; a German songbook with traditional Catholic liturgical music was issued in 1628, and in 1652 a Directorum chori. After the Peace of Westphalia (signed at Osnabrück in 1648) it was determined that the bishopric of Osnabrück should be held alternately by a Catholic and a Protestant.

During the 16th and 17th centuries many organ builders worked in Osnabrück, among them members of the Berner, Adam and Eberhard families in the town, as well as Reinking of Bielefeld, Vater from Hanover and the Klausings from Herford. In the 17th century the town benefited from the musicians of Duke Philipp Sigesmund of Brunswick-Lüneburg’s coming from his palace at nearby Iburg to assist those of Osnabrück.

Public concerts, held at first in a room in the Wappen von London, were given from 1770 when Graun’s Der Tod Jesu was sung; four years later there were regular weekly concerts. At the end of the 18th century and for the first quarter of the 19th, M.B. Veltmann (organist of the Marienkirche, 1790–1835) was responsible for many musical undertakings. In 1813 a school for singing was instituted, in 1832 the Alte Liedertafel, followed by the Neue Liedertafel in 1835 and the Dom-Gesangverein in 1843.

In 1800 the Theater an der Gildewart was built, and opera performances were given there from 1819 until 1909. Albert Lortzing worked in Osnabrück for six years from 1827. A small theatre built in 1871 was taken over by the city in 1882 and replaced in 1909 with the Grosses Haus on the Domhof. This was destroyed during air raids in 1945 and rebuilt in 1950. In 1920 a conservatory was founded in Osnabrück by F.M. Anton.

The Osnabrücker Symphonieorchester is maintained by the theatre, while concerts are organized by the Musikverein. The conservatory provides chamber music recitals and houses a special studio for the cultivation of ‘new music’. An annual festival, the Osnabrücker Musiktage, is held in June in the nearby spa town of Bad Rothenfelde.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

J. Jaeger: Die Schola Carolina osnabrugensis (Osnabrück, 1904)

L. Bäte: Osnabrücker Theater im 18. Jahrhundert (Osnabrück, 1930)

F. Bösken: Musikgeschichte der Stadt Osnabrück (Regensburg, 1937)

H.H. Breuer: Das mittelniederdeutsche Osnabrücker Osterspiel: der Ursprung des Osterspiels und die Prozession (Osnabrück, 1939)

PERCY M. YOUNG

Osorio, Jorge (Federico)

(b Mexico City, 22 March 1951). Mexican pianist. He trained at the conservatory in Mexico City and the Paris Conservatoire, and later at the Tchaikovsky Conservatory in Moscow, making his official début in 1964 at the Palacio de Bellas Artes in Mexico City. The winner of numerous international awards, he has made admired recordings of music by Beethoven, Brahms, Ponce, Prokofiev, Ravel and Tchaikovsky. He has also proved to be a sensitive interpreter of Debussy and Schubert. His playing combines a beautiful, rounded tone with an impressive grasp of large-scale structure, and while he commands a virtuoso technique he has never been a flamboyant player. Osorio’s interpretations are notable for a classical sense of proportion and an eloquence which always puts the composer first. Two works by the Mexican composer Carlos Jiménez Mabarak have been dedicated to him, and in 1969 he gave the first ever performances in Mexico and Guatemala of Mozart’s Piano Concerto in C, k503. He is also an accomplished chamber musician whose partners have included Henryk Szeryng, Mayumi Fujikawa, Richard Markson, the mezzo-soprano Conchita Antuñano, and the Tel-Aviv and Moscow string quartets.

JEREMY SIEPMANN

Ossia

(It.: ‘alternatively’; originally o sia: ‘or be it’).

A word used in musical scores – as also, more rarely, oppure (particularly in Verdi), overo or ovvero (literally ‘or rather’) – to mark an alternative to a passage. This occurs in several different circumstances: (i) simpler versions, particularly in 19th-century piano music; (ii) embellished versions, particularly in bel canto vocal music; (iii) in scholarly texts, readings from other sources or alternative interpretations of the same source; (iv) changes made to accommodate the music to an instrument with a slightly shorter range, whether a piano with a smaller keyboard or an oboe, for instance, playing violin music; (v) alternative orchestration for an orchestra smaller or larger than that originally intended.

DAVID FALLOWS

Ossian [Oisean, Oisín].

The legendary poet of the Celtic cycle of heroic tales surrounding Fionn mac Cumhaill (Fingal), leader of the Fenian warband, who is said to have lived in Ireland and Scotland before the Christian era. Ossian, the son of Fionn, is traditionally regarded as the author of most narratives concerning the Fenians and is imagined to have survived until the time of St Patrick (d 461), when the saint had the tales written down. The name of Ossian became known throughout Europe with the publication in 1760 of James Macpherson's Fragments of Ancient Poetry, Collected in the Highlands of Scotland and Translated from the Galic or Erse Language, which was followed by Fingal, an Ancient Epic Poem together with Several Other Poems Composed by Ossian, the Son of Fingal (1761–2), Temora (1763) and The Works of Ossian, the Son of Fingal, Translated from the Gaelic Language (1765); these books contained epic poems in English purportedly translated from ancient Gaelic originals. Although the poetry was partly adapted from Gaelic lays that Macpherson knew from oral tradition and from manuscripts, it was written in a style modelled on Homer, Milton and the King James Bible. Although Hume and Samuel Johnson criticized Macpherson's work, the Ossianic poems were widely praised in Europe and North America, and had an immense influence on the Romantic movement in literature and the arts, inspiring operas, songs, instrumental pieces, verses and artworks.

The basis of Macpherson's poems rests on heroic tales in Irish and Scottish oral and literary traditions, some of which, both prose narratives and sung lays, were recorded in the 20th century, a few of the latter from Ireland but most from Scotland. The Fenian or Ossianic lay (Gaelic dán, duan, laoidh) first appeared as a sung form in Ireland in the 12th century and was very popular from at least the 15th. A version of Fin as Oshin (‘The Burning of Fionn's House’) survives in Manx, the Gaelic of the Isle of Man, in copies made soon after the publication of Macpherson's poems. The earliest notation of music from the oral lay tradition appears in Patrick MacDonald's Highland Vocal Airs of 1784, which includes the melody of Laoidh Mhanuis (‘The Lay of Manus’); a version of this tale as sung by Donald Sinclair of the island of Tiree in the Hebrides was recorded as late as 1968. The third volume of Edward Bunting's A General Collection of Ancient Irish Music (1840) contains the airs of two lays from Irish sources obtained earlier, and in 1870–71 Frances Tolmie noted five lays from a cottar, Margaret MacLeod, on Skye. Walker (1786), O'Curry (1873) and Tolmie (1911) suggested that singing of the lays was confined to a solo voice, although in bardic times a harp would normally have accompanied the singer (see Bard). Tolmie remarks that the lays were ‘sung to the same air with a similar refrain’. The use of repeated couplets found in some lays suggests that a structure of call and response, such as is found in waulking songs, may have applied at one time. In the 20th-century recordings from oral tradition, the melodic line is sometimes freely sung in a chant-like fashion, at other times with a perceptible or even a marked regularity of rhythm.

Several Ossianic lays were recorded in the 20th century, for example, Laoi na mná móire (‘Lay of the Big Woman’) found in County Waterford in Ireland (1936) and documented from elsewhere, including Donegal, where Séamus O híghne of Glencolumbkille was recorded singing a version of the lay in 1945 and again in 1949. Teanntachd mhór na Féine (‘The Great Difficulty of the Fiann’) was recorded on wire in 1953 by Angus MacIsaac of Antigonish, Nova Scotia, for J.L. Campbell. The islanders of the Hebrides have been the most prolific source for lays: in 1953 Duncan MacLeod of South Uist sang a version of Laoidh Fhraoich (‘The Lay of Fraoch’), a tale that has also been recorded in Mull, Skye, South Uist and Tiree. A pair of lays, Duan na Muilgheartaich (‘Song of the Sea Hag’) and Duan na Ceardaich (‘Song of the Smithy’), were recorded from Penny Morrison of South Uist in 1953–4. The latter song, the best known of all the lays in the Uists and Barra, and Laoidh Chaoilte (‘The Lay of Caoilte’) were recorded from Mrs Archie MacDonald of South Uist in 1965. All these songs were learnt from oral tradition and tell of encounters and struggles between the Fenian warriors and hostile forces; two warriors of the cycle, Diarmuid and Fraoch, die tragically.

Although these remarkable fragments show that the Ossianic lays have survived in oral tradition, it is the glosses on Macpherson's poems that marked them for worldwide fame. The ever-popular symphonic work noted for its Ossianic associations, Mendelssohn's overture Die Hebriden (op.26), was inspired by a visit to Scotland in 1829. His publisher, Breitkopf & Härtel, suggested the title Fingals Höhle (‘Fingal's Cave’) for the overture, although Mendelssohn had conceived the main theme before seeing Staffa, the island off the coast of Mull noted for its basalt pillars and cavern, and had originally named the piece Der einsame Insel (‘The Lonely Island’). The popularity of the Ossianiac poems moved other composers to write songs, notably Schubert and Brahms, both of whom completed works for voice. Schubert wrote nine songs on Ossianic poems between 1815 and 1817: Lodas Gespenst (d150), Kolmas Klage (d217), Ossians Lied (d278), Das Mädchen von Inistore (d281), Cronnan (d282), Shilric und Vinvela (d293), Der Tod Oskars (d375), Lorma (d376; and fragment d327) and Die Nacht (d534). Five of the nine are lengthy, taking up to ten minutes to perform, and some, such as the dramatic Der Tod Oskars or Die Nacht with its lyrical dialogue, come close to an operatic conception. Shilric und Vinvela is subtitled a ‘dramatic cantata for three voices and piano’. Brahms wrote a setting from Ossian for chorus with accompaniment, Gesang aus Fingal (op.17 no.4, 1859–60) and the unaccompanied choral piece Darthulas Grabgesang (op.42 no.3, 1861). Bizet also composed an overture (now lost) inspired by the tales of Ossian, La chasse d'Ossian (1860–61).

A string of operas, overtures, tone poems and songs by lesser figures appeared soon after the publication of Macpherson's poems, including F.-H. Barthélemon's Oithona (1768) and F.W. Rust's monodrama Colma (c1780). William Reeve composed the music for the pantomime-ballet Oscar and Malvina, or The Hall of Fingal, which was performed with great success at Covent Garden in 1791. Le Sueur's opera, Ossian, ou Les bardes (1804) greatly pleased Napoleon; and Gade's overture Efterklänge af Ossian (1840) was widely admired. The attraction of Ossian lingered on into the 20th century with Liza Lehmann's cantata Leaves from Ossian (1909), Ippolitov-Ivanov's Iz pesen Ossiana (‘From Ossian's Songs’, 1925) and works by the Scottish composers Ian Whyte, who wrote the opera Comala (1929), and Cedric Thorpe Davie, whose cantata Dirge for Cuchullin (1935) was composed almost 200 years after Macpherson's poems were written.

SETTINGS

The Maid of Selma (song), James Oswald, c1765; Oithona (dramatic poem), F.-H. Barthélemon, 1768; Colma (monodrama), F.W. Rust, c1780; Fingal (incid music), Rust, 1782; Sonnengesang Ossians (lyric scene), J.R. Zumsteeg, 1782; Ossian auf Slimora (ballade), Zumsteeg, 1790; Oscar and Malvina, or The Hall of Fingal (pantomime-ballet), William Reeve, collab. William Shield, 1791; Colma (song, trans. J.W. von Goethe), Zumsteeg, 1793; Das Mädchen von Kola; ein Gesang Ossians (aria), C.D. von Dittersdorf, 1795

Ossians Harfe (aria), F.L.A. Kunzen, c1800; Chant gallique (song), J.-F. Le Sueur, 1802; Sulmalle (lyric duet), B.A. Weber, 1802; Comala (dramatic poem), Harriet Wainwright, 1803; Ossian, ou Les bardes (opéra), J.-F. Le Sueur, 1804; Fingallo e Camala (op), Stefano Pavesi, 1805; Ossians Harfe (song), F.L.A. Kunzen, 1806; Uthal [orig. Malvina] (opéra), E.-N. Méhul, 1806; Scène tirée des poésies d'Ossian (scène lyrique), Christian Kalkbrenner, ?1806; Colmal (heroische Oper), Peter Winter, 1809

Kolmas Klage [d217], Ossians Lied nach dem Falle Nathos [d278], Das Mädchen von Inistore [d281], Cronnan [d282], Shilric und Vinvela [d293] (songs), Schubert, 1815; Lodas Gespenst [d150], Der Tod Oskars [d375], Lorma [d376], and frag. [d327] (songs), Schubert, 1816; Die Nacht [d534] (song), Schubert, 1817; Malvina (ballad op), George Macfarren (the elder), 1826; Die Hebriden [Fingal's Cave] op.26 (ov.), Mendelssohn, 1830; Oskars Tod (op), J.-G. Kastner, c1833; Ur Ossians dunkla sagovärld (male vocal qt), O.J. Lindblad, c1835; Efterklänge af Ossian (ov.), Niels Gade, 1840; Comala (cant), Gade, 1846

Ossian, 2 ballades, L.M. Gottschalk, ?1847–9; Danse ossianique, Gottschalk, ?1850; Le lever de la lune (song), Saint-Saëns, 1855; Marche de nuit, Gottschalk, 1855; Comala (ov.), W.H. Glover, c1855; Komala, die Königstochter von Inisthore (op), Eduard Sobolewski, 1857; Gesang aus Fingal op.17 no.4, Brahms, 1859–60; Darthulas Grabesgesang op.42 no.3, Brahms, 1861; Kuwala (cant), J.H. Malling, c1865; Ossian (sym. poem), Arthur Coquard, 1882; Ossian (ov.), Frederick Corder, 1882; Moïna (op), Sylvain Dupuis, 1884

Comala (sym. poem), John McEwen, 1897; Diarmid, (grand op), Hamish MacCunn, 1897; Leaves from Ossian (cant), Liza Lehmann, 1909; Ossian (sym. prelude), Eugène Goossens, 1915 (withdrawn); Iz pesen Ossiana [From Ossian's songs], Ippolitov-Ivanov, 1925; Comala, (op), Ian Whyte, 1929; Dirge for Cuchillin, Cedric Thorpe Davie, 1935

Lost works: Comala (incid music), F.G. Fleischer, ?late 18th century; Comala (ode), Thomas Busby, ?1800; Le chant d'Ossian, E.-N. Méhul, 1811; La chasse d'Ossian (ov.) Bizet, 1860–1; Oithona (op), Edgar Bainton, 1906

BIBLIOGRAPHY

editions, sources

J.C. Walker: Historical Memoirs of the Irish Bards (Dublin, 1786/R, 2/1818)

E. Bunting, ed.: A General Collection of the Ancient Music of Ireland (Dublin, 1796–1840/R)

E. O'Curry, ed.: On the Manners and Customs of the Ancient Irish (Dublin, 1873)

J.G. Herder: ‘Auszug aus einem Briefwechsel über Ossian und die Lieder alter Völker’, Herders sämmtliche Werke, ed. B. Suphan, v (Berlin, 1891), 159–207

J.L. Campbell, ed.: Hebridean Folksongs, ii–iii (Oxford, 1977–81) [incl. transcr. from recordings]

H. Gaskill, ed.: James Macpherson: The Poems of Ossian and Related Works (Edinburgh, 1996) [with introduction by F. Stafford]

studies

S. Hensel: Die Familie Mendelssohn, 1729–1847, nach Briefen und Tagebüchern (Berlin, 1879)

F. Tolmie: ‘One Hundred and Five Songs of Occupation from the Western Isles of Scotland’, JFSS, iv (1910–13), 157–276

M. Kirk: ‘Ossian-ouverturens program’, DMt, xv (1940), 1–5

D.S. Thomson: The Gaelic Sources of Macpherson's ‘Ossian’ (Edinburgh, 1952)

A.S. Garlington: ‘Lesueur, “Ossian” and Berlioz’, JAMS, xvii (1964), 206–08

A. Gillies: A Hebridean in Goethe's Weimar: the Reverend James Macdonald and the Cultural Relations between Scotland and Germany (Oxford, 1969)

F. Matthiassen: ‘“Unsre kunst heisst poesie”: om Niels W. Gades Ossian-ouverture’, STMf, liii (1971), 67–77 [with Ger. summary]

E. Bassin: The Old Songs of Skye: Frances Tolmie and her Circle, ed. D. Bowman (London, 1977)

D. Charlton: ‘Ossian, Le Sueur und Opera’, SMH, xi (1977), 37–52

D. Jenkins and M. Visocchi: Mendelssohn in Scotland (London, 1978)

R. Fiske: Scotland in Music: a European Enthusiasm (Cambridge, 1983)

A. Bruford: ‘The Singing of Fenian and Similar Lays in Scotland’, Ballad Research: Dublin 1985, 55–70

J. MacInnes: ‘Twentieth-Century Recordings of Scottish Gaelic Heroic Ballads’, The Heroic Process: Form, Function and Fantasy in Folk Epic. Proceedings of the International Folk Epic Conference: Dublin 1985, ed. B. Almqvist, S. Ó Catháin and P. Ó Héalái (Dublin, 1987), 101–30

F. Stafford: The Sublime Savage: a Study of James MacPherson and the Poems of Ossian (Edinburgh, 1988)

M. Jahrmärker: Ossian: eine Figur und eine Idee des europäischen Musiktheaters um 1800 (Cologne, 1993)

H. Shields: Narrative Singing in Ireland: Lays, Ballads, Come-all-yes and Other Songs (Dublin, 1993)

C. Smith: ‘Ossian, ou Les Bardes: an Opera by Jean-François Le Sueur’, From Gaelic to Romantic: Ossianic Translations, ed. F. Stafford and H. Gaskill (Amsterdam and Atlanta, GA, 1998), 153–62

recordings

Scéalamhráin Cheilteacha [Celtic narrative songs] (1985) [Folk Music Society of Ireland cassette; with accompanying book by H. Shields, Dublin, 1985]

Scottish Tradition II: Music from the Western Isles, Greentrax Records CDTRAX 9002 (1992)

JAMES PORTER

Ossman, Vess [Sylvester] L(ouis)

(b Hudson, NY, 21 Aug 1868; d Fairmount, MN, 7 Dec 1923). American ragtime banjoist. He began studying the banjo at the age of 12, and by 1896 was recording ragtime for Victor, Columbia, Berliner and Edison. He extended his popularity by accompanying Arthur Collins, a leading popular singer. He made concert tours of England in 1900 and 1903, when he played for Edward VII; he also performed for President Theodore Roosevelt. Ossman formed various recording groups, usually consisting of banjo, mandolin and harp-guitar. The most popular of these was the Ossman-Dudley Trio (with Audley Dudley, mandolin, and Roy Butin, harp-guitar); its recording of St Louis Tickle (1906, Vic.) was particularly successful. After 1910 Ossman preferred to travel with his groups away from the eastern recording centres, and made extended stays in both Indianapolis and Dayton, Ohio. He consequently recorded less frequently – his last disc was made in 1917 – and his position in the recording world passed to the banjoist Fred Van Eps. Ossman, however, was the leading ragtime banjoist at a time when the five-string banjo was preferred to the piano for recording purposes. He had an especially clean technique and a flair for syncopation, emphasizing strong two-step rhythms in his playing. One of his last and best recordings, his arrangement of Tom Turpin’s Buffalo Rag (1906), remained in the Victor catalogue until 1925.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

U. Walsh: ‘Sylvester Louis Ossman: the Banjo King’, Hobbies Magazine (1948), Sept, 32–3; (1948), Oct, 36–9; (1948), Nov, 31–32; (1949), Jan, 31–2; (1949), Feb, 34–5

D.A. Jasen: disc notes, Kings of the Ragtime Banjo, Yazoo 1044

D.A. Jasen: Recorded Ragtime, 1897–1958 (Hamden, CT, 1973)

TREBOR JAY TICHENOR

Ossovsky, Aleksandr Vyacheslavovich

(b Chişinău, 19/31 March 1871; d Leningrad, 31 July 1957). Russian musicologist, historian and critic. Drawn to music from an early age, he began to learn the violin at the age of seven, and music theory at the age of 11. He studied law at Moscow University from 1889 to 1893, and moved to St Petersburg in 1894 to study composition with Rimsky-Korsakov, with whom he maintained a close friendship. From 1906 to 1908 he studied officially in Rimsky-Korsakov’s theory of composition class at the St Petersburg Conservatory. At this time he attended musical gatherings at Rimsky-Korsakov’s house, and came into contact with Cui, Glazunov, Lyadov, Stasov and the members of Belyayev’s circle; he soon found himself at the centre of St Petersburg’s musical life.

From 1894 Ossovsky contributed to the journals Artist, Russkaya muzïkal'naya gazeta (of which he was deputy editor from 1895) and from 1903 to 1908 wrote for Izvestiya S-Peterburgskogo obshchestva muzïkal'nïkh sobraniy. From 1904 to 1909 he headed the music section of the newspaper Slovo. He also wrote encyclopedia articles, and programme notes for the Ziloti Concerts between 1906 and 1917. He was on the board (with Medtner, Rachmaninoff and Skryabin) of Koussevitzky’s publishing house (which appeared in the West as Edition Russe de Musique) from 1910 to 1918. Between 1915 and 1917 he organized, with Andrey Rimsky-Korsakov and Vyacheslav Karatïgin, the academic journal Muzïkal'nïy sovremennik. In 1907, on Rimsky-Korsakov’s suggestion, he became deputy chairman of the Glinka Awards, established by Belyayev.

In 1915 he was offered a professorship in the department of music history, aesthetics and the history of the arts at the Petrograd Conservatory. After the October Revolution he worked at the Kiev and Odessa conservatories. He returned to the Petrograd Conservatory in 1921 as assistant and deputy to the rector, Glazunov, becoming pro-rector in 1922 and rector during Glazunov’s illness. Under Ossovsky’s direction, the world’s first students’ opera theatre was founded at the conservatory, and, together with Asaf'yev, he established a wide-ranging series of music history courses. From 1921 to 1925 and again from 1933 to 1936 he was artistic director of the Leningrad Philharmonic. He was also a member of the Insititute for the History of the Arts (1921–9; it later became the Institute for the Theatre, Music and Cinematography and he was deputy director of the research section, 1937–43, and director of the Institute, 1943–52), and held professorships at Petrograd University (1921–3) and the Hermitage (1931–3). In 1943 he was made a corresponding member of the Academy of Sciences; he worked mainly there in his last years.

Ossovsky’s academic work covered Russian music from the earliest times to contemporary developments. He planned a multi-volume textbook, chapters of which were published after his death. Central to his output are his translations of books from French and German and his editions of works by Glazunov, Glinka, Rimsky-Korsakov and others. In 1955 he was co-editor of Rimsky-Korsakov’s autobiography for the collected edition of Rimsky-Korsakov’s works.

WRITINGS

O starinnoy muzïke: k priyezdu Parizhskogo Obshchestva kontsertov na starinnïkh instrumentakh [Ancient music: on the arrival of the Paris Society for Concerts on Old Instruments] (St Petersburg, 1906)

Poyasneniya ko vsem programmam simfonicheskikh i kamernïkh kontsertov A. Ziloti v Peterburge i k kontsertam nekotorïkh drugikh organizatsiy (vsego okolo 500) [An elucidation of all programmes of symphonic and chamber concerts of A. Ziloti and the concerts of certain other organizations (approximately 500 in total)] (St Petersburg, 1906–7)

I.S. Bakh [Bach] (St Petersburg, 1907)

Aleksandr Konstantinovich Glazunov (1882–1907): yego zhizn' i tvorchestvo [Glazunov: his life and works] (St Petersburg, 1907)

‘Khudozhestvennoye nasledstvo N.A. Rimskogo-Korsakova’ [The artistic legacy of N.A. Rimsky-Korsakov], V mire iskusstva, xi–xii (1908), 22–4; also in Muzïkal'nïy truzhennik, xxi (1908), 6–9; O muzïke i muzïkantakh, iii–iv (1908), 14–20

‘Maks Reger: kharakteristika’, O muzïke i muzïkantakh, v–vi (1909), 25–6

‘Muzïkal'naya khronik’, Apollon, no.2 (1909), 25–7

M.P. Belyayev i osnovannoye im muzïkal'noye delo [Belyayev and the music business founded by him] (St Petersburg and Leipzig, 1910) [in Russ., Fr., Ger.]

‘V.G. Karatïgin: svetloy pamyati druga’ [Karatïgin: in respectful memory of a friend], Muzïkal'naya letopis', iii (1926), 161–4

B.V. Asaf'yev: sovetskaya muzïka (Moscow, 1945)

‘N.A. Rimsky-Korsakov i russkaya kul'tura’ [Rimsky-Korsakov and Russian culture], SovM sbornik, iii (1945), 69–78

Mirovoye znacheniye russkoy klassicheskoy muzïki [The world-wide significance of Russian classical music] (Leningrad, 1948)

‘Osnovnïye voprosï russkoy muzïkal'noy kul'turï XVII i XVIII vv’ [Fundamental questions in Russian culture of the 17th and 18th centuries], SovM (1950), no.5, pp.53–7

ed.: M.I. Glinka: issledovaniya i materialï [Researches and materials] (Leningrad, 1950) [incl. ‘Dramaturgiya operï M.I. Glinki Ivan Susanin’, 7–71]

ed., with V.N. Rimsky-Korsakov: N.A. Rimsky-Korsakov: Letopis' moyey muzïkal'noy zhizni [Chronicle of my musical life] (Moscow, 1955)

‘S.V. Rakhmaninov’, Vospominaniya o Rakhmaninove [Reminiscences of Rachmaninoff], ed. Z.A. Apetian (Moscow, 1957, enlarged 4/1974), 354–400

ed. Ye. Bronfin: A. Ossovskiy: izbrannïye stat'i, vospominaniya [Selected articles, reminiscences] (Leningrad, 1961) [incl. ‘Muzïkal'no-ėsteticheskiye vozzreniya, nauka o muzïke i muzïkal'naya kritika v Rossii v XVIII stoletii’ [Musical-aesthetic outlooks, the study of music and music criticism in Russia in the 18th century], 19–106; ‘Rikhard Shtraus i yego simfonicheskoye tvorchestvo’ [Richard Strauss and his symphonic works], 174–226; ‘Ocherk istorii ispanskoy muzïkal'noy kul'turï’ [An outline of the history of Spanish musical culture], 227–89; ‘Yuniy Skryabin’ [The young Skryabin], 323–50]

‘Kak rodilas' i vïrosla Operanaya studiya’ [The birth and growth of the Opera Studio], Leningradskaya konservatoriya v vospominaniyakh, 1862–1962, ed. G.G. Tigranov (Leningrad, 1962), 356–60

ed. Yu. Kremlyov: A. Ossovskiy: vospominaniya, issledovaniya [Reminiscences, researches] (Leningrad, 1968) [incl. ‘N.A. Rimsky-Korsakov: khudozhnik-mïslitel'’ [Artist and thinker], 275–341]

ed. Yu. Kremlyov: A. Ossovskiy: muzïkal'no-kriticheskiye stat'i (1894–1912) [Critical articles on music] (Leningrad, 1971)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Ye. Bronfin: Aleksandr Vyacheslavovich Ossovskiy: ocherk zhizni i tvorcheskoy deynatel'nosti [An outline of his life and creative activity] (Leningrad, 1960)

Yu. Kremlyov, ed.: A. Ossovskiy: vospominaniya, issledovaniya [Reminiscences, researches] (Leningrad, 1968) [incl. ‘A.V. Ossovsky (1871–1957)’, 3–14]

Yu. Kremlyov, ed.: A. Ossovskiy: muzïkal'no-kriticheskiye stat'i (1894–1912) [Critical articles on music] (Leningrad, 1971) [incl. ‘A.V. Ossovskiy: muzïkal'nïy kritik’, 3–19]

G.B. Bernandt and I.M. Yampol'sky: Kto pisal o muzïke [Writers on music], ii (Moscow, 1974) [incl. list of writings]

LARISA GEORGIEVNA DAN'KO

Oste da Reggio.

See Hoste da Reggio.

Osten, Eva von der

(b Heligoland, 19 Aug 1881; d Dresden, 5 May 1936). German soprano. She studied in Dresden, where she made her début at the Hofoper in 1902 as Urbain (Les Huguenots). She remained a member of the company until her farewell performance in 1927 as Brünnhilde (Die Walküre). Her most notable creation there was Octavian, which she recorded, and she was also the first Dresden Ariadne, Dyer’s Wife (Die Frau ohne Schatten), Kundry, Tatyana and Maliella (I gioielli della Madonna). She was the first Covent Garden Octavian (1913) and Kundry (1914); she also appeared as Ariadne at His Majesty's Theatre in 1913. She toured the USA with the German Opera Company (1922–4), as Isolde and Sieglinde. Her large repertory also included Senta, Carmen, Louise, Tosca and Zazà. Osten's acting and beauty were much admired, as was her fine dramatic soprano voice. Her recordings, most notably of Elsa’s solos from Lohengrin, show the purity of her tone. She was married to the bass-baritone Friedrich Plaschke.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

M. Scott: The Record of Singing, ii (London, 1979), 184–5

HAROLD ROSENTHAL/R

Osterc, Slavko

(b Veržej, Slovenia, 17 June 1895; d Ljubljana, 23 May 1941). Slovenian composer. After lessons with Emerik Beran, a pupil of Janáček, in Maribor, he studied with Novák, Jirák and Hába at the Prague Conservatory (1925–7). He then taught at the conservatory in Ljubljana, establishing himself as a leader of Slovenian musical life: he founded a school of composer-disciples, campaigned for a progressive attitude among Yugoslav musicians and was particularly active in the ISCM. After some works in a late Romantic style, he adopted new techniques, from atonality to athematicism and from 12-note writing to quarter-tone music. Within his wide stylistic range there are characteristic tendencies towards Expressionism and neo-Baroque polyphony. He took as his models the music of Stravinsky and Hindemith. The expression of humour, irony and satire in his music, on the other hand, constitutes a personal trait.

WORKS

(selective list)

Ops: Krst pri Savici [Baptism at Savica] (musical drama, 3, Osterc and G. Šilih, after F. Prešeren), 1921, radio broadcast, 3 Jan 1961; Krog s kredo [The Chalk Circle] (5, M. Skrbinšek, after Klabund, trans. O. Župančič), 1928–9, unperf.; Saloma [Salome] (minute op-parody, 1, Osterc), 1930; Medea (1, Osterc, after Euripides), 1930, Ljubljana, 27 Feb 1932; Dandin v vicah [Dandin in Purgatory] (grotesque op, 1, Osterc, after Molière and H. Sachs), 1930, Ljubljana, 27 Feb 1932

Ballets: Iz Satanovega dnevnika [From Satan’s Diary] (3, Osterc), 1924; Maska rdeče smrti [The Masque of the Red Death] (ballet pantomime, 1, after E.A. Poe), 1930; Illuzijez (ballet pantomime, 3, 8 scenes, Osterc), 1933–41

Orch: Sym. Ideali [Ideals], 1922; Suite, 1929; Conc. for Orch, 1932; Ouverture classique, 1932; Conc., pf, wind, 1933; Passacaglia and Chorale, 1934; Danses, 1935; Mouvements symphoniques, 1936; 4 pièces symphoniques, 1938–9; Mati [Mother], sym. poem, 1940

Chbr: Str Qt no.1, 1927; 4 Karikature [Caricatures], pic, cl, bn, 1927; Conc., vn, 7 insts, 1928; Silhuete [Silhouettes], str qt, 1928; Conc., pf qt, 1929; Sonatina, 2 cl, 1929; Suite, vn, pf, 1932; Wind Qnt, 1932; Str Qt no.2, 1934; Sonata, sax, pf, 1935; Nonet, 1937; Sonata, vc, pf, 1941

Pf: Arabesques, 1934; Toccata, 1934; Aphorisms, 1935; 4 miniatures, 1938; 3 esquisses, 1939; Fantaisie chromatique, 1940; 6 petits morceaux, 1940; Petites variations, 1940

Vocal: Usta so mi bila nema [My Lips were Silent], 1v, pf, 1924; Belokranjske uspavanke [Bela Krajina Lullabies], 1v, pf, 1925; Sonce v zavesah [Sun in the Curtains], 1925; 8 Chaplinovih anekdot [Chaplin Anecdotes], 1v, 11 insts, 1927; Requiem, B, 15 insts, 1928; Ave Maria, S, A, 3 wind, 1929; 4 Gradnik Poems, A, str qt, 1929; Magnificat, chorus, pf 4 hands, 1934; other choral works

Org works

Principal publisher: Društvo Slovenskih Skladateljev

BIBLIOGRAPHY

A. Rijavec: ‘Slavko Osterc und die stilistische Situation seiner Zeit’, GfMKB: Bonn 1970, 547–9

A. Rijavec: Kompozicijski stavek komornih instrumentalnih del Slavka Osterca [Compositional technique in the instrumental chamber works of Slavko Osterc] (Ljubljana, 1972)

K. Bedina: ‘Ausgangspunkte der musikalischen Poetik und Prosa von Slavko Osterc’, Soobstoj avantgard, ed. A. Erjavec (Ljubljana, 1986), 12–23

K. Bedina, ed.: Zbornik ponatisov o zivljenju in delu Slavka Osterca [Anthology of reprints on the life and work of Slavko Osterc] (Ljublijana, 1995)

Glasba med obema vojnama in Slavko Osterc/Musik zwischen beiden Weltkriegen und Slavko Osterc: Ljubljana, 1995, 64–75

M. Lipovšek: ‘Melodika v Osterčevem kompozicijskem stavku’ [Melody in Osterc’s compositional technique], MZ, xxxi (1995), 43–6

B. Loparnik: ‘Iskanje Osterca’ [In search of Osterc], MZ, xxxi (1995), 81–90

J. Sivec: ‘Bibliografija o Slavku Ostercu’, MZ, xxxi (1995), 91–128

ANDREJ RIJAVEC/KATARINA BEDINA

Ostermaier [Ostermayer, Ostermeier], Andreas

(b Torgau, c1560; d Kassel, bur. 17 April 1621). German ?composer, music copyist and musician. As a boy he may have known Johann Walter, who was living at Torgau at the time. From 1585 to 1588 he was a member of the Kapelle of the Bishop of Olomouc and may well have been vice-Kapellmeister. From 1590 to 1593 he was a tenor in the Hofkapelle of Margrave Georg Friedrich of Brandenburg-Ansbach and later, until 1595, an instrumentalist in the Hofkapelle at Wolfenbüttel. In 1595, principally through the intervention of the Kassel Kapellmeister, Georg Otto (who was also a native of Torgau), he moved to Kassel as an instrumentalist in the Hofkapelle of Moritz, Landgrave of Hessen-Kassel. He was appointed vice-Kapellmeister and copyist in 1599 after Hans Leo Hassler had turned down the position. In this post he was one of the teachers of the young Schütz. His retirement in 1618 or 1619 was almost certainly linked with Otto's death in November 1618; that he did not succeed him was probably due simply to his age. During his last years he was the proprietor of an inn at Kassel. He is scarcely known as a composer. A Te Deum and a Cantio sacra said to have been by him were once known at Darmstadt (the latter was destroyed in D-DS during World War II). According to Zulauf a four-part Magnificat per universos 8 tonos of 1594 used to exist (in D-Kl), but this was probably identical with the four-part Canticum beatae Mariae of 1599 (in D-WH), which has been shown to be a copy by Ostermaier of a work by Otto. Ostermaier's work as a copyist is more significant. It can be seen in two carefully written choirbooks in the Luther Room of the Stadtkirche at Schmalkalden, one of the residences of the Landgraves of Hessen-Kassel; they contain mainly music of the Venetian school from about 1600 and works by Aichinger and Hassler.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

E. Zulauf: Beiträge zur Geschichte der landgräflich-hessischen Hofkapelle zu Cassel bis auf die Zeit Moritz des Gelehrten (Kassel, 1902)

G. Kraft: ‘Die Chorbücher der Lutherstube zu Schmalkalden’, ZMw, xii (1929–30), 510–11; xiii (1930–31), 97–8

G. Schmidt: Die Musik am Hofe des Markgrafen von Brandenburg-Ansbach vom ausgehenden Mittelalter bis 1806 (Kassel, 1956), 33

C. Engelbrecht: Die Kasseler Hofkapelle im 17. Jahrhundert (Kassel, 1958), 59f, 66

M. Ruhnke: Beiträge zu einer Geschichte der deutschen Hofmusikkollegien im 16. Jahrhundert (Berlin, 1963)

E. Noack: Musikgeschichte Darmstadts vom Mittelalter bis zur Goethezeit (Mainz, 1967)

WALTER BLANKENBURG

Österreich, Georg

(b Magdeburg, bap. 17 March 1664; d Wolfenbüttel, 6 June 1735). German music collector, singer and composer. The son of a brewer, he began his musical education with the Magdeburg Kantor Johann Scheffler, spent two years (1678–80) at the Thomasschule in Leipzig under Johann Schelle and continued his studies at the Johanneum in Hamburg. There he began his professional career as alto and later tenor soloist in the city's Kantorei, interrupted by a year at the university in Leipzig (1683–4). From 1686 to 1689 he worked as a tenor at the court in Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel; during this time he lived with the Kapellmeister Johann Theile, receiving lessons in composition from him and in singing from the two Italian castratos in residence at the court. He himself became Kapellmeister in 1689 to Duke Christian Albrecht of Schleswig-Holstein and moved to Gottorf Castle with his new bride, Magdalena Darnedden, daughter of a Brunswick brewer.

Music flourished at Gottorf under Österreich until the death of Christian Albrecht in 1694, whereupon many musicians were dismissed by his successor, Frederick IV. Österreich took a temporary position as Kapellmeister in Coburg (1695–7) but returned to Gottorf when the duke promised to employ more musicians. After Frederick's death in battle in 1702, however, he moved to Brunswick, living off the income from the brewery inherited from his father-in-law. He soon became involved again at the court in Wolfenbüttel as opera singer, singing teacher, acting Kapellmeister in Georg Schürmann's absence and eventually (?1724) court Kantor, the position he held until his death. His daughter Sophie Amalia (bap. Brunswick, 20 June 1696) was a singer in Wolfenbüttel until her marriage on 18 October 1729; the biographical information given by Walther must have been supplied immediately before this event.

At least 47 compositions by Österreich survive, of which 28 are sacred and 19 secular. A further 13 sacred works in a manuscript attributed to Georg's brother Michael (b Magdeburg, 4 Oct 1658) may also be by Georg – one piece in the manuscript names Georg as the composer, whilst another exists in a variant version ascribed to him. Österreich's sacred works contain examples of all the principal forms and styles of German sacred music at the close of the 17th century. The earliest date from his first period at the court of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel, including two Psalm settings in Latin, but most come from his period as Kapellmeister at Gottorf (and briefly at Coburg) between 1689 and 1702. Some are settings of single texts, taken from the Bible (Wir haben nicht einen Hohen Priester), some set contemporary poetry (Wie eilstu edler Geist, a sacred ode by the poet, composer and physician Johann Phillip Förtsch) or chorales (Herr Jesu Christ mein Lebens Licht), whilst others show the characteristic amalgamation of complementary texts found in much Lutheran church music of this period. The latter include Aller Augen warten auf dich (which follows the order biblical verse–aria–chorale–biblical verse, repeated) and extended multi-sectional works such as Alle Menschen müssen sterben. Several developments may be noted in the compositions dating from the mid-1690s onwards including the increasing prominence of the trio of two oboes and bassoon, the use of all violins in unison, the tendency towards distinct formal sections (including non-strophic aria movements with obbligato instruments), the use of extended fugal sections for chorus and the occasional appearance of secco recitative. Notable features of the works include the vivid portrayal of biblical scenes and references, such as the setting of ‘Tue ein Zeichen’ in Weise mir Herr deinen Weg, employing unison strings and dramatic pauses, and the depiction of the valley of the shadow of death in Alle Menschen müssen sterben, set for two bassoons, two basses and continuo. For the extended funeral motet on the death of his employer Frederick IV in 1702, Plötzlich müssen die Leute sterben, Österreich employed an unusually large continuo section including a ‘Violono maggiore’ and a ‘Contra Fagott’, the latter being possibly the earliest documented use of this instrument in a sacred work.

At least eight of Österreich's secular works date from his years at Gottorf and Coburg, and their style is closely related to that of the sacred music of the same period. The compositions include birthday odes and other occasional works, including the cantata Entweiche Sorgennacht which appears to celebrate the marriage in 1695 of Princess Sophia Amalia of Schleswig-Holstein (after whom Österreich may have named his own daughter) with August Wilhelm of Brunswick, a union that had an obvious parallel in Österreich's own career. Only two secular works date from his first years back at the court of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel after 1702, and one of these, Durch Klippen, Berg und Stein, re-uses material from Entweiche Sorgennacht. Most of the later secular works date from after 1717, including four cantatas for New Year's Day. Many are written for soprano solo and may have been intended for performance by his daughter (who is cited as the composer as well as the performer of the 1717 cantata for New Year's Day). These later cantatas show the clear distinction between arias (da capo) and recitative (secco) that was by then standard in secular vocal music composed under Italian influence (although one da capo aria with the final section written out in full can be found in three different secular works from the 1690s, the earliest of which is Gläntze du erwünschtes Licht dating from 1695). Italian music and musicians were an established feature of court life at Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel, which Österreich had already experienced in the late 1680s. Similarities exist between the style of the late cantatas and the corresponding output of Österreich's colleague at the court, Georg Schürmann.

Österreich is primarily important not as a composer, however, but as the original assembler and main copyist of the ‘Bokemeyer’ collection of manuscripts, one of the two main sources of German Protestant vocal music of the later 17th century (the other being the slightly earlier collection of Gustav Düben). Although a considerable quantity of material has been lost, the collection still contains over 1800 compositions by German and Italian composers, mostly in score, and 24 theoretical treatises. Like Österreich's own compositions the collection reflects a shift in interest during his career from sacred to secular music. Over half the collection consists of sacred music and appears to have been assembled before Österreich's departure from Gottorf in 1702, whilst the second part of the collection dates from his return to Wolfenbüttel and consists principally of secular cantatas. Although music by Italian composers forms a substantial portion of the earlier part of the collection (some 237 sacred works survive attributed to named Italian composers), the later segment is overwhelmingly Italian in origin, consisting principally of cantatas and arias. Many of Österreich's copies are unica, including three acts of Albinoni's opera Engelberta, five cantatas by Alessandro Scarlatti, three sacred concertos by Buxtehude, and many of the compositions by other north German composers such as Georg Böhm, Nicolas Bruhns and Vincent Lübeck. His collection of treatises includes copies of theoretical works by Carissimi, Johann Theile and Christoph Bernhard, as well as one of his own, Aufsatz von den gedoppelten Contrapuncten (MS, D-Bsb), by his own admission a compendium of other theorists' ideas. Österreich sold his collection in 1718 to his friend and former student Heinrich Bokemeyer, who added further material. The collection is now housed in the Deutsche Staatsbibliothek in Berlin.

WORKS

(in D-Bsb, mostly autograph)

sacred

Ach Herr wie sind meiner Feinde, 1699, T, tpt, 3 str, bn, bc; Alle Menschen müssen sterben, 1701, motetto concertato, SATBB, 3 ob, 4 str, 2 bn, bc; Aller Augen warten auf dich, concerto, SATB, 4 str, bc; Der Gerechten Seelen sind in Gottes Hand, SSATB, 4 str, bc; Dixit Dominus, motetto concertato, STB, 3 str, 2 ob, bc; Du Tochter Zion freue dich, 1689, SATB, 5 str, bc; Fahr hin o Welt, SATB, 4 str, bc; Freue dich sehr o meine Seele, 1697, motetto concertato, SATB, 4 str, bn, bc; Gottes Ruhm muss stets erschallen, aria, S, vn, ob, bc; Herr Jesu Christ, 1704, SATB, 4 str, bn, bc; Herr Jesu Christ mein Lebens Licht, 1698, corale concertato, SATB, 4 str, bn, bc; Ich bin die Auferstehung, 1704, motetto concertato, SSAATTBB, 2 ob, 2 fl, 4 str, bn, bc; Ich habe einen guten Kampf gekämpfet, SATB, 3 str, bc; Ich weiss dass mein Erlöser, 1690, T, 4 str, bc; Ich will den Herren loben, 1688, SATB, 4 str, bc

Laetatus sum in his, 1687, ATB, 4 str, bn, bc; Levavi oculos meos, 1688, SATB, 5 str, bc; Plötzlich müssen die Leute sterben, 1702, actus funebrus, SSATBB, 2 vn, 2 ob, 3 str, violono maggiore, bn, contrafagotto, bc; Ruhe sanft in Gottes Hand, 1701, aria, SATB, 3 str, bc; Seelig sind die Todten, SSATB, 4 str, bc; Sie ist fest gegründet, 1691, SSATB, 5 str, bc; Und Jesus ging aus von dannen, 1693, dialogo, SSATB, 4 str, bn, bc; Unser keiner lebet ihn selber, SSATB, 4 str, 2 fl, bn, bc; Unser Leben wäret siebenzig Jahr, SSATTBB, 10 str, bn, bc [wrongly attrib. J.P. Förtsch]; Valet will ich dir geben, corale, SATB, 3 str, bn, bc; Weise mir Herr deinen Weg, 1695, motetto concertato, SATB, 2 ob, 2 vn, 3 str, bc; Wie eilstu edler Geist, 1694, ode, SSATB, 4 str, 2 ob, bc; Wir haben nicht einen Hohen Priester, 1695, motetto concertato, SSATTBB, 6 str, bn, bc

Attrib. Michael Österreich, possibly by Georg: Ach bleib bei unss, 1693, ATB, 3 str, bn, bc; Das Wort ward Fleisch, 1694, SATB, 4 str, bn, bc; Des Menschen Sohn wird seine Engel senden, 1693, SATB, 4 str, bn, bc; Es ist hier kein Unterschied, 1693, ATB, 3 str, bn, bc; Et cum spiritu tuo, SATB; Ich habe einen guten Kampf gekämpfet, concerto, ATB, 4 str, bc; San, 1691, SATB, 4 str, bn, bc; San, 1692, SATB, 4 str, bn, bc; San, 1693, SSATB, 2 tpt, 4 str, bn, bc; San, 1694, SSATB, 2 tpt, 4 str, bn, bc; Sende dein Licht und deine Wahrheit, 1690, TTB, 3 str, bn, bc; Vater unser, der du bist im Himmel, 1693, SSAT, 4 str, bn, bc; Zweyerley bitt ich von dir, 1690, SSB, 4 str, bc

3 works of uncertain attribution, see Kümmerling

Secular

Die Schönheit die ein Hertz, cant., S, ob, 3 str, bc; Durch Klippen, Berg und Stein, 1711, S, 2 ob/fl/vn, va, bn, bc; Entweiche Sorgennacht, ?1695, S, 3 str, bn, bc; Erklähret Euch ihr Gottheits schwangern Blicke, cant., S, bc; Frohlocket ihr getreuen, 1719, cant., S, 2 vn, 2 ob, va, vc, bc; Gläntze du erwünschtes Licht, 1695, aria, S, 3 viols, bc; Gnädigste Fürstin, der Cimber Vergnügen, 1694, ode, T, 4 ob, 5 str, bn, bc; Ist wohl dein Helden Mut, 1697, duett, TT, b viol; Meine Sonn ist gantz verschwunden, cant., S, 3 str, bn, bc

O du hochdurchleucht'ges Paar, Taffel-Music, 1693, SSATB, 4 str, bc; O höchst beglückte Tages Blicke, 1717, S, 2 ob, 3 str, bc [for New Year's Day; possibly by S. A. Österreich]; Seelge Fürstin ruhe wohl, SATB, 3 viols, bc; So müss demnach die Zeit verschwinden, 1718, cant., S, 2 vn, 2 ob, va, bc; Verknüpftes Götter Paar, 1698, S, tpt, ob, 3 str, bn, bc; Welt gepriesnes Fürsten-Kind, 1711, SS, 4 str, bc; Wenn heute Land und Lufft erschallen, 1721, cant., S, 2 ob, 3 str, 2 bn, bc; Wie kömbt es doch dass Phöbus, 1695, SATB, 4 str, bn, bc; Wie süss ist es geliebt zu sein, cant., S, 2 ob, vc, bc; Zeige dich erwünschtes Licht, 1698, ode, S, 3 viols, bc

BIBLIOGRAPHY

WaltherML

A. Soltys: ‘Georg Oesterreich (1664–1735): sein Leben und seine Werke’, AMw, iv (1922), 169–240

F. Krummacher: Die Überlieferung der Choralbearbeitungen in der frühen evangelischen Kantate (Berlin, 1965)

H. Kümmerling: Katalog der Sammlung Bokemeyer (Kassel, 1970) [incl. complete list of works]

G. Webber: North German Church Music in the Age of Buxtehude (Oxford, 1996)

P. Wollny: ‘Zwischen Hamburg, Gottorf und Wolfenbüttel: neue Ermittlungen zur Enstehung der “Sammlung Bokemeyer”’, Schütz Jb, xx (1998), 59–76

KERALA J. SNYDER/GEOFFREY WEBBER

Österreichischer Bundesverlag.

Austrian publishing house. It was set up in 1771 by Empress Maria Theresa to publish school books, and from its inception it published music, particularly songbooks. After the reopening of the firm in Vienna in 1945, a music department was set up under Wilhelm Rohm in 1946 which produced new music in a modern idiom required by Austrian music education, and concentrated on following modern educational principles. The resultant output has included music for all types of schools, books on music theory and history, music for amateur performance, contemporary Austrian chamber music, instrumental tutors, a series on elocution (with records), and folksongs, folkdances and wind music from all parts of Austria. In addition the series Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Österreich was published by the firm from volume lxxxv onwards. In 1961 Alois Rottensteiner was appointed head of the music department. The firm also publishes the periodical Musikerziehung, established by Joseph Lechthaler in 1947, which under Rohm, its chief editor until 1961, and since then under Eberhard Würzl, has published articles by Austrian and foreign authorities on every aspect of modern musical education. Musikerziehung was until 1961 the official journal of the Arbeitsgemeinschaft der Musikerzieher Österreichs and the mouthpiece of the Vienna Mozartgemeinde, the Österreichischer Musikrat (UNESCO) and the Franz Schmidt Gemeinde. (MGG1 (W. Rohm))

WILHELM ROHM

Osthoff, Helmuth

(b Bielefeld, 13 Aug 1896; d Würzburg, 9 Feb 1983). German musicologist, father of Wolfgang Osthoff. His early musical training was in Bielefeld and Münster, and after serving in the war (1915–18) he studied musicology, art history and philosophy, starting in 1919 at Münster University, but transferring in 1920 to Berlin University. At Berlin he was decisively influenced by Johannes Wolf, who introduced him to medieval and Renaissance music. He took the doctorate at Berlin in 1922 with a dissertation on the lutenist Santino Garsi of Parma, and remained in Berlin for a year to study composition with Wilhelm Klatte, the piano with James Kwast and conducting with Gustav Brecher, for whom he subsequently worked as a répétiteur for the Leipzig Opera (1923–6). He then became an assistant lecturer in the musicology department of Halle University where, with the decisive support of Schering, he became deeply involved in the study and performance of early music. In 1928 he became Schering’s chief assistant in the music history department of Berlin University. He completed his Habilitation there in 1932 with a dissertation on the Netherlands and the German lied (1400–1640), and subsequently taught there as Privatdozent. He was sent to Frankfurt University in 1937 and appointed reader and director of the musicology institute in 1939. Following a temporary suspension during denazification in 1945, he became full professor there in 1950; he retired in 1964.

The period of Osthoff's researches extends from the late Middle Ages to Mahler, but his most eminent work concerns the Renaissance and consists of valuable source studies, analytical and historical works, and numerous editions. Within this field he concentrated particularly on Josquin Des Prez, on whom he wrote a definitive monograph (1962–5). He also composed songs, a cantata and a string quartet.

WRITINGS

Der Lautenist Santino Garsi da Parma: ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der oberitalienischen Lautenmusik am Ausgang der Spätrenaissance (diss., U. of Berlin, 1922; Leipzig, 1926/R)

Adam Krieger (Leipzig, 1929)

‘Eine unbekannte Schauspielmusik Jacob Regnarts’, Musikwissenschaftliche Beiträge: Festschrift für Johannes Wolf, ed. W. Lott, H. Osthoff and W. Wolfheim (Berlin, 1929/R), 153–61

Die Niederländer und das deutsche Lied, 1400–1640 (Habilitationsschrift, U. of Berlin, 1932; Berlin, 1938/R)

‘Die Anfänge der Musikgeschichtsschreibung in Deutschland’, AcM, v (1933), 97–107

‘Einwirkungen der Gegenreformation auf die Musik des 16. Jahrhunderts’, JbMP 1934, 32–50

‘Solo- und Konzertliteratur und duettierende Kammermusik für Blas- und Streichinstrumente’, Das Atlantisbuch der Musik, ed. F. Hamel and M. Hurlimann (Berlin and Zürich, 1934, 9/1959)

‘Die Historien Rogier Michaels (Dresden 1602)’, Festschrift Arnold Schering, ed. H. Osthoff, W. Serauky and A. Adrio (Berlin, 1937/R), 166–79

‘Friderizianische Heeresmusik’, Die Musik, xxx (1937–8), 152–8

‘Der Gesangstil der frühdeutschen Oper’, Singen und Sprechen: Frankfurt 1938, 11–17

‘Deutsche Liedweisen und Wechselgesänge im mittelalterlichen Drama’, AMf, vii (1942), 65–81

Johannes Brahms und seine Sendung (Bonn, 1942)

‘Die Musik im Drama des deutschen Mittelalters: Quellen und Forschungsziele’, Deutsche Musikkultur, vii (1942–3), 29–40

‘Neue Quellen zu Adam Krieger’, AMf, viii (1943), 71–81

‘Musikgeschichte und Musik’, Das Musikleben, i (1948), 217–22

‘L'idea drammatica e lo stile musicale nelle opere di Gaspare Spontini’, Studi spontiniani I: Iesi, Maiolati, Fabriano, Ancona 1951, 53–8

‘“Wohlauf, gut G'sell, von hinnen!”: ein Beispiel deutsch-französischer Liedgemeinschaft um 1500’, Jb für Volksliedforschung, viii (1951), 128–36

‘Besetzung und Klangstruktur in den Werken von Josquin des Prez’, AMw, ix (1952), 177–94

‘Vergils Aeneis in der Musik von Josquin des Prez bis Orlando di Lasso’, AMw, xi (1954), 85–102

‘Mozarts Einfluss auf Richard Strauss’, SMz, xcviii (1958), 409–17

‘Gedichte von Tomaso Stigliani auf Giulio Caccini, Claudio Monteverdi, Santino Garsi da Parma und Claudio Merulo’, Miscelánea en homenaje a Monseñor Higinio Anglés (Barcelona, 1958–61), 615–21

‘Das Magnificat bei Josquin Desprez’, AMw, xvi (1959), 220–36

‘Der Durchbruch zum musikalischen Humanismus’, IMSCR VIII: New York 1961, ii, 31–9

‘Domenico Mazzocchis Vergil-Kompositionen’, Festschrift Karl Gustav Fellerer zum sechzigsten Geburtstag, ed. H. Hüschen (Regensburg, 1962/R), 407–16

Josquin Desprez (Tutzing, 1962–5)

‘Zu Gustav Mahlers Erster Symphonie’, AMw, xxviii (1971), 217–27

‘Chorkomposition bis 1700’, ‘Josquin Desprez’, ‘Krieger, Adam’, ‘Schering, Arnold’, MGG1

Further articles in IMSCR V: Utrecht 1952, Musikwissenschaftlicher Kongress: Vienna 1956 and in Festschriften for Gurlitt (1959), Blume (1963) and van den Borren (1964)

EDITIONS

Johann Sigismund Kusser: Ouverture IV aus ‘Composition de Musique’, NM, c (1933/R); Arien, Duette und Chöre aus Erindo oder Die unsträfliche Liebe, EDM, 2nd ser., Schleswig-Holstein und Hansestädte, iii (1938)

Acht Lied- und Choralmotetten, Cw, xxx (1934, 2/1950)

Das deutsche Chorlied vom 16. Jahrhundert bis zur Gegenwart, Mw, x (1955; Eng. trans., 1955)

Fünf Vergil-Motetten, Cw, liv (1956)

Josquin Desprez: Drei Motetten, Cw, lvii (1956); Zwei Psalmen, Cw, lxiv (1957)

Johann Sebastian Bach: Kantaten zum 16. and 17. Sonntag nach Trinitatis, Neue Ausgabe sämtlicher Werke, xxiii (Kassel, 1982–4)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

L. Hoffmann-Erbrecht and H. Hucke, eds.: Festschrift Helmuth Osthoff zum 65. Geburtstage (Tutzing, 1961)

W. Stauder, U. Aarburg and P. Cahn, eds.: Helmuth Osthoff zu seinem siebzigsten Geburtstag (Tutzing, 1969) [incl. list of publications, 251]

L. Finscher, ed.: Renaissance-Studien: Helmuth Osthoff zum 80. Geburtstag (Tutzing, 1979)

L. Hoffman-Erbrecht: ‘Helmuth Osthoff (1896–1983)’, Mf, xxxvi (1983), 66–8

HANS HEINRICH EGGEBRECHT/PAMELA M. POTTER

Osthoff, Wolfgang

(b Halle, 17 March 1927). German musicologist, son of Helmuth Osthoff. He studied at the Staatliche Hochschule für Musik, Frankfurt (1939–43), where he was a composition pupil of Kurt Hessenberg; at this time and subsequently he was much influenced by Gerhard Frommel. He took lessons in conducting with Kurt Thomas (1946–7) and studied musicology (1947–9) at the University of Frankfurt with his father, and (from 1949) with T.G. Georgiades at Heidelberg University, where he also studied philosophy, chiefly with Hans Georg Gadamer. In 1954 he took the doctorate at Heidelberg with a dissertation on Monteverdi’s later stage works. After doing research in Italy for several years he became assistant lecturer in the musicology department of Munich University (1957–64), obtaining a full teaching post in 1959. He completed the Habilitation at Munich in 1965 with a dissertation on theatre music in the Italian Renaissance. He was appointed university lecturer at Munich in 1966 and professor and chair of musicology at Würzburg in 1968; he also founded and edited the series Würzburger Musik Historische Beiträge (1971–98). In the 1970s Osthoff began a collaboration with the Deutsches Studienzentrum in Venice; he was appointed adviser there in 1980. He retired in 1995, but has remained active as a member of the advisory board of the Beethoven-Archiv, Bonn, which he joined in 1997.

Osthoff’s research covers music history from the 15th century to the 20th. In particular, he has published numerous perceptive analytical and historical studies on the history of opera (notably on Monteverdi and Verdi), the works of Beethoven and the relationship between music and poetic form. Osthoff is also known for his work on Pfitzner, Shostakovich and German music after 1950. He is co-editor of the Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, editor of many congress reports and has contributed to a number of encyclopedias.

WRITINGS

Monteverdistudien I: Das dramatische Spätwerk Claudio Monteverdis (diss., U. of Heidelberg, 1954; Tutzing, 1960)

‘Petrarca in der Musik des Abendlandes’, Castrum peregrini, no.20 (1954), 5–36

‘Die Venezianische und Neapolitanische Fassung von Monteverdis “Incoronazione di Poppea”’, AcM, xxvi (1954), 88–113

‘Trombe sordine’, AMw, xiii (1956), 77–95

‘Monteverdi-Funde’, AMw, xiv (1957), 253–80

‘Neue Beobachtungen zu Quellen und Geschichte von Monteverdis “Incoronazione di Poppea”’, Mf, xi (1958), 129–38

‘Antonio Cestis “Alessandro vincitor di se stesso”’, SMw, xxiv (1960), 13–43

‘Die beiden “Boccanegra”-Fassungen und der Beginn von Verdis Spätwerk’, AnMc, no.1 (1963), 70–89

Ludwig van Beethoven: Klavierkonzert Nr.3 c-moll, Op.37 (Munich, 1965)

Theatergesang und darstellende Musik in der italienischen Renaissance (15. und 16. Jahrhundert) (Habilitationsschrift, U. of Munich, 1965; Tutzing, 1969)

‘Mozarts Cavatinen und ihre Tradition’, Helmuth Osthoff zu seinem siebzigsten Geburtstag, ed. W. Stauder, U. Aarburg and P. Cahn (Tutzing, 1969), 139–77

‘Zum dramatischen Charakter der zweiten und dritten Leonoren-Ouvertüre und Beethovenscher Theatermusik im allgemeinen’, Beiträge zur Geschichte der Oper, ed. H. Becker (Regensburg, 1969), 11–24

‘Die beiden Fassungen von Verdis “Macbeth”’, AMw, xxix (1972), 17–44

‘Die Opera buffa’, Gattungen der Musik in Einzeldarstellungen: Gedenkschrift Leo Schrade, ed. W. Arlt and others (Berne and Munich, 1973), 678–743

‘Jugendwerk, Früh-, Reife- und Altersstil: zum langsamen Satz des Cellokonzerts in a-moll Op.52 von Hans Pfitzner’, AMw, xxxiii (1976), 89–119

‘Il sonetto nel Falstaff di Verdi’, Il melodramma italiano dell’Ottocento: studi e ricerche per Massimo Mila, ed. G. Pestelli (Turin, 1977), 157–83

‘Zum Vorstellungsgehalt des Allegretto in Beethovens 7. Symphonie’, AMw, xxxiv (1977), 159–79

ed. with P. Cahn and J.P. Vogel: Gerhard Frommel: der Komponist und sein Werk (Tutzing, 1979)

‘Eine neue Quelle zu Palestrinazitat und Palestrinasatz in Pfitzners musikalischer Legende’, Renaissance-Studien: Helmuth Osthoff zum 80. Geburtstage, ed. L. Finscher (Tutzing, 1979), 185–209; see also Studi palestriniani II: Palestrina 1986, 527–68

‘Dokumente zur italienischen Oper von 1600 bis 1706’, Quellentexte zur Konzeption der europäischen Oper im 17. Jahrhundert, ed. H. Becker (Kassel, 1981), 11–67

‘Zum Schneider-Lied in Wagners “Meistersingern”’, Music in Bayern, no.22 (1981), 73–88

‘Bach und die Oper’, Festschrift Heinz Becker, ed. J. Schläder and R. Quandt (Laaber, 1982), 38–55

‘Die humanistische Formel der dramatischen Gattungen und die Entwicklung der Theatermusik’, Musik in Humanismus and Renaissance, ed. W. Rüegg and A. Schmitt (Weinheim, 1983), 99–134

‘Richard Wagners Buddha-Projekt “Die Sieger”: seine ideellen und strukturellen Spuren in “Ring” und “Parsifal”’, AMw, xl (1983), 189–211

‘Contro le legge de’ Fati: Polizianos und Monteverdis “Orfeo” als Sinnbild künstlerischen Wettkampfs mit der Natur’, AnMc, no.22 (1984), 11–68

‘Das “Sprechende” in Beethovens Instrumentalmusik’, Beiträge zu Beethovens Kammermusik: Bonn 1984, 11–40

‘“Attilio Regolo”: Metastasios musikdramatische Konzeptionen und Hasses Ausführung’, Dresdner Operntraditionen: Dresden 1985, 147–73

ed., with R. Wiesend: Bach und die italienische Musik: Venice 1985 [incl. ‘Das “Credo” der h-moll-Messe: italienische Vorbilder und Anregungen’, 109–38; repr. in Altes im Neuen: Festschrift Theodor Göllner, ed. B. Edelmann and M.H. Schmid (Tutzing, 1995), 209–31]

‘Hans Pfitzners “Rose vom Liebesgarten”, Gustav Mahler und die Wiener Schule’, Festschrift Martin Ruhnke zum 65. Geburtstag (Neuhausen-Stuttgart, 1986), 265–93

‘Musica e versificazione: funzioni del verso poetico nell’opera italiana’, ‘L’opera d’arte e la sua riproduzione: un problema d’attualità per il teatro d’opera’, La drammaturgia musicale, ed. L. Bianconi (Bologna, 1986), 125–41, 383–409

‘Pasquale Anfossi maestro d’oratorio nello spirito del dramma metastasiano’, Metastasio e il mondo musicale, ed. M.T. Muraro (Florence, 1986), 275–313

‘Raffael und die Musik’, Raffael in seiner Zeit, ed. V. Hoffmann (Nuremberg, 1987), 155–88

‘Dante beim späten Verdi’, Studi verdiani, v (1988–9), 35–64

‘Siegfrieds Tod und die Geburt der Musik aus dem Geiste der Tragödie’, Opern und Musikdramen Verdis und Wagners in Dresden: Dresden 1988, 636–50

‘Symphonien beim Ende des Zweiten Weltkriegs: Strawinsky – Frommel – Schostakowitsch’, AcM, lx (1988), 62–104

Stefan George und ‘Les deux musiques’: tönende und vertonte Dichtung im Einklang und Widerstreit (Stuttgart, 1989)

ed.: Briefwechsel Hans Pfitzner … Gerhard Frommel 1925–1948 (Tutzing, 1990)

‘Die langsamen Einleitungen zu Beethovens Klaviertrios (Op.1, Nr.2; Op.121a; Op.70, Nr.2), Beethovens Klaviertrios: Munich 1990, 119–129

‘“La maga Circe” di Pasquale Anfossi nella traduzione di Goethe per il teatro di Weimar’, ‘Aspetti strutturali e psicologici della drammaturgia verdiana nei ritocchi della “Traviata”’, Opera & Libretto, ed. G. Folena, M.T. Muraro and G. Morelli (Florence, 1990), 51–76, 315–60

ed., with R. Wiesend: Mozart e la drammaturgia veneta: Venice 1991 [incl. ‘Die “parti serie” in den Ensembles von Mozarts Opera buffa “Don Giovanni”’, 75–88]

ed., with F. Heidlberger and R. Wiesend: Von Isaac bis Bach: Festschrift Martin Just (Kassel, 1991) [incl. ‘Imitatio, Allegorie, Symbol: Erwägungen zum Schlusssatz der Sonate bwv963 und zu ähnlichen Soggetti von Johann Sebastian Bach’, 273–85]

‘Beethovens Grétry-Variationen WoO72’, RBM, xlvii (1993), 125–42

‘Einfall und Komposition bei Hans Pfitzner: das Cellokonzert in G-Dur Op.42 (1935)’, Vom Einfall zum Kunstwerk: der Kompositionsprozess in der Musik des 20. Jahrhunderts, ed. H. Danuser and G. Katzenberger (Laaber, 1993), 139–60

‘Dichterischer Rhythmus und rhythmische Melodie bei Richard Wagner’, Musiktheorie, ix (1994), 49–61

‘Gerhard Frommel und “France dulce terre”: ein deutscher Komponist während der Kriegsjahre’, International Journal of Musicology, iii (1994), 291–308

‘“In Ketten tanzen”: symphonische Scherzi im totalitären Staat’, JbSIM 1994, 158–98

‘Der dritte Satz aus Beethovens 8. Symphonie’, Schweizer Jb für Musikwissenschaft, new ser., xv (1995), 111–25

‘Monteverdis “Orfeo”: sein erster Druck und ein handschriftliches Fragment aus dem 17. Jahrhundert’, Festschrift Klaus Hortschansky, ed. A. Beer and L. Lütteken (Tutzing, 1995), 59–79

‘Osservazioni sul canto della stanza, che incomincia “Notte” nel “Combattimento” di Claudio Monteverdi: carattere e radici del genere’, Monteverdi: recitativo in monodia e polifonia: Rome 1995, 59–78

BIBLIOGRAPHY

M. Just and R. Wiesend, eds.: Liedstudien: Wolfgang Osthoff zum 60. Geburtstag (Tutzing, 1989) [incl. list of writings]

HANS HEINRICH EGGEBRECHT/R

Ostiano, Vincenzo

(fl late 16th century). Italian composer, poet and organist. His only known publication is a book of 22 napolitane for three voices (Venice, 1579). It is dedicated to Nicolo Lanzanico, a nobleman from Treviso, who had a country estate at Seravalle where Ostiano served as organist. In the dedication Ostiano claimed that enjoyment is the ultimate goal of music; therefore, ‘napolitane deserve more than the usual praise for the great pleasure they impart’. His book contains songs of homage to patrons, a strophic paraphrase of the madrigal Poiche morte and two proposta–risposta exchanges; the remainder are Arcadian villanella types. Tripartite musical forms, short points of imitation, syncopated rhythms and occasional parallel 5ths characterize his style.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

EinsteinIM

G.M. Monti: Le villanelle alla napoletana e l’antica lirica dialettale a Napoli (Città di Castello, 1925)

E. Gerson-Kiwi: Studien zur Geschichte des italienischen Liedmadrigals im XVI. Jahrhundert (Würzburg, 1937)

R.I. DeFord: ‘The Influence of the Madrigal on Canzonetta Texts of the Late Sixteenth Century’, AcM, lix (1987), 127–51

DONNA G. CARDAMONE

Ostinato

(It.: ‘obstinate’).

A term used to refer to the repetition of a musical pattern many times in succession while other musical elements are generally changing. A simple and easily remembered method of construction, ostinato is extremely widespread in oral musical traditions. It has also been used in Western art music, one of the earliest surviving examples being the 13th-century canon Sumer is icumen in. Ostinato enjoyed a Golden Age during the Baroque period (see Chaconne; Passacaglia; Folia; Ruggiero; and Borrowing, §8) and, after a decline during the Classical and Romantic eras, it reappeared in other guises in the 20th century (see also Ground and Variations).

1. Types.

2. Ostinato variations.

4. Ostinato as a means of expression.

LAURE SCHNAPPER

1. Types.

The adjective ‘ostinato’ first appeared in a musical context in 1687 in Berardi’s Documenti armonici, where the expression ‘contrapunto ostinato’ is found, although Zarlino had already described its use in 1558 in his Le istituzioni harmoniche under the name ‘pertinacie’. In the music dictionaries of Brossard (1703), Walther (1732) and J.-J. Rousseau (1768) the terms ‘contrapunto perfidiato’ and ‘contrapunto obligato’ are used in the same sense.

The use of the term as a noun, without specifying which is the ‘obstinate’ element, is relatively recent (Hermann Mendel first used it in his Musikalisches Conversations-Lexicon in 1877), and the term has long been understood, even in some 20th-century dictionaries, to be an abbreviation of basso ostinato.

The regular repetition of a pattern requires, as a minimum, the existence of a rhythmic structure, to which other elements may be added. Several types of ostinato may thus be distinguished according to the elements involved.

An exclusively rhythmic ostinato can be stated in a single instrument (as in the side drum in Ravel’s Boléro), by many instruments (as in ‘Mars’ from Holst’s The Planets) or by different instruments in opposition (ex.1). This type of ostinato is found above all in oral musical traditions, in jazz and in popular music. The rhythm in ex.1 uses the pitches of the piece’s scalar system, but a rhythmic ostinato may also be on a single, repeated pitch. Examples are found in Schubert’s lied Die Sterbende, the first of Jolivet’s Cinq danses rituelles for piano (ex.2) and ‘Le gibet’ in Ravel’s Gaspard de la nuit. In notated Western music, however, a rhythmic ostinato is usually applied to non-repeating or ‘free’ pitches. This type of ostinato is common, ranging from 13th-century rhythmic modes to the characteristic rhythms of individual dances. Among the many examples are the ‘Course à l’abîme’ from Berlioz’s La damnation de Faust and Purcell’s air ‘The pale and the purple rose’ (ex.3).

When two elements, rhythm and pitch, are both ‘obstinate’, either their respective periodicity coincides or it does not. If it does not, the melodic phrase usually includes the repetition of the rhythmic structure. Purcell’s ground basses contain several examples of this (ex.4). In some isorhythmic motets of the Ars Nova, the two elements, called ‘color’ (pitch organization) and ‘talea’ (rhythmic period), are treated independently (see Isorhythm). When a melodic-rhythmic ostinato is in the bass it may form a harmonic ostinato or Ground (see §3 below). This is commonly found in music of the Baroque era, and also in jazz (notably Boogie-woogie), and it may be considered the ‘high point’ of ostinato, since it involves three ‘obstinate’ elements – rhythm, pitch and harmony. The character of an ostinato bass varies according to whether its function is essentially harmonic – with equal, sometimes long, note values, particularly when it supports instrumental variations (e.g. the English ‘divisions upon a ground’) – or whether, on the other hand, it has its own distinct melodic-rhythmic line (e.g. numerous vocal pieces by Purcell and Blow). The harmonic function of the bass line can dominate to such an extent that any sense of a melodic bass is obliterated, the realization of the chords being left to the performer’s inspiration. In jazz, for instance, it is often the type of chord only that is indicated; the internal organization of the notes (i.e. whether root position or an inversion) is not specified.

Conversely, in contemporary music an ostinato rhythm may be applied to a series of chords that have no harmonic function, as, for example, in Ligeti’s Hungarian Rock (ex.5). Examples of earlier chordal ostinatos include Soler’s Fandango and Chopin’s Berceuse op.57.

2. Ostinato variations.

An ostinato is often used to support variations in other voices, when it may be repeated strictly or varied. It serves here as the ‘reference model’ which imprints itself in the listener’s memory and secures the identity of the pattern throughout the variations. This is why in ground basses of the Baroque period the variations begin only after a number of strict repetitions, which varies according to the ostinato’s length and character. The reference model is often reintroduced in the middle of the variations and almost always at the end of the piece. The descending minor tetrachord is the only formula to have become so stereotyped that it can be presented from the outset in a varied form (the reference model in this case being implicit).

Variations may operate on two different levels, affecting the regularity of the repetitions or the motif itself. First, variations in periodicity may involve elongating or shortening the pattern (as in Blow’s ‘Oh when ye powers’; ‘Anco in cielo’ in Stradella’s S Giovanni Battista; Khachaturian’s Ostinato for two pianos), temporarily interrupting it (as at the beginning of Falla’s El amor brujo) or even inserting a new element between two repetitions (as in Bach’s Cantata no.78). At the second level of variation, the ostinato may move to a different voice, perhaps entailing changes in harmony (as in Bach’s Passacaglia in C minor for organ) or in instrumentation (as in Bach’s Cantata no.78; the second movement of Beethoven’s Seventh Symphony; the ‘Carillon’ from Bizet’s L’Arlésienne Suite no.1). The pattern may also be affected by internal transformations: in addition to the traditional melodic and rhythmic modulations (rhythmic mutation, addition of passing notes, filling in etc.). There may be more specific modulations, borrowings or simple transpositions (as in Blow’s ‘The sacred nine’, Dido’s first air in Purcell’s Dido and Aeneas, Jacob and George’s duet in his Timon of Athens), as well as the stereotyped variations (in Baroque music) of the descending minor tetrachord, such as statement in the major, inversion, chromatic inflection and metric transformation (triple to duple) (see Ground).

The repetitive structure of minimalist music in the 20th century introduced a new type of ostinato variation – progressive transformation – where there is no longer a single reference model but each transformation is repeated and becomes in its turn the model for the following one (e.g. in Ligeti’s Continuum).

3. The place of ostinato in musical structure.

The structural importance of an ostinato varies according to whether the support it provides is continuous (as in the chaconne and passacaglia), partial (as in the A section of an ABA structure, e.g. the ‘Carillon’ from Bizet’s L’Arlésienne Suite no.1) or only sporadic (as in many of Stravinsky’s works).

Although melodic-rhythmic ostinatos generally appear in the bass, 20th-century composers, particularly Stravinsky, also used them in the highest voice or in an intermediate voice, thus changing the way they are perceived. Some composers incorporated a change of register into the ostinato pattern (as in the third of Messiaen’s Trois petites liturgies de la Présence Divine; ex.6), sometimes combining this with a change of instrumentation, following the concept of Klangfarbenmelodie (e.g. in the Passacaglia of Stravinsky’s Septet).

When an ostinato is accompanied by free (‘non-obstinate’) voices, the regularity of its repetition may be affected. If it functions as a framework for variations (as in the English ‘divisions upon a ground’), its periodicity coincides exactly with that of the parts playing the variations, generally in a ratio of one (sometimes two) statements to one variation in the upper parts. If the bass accompanies a vocal line, however, the ends of the vocal phrases may not coincide with the ends of the bass pattern, resulting in overlapping, as used by Monteverdi (Lamento della ninfa), Cavalli (Erisbe’s aria in L’Ormindo) and especially Purcell (Dido’s airs; O solitude, my sweetest choice). In order to avoid or, at least, mask the monotony of too frequent and too regular cadences the voice may be particularly charged at the link between statements of the ostinato (ex.7). The overlap in periodicity thus creates variety while maintaining unity, and allows great freedom in the vocal part. Furthermore, the use of a repeated formula in the bass allows attention to be focussed completely on the text and the emotional power of the voice.

Sometimes several ostinatos may be superimposed, with or without their phrases coinciding. The best examples of this art, which may involve up to four different ostinatos, are found in the traditional polyphony and polyrhythms of Central Africa. The superimposed phrases are usually of different lengths but always in simple ratio, such as 2:1, 3:1, 3:2, 4:2 and their multiples (ex.8). Western composers in the 20th century have used both superimposed ostinatos of the same length with overlapping statements (e.g. Bartók’s Music for Strings, Percussion and Celesta; Reich’s Clapping Music) and those of different lengths (e.g. the third of Messiaen’s Trois petites liturgies de la Présence Divine; the first of Stravinsky’s Three Pieces for string quartet).

4. Ostinato as a means of expression.

The regular and persistent repetition of an ostinato facilitates the perception and understanding of a motif: only after several repetitions will a listener associate a descending 3rd with the cuckoo’s song, for example. Composers using ostinato have thus sought expression on two levels – in the repetition and in the character of the repeated elements. In the 15th century, for instance, the Gloria ad modum tube attributed to Du Fay provides an example of an ostinato imitating the sound of trumpets. From the 16th century, especially in England (in the works of Byrd, Morley and Weelkes), ground basses imitating bells and carillons became widespread. In Romantic music an ostinato commonly consists of a single repeated note, imitating a death knell (as in Schubert’s Die Sterbende; ‘Le gibet’ in Ravel’s Gaspard de la nuit). The regular repetition of a rising and falling melodic outline often evokes the rocking motion of a swing (as in Satie’s La balançoire), a lullaby (as in many berceuses, such as that by Chopin or Fauré’s Dolly) or the waves of the sea (as in Debussy’s La mer; ‘Une barque sur l’océan’ from Ravel’s Miroirs; Satie’s Le yachting).

Imagery may also be derived from rhythm, and there are many examples of ostinatos that suggest the rhythm of horses’ hooves (e.g. the piano part of Schubert’s Erlkönig; the ‘Course à l’abîme’ from Berlioz’s La damnation de Faust). Often a more abstract notion is represented: since the development of diastematic notation a series of sounds moving from high to low has been associated with descent and, when repeated obstinately, can symbolize depression or even moral failing (e.g. Bach’s organ chorale Durch Adams Fall ist ganz verderbt).

Repetition itself can be used to symbolize moral restraint or obsessive torment (indeed, in the 17th century the French term for an ostinato bass was basse contrainte), as in the second act of Lully’s Acis et Galatée or Schubert’s Gretchen am Spinnrade. This becomes even more plaintive when combined with the descending minor tetrachord, with its closing minor 2nd, which in the 1640s came to symbolize lamentation. Cavalli used this in several of his operatic laments, and chromatic versions of it (e.g. Climene’s aria in Cavalli’s Egisto; Dido’s final air in Purcell’s Dido and Aeneas) serve as even stronger symbols of suffering (see Lamento).

Repetition, especially when unvaried, can cause the loss of a sense of time and induce a torpor that, by association, may be used to evoke sleep. In Baroque opera ground basses were used in this way, not only in laments but also in sleep scenes, where dreams were used to justify the intervention of gods and supernatural apparitions. In the 20th century repetition, perhaps surprisingly, is associated with one particular form of sleep – death (e.g. Ravel’s ‘Le gibet’), especially in opera (e.g. the passacaglia in the fourth interlude of Britten’s Peter Grimes; Act 2 scene iv of Shostakovich’s Lady Macbeth of the Mtsensk District; the beginning of Puccini’s Gianni Schicchi).

Ostinato repetition, particularly at high pitches, can also be an effective way of establishing an atmosphere of insecurity and suspense: this technique has been freely exploited by composers of film music (e.g. Bernard Hermann for Hitchcock’s Vertigo). An ostinato may also be articulated by dynamic variation: decreasing the tempo, intensity or dynamic may create an impression of appeasement (as at the end of Stravinsky’s Apollon Musagète); more commonly, increasing the dynamic can suggest the onset of a trance or madness (as in Ravel’s Boléro and, in oral traditions, the music accompanying trances).

While repetition in itself is expressive, contrast is also important, the simplest and most effective contrast being to stop the repetition dead. Monteverdi interrupted the ostinato in Zefiro torna in this way in order to emphasize the lover’s complaint ‘sol io per selve abbandonate et sole’. In Berlioz’s La mort de Cléopâtre the ostinato slows and stops completely at the image of the heart ceasing to beat, following Schubert who, at the end of Erlkönig, slows the rhythm of the horses and stops it completely to symbolize the end of life at the words ‘in seinen Armen das Kind war tot’.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

MGG2(‘Ground’; E.H. Meyer/M.H. Harras)

H. Riemann: ‘Das Ostinato’, Grosse Kompositionslehre, ii (Berlin, 1903), 402–38

H. Riemann: ‘Basso ostinato und basso quasi ostinato’, Festschrift Rochus Freiherrn von Liliencron (Leipzig, 1910/R), 193–203

H. Riemann: ‘Der “Basso Ostinato” und die Anfänge der Kantate’, SIMG, xiii (1911–12), 531–43

P. Nettl: ‘Zwei spanische Ostinatothemen’, ZMw, i (1918–19), 694–8

L. Propper: Der Basso ostinato als technisches und formbildendes Prinzip (Hildburghausen,1926)

R. Litterscheid: Zur Geschichte des Basso Ostinato (Dortmund, 1928)

P. Mies: ‘Die Chaconne (Passacaille) bei Händel’, HJb 1929, 13–24

L. Nowak: Grundzüge einer Geschichte des Basso ostinato in der abendländlichen Musik (Vienna, 1932)

O. Gombosi: ‘Italia, patria del basso ostinato’, RaM, vii (1934), 14–25

O. Gombosi: ‘Zur Frühgeschichte der Folia’, AcM, viii (1936), 119–29

H.W. Shaw: ‘Blow’s Use of the Ground Bass’, MQ, xxiv (1938), 31–8

W. Meinardus: Die Technik des Basso ostinato bei Henry Purcell (diss., U. of Cologne, 1939)

L. Walther: Die Ostinato-Technik in den Chaconne-und Arien-Formen des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts (Würzburg, 1940)

M. Bukofzer: ‘Sumer is icumen-in’: a Revision (Berkeley, 1944), 79–114

W.G. Allt: ‘Treatment of Ground’, PRMA, lxxii (1945–6), 73–95

A. Machabey: ‘Les origines de la chaconne et de la passacaille’, RdM, xxviii (1946), 1–21

H.M. Miller: ‘Henry Purcell and the Ground Bass’, ML, xxix (1948), 340–47

R.H. Turrill: The Soprano Ostinato Technique in the Works of Igor Stravinsky (diss., UCLA, 1951)

J. Ward: ‘The “Dolfull Domps”’, JAMS, iv (1951), 111–21

K. Westphal: ‘Der Ostinato in der neuen Musik’, Melos, xx (1953), 108–10

W. Osthoff: ‘Le forme più antiche della passacaglia nella musica italiana’,Musiche popolari mediterranee: Convegno dei bibliotecari musicali: Palermo 1954, 275–88

A. Elston: ‘Some Rhythmic Practices in Contemporary Music’, MQ, xlii (1956), 318–29

K. von Fischer: ‘Chaconne und Passacaglia: ein Versuch’, RBM, xii (1958), 19–34

L. Stein: ‘The Passacaglia in the 20th Century’, ML, xl (1959), 150–53

F. Mathiassen: ‘Jeppesen’s Passacaglia’, Natalicia musicologica Knud Jeppesen septuagenario collegis oblata, ed. B. Hjelmborg and S. Sørensen (Copenhagen, 1962), 293–307

E. Apfel: ‘Ostinato und Kompositionstechnik bei den englischen Virginalisten der elisabethanischen Zeit’, AMw, xix–xx (1962–3), 29–39

M. Schuler: ‘Zur Frühgeschichte der Passacaglia’, Mf, xvi (1963), 121–6

R.B. Lenaerts: ‘Zur Ostinato-Technik in der Kirchenmusik der Niederländer’, Festschrift Bruno Stäblein, ed. M. Ruhnke (Kassel, 1967), 157–9

W.T. Marrocco: ‘The Newly-Discovered Ostiglia Pages of the Vatican Rossi Codex 215: the Earliest Italian Ostinato’, AcM, xxxix (1967), 84–91

G. Berger: Ostinato, Chaconne, Passacaglia (Wolfenbüttel, 1968)

T. Walker: ‘Ciaccona and Passacaglia: Remarks on their Origin and Early History’, JAMS, xxi (1968), 300–20

D.D. Handel: The Contemporary Passacaglia (diss., U. of Rochester, 1969)

R. Hudson: ‘The Passacaglia and Ciaccona in Italian Keyboard Music of the 17th Century’, The Diapason, lx/12 (1969), 22–4; lxi/1 (1969), 6–7

R. Hudson: ‘Chordal Aspects of the Italian Dance Style 1500–1650’, JLSA, iii (1970), 35–52

R. Hudson: ‘Further Remarks on the Passacaglia and Ciaccone’, JAMS, xxiii (1970), 302–14 [reply to Walker, 1968]

R. McGuinness: ‘The Ground-Bass in the English Court Ode’, ML, li (1970), 118–40, 265–85

R. Hudson: ‘The Folia Danse and the Folia Formula in 17th-Century Guitar Music’, MD, xxv (1971), 199–221

R. Hudson: ‘The Ripresa, the Ritornello, and the Passacaglia’, JAMS, xxiv (1971), 364–94

E. Apfel: ‘Rhythmisch-metrische und andere Beobachtungen an Ostinatobässen’, AMw, xxxiii (1976), 48–67

E. Apfel: Entwurf eines Verzeichnisses aller Ostinato-Stücke zu Grundlagen einer Geschichte der Satztechnik (Saarbrücken, 1977)

D. Caux: ‘Cette musique que l’on dit “répétitive”’, Musique en jeu, xxvi (1977), 81–6

I. Stoianova: ‘Musique répétitive’, ibid., 64–74

E. Rosand: ‘The Descending Tetrachord: an Emblem of Lament’, MQ, lxv (1979), 346–59

R. Hudson: Passacaglio and Ciaccona: from Guitar Music to Italian Keyboard Variations in the XVIIth Century (Ann Arbor, 1981)

R. Hudson, ed.: The Folia, the Saraband, the Passacaglia, and the Chaconne, MSD, xxxv (1982)

H. Zajaczkowski: ‘The Function of Obsessive Elements in Tchaikovsky’s Style’, MR, xliii (1982), 24–30

S. Burstyn: ‘Gerald of Wales and the Sumer Canon’, JM, ii (1983), 135–50

R. Legrand: Chaconnes et passacailles dansées (diss., U. of Paris, 1984)

S. Arom: Polyphonies et polyrythmies instrumentales d’Afrique centrale: structure et méthodologie (Paris, 1985; Eng. trans., 1991)

O. Delaigue: ‘Mouvement et répétition dans la musique américaine des années 1960–1980’, Analyse musicale, viii (1987), 36–8

S. Gut: ‘Le phénomène répétitif chez Maurice Ravel: de l’obsession à l’annihilation incantatoire’, IRASM, xxi (1990), 29–46

L. Schnapper: ‘L’idée de modèle dans le principe de la chaconne’, Analyse musicale, xxii (1991), 79–86

L. Schnapper: ‘L’ostinato dans tous les sens’, Les universaux en musique: Paris 1994, 375–84

L. Schnapper: ‘Analyse et typologie de l’ostinato’, Musurgia, ii (1995), 80–90

L. Schnapper: ‘L’apport de l’ethnomusicologie à l’analyse de l’ostinato’, Ndroje balendro: musiques, terrains et disciplines: textes offerts à Simha Arom, ed. V. Dehoux and others (Paris, 1995), 275–83

L. Schnapper: ‘Une forme particulière d'ostinato: le motet isorhythmique’, Sillages musicologiques: hommages à Yves Gerard, ed. P. Blay and R. Legrand (Paris, 1997), 151–60

L. Schnapper: L’ostinato, procédé musical universel (Paris, 1998)

G. Starobinski: L’ostinato dans l’œuvre d’Alban Berg: formes et fonction (Berne, 1999)

Östman, Arnold

(b Malmö, 24 Dec 1939). Swedish conductor. He studied first art history, then music, in Paris and in Stockholm, where later he taught at the Musikhögskölan. He was music director at the academy at Vadstena in southern Sweden, 1970–82, where he fostered the study and performance of Baroque opera, notably works by Monteverdi and Stradella, and in 1979 became music director of the Drottningholm court theatre near Stockholm, where he remained until 1991. There he directed many performances, in particular of Mozart's operas but also of works by Gluck, Kraus and others, on period instruments. A production of Cimarosa's Il matrimonio segreto that he conducted in 1983 at Cologne, also seen in Washington, DC, and London, won much praise for its spirit and style. The next year he made his Covent Garden début, in Don Giovanni, since when he has conducted widely in Europe, chiefly in a Classical repertory but also in operas by Rossini, notably a Cenerentola at Dresden in 1991. He conducted Lucio Silla at the Vienna Staatsoper in 1990. Östman's recordings of the three Da Ponte-Mozart operas, made in the late 1980s, set new standards in period-style performance of these works and did much to enhance general awareness of the advantages of light instrumental textures, lively tempos, stylish ornamentation and observation of the obligatory appoggiaturas. Così fan tutte, the first to appear, attracted criticism for its tempos (often substantially faster than traditional ones), as have many of his performances; but some mild moderation of his approach, coupled with an increasing public sympathy with his artistic aims, led to the two other recordings receiving critical and general praise as well as winning a number of awards. In recent years Östman has continued to conduct regularly at Drottningholm, and has made admired recordings of Die Zauberflöte and the Vienna version of Gluck's Alceste.

STANLEY SADIE

Ostrava

(Ger. Ostrau).

City in north Moravia, Czech Republic. Between 1850 and 1930 it was known as Moravská Ostrava (Mährisch Ostrau). Its major development began in the 19th century, following the coal mining boom. Workers' choral groups appeared before 1848 and were especially active in the 1870s, but were severely restricted during World War II. The Marx choir, founded in 1900 by Czech and German workers together, is still active under the name Mužský Pěvecký Sbor (Men's Choir). Other existing choirs with long traditions are the Pěvecké Sdružení Moravských Učitelů (Moravian Teachers' Choir, founded 1903), Pěvecké Sdružení Ostravských Učitelek (Ostrava Women Teachers' Choir, 1955), Vysokoškolský Pěvecký Sbor (University Choir, 1966) and Ostravský Dětský Sbor (Ostrava Children's Choir). The Hornická Hudba (Miners' Band, 1922) is also still playing, as are the Vítkovák and Ostravanka brass bands. These enjoy great popularity and take part in many international festivals.

Between 1894 and 1918 theatre companies, which also presented operas and operettas, performed in the Národní Dům (National House). The Městské Divadlo (Municipal Theatre) was built in 1906–7, enlarged in 1942, destroyed in World War II and rebuilt in 1955 and 1971 (cap. 874). Originally it served as a German theatre, but in 1919–20 performances in Czech and German were given alternately and it took the name Národní Divadlo Moravsko-Slezské (National Moravian-Silesian Theatre). From 1920 performances were in Czech, except during World War II, when German was the only language. Thereafter its name was changed to Zemské Divadlo v Ostravě (Provincial Theatre in Ostrava); in 1948 it was nationalized as Státní Divadlo Zdeňka Nejedlého (Zdeněk Nejedlý State Theatre), and from 1992 it was again known as the National Moravian-Silesian Theatre.

A Czech opera ensemble was organized under Emanuel Bastl in 1918. It had a remarkable repertory, giving a Smetana cycle in 1924 and focussing on contemporary works, especially Janáček. Its next conductor, Jaroslav Vogel (1927–44), successfully established the company in the forefront of Czech musical culture. Later conductors were Zdeněk Chalabala (1945–7), Vogel again (1947–9), Rudolf Vašata (1949–56), Bohumil Gregor (1958–62), Zdeněk Košler (1962–6) and Jiří Pinkas (1966–78). For 27 seasons (1951–78) the stage director was Ilja Hylas. Bastl also started a tradition of regular concerts. So as to perform works by modern composers (e.g. Schoenberg and Bartók) he combined the theatre orchestra with that of the radio station. Hindemith, Stravinsky and Prolofiev conducted their own works.

The Ostrava radio station, with its orchestra, started activity in 1929. The orchestra subsequently became the Ostravský Symfonický Orchestr (1954, conducted by Otakar Pařík); the Státní Filharmonie Ostrava (1962, Václav Jiráček) and then the Janáčkova Filharmonie Ostrava (1971, Otakar Trhlík). Chamber ensembles associated with it included the Ostravské Kvarteto and the Komorní Orchestr Leose Janáčka, founded and conducted for more than 20 years by Josef Staněk, which twice won the Karajan competition in Berlin. In 1923 the amateur Ostravská Filharmonie was founded; in 1926 it was renamed the Filharmonické Sdružení (Philharmonic Association), and in 1935 the Orchestrální Sdružení. It was active until the late 1970s.

The Matiční Hudební Škola (Foundation Music School) existed before 1918. After World War II a music education department was established. In 1953 the Vyšší Hudební Pedagogická Škola (High School of Music Education) was founded, from which the Státní Konzervatoř Hudby (State Conservatory of Music) developed in 1959. Musical activities have also been reflected by the Moravsko-slezský hudební věštnik (Moravian-Silesian Musical Bulletin, 1891) and the Moravské Hudební Noviny (Movarian Musical Newspaper 1909)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

F.M. Hradil: Ostravsko v hudbě a zpěvu [The Ostrava region in music and singing] (Ostrava, 1941)

‘20 let Československého rozhlasu v Ostravě’ [20 years of Czechoslovak radio in Ostrava], Náš rozhlas, xxi (1949), 3–7

I. Stolařík and B. Štědroň: ‘K dějinám hudby v Ostravském kraji’ [On the history of music in the Ostrava region], Slezský sborník, liii (1955), 195–229

J. Schreiber: Hudební život na Ostravsku 1909–1959 [Musical life in the Ostrava region] (Ostrava, 1960)

V. Gregor: Dělnické pěvecké spolky na Ostravsku a v jiných průmyslových střediscich českých zemi [Workers' choirs in the Ostrava region and in other industrial centres in the Czech lands] (Ostrava, 1961)

E. Sýkorová, ed.: 40 let ostravského divadla 1919–1959 [40 years of theatre in Ostrava] (Ostrava, 1960)

60 let Státního divadla v Ostravě 1919–1979 [60 years of the State theatre in Ostrava] (Ostrava, 1979)

EVA HERRMANNOVÁ

Ostrčil, Otakar

(b Prague, 25 Feb 1879; d Prague, 20 Aug 1935). Czech composer, conductor and administrator. He studied modern languages at Prague University (1897–1901) and worked initially as a professor of Czech and German at the Czech-Slavonic Commercial Academy, Prague (1903–19). His personal development was strongly influenced by his university teachers: Jan Gebauer, Hostinský and Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk, later first president of the Czech Republic. He studied music privately, taking piano lessons with Mikeš and, from 1895, Fibich, with whom he also studied composition, serving in the latter years as his amanuensis, for instance in the orchestration of Fibich's last opera. He gained experience in conducting with the Academy Choir in Prague and with the city's Orchestral Association (1908–22). From 1909 he appeared as a guest conductor at the National Theatre, and between 1914 and 1918 he worked as chief conductor at the Prague Vinohrady Theatre. He joined the staff of the National Theatre as Dramaturg in 1919 and, after Kovařovic's death, became musical director (1920–35). In addition he taught conducting at the Prague Conservatory (1926–9), and had a considerable influence in musical circles as co-founder and president (1924–33) of the Society for Modern Music. He was also first president of the J.B. Foerster Society and, from 1912, a member of the Czech Academy of Arts and Sciences. The Otakar Ostrčil Society of Prague was founded in 1935.

Concern for the development of modern music was a constant feature of every aspect of Ostrčil's artistic activity. As the conductor of the Prague Orchestral Association, he performed, even before World War I, works by Czech composers little favoured in the city's concert repertory (Fibich, Foerster, Janáček, Jeremiáš, Zich), and it was he who acquainted Prague with Mahler's music. He introduced Foerster's Debora and Zich's A Painter's Whim to the Vinohrady Theatre. However, his principal achievements were at the National Theatre. He built up an exemplary basic repertory stretching from Gluck through Mozart, Beethoven, Verdi and Bizet to Wagner and Strauss. In the sphere of Czech music, he revived the classics and included cycles of operas by Smetana (1924, 1927 and 1934), Dvořák (1929 and 1934), Fibich (1925 and 1932), Foerster (1929) and Novák (1930). He conducted a new production of Jenůfa in 1926, gave the première of The Excursions of Mr Brouček, and introduced all Janáček's postwar operas to Prague immediately after their world premières in Brno. With the exception of From the House of the Dead he conducted all of them himself. Among the other Czech stage works whose first performances he conducted were Zich's Guilt (1922) and Les précieuses (1926), Karel's Ilse's Heart (1924), Emil Burian's Before Sunrise (1925), Jeremiáš's The Brothers Karamazov (1928) and Karel Hába's Jánošík. He also gave the Czech premières of important foreign works, including Pelléas et Mélisande (1921), Petrushka (1925), Max Brand's Maschinist Hopkins (1930) and Szymanowski's King Roger (1932). For his conducting of Wozzeck in 1926 he was awarded the Czech State Prize the following year, though reactionary elements incited a demonstration in the theatre and unleashed a lengthy controversy in the daily and specialist press.

Ostrčil's conducting style was rational: he carefully calculated everything down to the smallest detail, producing measured forms and avoiding impulsive outbursts. He was largely responsible for establishing the modern performing practice for Smetana's operas, which he recorded for HMV in 1933. Apart from presenting the stage works of the foremost contemporary Czech composers, he helped to guide the leading Czech operatic singers of his time (Ada Nordenová, Emil Burian, Otakar Mařák, Vilém Zítek and others) to maturity, and he brought the orchestra to an outstanding level of performance. He thus shaped a whole era in the development of the National Theatre. His work for the society for Modern Music was similarly important. He attempted to direct the society towards acquainting the Czech public with the latest international developments and providing a platform for new Czech works, mainly chamber and vocal. Under the society's aegis many of the most celebrated contemporary works had their Czech premières, both foreign pieces (by Schoenberg, Berg, Webern, Bartók, Stravinsky, Prokofiev, Hindemith, Les Six etc.) and Czech (from Hába's quarter-tone school, Martinů, Jirák, Vítězslav, Novák, Suk, Foerster, Ostrčil himself etc.). Also, it was through the society, which was part of the Czech section of the ISCM, that Ostrčil shared in the exchange of musical discoveries on an international scale. Some of the early ISCM festivals, those of 1924 and 1925, were held in Prague.

In his compositions Ostrčil developed from late Romanticism to the Expressionism of the inter-war years. He had a special flair for instrumentation, and orchestral pieces predominate in his modest output. (A self-critical composer, he left only 25 works with opus numbers.) The rational takes precedence over the emotional in his creative as well as in his interpretative work. His first opera to be performed was Vlasty skon (‘The Death of Vlasta’, 1904), a piece still patently influenced by Fibich in its idiom and subject matter. Kunálovy oči (‘Kunála's Eyes’, 1908) and Legenda z Erinu (‘The Legend of Erin’, 1921) both have texts by the Czech symbolist Julius Zeyer and are set respectively in ancient India and mythic Ireland, though the emphasis is less on exoticism than on the ethical aspects of the texts, which deal with questions of guilt and forgiveness. In their idiom these operas are near to Mahler and Strauss though their musical structures remain based on Wagner and Smetana.

Between these two philosophical dramas Ostrčil wrote the one-act opera Poupě (‘The Bud’, 1911), one of the most original of 20th-century Czech stage works. Based directly on a largely unmodified play text it is the first Czech prose opera after Janáček's Jenůfa. Ostrčil's final opera, Honzovo království (‘Johnny's Kingdom’ 1934), lacks the complex and altered harmony of the earlier works, and in many places makes effective use of folksongs. The simple Tolstoyan theme, a trust in the victory of good over evil, symbolizes in legendary guise the conditions in Europe on the eve of World War II, and the work embodies Ostrčil's personal belief in democracy and humanism.

Ostrčil's main creative contribution to Czech music, however, is in his orchestral output. The Impromptu (1911) and the Suite in C minor (1912) use Romantic material, but Ostrčil's approach to it is already here unconventional and non-Romantic. This treatment was developed to its peak in the Symfonietta (1921, Czech State Prize 1923), with its complicated polyphonic musical frame, and in the symphonic variations Křížová cesta (‘Stations of the Cross’, 1928). Ostrčil's orchestration is not lavish or seductive, for he used timbre in a strictly structural manner. The chromaticism of his harmony led him, through The Legend of Erin and his orchestral works, to tonal flexibility, but he never took the consequent final step to atonality. He did, however, achieve the shift from vertical-harmonic to horizontal-contrapuntal thought. His compositions place him alongside Janáček, Novák, Suk and Foerster in leading the evolution of Czech music from Nationalism to the interwar avant garde.

WORKS

stage

op.

—	Rybáři [The Fishers] (op, J. Prušák), 1893, inc.
—	Jan Zhořelecký (op, 3, A. Šetelík), 1896–8, extracts, Prague, Smetana Museum, 7 March 1939
—	Cymbeline (op, F. Zákrejs, after W. Shakespeare), 1899, inc.
5	Vlasty skon [The Death of Vlasta] (op, 3, K. Pippich), 1900–03, Prague, National, 14 Dec 1904, unpubd
10	Sirotek [The Orphan] (incid music, J. Kvapil, after B. Němcová), 1906, Prague, National, 20 June 1906
11	Kunálovy oči [Kunála's Eyes] (op, 3, K. Mašek, after J. Zeyer), 1907–8, Prague, National, 25 Nov 1908, unpubd
12	Poupě [The Bud] (op, 1, F.X. Svoboda), 1909–10, Prague, National, 25 Jan 1912
19	Legenda z Erinu [The Legend of Erin] (op, 4, Zeyer), 1913–19, Brno, National, 16 June 1921
25	Honzovo království [Johnny's Kingdom] (op, 7 scenes, J. Mařánek, after L.N. Tolstoy), 1928–33, Brno, National, 26 May 1934

vocal

6	Balada o mrtvém ševci a mladé tanečnici [The Ballad of the Dead Cobbler and the Young Dancer] (melodrama, K. Leger), 1904
8	Balada česká [A Czech Ballad] (melodrama, J. Neruda), 1905
9	Osiřelo dítě [The Orphaned Child] (ballad, trad.), Mez, orch, 1906
15	Česká legenda vánoční [Czech Christmas Legend] (J. Vrchlický), male chorus, 1912
16	Cizí host [The Strange Guest] (ballad, K.J. Erben), T, orch, 1913
17	Legenda o svaté Zitě [The Legend of St Zita] (cant., J. Vrchlický), T, chorus, orch, org, 1913
18	Tři písně [3 Songs] (B. Wojkowicz, O. Březina, V. Dyk), 1v, pf, 1910–13
21	Prosté motivy [Simple Motifs] (Neruda), 4 nos., male chorus, 1922

orchestral

1	Selská slavnost [Village Fête], 1898, unpubd
2	Suite, G, 1898
3	Pohádka o Šemíku [The Tale of Šemík], sym. poem, after J. Vrchlický, 1899, unpubd
7	Symphony, A, 1905, unpubd
13	Impromptu, 1911
14	Suite, c, 1912
20	Symfonietta, 1921
23	Léto [Summer], sym. poem, 1925–6
24	Křížová cesta [Stations of the Cross], sym. variations, 1928

chamber

4	String Quartet, B, 1899
22	Sonatina, vn, va, pf, 1925
Principal publishers: Foerster Society, Hudební Matice, Ostrčil Society, Mojmír Urbánek

BIBLIOGRAPHY

O. Payer: Ottokar Ostrčil und die tschechische Opernbühne unserer Tage (Prague, 1912)

Z. Nejedlý: Otakar Ostrčil: vzrůst a uzrání [Ostrčil: development and maturity] (Prague, 1935, 2/1949)

J. Bartoš: Otakar Ostrčil (Prague, 1936)

J. Hutter and Z. Chalabala, eds.: České umění dramatické, ii: Zpěvohra [Czech dramatic art: opera] (Prague, 1941), 291–300

J. Procházka, ed: Národní divadlo vzpomíná 10. výročí smrti Otakara Ostrčila [The National Theatre remembers the 10th anniversary of Ostrčil's death] (Prague, 1945) [incl. list of repertory and opera cycles]

A. Rektorys: Korespondence Leoše Janáčka s Ostrčilem Otakarem (Prague, 1948)

A. Rektorys, ed.: Korespondence Otakara Ostrčila s Vilémem Zítkem (Prague, 1951)

V. Lébl: ‘Dramatická tvorba Otakara Ostrčila a její jevištní osudy’ [Ostrčil's stage works and their fate on the stage], Divadlo (1959), 294–302, 333–9

Otakar Ostrčil–Otakar Jeremiáš ve svých dopisech, v práci a zápasech o pokrokovou linii českého umění [Ostrčil–Jeremiáš in their letters, work and struggle for the progressive line of Czech art] (Prague, 1959)

F. Pala and V. Pospíšil: Opera Národního divadla v období Otakara Ostrčila [The National Theatre opera in Ostrčil's time] (Prague, 1962–89)

J. Válek: ‘Technické prostředky hudební mluvy Otakara Ostrčila’ [The technical devices of Ostrčil's musical language], HV, ii (1965), 594–615; iii (1966), 74–87, 292–303

Bibliografie Otakar Ostrčila (Prague, 1971)

R. Smetana, ed.: Dějiny české hudební kultury 1890–1945 [The history of Czech musical culture 1890–1945] (Prague, 1972–81), esp. i, 157–60 [incl. further bibliography]

V. Hudec: ‘Stilwandlungen im Schatten Otakar Ostrčils’, An der Epochen- und Stilwende …: Brno XX 1985, 82–7

V. Pospíšil: ‘Otakar Ostrčil’, HRo, xxxviii (1985), 564–7

V. Procházka, ed.: Národní divadlo a jeho předchůdci: slovník umělců divadel [The National Theatre and its predecessors: dictionary of artists of the theatres] (Prague, 1988) [incl. list of productions and further bibliography]

J. Tyrrell: Czech Opera (Cambridge, 1988), esp. 89–91

J. Tyrrell: Janáček's Operas: a Documentary Account (London, 1992)

OLDŘICH PUKL/R

Ostrogórski [Ostrowski], Maciej.

See Szarfenberg, Maciej.

Ostrovsky, Aleksandr Nikolayevich

(b Moscow, 31 March/12 April 1823; d Shchelïkovo, Kostroma province, 2/14 June 1886). Russian dramatist. He was the son of a government clerk and was brought up in the merchant quarter of Moscow; he worked for eight years as a clerk of the commercial court, thus acquiring wide knowledge of the merchants and low-grade civil servants whom he later portrayed vividly in his plays. His first published work was The Bankrupt (1847–9), and his first work staged Poverty is no Vice (1854). From then until his death he wrote some 40 plays in prose and eight in blank verse, mostly social comedies (he is regarded as the creator of the Russian comedy of manners), but also dramas, historical plays and one poetic fairy tale The Snow Maiden (1873). His best-known work, the drama Groza (known in English as The Storm or The Thunderstorm), is his only play widely known outside Russia, although translations of other plays exist in most European languages. Ostrovsky’s unparalleled pictures of Russian life are perhaps too closely observed and specifically rooted in particular communities of the Russia of his day to appeal widely to foreigners; but his importance in the history of the Russian theatre is exceeded only by that of Gogol' and Chekhov, between whom he forms a vital link.

Ostrovsky was particularly interested in folksongs, which he collected and sometimes used in his plays. He was friendly with many musicians; in 1865, with Nikolay Rubinstein, he founded an Artists’ Circle in Moscow, in which the music critic Prince V.F. Odoyevsky also played a prominent part. Ostrovsky collaborated, unsuccessfully, with Serov, and also with Rimsky-Korsakov and Tchaikovsky; he wrote a scene for Ippolitov-Ivanov’s Ruf ’. His closest collaboration was with Kashperov, for whom he wrote the libretto of Groza. He was the first president of the Society of Russian Dramatists and Opera Composers, founded in Moscow in 1874 to protect authors’ and composers’ performing rights.

PRINCIPAL WORKS SET TO MUSIC

Bednost' ne porok [Poverty is no Vice] (1854): Svat [The Matchmaker], op. by N.N. Tcherepnin, Paris, 1937

Ne tak zhivi kak khochetsya [Do Not live as you Like] (1855): Vrazh'ya sila [The Power of Evil], op by Serov, St Petersburg, 1871

Groza [The Storm; The Thunderstorm] (1860): Ov. op.76 by Tchaikovsky, 1864; op by Kashperov, 1867; Kát’a Kabanová, op by Janáček, Brno, 1921; film music by Shcherbachyov, 1934, also arr. as sym. suite, 1934; op by Asaf'yev, 1940; op by Trambitsky, 1941; L’uragano, op by Rocca, 1942–5; op. by I.I. Dzerzhinsky, Moscow, 1956; op by V. Pushkov, 1962

Son na Volge [A Dream on the Volga] (1865): Voyevoda, incid music by Blaramberg, 1865; Voyevoda, opera op.3 by Tchaikovsky, 1869; incid music by Kashperov, 1886; opera op.16 by Arensky, 1888

Dmitriy Samozvanets [Dmitry the Pretender] (1867): incid music by Tchaikovsky, by 1867

Tushino (1867): Tushintsï [Inhabitants of Tushino], op by Blaramberg, 1895

Les [The Forest] (1871): op by Kogan, 1954; La forêt, op by Liebermann, Geneva, 1987

Komik XVII stoletiya [A Comedian of the 17th Century] (1872): Skomorokh [The Minstrel], op by Blaramberg, 1887

Snegurochka [The Snow Maiden] (1873): incid music op.12 by Tchaikovsky, 1873; op by Rimsky-Korsakov, 2 versions, 1880–81, c1895; incid music op.23 by Grechaninov, 1900; ballet by A. Kotilko, Saratov, 1946; Vesennyaya skazka, ballet by N. Nakhabin, Khar'kiv, 1954; vocal sym. suite by Yu. Rozhavskaya, 1955

Bespridannitza [The Girl without a Dowry] (1879): op by A. Novikov, 1945, unperf.; ballet by A. Fridlender, Sverdlovsk, 1958; op by D. Frenkel, Leningrad, 1959

BIBLIOGRAPHY

J. Patouillet: Ostrovski et son théâtre de moeurs russes (Paris, 1912) [incl. bibliography]

N. Dolgov: A.N. Ostrovskiy: zhizn' i tvorchestvo [Ostrovsky: life and works] (Moscow, 1923)

V.V. Yakovlev: Ostrovskiy i muzïkal'naya stikhiya [Ostrovsky and the musical element] (Moscow, 1923)

M.M. Ippolitov-Ivanov: Pyat'desyat let russkoy muzïki v moikh vospominaniyakh [50 years of Russian music in my reminiscences] (Moscow, 1934; Ger. trans., 1993 as Meine Erinnerungen), 63ff, 140–41

Ye.M. Kolosova and V. Filippov, eds.: A.N. Ostrovskiy i russkiye kompozitorï [Ostrovsky and Russian composers] (Moscow, 1937)

E. Lo Gatto: Storia del teatro russo, i (Florence, 1952)

A. Glumov: Muzïka v russkom dramaticheskom teatri [Music in the Russian theatre] (Moscow, 1955)

L.M. Lotman: A.N. Ostrovskiy i russkaya dramaturgiya yego vremeni [Ostrovsky and Russian drama of his time] (Leningrad, 1961)

G. Ivanov: A.N. Ostrovskiy v muzïke: spravochnik [Ostrovsky in music: a reference guide] (Moscow, 1976)

APRIL FITZLYON

Ostrowski, Feliks

(b Kraśnik, nr Lublin, 3 Jan 1802; d Warsaw, 14 Nov 1860). Polish pianist, teacher and composer. He received his early musical education, probably under Józef Lubaczewski at the suggestion of Józef's son Antoni, at Gościeradów near Kraśnik, and continued his studies at the Warsaw Conservatory under Würfel and Alojzy Stolpe senior (organ and piano). For a time he lived in Lithuania. He gave successful concerts in Poland, the Ukraine (one on 25 January 1827 at Kiev with Karol Lipiński) and St Petersburg, where he played Chopin's works. In about 1840 he gave up his career as a concert artist and became a piano teacher at the Aleksandryjski Institute in Warsaw. Only a small number of his compositions are extant. They are all for piano and include three polonaises (1821–4) after the style of Michał Ogiński, and an Adagio and Rondo op.11 (c1830), published in Warsaw after 1850. His Variations and Rondo and a Rondo à la valse, mentioned in the contemporary Warsaw press, are lost.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

SMP

Gazeta Korespondenta Warszawskiego i Zagranicznego (18 Dec 1821)

Kurier Warszawski (21 June 1822; 17 April and 16 May 1823; 21 April 1836)

Monitor Warszawski (26 Feb 1827)

I. Bełza: ‘Feliks Ostrowski’, Między oświeceniem i romantyzmem (Kraków, 1961), 253–64

BARBARA CHMARA-ŻACZKIEWICZ

Ó Súilleabháin, Mícheál

(bClonmel, Tipperary, 10 Dec 1950). Irish composer and keyboard player. He studied at the National University of Ireland, Cork (BMus 1972, MA 1973), where he was appointed to a lectureship in 1975, and completed the PhD at Queen’s University, Belfast, in 1987. In 1994 he was appointed professor at the University of Limerick, where he founded the Irish World Music Centre. Active in the academic and performance worlds, his focus in both domains has been Irish traditional music. He has written numerous popular compositions for radio, television and film, completed many arrangements of Irish folk music and made several recordings. In 1993 he founded the ensemble Hiberno-Jazz, and in 1995 wrote and presented River of Sound, a television series on Irish traditional music. A pioneer in writing for combined ensembles of Irish traditional classical musicians, which he typically directs from the keyboard. Ó Súilleabháin draws in his compositions on the musics of both orality and literacy. His concerto Oileán (‘Island’, 1989) is characterized by the deliberate avoidance of shared thematic material between the traditional and classical forces in the first and third movements, improvisation by the traditional soloist on classical motifs in a slow middle movement, and the use of tone rows derived from his theory of ‘set accented tones’ in Irish music.

Principal recording companies: Virgin, Gael-Linn

WRITINGS

with D. O’Sullivan: Bunting’s Ancient Music of Ireland Edited from the Original Manuscripts (Cork, 1983)

The Bodhrán: a Practical Introduction (Dublin, 1984)

‘Creative Process in Irish Traditional Dance Music’, Irish Music Studies 1: Musicology in Ireland, ed. G. Gillen and H. White (Dublin, 1990)

‘Crossroads or Twin Track?: Innovation and Tradition in Irish Traditional Music’, Crosbhealach an Cheoil [The Crossroads Conference], ed. F. Valley and others (Dublin, 1999)

NICHOLAS CAROLAN

Oswald [Ochswald], Henrique

(b Rio de Janeiro, 14 April 1852; d Rio de Janeiro, 9 June 1931). Brazilian composer of Swiss and Italian descent. He studied in São Paulo under Gabriel Giraudon, then in Florence, where he lived for some 30 years, under Buonamici for the piano and Grazzini and Maglioni for composition. For over 15 years the imperial government made him vice-consul first at Le Havre and then at Genoa. He returned to Brazil in 1902 and was appointed director at the Instituto Nacional de Música in July 1903, but resigned three years later and taught privately. After another period in Europe he finally settled in Rio de Janeiro in 1911 as a professor of the piano at the institute, and for the last 20 years of his life he played a prominent role in Rio’s musical life. Oswald’s extensive musical production shows a strong European influence, particularly of Fauré and Debussy, and to a lesser degree, Saint-Saëns. At the same time, his works reveal his individuality, craftsmanship and refinement. These qualities are evident in such pieces as Il neige, for piano, which was awarded the first prize in an international contest run by the Paris Figaro (1902), the Piano Quintet (op.18) and the Piano Trio (op.45). Besides numerous piano and chamber music works, he also wrote for orchestra and the stage. In his later years Oswald composed mostly religious music and organ pieces.

WORKS

(selective list)

most unpublished

Ops (not performed): La croce d’oro (3), 1872; Il neo (1), 1900; Le fate (2), 1902

Orch: Suite, D, 1884–7 (Florence, c1890); Pf Conc., c1888; Vn Conc., c1888; Sinfonietta, op.27, 1890; Sym., op.43, 1910; Andante e variações, pf

Chbr and solo inst: Pf Qnt, C, op.18, c1885 (Rio de Janeiro, 1937); 4 str qts; 3 pf trios incl. op.9, op.45 (Rio de Janeiro, c1910), Serrana (Milan, 1927); Sonata, vn, pf; Canto elegíaco, vn, pf (Rio de Janeiro, 1904); Sonata-fantasia, vc, pf; Fughetta, Preludio e fuga, org (Rio de Janeiro, 1930)

Pf: 6 pezzi, op.14 (Milan, c1930); Idylle, c1900; Pierrot, op.33, c1902; Il neige (Paris, 1902); Bébé s’endort; Sur la plage; Chauve souris, op.36, c1905; Variações sobre um thema de Barrozo Netto (Rio de Janeiro, ?1919); Un rêve (New York, 1922)

Choral: Messa da requiem, 4vv a cappella, ed. H. Villa Lobos (Rio de Janeiro, n.d.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

A.G. Sprovieri: ‘Henrique Oswald’, Musica d’oggi, xiii (1931), 401 only

L. Magalhães de Almeida: Henrique Oswald (Rio de Janeiro, 1952)

G. Béhague: Music in Latin America: an Introduction (Englewood Cliffs, NJ, 1979)

V. Mariz: História do música no Brasil (Rio de Janeiro, 1981, 4/1994)

J.E. Martins: Henrique Oswald, compositor romântico (diss., U. of São Paulo, 1988)

F. Borém de Oliveira: ‘Henrique Oswald: a Biography of a Forgotten Brazilian Master’, LAMR, xv (1994), 75–92

GERARD BÉHAGUE

Oswald, James

(b Crail, bap. 21 March 1710; d Knebworth, Herts., 2 Jan 1769). Scottish composer, publisher, arranger and cellist. His father, John Oswald (d Berwick-upon-Tweed, bur. 2 Oct 1758), a skilled musician, was town drummer of Crail and later became leader of the town waits at Berwick-upon-Tweed; his brother Henry (b Crail, 1714) also became a professional musician. By 1734 Oswald was teaching dancing in Dunfermline. A sketchbook (Lord Balfour of Burleigh’s private collection, microfilm in GB-En) shows many features of his compositional style already in place. A set of tunes for scordatura violin (in The Caledonian Pocket Companion, x, c1760), dedicated to patrons in the Fife and Tayside area, was probably written at this time, along with the airs for violin and continuo The braes of Ballendine and Alloa House (in A Curious Collection of Scots Tunes, 1740). In 1735 he moved to Edinburgh, where his Collection of Minuets (1736) launched him as a composer and publisher; he was also kept busy as a cellist and teacher. The summit of his Edinburgh period was his Curious Collection of Scots Tunes (1740), which had an immense subscription list and included the Sonata of Scots Tunes, the fine Masonic partsong Grant me, kind Heaven and some excellent fiddle variations. In an advertisement in the Caledonian Mercury (8 May 1740) he announced that, after this book, he would set out for Italy, but instead he went to London at the end of 1741.

Oswald’s first years in London were ones of consolidation. Much of his Edinburgh work was reprinted, and he experimented with writing in the London taste (e.g. Colin’s Kisses, 1742). In 1744 he married Marion Melvill; they had four daughters and adopted a niece. A lucrative teaching practice replaced the one he had left behind in Edinburgh. In about 1745 the first two volumes of The Caledonian Pocket Companion, a cheap collection of one-line tunes suitable for flute, violin or, indeed, any other instrument, were published. This work was to be the success of Oswald’s life; it ran to 12 volumes and many reprints, and copies were still circulating long after his death. In 1747 he was granted a royal licence to print his own compositions, and set up his own publishing office and shop in St Martin’s Lane. He also moved into theatre music and started the Society of the Temple of Apollo, which was to occupy him until about 1762. The activities of the society are shrouded in mystery. Burney believed it was simply a device to enable Oswald to write theatre music at cut rates, but this does not accord with other information: the society commissioned sonatas from Giuseppe Sammartini, Oswald published sonatas by one of its members, John Reid (1756, 1762), and meetings and concerts were held at a house in Queen Square (1755, 1761).

By 1750 Oswald’s circle of patrons included the royal family. Kidson guessed that Oswald taught the royal children during the 1750s; certainly his appointment as Chamber Composer to George III on 31 January 1761, immediately on the 18-year-old’s accession to the throne, would suggest such a service. During the 1750s Oswald composed chamber music, some of it on a comparatively large scale. He printed the larger pieces under the pseudonym ‘Dottel Figlio’ (i.e. Nicolas Dôthel), the actual name of a composer and flute virtuoso living in Florence at the time. By 1764 Oswald’s wife had died, as had his patron and friend John Robinson-Lytton. He became close to Robinson-Lytton’s widow, Leonora, and having what was in effect a royal pension, he decided to sell his shop and publishing business and retire to the Robinson-Lytton country house at Knebworth; he married Leonora.

Oswald was the most prolific and successful composer of 18th-century Scotland. His outstanding gift lay in his melodies, many of which are in Lowland Scots styles. Early on, he discovered two guiding principles: that there was no such thing as a completely new tune, only recycled old ones; and that presenting one’s work as ‘traditional’ could often help its acceptability. Many of his contemporaries saw him as merely a popular entertainer, but he extended his native Lowland Scots style and became fluent in English (e.g. Handel), Italian (e.g. Corelli) and French idioms, as well as mastering the intricate constructions of Scottish Highland music. The result was neither a stylistic integration nor a random patchwork. Each of his Airs for the Spring/Summer/Autumn/Winter has a distinct style and the sequence of sonatas is carefully planned, giving an effect of calculated diversity. This is also noticeable in his italianate harmonizations of Scots tunes (e.g. in the Sonata of Scots Tunes, 1740). Oswald has been criticized for shortwinded invention: it is true that he always found it easier to write a new tune than to develop one he had already set down, but his large chamber works rise above this problem.

Oswald’s influence on later generations has been immense. He probably composed The East Neuk of Fife and The flowers of Edinburgh, two classic reel tunes of the Scots fiddle repertory, and his arranging and publishing made possible the careers of such later fiddlers as the Gows and William Marshall. Moreover, Robert Burns’s song lyrics are hardly conceivable without the tunes provided for them by the Caledonian Pocket Companion. Oswald’s song The Maid of Selma, rearranged as a glee for ATB by Joseph Corfe (1791), inspired a whole school of Ossian glees by Callcott, R.J.S. Stevens and others, Oswald’s Highland style being the model for the later composers’ visionary, non-modulating harmonic schemes.

WORKS

published in London unless otherwise stated

stage

Music in Macbeth (tragedy, W. Shakespeare), see The Caledonian Pocket Companion below

Song in The Double Disappointment (afterpiece, M. Mendez), 18 March 1746

Music in Queen Mab (pantomime), London, 1750, Comic Tunes (1751), ov. (c1770)

Music in Alfred (masque, D. Mallet), 23 Feb 1751

Music in Harlequin Ranger (pantomime), London, 1751 (1752), probably by Oswald

Music in The Genie (pantomime), London, 1752, Comic Tunes (1753), probably by Oswald

Cant. in The Old Woman’s Oratory (c1753)

Music in Fortunatus (pantomime), London, 1753, Comic Tunes (1753), probably by Oswald

Song in The Gamester (play, E. Moore), 1753 (?1754)

Song in The Reprisal

other

collections of Scots tunes include arrangements of traditional material

A Collection of Minuets (Edinburgh, 1736), lost, advertised in Caledonian Mercury (6 Jan 1736)

A Curious Collection of Scots Tunes (Edinburgh, 1740), incl. 2 Masons’ songs, 3vv, org, and A Sonata of Scots Tunes, 2 vn, bc; A Sonata of Scots Tunes, ed. P. Holman, Orpheus Caledonius, iii (Edinburgh, 1993)

A Collection of Musick … Vocal and Instrumental … for the use of Orpheus’s Club (Edinburgh, c1740)

Colin’s Kisses (R. Dodsley), 12 songs, S, T, bc (1742)

A Collection of Curious Scots Tunes, 2 vols. (c1742–3)

12 Songs Compos’d in the Scotch Taste (1743)

The Caledonian Pocket Companion (c1745–c1765), incl. tunes in Macbeth, London, c1744; 3 pieces ed. D. Johnson (Edinburgh, 1984); 5 tunes for scordatura vn, ed. D. Johnson, Scots on the Fiddle, ii (Edinburgh, 1991)

6 Pastoral Solos, vn, bc (c1747)

2 duets, 2 vn/fl, Apollo’s Collection, i (1750), ii (1752)

A Collection of Songs as they are Perform’d at the Publick Gardens (c1752)

6 Divertimenti’s, fl/vn, bc, op.2 (1754), pubd under pseud. Dottel Figlio, repr. (c1770) with attrib. to Oswald

[48] Airs for the Spring/Summer/Autumn/Winter [1st set], vn/fl, bc (1755; 2/1756 as Airs for the 4 Seasons, with opt. 2nd vn/fl); 12 ed. J. Barlow, Airs for the Four Seasons (London, 1983–4)

6 Sonatas, 2 vn/fl, bc, op.3 (c1755), pubd under pseud. Dothel Figlio

The Wheel Barrow, cant. (c1755)

10 Favourite Songs Sung by Miss Formantel at Ranelagh (1758)

12 Divertimentis, gui (1758)

55 Marches for the Militia, 2 tr (1759)

A Choice Collection of Scotch Tunes with Variations (Dublin, c1760)

A Collection of the Best Old Scotch and English Songs (1761)

[48] Airs for the Spring/Summer/Autumn/Winter [2nd set], vn/fl, bc (1761), lost, repr. (c1765)

12 Serenatas, 2 vn, bc (1762)

A Collection of Scot’s Tunes with Variations (c1765); 1 ed. D. Johnson (Edinburgh, 1984)

The Maid of Selma (J. Macpherson), song, S, bc, c1765, in D. Corri: A Select Collection of the Most Admired Songs (Edinburgh, c1780)

33 songs pubd singly, see BUCEM and RISM for details

Other works pubd under the names Nicholas Dothel and Dottel Figlio may be by Oswald: see BUCEM, RISM

BIBLIOGRAPHY

FiskeETM

F. Kidson: ‘James Oswald, Dr. Burney and “The Temple of Apollo”’, MA, ii (1910–11), 34–41

H.G. Farmer: History of Music in Scotland (London, 1947/R)

D. Johnson: Music and Society in Lowland Scotland in the Eighteenth Century (London, 1972), 61–2, 118–9, 127

M.A. Alburger: Scottish Fiddlers and their Music (London, 1983)

R. Fiske: Scotland in Music (Cambridge, 1983), 18–27, passim

D. Johnson: Scottish Fiddle Music in the 18th Century (Edinburgh, 1984, 2/1997), passim

S. Klima, G.Bowers and K. Grant, eds.: Memoirs of Dr. Charles Burney 1726–1769 (University of Nebraska, 1988), 86–90

J. Purser: Scotland’s Music (Edinburgh, 1992), 173–88, passim

N. Delius: ‘Nicolas Dôthel – oder ein janusköpfiger Oswald?’, Festschrift Hans-Peter Schmitz zum 75. Geburtstag, ed. A. Eichhorn (Kassel, 1992), 53–61

DAVID JOHNSON, HEATHER MELVILL

Oswald, John

(b Kitchener-Waterloo, ON, 30 May 1953). Canadian composer and saxophonist. Largely self-taught, he attended classes given by R. Murray Schafer, Barry Truax and Casey Sokol. His best-known works manipulate existing material, drawing primarily on 20th-century popular and classical music sources. Oswald coined the term ‘plunderphonics’ to describe these compositions, which are very much trompe-l'oreille and not without considerable humour. His first recording (Plunderphonics, 1989) gained him notoriety when its legality was challenged by the singer Michael Jackson and major record labels. Such defiance of copyright law has been typical of Oswald's compositional approach. He has completed commissions for artists and ensembles including the Kronos Quartet (Spectre, 1990; preLieu, 1991; Mach, 1993), ARRAYMUSIC (Slide Whistles, 1979; Acupuncture, 1992), John Zorn (Plexure, 1993), The Grateful Dead (Grayfolded, 1994–5), the Modern Quartet (Fore, 1996), Deutsche Oper Ballet, Lyon Opera Ballet, Teatro Communale di Bologna and choreographers Bill T. Jones, Holly Small and Bill Coleman. He has performed as an improvising saxophonist with Henry Kaiser, CCMC and his own chamber sextet, the Double Wind Cello Trios.

MICHAEL J. BAKER

Oswald von Wolkenstein

(b Burg Schöneck, Pustertal, c1376; d Merano, 2 Aug 1445). South Tyrolean poet. His life is unusually well documented in archival material and his own autobiographical songs, and several portraits of him survive. He came from the noble south Tyrolean family of Villanders and Wolkenstein, and was the second son of Friedrich von Wolkenstein and Katharina von Trostberg, who had seven children in all. Much of Oswald’s life was spent travelling – he was already spending time away from home by the age of ten. He is known to have been in the Tyrol in 1400, when his father died, but he was soon on the road again. His second period of travel, during which he took part in King Ruprecht’s Italian campaign, led to financial difficulties which in turn led to a dispute with his elder brother, not the last time that he was involved in family arguments. However, he also forged links with the church and with secular authorities – his political activities were linked to his membership of the ‘Elephant League’ (Elefantenbund), of which he was a founding member in 1406; from 1409 he was the Bishop of Brixen’s secular representative (but by 1413 they were in dispute over his pay). Among other journeys and campaigns at this time, he visited Venice with King Sigismund in 1412–13. The king took him fully into his service in 1415, possibly with a view to forging a link through Oswald with the league of Tyrolean nobles in his disputes with Duke Friedrich of Austria. On a later journey with the king he received distinctions from the dowager queen of Aragon and the wife of Charles VI of France. He was later involved in disputes between the league of nobles and Duke Friedrich.

In 1417 he married Margarete Schwangau; there were seven children from the marriage. In 1421 he became embroiled in another dispute at home in connection with his inheritance of one-third of the castle of Hauenstein, and was imprisoned by Martin Jäger, the husband of one of the co-inheritors of the castle. Duke Friedrich took over the prisoner and guaranteed payment of Jäger’s claims. Oswald contrived to get the backing of King Sigismund, who tried to make use of these local quarrels in his conflict with Duke Friedrich. The king’s efforts were ultimately unsuccessful, and Oswald lost most of his goods to bail payments. He was reimprisoned in 1427, and the dispute was settled only when friends intervened on his behalf, after which he acquired the remainder of the castle on payment of 500 ducats. The contractual agreements entailed his promising fealty to the duke, and in future he abstained from political actions on his own account. After this he made several more journeys, but after 1434 does not seem to have left the Tyrol. He remained active in local affairs, and died at Merano in 1445, in the midst of disputes about the Tyrolean succession. He was buried at the monastery church in Neustift (South Tyrol; now Novacella, Alto Adige).

During Oswald’s lifetime (and probably for the most part under his supervision) two large-format collections of his songs with musical notation were made. According to its list of contents the main part of the older manuscript, A-Wn 2777 (manuscript A), dates from 1425, when it contained 43 lieder. 65 more poems were added in about 1436 and 1441. The later manuscript, A-Iu (no shelfmark; manuscript B), certainly contained 72 lieder and 58 melodies by 1432 (the date given in the heading of the list of contents); additions (comprising 43 further lieder) were then made up until 1438.

Both manuscripts (on parchment) include a portrait of the poet as a frontispiece to the collection of songs; that in manuscript B is attributed to Pisanello or to his studio (see illustration). A third collection of Oswald’s songs, a paper manuscript held in Innsbruck (A-Imf F.B.1950), was the work of a single scribe in the years after Oswald’s death (c1450–53), and contains only the texts and no melodies. Only 12 of the lieder preserved in the main manuscripts also occur elsewhere. They include Oswald’s contrafactum text Vier hundert jar auff erd (Kl 88 in the numbering of Klein’s edition; see work-list) to Pierre Fontaine’s rondeau A son plaisir, which appears in Clara Hätzlerin’s songbook CZ-Pnm X A 12, and in the so-called Ebenreutter manuscript D-Bsp Mgf 488. The incipit of this text is also found accompanying versions of Fontaine’s rondeau in the fire-damaged manuscript F-Sm C.22 and the Buxheimer Orgelbuch (D-Mbs Mus.ms.3735). This generally narrow transmission suggests that Oswald’s work, perhaps with the exception of Kl 88, was not widely distributed.

The authenticity of five further songs (Kl 128–31, 134), found under Oswald’s name but not present in the main manuscripts, seems very probable. These songs are preserved without their melodies, but one (in the Lohengrin manuscript, D-Mbs Cgm 4871) is a contrafactum text, Mir dringet zwinget fraw dein güt (Kl 131) to be sung to the melody of Binchois’s ballade Je loe amours. On the other hand, the attribution to Oswald of the anonymous Medlin zartt stein (Kl 132; Wolkenstein archive, D-Ngm) is doubtful. Strohm (1986–7) attributed to Oswald the monophonic song Heya, nun wie sie grollen, extant only in an anonymous four-part setting in I-TRmp 89.

The 131 lieder (including those of doubtful authenticity) and Oswald’s two poems in rhyming couplets (the calendar poem Genner beschnaid, Kl 67, and the autobiographical Mich fragt ein ritter, Kl 112), which survive without their melodies, amount to a considerable body of poetry. 57 monophonic melodies and 37 polyphonic settings in two to four parts for the songs in the main manuscripts have been preserved, a matter of particular musicological interest. Eleven of the monophonic melodies are used several times, two of them for seven songs each. However, only two polyphonic settings were used more than once: an archaically simple setting for Des himels trone (Kl 37) and the two-part version of Francesco Landini’s ballata Questa fanciulla, used by Oswald for his song Mein herz, das ist versert (Kl 65) and Weiss, rot, mit brawn verleucht (Kl 66). These two contrafacta are clearly different in strophic structure, which shows that Oswald could write new poems of very different kinds for the same melody and thus did not take the Italian text as a model.

Textual content was one of the factors determining whether a song had a monophonic or a polyphonic setting: autobiographical and sacred narratives, contemplative and instructional subjects are set monophonically, while polyphony predominates in the love songs and in the lieder on comic or light-hearted subjects. Particularly interesting in the polyphonic group are the six two-part songs that present dialogue of the Minnesang type both in their musical and textual structures (Kl 49, 52, 56, 62, 71 and 93), and the setting Stand auff, Maredel/Frau ich enmag (Kl 48), an aubade adapted as a comic dialogue between mistress and maid, to be sung to the melody of the widely distributed rondeau Jour a jour la vie.

Concordances for 16 of the 37 polyphonic settings of Oswald’s works have been found in other manuscripts. He resorted principally to French chansons in his choice of contrafactum models; only Landini’s Questa fanciulla is taken from an Italian source, and the sacred strophic song Ave mater O Maria (often called a lauda), for which Oswald wrote a German translation (Ave mütter, küniginne, Kl 109b), is found in both northern and southern sources and also appears in a setting by Johannes de Sarto. Finally, concordances are found in the German-speaking areas for only one song, Wach auff, mein hort (Kl 101).

The polyphonic settings can be divided into four groups on the grounds of structure and transmission patterns; this division also corresponds to the order and position of the songs in the main manuscripts. The first group, comprising songs Kl 46–56, refers back to an older layer of an international repertory and typically has a large number of concordances in the manuscripts F-Pn n.a.fr.6771 and F-Sm C.22. The second group consists of the canons Kl 70–2, one of which, Die minne füget niemand (Kl 72), is a contrafactum of the chace Talent m’est pris. The canon Gar wunniklich (Kl 64), found in both manuscripts outside the second group, may also be a contrafactum. Oswald annotated the canons as ‘fuga’. A third group exhibits peculiarities of notation and composition that can be explained as features of local tradition. For instance, red and void notes are used to denote melismas, groups of notes, and note values smaller than semibreves. Contrary motion and parallel movement in perfect consonances are typical of these settings, and the phrasing in the upper voice-parts is strongly formulaic. The group includes the three songs Wol auff, wol an, Ain graserin and Simm Gredlin, Gred (Kl 75–7), which are notated consecutively in both manuscripts. It also includes songs from elsewhere in the manuscripts: Des himels trone (Kl 37), Mein herz jüngt sich (Kl 68) and Frölich so wil ich aber singen (Kl 79); however, Kl 37 and 68 appear only in monophonic settings in manuscript B. The settings of the third group have been described by Ivana Pelnar as ‘indigenous Tenorlieder’. The unique notation of this group also appears in the songs Ain rainklich weib and Sweig, güt gesell (Kl 80–1), which are preserved only with monophonic settings and appear in immediate proximity to songs in the third group. The red and void notation in the monophonic songs Kl 26, 89, 100 and 116 is probably to be interpreted as coloration in line with mensural theory. A fourth group consists of the late entries in both manuscripts and the song settings found only in the Innsbruck manuscript (Kl 88, 91, 96 and 101 in MS A and Kl 103 and 107–9 in MS B). Of these lieder the settings Vier hundert jar auff erd (Kl 88), Wer die ougen wil verschüren (Kl 103) and Kom, liebster man (Kl 107) have been identified as contrafacta on models deriving from a repertory closer to Oswald’s own time: three rondeaux, Pierre Fontaine’s A son plaisir, Nicolas Grenon’s La plus jolie et la plus belle, and the anonymous Venés oir vrais amoureus. Ave mater O Maria (the model for Ave mütter, Küniginne, Kl 109b) certainly belongs to this later layer, and so probably do the songs Grasselick lif (Kl 96) and Ich klag (Kl 108), although they have not yet been identified as contrafacta.

The double-texted song Von rechter lieb krafft/Sag an, gesellschaft (Kl 62) is difficult to assign to any of the four groups: it is a contrafactum of an anonymous rondeau, Alé vous en de moy melancolie/Je pren congé, and while it appears quite early in the Wolkenstein manuscripts, like the examples from the first group based on earlier models, a concordance is not found until later, in the chansonnier F-Pn n.a.fr.4917. The song Mein herz, das ist versert (Kl 65; based on Landini’s ballata) is entered outside these groups in both manuscripts but has been transmitted in a similar way to the songs in the first group, with concordances in D-Mbs 14274 and F-Sm C.22. The setting, rhythm and formal structure of the song Mich tröst ain adeliche mait (Kl 78) suggest that it too is the (as yet unidentified) contrafactum of a ballade; but in both manuscripts the setting appears in connection with the third, local group. Finally it seems likely that there are also some contrafacta among the songs given only in monophonic settings: among these may be the lieder Herz, müt (Kl 89) and Treib her, treib überher (Kl 92).

The comparatively small number of polyphonic settings of Oswald’s works shows remarkable variety. The large number of settings taken from earlier songs is the first significant feature. It may well be that Oswald learned such melodies from collections circulating in central Europe (the considerable number of chansons popular particularly in that area would support that theory). He could have become acquainted with the later repertory on his travels, particularly his visits to the Councils of Konstanz and Basle: interestingly, these settings occur in Oswald’s works not much later than their main sources. It is difficult to decide how far the settings of the third group, with their evidence of local compositional traditions, are by Oswald himself, but it seems most likely that he was using melodies already composed by musicians in that area.

His monophonic songs are a different matter; few of them have directly identifiable models for their melodies, a fact that is particularly striking where the poet uses strophic forms widespread in Meistergesang, adopting only the textual structure and providing new tunes: here he employs Regenbogen’s Grauer Ton and Frauenlob’s Vergessener Ton. The Grauer Ton features prominently at the very beginning of the collections, with the first melody for seven songs (Kl 1–7), a second from three further songs (Kl 11, 12 and 95) and a third melody for the final setting of manuscript A, the passion song In oberland (Kl 111). In manuscript B two songs in Frauenlob’s Vergessener Ton appear after the first seven in the Grauer Ton. The fact that Oswald or his scribe gave such prominence to the two Töne from the Meistergesang tradition would suggest that the poet was close to it himself; however, he refrained from adopting the melodies that go with the verse forms, which does not support that impression. His new melodies appear to be made up of phrases and formulae, so that entire sections are used several times as set pieces (a good example occurs in the rhythmically identical closing sections of Kl 16 and Kl 20, where the opening sections are different). On the other hand, it is clear that textual content bears some relation to musical content (for instance in a high-pitched melisma on the word ‘beseuftte’ (‘lament’) in the serenade Ain tunckle farb, Kl 33). This led Bruno Stäblein to describe Oswald as the ‘creator of the individual lied’. However, in general, individual melodic elements such as high or low notes or specific intervals cannot be related to specific words or syllables. This is clear from differences between the manuscript versions: in 16 songs the variants are so considerable that Koller printed both versions in his edition. However, comparison shows that the underlying melodic line often remains the same despite obvious differences of detail. If we assume that the poet himself supervised the compilation of both manuscripts, it can be concluded that Oswald reinterpreted his poems at each performance, while retaining the same melodic model. Where the two manuscripts provide different versions we may suppose that they derive from different actual performances.

A similar aspect of variation is to be found in the rhythmic structure of the songs, where sometimes the content of the text denotes the presence or absence of rhythmic differentiation. The three songs Erwach an schrick (Kl 40), Zergangen ist meins herzen we (Kl 116) and Frew dich, durchleuchtig junckfraw zart (Kl 126) use the same melody (without its closing section in the case of Kl 126). The reading in manuscript A, however, provides for various levels of rhythmic differentiation: the dance song Zergangen ist meins herzen we has an unvarying rhythm of semibreves and minims throughout, the aubade Erwach an schrick is notated in a series of semibreves with only hints at rhythmic interpretation (for instance on the upbeats), and the incipit of the melody of the sacred song Frew dich, durchleuchtig junckfraw zart is notated in neumes instead of semibreves, without any rhythmic indication. These observations suggest that the melody could be given a different rhythmic interpretation depending on the nature of the text.

The two main manuscripts of Oswald’s work document the work of ‘perhaps the most important poet writing in the German language between Walther von der Vogelweide and Goethe’ (Müller, 1980) and are also invaluable evidence of secular musical culture in German-speaking regions in the late Middle Ages. They record the core of an international repertory together with the large repertory manuscripts such as F-Pn 6771; they offer information on the state of local polyphonic composition against a background of old traditions and an increasing familiarity with western models; and in their divergent versions of monophonic songs they provide insight into the opportunities and liberties allowed in the performance of melodic models. Thus Oswald is less important as a composer – nothing is known about his qualifications in that field – than as a poet, singer and politician, a man who through the extant documentation becomes very accessible.

WORKS

5. Form and rhythmic cycles.

LORENZ WELKER

Oswald von Wolkenstein

WORKS

Editions:Oswald von Wolkenstein: Geistliche und weltliche Lieder, ein- und mehrstimmig, ed. J. Schatz [text] and O. Koller [music], DTÖ, sviii, Jg.ix (1902/R) [K]Oswald von Wolkenstein: Frölich geschray so well wir machen, ed. J. Heimrath and M. Korth, commentary by U. Müller and L. Okken (Munich, 1975)Oswald von Wolkenstein-Liederbuch, ed. H. Ganser and R. Herpichböhm (Göppingen, 1978)Oswald von Wolkenstein: die Lieder mittelhochdeutsch–deutsch, ed. and trans. K.J. Schönmetzler (Munich, 1979)Die mehrstimmigen Lieder Oswalds von Wolkenstein, ed. I. Pelnar (Tutzing, 1981)Text editions:Die Lieder Oswalds von Wolkenstein, ed. K.K. Klein with W. Weiss and N. Wolf, music suppl. ed. W. Salmen (Tübingen, 1962, rev. 3/1987 by H. Moser)Oswald von Wolkenstein: eine Auswahl aus seine Liedern, ed. and trans. B. Wachinger (Ebenhausen, 1964)Facsimiles:Oswald von Wolkenstein: Abbildungen zur Überlieferung, I: Die Innsbrücker Wolkenstein-Handschrift B, ed. H. Moser and U. Müller (Göppingen, 1972)Oswald von Wolkenstein, Handschrift A in Abbildung, ed. U. Müller and F.V. Spechtler (Stuttgart, 1974)Oswald von Wolkenstein: Handschrift A, ed. F. Delbono (Graz, 1977)

Music in the Wolkenstein manuscripts A [A-Wn 2777] and B [A-Iu, no shelf-mark] unless otherwise stated.

Works numbered according to Klein’s edition.

monophonic lieder

Kl 1	Ain anefangk, K 2 [melody used for Kl 2–7]
Kl 2	Wach, menschlich tier, K 71 [same melody as Kl 1]
Kl 3	Wenn ich betracht, K 72 [same melody as Kl 1]
Kl 4	Hör, kristenheit, K 32 [same melody as Kl 1]
Kl 5	Ich sich und hör, K 35 [same melody as Kl 1]
Kl 6	Ich spür an tier, K 37 [same melody as Kl 1]
Kl 7	Loblicher Got, K 44 [same melody as Kl 1]
Kl 8	Du armer mensch, lass dich dein sünd hie reuen ser, K 14
Kl 9	O welt, O welt, ain freund der franken mauer, K55 [melody used for Kl 10]
Kl 10	Wenn ich mein krank vernunft, K 73 [same melody as Kl 9]
Kl 11	O snöde werlt, K 54 [melody used for Kl 12 and Kl 95]
Kl 12	In Frankereich, K 38 [same melody as Kl 11]
Kl 13	Wer ist, die da durchleuchtet, K 75
Kl 14	Gesegnet sei die frucht Benedicite, K 29a [grace for before meals]
Kl 15	Wol auff, als das zu himel sei Gracias, K 29b [grace for after meals]
Kl 16	Ich spür ain lufft aus külem tufft, K 36
Kl 17	Var, heng und lass, halt in der mass, K67
Kl 18	Es fügt sich, do ich was von zehen jaren alt, K 19 [written 1416, autobiographical, see Röll, 1975]
Kl 19	Es ist ain altgesprochner rat, K20
Kl 20	Es seusst dort her von orient, K 24
Kl 21	Ir alten weib, nu freut eu[ch] mit den jungen, K 41
Kl 22	Des grossen herren wunder, K 12 [melody used for Kl 23–5]
Kl 23	Wie vil ich sing und tichte, K 78 [same melody as Kl 22]
Kl 24	Kain freund mit klarem herzen, K 58 [c1423; same melody as Kl 22]
Kl 25	Ain burger und ain hofman, K3 [same melody as Kl 22]
Kl 26	Durch aubenteuer tal und perg, K 16
Kl 27	Ich hab gehört durch mangen granns, K 34
Kl 28	Menschlichen got, beschnitten schon, K 47 [title ‘Cisioianus id est Kalendergedicht’ (cf Kl 67); melody used for Kl 29–32, 81, 117]
Kl 29	Der himel fürst heut bewar, K 9 [same melody as Kl 28]
Kl 30	Kain ellend tet mir nie so and, K 43 [same melody as Kl 28]
Kl 31	Der oben swebt, K 10 [same melody as Kl 28]
Kl 32	Durch toren weis, K 15 [same melody as Kl 28]
Kl 33	Ain tunckle farb von oocident, K7 [melody used for Kl 34–6]
Kl 34	Es leucht durch graw die vein lasur, K 22 [same melody as Kl 33]
Kl 35	In Suria ain braiten hal, K 40 [same melody as Kl 33]
Kl 36	Zwar alte sünd pringt neues laid, K 83 [same melody as Kl 33]
Kl 39	Mein sünd unch schuld eu[ch] priester klag, K 46
Kl 40	Erwach an schrick, vil schönes weib, K 18 [melody (without repetitio) used for Kl 126]
Kl 41	Von Wolkenstain wolt ich zu Cölen gütter lawn, K 70
Kl 42	Vil lieber grüsse süsse, K 68
Kl 44	Durch Barbarei, Arabia, K 17 [melody used for Kl 45]
Kl 45	Wer machen well sein peutel ring, K 76 [same melody as Kl 44]
Kl 55	Wes mich mein bül ie hat erfreut, K 77
Kl 57	Ain mensch von achzehen jaren klüg, K 5
Kl 58	Mein bül laisst mir gesellschaft zwar, K 45
Kl 59	Solt ich von sorgen werden greis, K 62
Kl 60	Es nahet gen der vasennacht, K 23
Kl 61	Gelück und hail ain michel schar, K 28
Kl 63	Wol mich an we der lieben stund, K 81
Kl 67	Genner beschnaid Crist wirdikleich [no melody, in rhythming couplets; title ‘Cisioianus, id est Kalendergedicht’ (cf Kl 28)]
Kl 69	Do fraig Amors, K 13 [in 7 languages with Ger. trans.]
Kl 73	O herzen lieber Nickel mein, K 51 [not in A; melody used for Kl 74]
Kl 74	Sweig still, gesell, dem ding ist recht, K 64 [same melody as Kl 73]
Kl 80	Ain rainklich weib, durch jugent schön, K 6
Kl 81	Sweig, güt gesell, schimpflichen lach, K 63 [same melody as Kl 28]
Kl 82	Got geb eu[ch] ainen güten morgen, K 30
Kl 83	Ain jetterin, junck, frisch, frei, früt, K 4 [melody used for Kl 87]
Kl 85	‘Nu huss’ sprach der Michel von Wolkenstain, K 46 [not in A]
Kl 86	O phalzgraf Ludewig, K 52
Kl 87	Rot, weiss, ain frölich angesicht, K 59 [same melody as Kl 83]
Kl 89	Herz, müt, leib, sel und was ich han, K 31
Kl 90	Ach got, wër ich ain bilgerin, K 1
Kl 92	Treib her, treib überher, K 65
Kl 95	O rainer got, K 53 [same melody as Kl 11]
Kl 97	Senlich mit langer zeit und weil vertreib, K 60
Kl 98	O wunnikliches paradis, K 57
Kl 99	Für allen schimpf, des ich vil sich, K 27
Kl 100	O wunniklicher, wolgezierter mai, K 56
Kl 102	Sich manger freut das lange jar, K 61 [not in A]
Kl 104	Von trauren möcht ich werden taub, K 69 [not in A; same melody as Kl 105]
Kl 105	Es komen neue mër gerant, K21 [not in A; melody used for Kl 104]
Kl 106	Nempt war der schönen plüde früde, K 48 [not in A]
Kl 110	Ich hör, sich manger freuen lat, K 119; [Stollen melody inc. in B]
Kl 111	In oberland, K 39 [title ‘Passio domini nostri Jhesu Christi completa Anno 36’]
Kl 112	Mich fragt ein ritter angevar [no music; not in A; ‘anno 1438 hec fabula completa per me’; in 205 rhyming couplets]
Kl 113	Ir bäpst, ir kaiser, du pawman, K 42 [not in A]
Kl 114	Hört zü, was ellentleicher mër, K 33 [not in A; title ‘Compassio beate virginis Marie’]
Kl 115	Wer hie umb diser welde lust, K 74 [not in A; text cento on Freidank’s Erfahrungssprüche]
Kl 116	Zergangen ist meins herzen we, K 82
Kl 117	Und swig ich nu die lenge zwar, K 66 [not in A; same melody as Kl 28]
Kl 118	Wol auf und wacht, K 80 [in B only, added in a different hand]
Kl 119	Bog dep’ mi was dustu da, K 8 [not in B; 3 stanzas, each in two sections: (i) Rhaeto-Romanic, Lat., Ger.; (ii) Ger. trans. to same melody]
Kl 122	Wol auf, gesellen, an die vart, K 79 [not in B]
Kl 123	Der seines laids ergeczt well sein, K 11 [not in B]
Kl 124	Ain ellend schid durch zahers flins, K 117 [not in B; complete in A (contrary to Koller)]
Kl 125	Ain eren schacz, K 118 [not in B; complete in A (contrary to Koller)]
Kl 126	Frew dich, durchleuchtig junckfrau zart, K 25 [not in B; same melody as Kl 40]
Kl 128	Sy hat mein hertz getroffen [no music; not in A or B; doubtful; 4 sources]
Kl 129	Der werlde vernewung lawter klar [no music; adaptation of the hymn Mundi renovacio, A-Wn 2975, 4696, D-Mbs Cgm 715, Cgm 1115]
Kl 130	Von Got so wart gesant [no music; adaptation of sequence Mittit ad virginem, A-Wn 2975, 4696, D-Mbs Cgm 715, Cgm 1115]
Kl 132	Medlin zartt stein [no music, 3 stanzas in D-Ngm Wolkenstein-Archiv, leaf of fasc. 12a]
Kl 133	Wilt du haben zü sorgen [no music; 2 rhyming couplets attrib. Wolkenstein in GB-Lbl Add.16581]
Kl 134	Got müs fur uns vechten [no music; 4 couplets with cross-rhymes, only in Stadtmuseum, Regensburg, R 58 (shortly after 1431)]

polyphonic lieder

Kl 37	Des himels trone entpfärbet sich, 2vv, K 88 [B has tenor only; melody used for Kl 38]
Kl 38	Keuschlich geboren, 2vv, K 99 [same melody as Kl 37]
Kl 43	Ain güt geboren edel man, 3vv, K 86 [A has tenor only]
Kl 46	Du ausserweltes schöns mein herz, 4vv, K 90 [contrafactum of ballade Je voy mon cuer (anon.), F-Pn n.a.fr.6771 (3vv), F-Sm C.22 (3vv), CZ-Pu XI E 9 (2vv)
Kl 47	Fröleichen so well wir schir singen, 2vv, K 26, 124 b [B has tenor only, contrafactum of M. Fabri: Bien ay je cause]
Kl 48	Stand auff, Maredel, liebes Gredel, 4vv, K 106 [B has 2vv only; contrafactum of rondeau Jour a jour la vie (anon.), F-Pn it.568 (2vv), F-Pn n.a.fr.6771 (4vv), GB-Lbl Cotton Tit.A.xxvi (3vv), I-Fn Panciatichiano 26 (3vv); also in F-Sm C.22 as Ave virgo mater pia, D-Mbs Clm 14274 with text ‘Cristus rex pacificus’ (4vv); 2 intabulations in I-FZc 117]
Kl 49	Sag an, herzlieb, 3vv, K 105, K 124a [B has 2vv only]
Kl 50	Der mai mit lieber zal, 2vv, K 87 [contrafactum of J. Vaillant: Par maintes foys]
Kl 51	Ach, senliches leiden, 2vv, K 84
Kl 52	Wolauff, gesell! wer jagen well, 3vv, K 113 [contrafactum of ballade Fuyés de moy (anon.), F-Pn n.a.fr.6771 (3vv), CZ-Pu XI E 9 (2vv), A-M 391 (2vv), F-Pn n.a.fr.23190; also in F-Sm C.22 as Quam pulchra es]
Kl 53	Frölich, zärtlich, lieplich, 2vv, K 94 [contrafactum of rondeau En tes doulz flans (anon.), F-Pn n.a.fr.6771 (3vv), F-Sm C.22 as Felix Dei genitrix]
Kl 54	Frölich geschrai so well wir machen, 3vv, K 93 [contrafactum of rondeau Qui contre fortune (anon.), I-Fn Panciatichiano 26 (2vv), also in A-Wn 5094 and F-Sm C.22 as Schack melodye]
Kl 56	Tröstlicher hort, wer tröstet mich, 2vv, K 107 [also in D-Gs Lüneb.78, in D-TRs 322/1994 and in D-WH 118 (89) as Tonat agmen]
Kl 62	Von rechter lieb krafft, 2vv, K 109 [contrafactum of rondeau Alé vous/Je pren congé (anon.), F-Pn n.a.fr.4917]
Kl 64	Gar wunniklich hat si mein herz besessen, 2vv, ‘fuga’, K 95
Kl 65	Mein herz, das ist versert, 2vv, K 101 [contrafactum of F. Landini: Questa fanciulla (3vv); music also used for Kl 66]
Kl 66	Weiss, rot, mit brawn verleucht, 2vv, K 111 [not in A; same music as Kl 65]
Kl 68	Mein herz jüngt sich in hoher gail, 2vv, K102 [B has tenor only]
Kl 70	Her wiert uns dürstet also sere, ‘fuga’, 3 vv, K 97 [frags in D-Mbs Cgm 715]
Kl 71	Mit günstlichem herzen, ‘fuga’, 2vv, K 104
Kl 72	Die minne füget niemand, ‘fuga’, 2vv, K 89 [contrafactum of chace Talent m’est pris (anon.), I–IVc, CZ-Pu XI E 9; also in F-Sm C.22 as Der summer kumt]
Kl 75	Wol auff, wol an, 2vv, K 115
Kl 76	Ain graserin durch külen tau, 2vv, K 85
Kl 77	Simm Gredlin, Gred, mein Gredelein, 2vv, K 123 [B has tenor only (discant staff empty)]
Kl 78	Mich tröst ain adeliche mait, 2vv, K 103
Kl 79	Frölich so wil ich aber singen, 2vv, K 120
Kl 84	Wol auff, wir wellen slauffen, 2 vv, K 114
Kl 88	Vier hundert jar auff erd, 2vv, K 108 [contrafactum of P. Fontaine: A son plaisir]
Kl 91	Freuntlicher blick, 2 vv, K 92
Kl 93	Herz, prich, 2vv, K 121
Kl 94	Lieb, dein verlangen, 2vv, K 122 [B has tenor only (discant staff empty)]
Kl 96	Grasselick lif, 3vv, K 96
Kl 101	Wach auff, mein hort, es leucht dort her, 2vv, K 110 [tenor also in D-Bsb 40613 (Lochamer Liederbuch, 1452-60) and D-ROu 100 (Rostocker Liederbuch, c1465 with later additions); intabulation in D-Bsb 40613, 2 in D-Mbs Mus.ms.3625]
Kl 103	Wer die ougen wil verschüren mit den brenden, 2vv, K 111 [not in A; contrafactum of N. Grenon: La plus jolie]
Kl 107	Kom, liebster man, K 100 [not in A; contrafactum of rondeau Venés oir (anon.), F-Pn n.a.fr.10660]
Kl 108	Ich klag, 3vv, K 98 [not in A]
Kl 109a	Ave mater, O Maria [see Kl 109b]
Kl 109b	Ave mütter küniginne, 3 vv [not in A, preceded in B by Lat. version (Kl 109a); also in I-Bu 2216 (4vv), I-Vnm 7554 (olim IX 145) (3vv), PL-Wn III 8054 (Krasinski 52) and D-Mbs Mus.ms.3725 (intabulation)]
Kl 120	Freu dich, du weltlich creatur, 3vv, K 91 [not in B]
Kl 121	Nu rue mit sorgen, canon, 2vv, K 50 [not in B]
Kl 131	Mir dringet zwinget fraw dein güt [no music; text in D-Mbs Clm 4871 (dated 1461), with heading ‘Techst vber das geleyemors Wolkenstainer’; probably contrafactum of Binchois: Je loe amours]

Oswald von Wolkenstein

BIBLIOGRAPHY

W. Marold: Kommentar zu den Liedern Oswalds von Wolkenstein (diss., U. of Göttingen, 1926), ed. A. Robertshaw (Innsbruck, 1995)

J. Müller-Blattau: ‘Wach auff, mein hort!: Studie zur deutschen Liedkunst des 15. Jahrhunderts’, Festschrift für Guido Adler (Vienna, 1930/R), 92–9

H. Loewenstein: Wort und Ton bei Oswald von Wolkenstein (Königsberg, 1932)

W. Salmen: ‘ Werdegang und Lebensfülle des Oswald von Wolkenstein’, MD, vii (1953), 147–73

J. Wendler: Studien zur Melodiebildung bei Oswald von Wolkenstein (Tutzing, 1963)

T. Göllner: ‘Landinis “Questa fanciulla” bei Oswald von Wolkenstein’, Mf, xvii (1964), 393–8

C. Petzsch: ‘ Text- und Melodietypenveränderung bei Oswald von Wolkenstein’, DVLG, xxxviii (1964), 491–512

W. Röll: ‘ Oswald von Wolkenstein und Graf Peter von Arberg’, ZDADL, xcvii (1968), 219–34

C. Petzsch: ‘ Westeuropäisches bei Oswald von Wolkenstein’, Mf, xxii (1969), 315–16

C. Petzsch: ‘ Zum Freidank-Cento Oswalds von Wolkenstein’, AMw, xxvi (1969), 125–39

C. Petzsch: ‘ Oswald von Wolkenstein Nr.105 “Es komen neue mer gerant”: Text-Form-Korrespondenz als Kriterium bei Fragen der Datierung und Überlieferung’, Zeitschrift für deutsche Philologie, xci (1972), 335–51

B. Stäblein: ‘Oswald von Wolkenstein, der Schöpfer des Individualliedes’, DVLG xlvi (1972), 113–60

E. Timm: Die Überlieferung der Lieder Oswalds von Wolkenstein (Lübeck, 1972) [see also review in Mf, xxvii, 1974, 484–6]

L. Townsley: A Glossary to the Songs of Oswald von Wolkenstein (diss., U. of Maryland, 1972)

Oswald von Wolkenstein: Novacella 1973 [with extensive bibliography; see also U. Müller and F.V. Spechtler, Mf, xxvii (1974), 66–7]

W. Röll: ‘ Der vierzigjährige Dichter: anlässlich des Liedes “Es fügt sich” Oswalds von Wolkenstein’, Zeitschrift für deutsche Philologie, xciv (1975), 377–94

D. Kühn: Ich, Wolkenstein: eine Biographie (Frankfurt am Main, 1977, 3/1996)

600-Jahrfeier Oswalds von Wolkenstein: Seis am Schlern 1977

I. Pelnar: ‘ Neu entdeckte Ars-Nova-Sätze bei Oswald von Wolkenstein’, Mf, xxxii (1979), 26–33

U. Müller, ed.: Oswald von Wolkenstein (Darmstadt, 1980)

H. Brunner, H.W.Ganser, K.-G. Hartmann: ‘Das Windsheimer Fragment einer Musikhandschrift des 15. Jahrhunderts’, Jb der Oswald von Wolkenstein-Gesellschaft, i (1980–1), 185–222

W. Röll: Oswald von Wolkenstein (Darmstadt, 1981)

I. Pelnar: Die mehrstimmigen Lieder Oswalds von Wolkenstein (Tutzing, 1982) [for music edn see work-list]

R. Hausner: ‘ Thesen zur Funktion frühester weltlicher Polyphonie im deutschsprachigen Raum (Oswald von Wolkenstein, Mönch von Salzburg)’, Jb der Oswald von Wolkenstein-Gesellschaft, iii (1984–5), 45–78

R. Strohm: ‘ Native and Foreign Polyphony in Late Medieval Austria’, MD, xxxviii (1984), 205–30

K. Baasch and H.Nürnberger: Oswald von Wolkenstein: mit Selbstzeugnissen und Bilddokumenten dargestellt (Hamburg, 1986, 2/ 1995)

R. Strohm: ‘ Die vierstimmige Bearbeitung (um 1465) eines unbekannten Liedes von Oswald von Wolkenstein’, Jb der Oswald von Wolkenstein-Gesellschaft, iv (1986–7), 163–74

D. Fallows: ‘ Two equal voices: a French Song Repertory with Music for Two More Works of Oswald von Wolkenstein’, EMH, vii (1987), 227–41

L. Welker: ‘ New Light on Oswald von Wolkenstein: Central European Traditions and Burgundian Polyphony’, EMH, vii (1987), 187–226

L. Welker: ‘ Some Aspects of the Notation and Performance of German Song Around 1400’, EMc, xviii (1989), 235–46

L. Welker: ‘ Mehrstimmige Sätze bei Oswald von Wolkenstein: eine kommentierte Übersicht’, Jb der Oswald von Wolkenstein-Gesellschaft, vi (1990–1), 255–66

R. Strohm: The Rise of European Music 1380–1500 (Cambridge, 1993, 2/1996)

C. Berger and T.Tomasek: ‘Kl 68 im Kontext der Margarethe-Lieder Oswalds von Wolkenstein’, Jb der Oswald von Wolkenstein-Gesellschaft, ix (1996–7), 157–77

R. Strohm: ‘ Song Composition in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries: Old and New Questions’, Jb der Oswald von Wolkenstein-Gesellschaft, ix (1996–7), 523–50

Otaka, Hisatada

(b Tokyo, 26 Sept 1911; d Tokyo, 16 Feb 1951). Japanese composer and conductor, father of Otaka Tadaaki. He went to Vienna before graduating from high school and received his earliest music education there. In 1932 he returned to Tokyo, where he studied composition with Klaus Pringheim. He was back in Vienna in 1934, and there he studied composition with Marx and conducting with Weingartner at the Music Academy, while taking private lessons with Franz Moser. In 1936 he won a Weingartner Prize for the orchestral Nihon kumikyoku, and after his graduation in 1938 he was active as a conductor until he returned to Japan in 1940 and became the regular conductor of the Japan SO. As a composer he was an advocate of German Romanticism, combined with certain characteristics of Japanese nationalism; he wrote exclusively for instruments. After his early death the orchestra he had served as conductor instituted an Otaka Prize for composition in his memory.

WORKS

(selective list)

Orch: Nihon kumikyoku [Japanese Suite], 1936; Ashiya otome [Ashiya Maiden], sym. poem, 1937; Rhapsody, pf, orch, 1943; Fl Conc., 1948; Sym., 1948

Chbr and solo inst: Sonata, vn, pf, 1932; Str Qt no.1, 1938; Pf Trio, 1941; Str Qt no.2, 1943; Nocturne, vc, pf, 1944; 3 Portraits, pf, 1949

Vocal: 6 Songs from the Man’yō-shū, T, pf, 1934; Karamatsu [The Larch], A, pf, 1950

Principal publisher: Ongaku-no-Tomo Sha

MASAKATA KANAZAWA

Otaka, Tadaaki

(b Kamakura, 8 Nov 1947). Japanese conductor, son of Hisatada Otaka. He attended the celebrated Toho Gakuen College of Music in Tokyo and came to Europe to further his studies at the Vienna Hochschule für Musik. He rejoined the Toho Gakuen College as a faculty member in 1970. That appointment was followed by prestigious conducting appointments within Japan: from 1974 to 1992 he was principal conductor of the Tokyo PO and from 1981 principal conductor of the Sapporo SO. Otaka's career was established in the West when in 1987 he became principal conductor of the BBC National Orchestra of Wales in Cardiff, an appointment which took him to the Proms in 1991. In 1991 he also made his début with the WNO, conducting Salome. The following year he was appointed principal conductor of the Yomiuri Nippon SO in Tokyo, and in 1995 he became principal conductor of the newly formed Kioi Sinfonietta. He has also appeared as a guest conductor with the LSO, BBC SO, Oslo PO, Royal Liverpool PO and other orchestras. Admired both for his spacious, expressive readings of the central symphonic repertory and as an exponent of 20th-century music, Otaka has given a number of world premières, including Elena Firsova's Cassandra (1993) and several works by Toru Takemitsu: For Calls, Coming, far! (1980), Orion and Pleiades (1984) and Gemini (1986). Among his recordings are orchestral works by Franck, Elgar, Rachmaninoff and Lutosławski.

JESSICA DUCHEN

Otaño (y Eguino), Nemesio

(b Azcoitia, Guipúzcoa, 19 Dec 1880; d S Sebastián, 29 April 1956). Spanish composer and writer on music. He studied with the organists in various villages of Guipúzcoa. In 1896 he joined the Society of Jesus and was appointed organist of the Basilica of Loyola. He went to Valladolid in 1903 and there studied counterpoint and composition with Vicente Goicoechea, who encouraged him in his ideas for the reform of sacred music; together they organized the first National Sacred Music Congress in Valladolid in 1907. The same year Otaño founded the journal Música sacro hispana, which he ran for 15 years, achieving through it a radical reform and restoration of church music in Spain along the lines of Pius X’s Motu proprio. In 1911 he founded the Schola Cantorum at the seminary of Comillas, which became the model for countless other choirs at seminaries and in parishes throughout Spain. Otaño and his choir also set high standards for the performance of Gregorian chant and polyphony, for he had gained knowledge and experience by travelling all over Europe to hear the best choirs and study at monasteries. At the same time he worked incessantly as a lecturer, organizer and composer, all in the interests of sacred music.

Otaño’s compositions range from simple settings of popular songs to large-scale vocal-orchestral works. Of the former type, the sacred songs in popular style are particularly important; scored for voice and harmonium, they include such miniature jewels as Estrella hermosa, and have achieved great popularity in Spain. The larger compositions include the Suite vasca for six voices, the great Miserere for five voices and organ, the Gran himno a S Ignacio de Loyola for eight voices and orchestra, and the Holy Week responsories. All Otaño’s music is distinguished by accomplishment and propriety; his melody, even in simple pieces, avoids vulgarity and is perfectly constructed, while his harmony extends from the straightforward (intended for parish organists) to the Wagnerism of the Suite vasca.

In 1937 Otaño was appointed musical director of the national radio, and in 1939 he became director of the Madrid Conservatory. During these later years his concerns turned from sacred music and composition to administration and teaching, and the period of his directorship at the conservatory was decisive in renewing ideas about music teaching in the Spanish conservatories.

WORKS

(selective list)

Edition: Nemesio Otaño: Obras completas (San Sebastián, 1956–71)

Choral: 12 cánticos al Sagrado Corazón, 1909; 8 cánticos a la Santísima Virgen, 1910; 8 letanías, 3/4vv, org, 1911; 12 canciones para la Sagrada Comunión, 1912; Suite vasca, 6vv, 1912; 21 canciones a María Santísima, 1917; Gran himno a S Ignacio de Loyola, 8vv, orch, 1917; Marcha real española, 6vv, orch; Miserere, 5vv, org; Responsorios del oficio de Semana Santa; folksong arrs.

Other works: songs, org pieces, some inst works

WRITINGS

La música religiosa y la legislación eclesiástica (Barcelona, 1912)

El canto popular montañés (Santander, 1915)

Antonio Eximeno (Madrid, 1943)

JOSÉ LÓPEZ-CALO

Otava, Zdeněk

(b Vítějeves, nr Polička, Bohemia, 11 March 1902; d Prague, 4 Dec 1980). Czech baritone. As a choirboy he impressed Janáček; subsequently he studied the piano and violin with Martinů. After singing lessons in Prague, he studied in Rome (with Riccardo Stracciari), Milan and Vienna. He made his début in Bratislava as Iago (1925), and a year later was engaged by the Brno Opera with which he sang Baron Prus in the première of Janáček’s The Makropulos Affair and the title role in Krenek’s Jonny spielt auf. From 1929 to 1972 he worked at the National Theatre in Prague, singing more than 160 roles; he also toured widely abroad. Otava’s voice had a very wide range and a marked intensity, and while light, was extremely varied in colour, with an even tone, free of vibrato; his diction was absolutely clear. With his striking stage presence, he gave characteristic portrayals of Figaro, Germont, Yevgeny Onegin and Telramund, and masterly projections of such villains and conspirators as Pizarro, Scarpia and Iago. He was no less versatile and successful in the Czech repertory, and learnt a large number of contemporary roles. He was also a successful recitalist, favouring the contemporary Czech repertory. He taught at the Prague Conservatory (1941–2, 1953) and at the Academy of Musical Arts (1952–73), and published an autobiography, Jen ve zpěvu [Only in song] (Prague, 1947).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

GroveO (A. Němcová) [incl. further bibliography]

E. Dufková and B. Srba, eds.: Postavy brněnského jeviště [Personalities of the Brno stage], iii (Brno, 1994), 28–31

ALENA NĚMCOVÁ

Otescu, Ion Nonna

(b Bucharest, 3/15 Dec 1888; d Bucharest, 25 March 1940). Romanian composer and conductor. He studied at the Bucharest Conservatory (1903–7) with Kiriac-Georgescu (theory) and Alfonso Castaldi (composition), then in Paris at the Schola Cantorum (1908–11) with d’Indy and at the Conservatoire with Widor. Returning to Romania, he taught harmony and composition at the Bucharest Conservatory from 1913 until 1940, and was director of the conservatory from 1918. He modernized the curriculum there, introducing new courses and assembling an outstanding staff. Otescu was also among the founders of the Muzica review (1916), the Romanian Opera and the Society of Romanian Composers, of which he was vice-chairman from 1920 to 1940; in addition to these activities, he was permanent conductor of the Bucharest PO. His work in these various fields left him little time for composition, but his small oeuvre is of high quality. He adapted the harmony and orchestration of French Impressionism in picturesque and programmatic pieces on Romanian subjects, using indigenous folk elements, at first decoratively; in later works, such as the opera De la Matei citire (‘From the Writings of St Matthew’), folk music is bound into the structure and the style is more individual. Otescu’s mature style is distinguished by broad melody, subtlety of form and a virtuoso, diaphanous orchestration.

WORKS

(selective list)

Stage: Ileana Cosînzeana (ballet), 1918; Rubinul miraculos [The Miraculous Ruby] (ballet), 1919; De la Matei citire [From the Writings of St Matthew] (ob, 3, Otescu), 1938, rev. and completed A. Stroe, perf. 1966

Orch: Le temple du gnide, 1908; La légende de la rose rouge, 1910; Narcis, 1911; Din bătrîni [Since Times of Old], 1912; Peisaj de iarnă [Winter Landscape], 1913; Les enchantements d’Armide, vn, orch, 1915

Lieduri, 1v, pf (1969)

Principal publisher: Editura muzicală (Bucharest)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

A. Alessandrescu: ‘Ion Nonna Otescu: cinsprezece ani de la moartea compozitorului’ [Otescu: 15 years after the composer’s death], Muzica, v/4 (1955), 26–8

O.L. Cosma: Opera românească, ii (Bucharest, 1962)

Z. Vancea: Creaţia muzicală românească, sec. XIX–XX (Bucharest, 1968), 306–10

V. Cosma: Muzicieni români: lexicon (Bucharest, 1970) 340–41

O.L. Cosma: Hronicul muzicii româneşti, viii (Bucharest, 1988)

VIOREL COSMA

Otger.

See Hoger de Laon.

Othmayr, Caspar [Othmarus, Gasparus]

(b Amberg, 12 March 1515; d Nuremberg, 4 Feb 1553). German composer. His parents, Niclas and Margarethe Othmayr, were both from Amberg. Since the church registers concerned have been lost, we have no further information about his father’s profession or social status, and can only assume that Caspar attended the Amberg Lateinschule. He then sang as a choirboy in the Kapelle of the later Elector Friedrich II. Amberg was the second princely seat in the Palatinate, along with Heidelberg, so it was natural for Othmayr to study at Heidelberg University. He matriculated there on 19 May 1533 and took the degree of Bachelor of Arts on 9 June 1534. In 1536 he gained his Licentiate, and he became Master of Arts on 16 August of that year. While he was studying he continued to serve in the electoral Kapelle, directed at the time by Lorenz Lemlin. We have no information about the next ten years of the composer’s life; the presumption that he was living in Regensburg cannot be verified. In 1543 he became headmaster of the Lateinschule of Heilsbronn monastery, and there, in 1547, married Anna, daughter of the monastery administrator Johannes [Hans] Hartung, who during the years 1538–48 copied the so-called Heilsbronner Chorbücher (D-Eru 473, 1–4). Hoping to improve his financial situation, Othmayr applied for a canonry at St Gumbertus in Ansbach in the summer of 1545, and for that reason Amberg city council issued him a birth certificate on 7 July. The dean and chapter of St Gumbertus appointed him to the canonry, but he did not come into the living immediately. Margrave Georg Friedrich of Branderburg-Ansbach was still under-age at this time, and Othmayr’s rivals made use of this fact to place obstacles in the way of the princely dispensation. Othmayr did not receive this, and with it the living, until 15 July 1547. The provost of St Gumbertus, Leonhard Keller, died in 1548, and Othmayr applied to succeed him in the post. Following his friends’ advice, he travelled to a princely wedding in Torgau on 8 October 1548, in the retinue of Margrave Albrecht Alcibiades of Brandenburg-Kulmbach. Here Othmayr petitioned the Electors Joachim II Hector of Brandenburg and Moritz of Saxony, the guardians of Georg Friedrich of Ansbach. He also met Johann Walter (i) in Torgau. His nomination to the post was made out on 26 October, but meanwhile on 19 October a rival applicant had appeared in the shape of the student Wilhelm Bürkle, who had the support of Ansbach city council and Governor Friedrich van Knoblochsdorf. A long legal dispute ensued, and went before the imperial Supreme Court. However, Othmayr fell ill, and when his condition did not improve he was taken to the Heilsbronn hospital in Nuremberg, where he died. Othmayr was buried on 6 February 1553 in the Church of the Holy Cross in Ansbach.

Othmayr has been seen as the most important and versatile German composer of the generation between Senfl, Stoltzer and Johann Walter (i) on the one hand, and Leonhard Schroeter, Gallus Dressler and Joachim a Burck on the other. His output covers the most important contemporary genres of ecclesiastical and secular vocal music with the exception of the mass, and amounts to about 230 compositions. Instrumental music is represented only by two four-part dances.

Othmayr published most of his works in his own collections. However, there are also numerous manuscript concordances to the printed works, especially the German songs. These are found in all parts of the German-speaking area, and as far afield as Copenhagen and Lille. The Heidelberg chapel register of 1544 (D-HEu Pal.Ger.318) mentions 14 compositions, 13 of which seem to be lost.

The earliest of Othmayr’s works to have been preserved, the five-part Symbolum of Duke Heinrich of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel, dates from 1542 (Dk-Kk Gl. K. 1872). The Te Deum mentioned in the catalogue of the Heidelberg Kapelle, which may have been composed for the wedding of Elector Friedrich II in 1535, has been lost. The Erlangen University library contains an autograph fragment of a setting of Luther’s hymn Der Tag, der ist so freudenreich, dated 1545. Othmayr’s first printed works, the Epitaphium D. Martini Lutheri and the Cantilenae aliquot elegantes ac piae, appeared in 1546. In these works there is a clear distinction between the musical settings of German and Latin texts. While the German settings are for four parts and follow the Protestant Tenorlied model, in the Latin motets Othmayr adopted the post-Josquin style, with contrapuntal compression of small motifs and a clear balance between melismatic and syllabic text-setting. The Bicinia sacra undoubtedly derive from his work as a teacher; the educational aspect even appears in the title of the Tricinia of 1549: ‘composed for the utility of Christian youth’. Othmayr’s most distinctive publication is the Symbola illustrissimorum … virorum, musical settings of the emblems or mottos of important and influential men. They combine various different features: on the one hand, a tendency towards subjectivity and its expression typical of the Renaissance; on the other, the political purpose of aesthetically confirming the self-esteem of the characters concerned and the commercial intention of earning money from one or other of the compositions. Nor should we forget the religious aspect – in Othmayr’s words, ‘the true religion and honesty are spread by divine influence among men’ – which validates all the others. A private counterpart to the Symbols is provided by the motets In epitaphiis Gasparis Othmari (1554³⁰), in which Johannes Bucher, Georg Forster, Conrad Praetorius, Nicolaus Piltz and Othmayr himself feature as the authors. The songs of the 1549 collection Reutterische und jegerische Liedlein, and Othmayr’s songs in Forster’s Frische teutsche Liedlein (1549^36-7), met with some success. In these songs the villanelle and chanson styles make as important a contribution as the last vestiges of the Netherlandish cantus firmus technique.

WORKS

Edition:C. Othmayr: Ausgewählte Werke, ed. H. Albrecht, EDM, 1st ser., xvi (1941/R); xxvi (1956) [A i–ii]

[10] Cantilenae aliquot elegantes ac piae, 4, 5vv (Nuremberg, 1546¹⁰), A ii

[2] Epitaphium D. Martini Lutheri, 5vv (Nuremberg, 1546), A ii

[34] Symbola illustrissimorum principum, nobilium, aliorumque … virorum, 5vv (Nuremberg, 1547), A i

[41] Bicinia sacra (Nuremberg, 1547¹⁸), A ii (see Krautwurst)

[30] Tricinia (Nuremberg, 1549), A ii

[50] Reutterische und jegerische Liedlein, 4, 5vv (Nuremberg, 1549); ed. F. Piersig (Wolfenbüttel, 1928–33)

30 other songs and motets in 1546⁸, 1549³⁶, 1549³⁷, 1556²⁸, 1556²⁹, 1558²⁰, 1568¹¹; D-LEu,Mbs, Rp, Z; DK-Kk; 11 ed. in A ii, 22 ed. in EDM, 1st ser., lx–lxii (1969–87); 2 ed. in Cw, lxiii (1957)

Symbolum of Duke Heinrich of Brunswick, 5vv, DK-Kk, A i, 1542

Symbolum of Walrand Hangonart, 5vv, F-Lad, A i

Der Tag der ist so freudenreich, D-ERu*, frag., 1545; facs. and ed. in Owens

2 instrumental dances, Rp, 1 ed. in A ii

13 other compositions, lost, mentioned in HEu Pal.Ger.318

BIBLIOGRAPHY

MGG1(H. Haase)

H. Albrecht: Caspar Othmayr: Leben und Werk (Kassel, 1950) [incl. nearly complete list of works]

G. Pietzsch: Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschichte der Musik am kurpfälzischen Hof zu Heidelberg bis 1622 (Mainz and Wiesbaden, 1963), Abhandlungen … Klasse, Akademie … Literatur, Mainz, no.6 (1963)

F. Krautwurst: ‘Joachim Heller als Musiker’, Convivium musicorum: Festschrift Wolfgang Boetticher (Berlin, 1974), 151–62

G. Zeh-Leidel: ‘Ein Komponistenleben im 16. Jahrhundert (Othmayr)’, Altbayerische Heimatpost, xxv/5 (1983), 4–5, 15

K. Gudewill: ‘ Drei lateinisch-deutsche Liedbearbeitunger von Caspar Othmayr’, Festschrift Martin Ruhnke (Neuhausen-Stuttgart, 1986), 126–43

J. Lambrecht: Das Heidelberger Kapellinventar von 1544 (Codex Pal.Germ.318) (Heidelberg, 1987)

J.A. Owens: Composers at Work: the Craft of Musical Composition, 1450–1600 (New York, 1997), 179–88

CLYTUS GOTTWALD

Otis, Johnny [John Veliotes]

(b Vallejo, CA, 8 Dec 1921). American songwriter, drummer and bandleader. He immersed himself in black American musical styles although he himself came from a Greek immigrant background. He formed his first orchestra in the mid-1940s and from 1949 he toured the United States with his R&B Caravan whose corps of singers included Jackie Wilson, Little Willie John, Hank Ballard, Big Mama Thornton and Johnny Ace. Otis also provided the house band, and produced recordings, for the Duke record label. He composed a number of hit songs including Double Crossing Blues, Roll with Me Henry, Every Beat of my Heart, Willie and the Hand Jive and Ma He's Making Eyes at Me, while his recordings for Capitol included Willie and the Hand Jive, Casting my Spell and Crazy Country Hop. He was one of the great animateurs of black American music in the 1950s, discovering and promoting such singers as Esther Phillips and Etta James, and later formed his own Blues Spectrum label to record veteran rhythm and blues singers such as Charles Brown and Louis Jordan. His own 1969 album Cold Shot featured his son Shuggie on electric guitar. Otis subsequently trained for the ministry and became pastor of a church in Los Angeles.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

J. Otis: Listen to the Lambs (New York, 1968)

J. Otis: Upside Your Head! Rhythm and Blues on Central Avenue (Hanover, NH, 1993)

DAVE LAING

Otker of Regensburg [Ratisbon]

(fl Regensburg, 11th- or 12th-century). Cleric and theorist. He was a monk at St Emmeram, and wrote two short treatises dealing with the monochord and its graphic representation, Mensura quadripartite figure (GerbertS, i, 348 and PL, cli, 691–2) and Encheriadis monochordum (PL, cli, 693–4). The former is one of a series of explanations of the modes which use diagrams of the monochord for their exposition. Often called cribrum monochordi, they approach with remarkable clarity the modern system of solfège based on the movable doh. Here the eight modes are discussed in terms of the maneriae, and the drawings of the monochord are adjusted to show the finals of the modes in a straight line and to allow vertical identification of the initial and final notes of each tetrachord (see Table 1). This and similar diagrams, such as those offered by Wilhelm of Hirsau and Theogerus of Metz, represent a high point in medieval pedagogy. This technique of using the monochord may be likened to the modern practice of explaining scale patterns and intervals in relation to keyboard instruments.

table 1

Mixolydian

Lydian

Phrygian

Dorian

Hypomixolydian

Hypolydian

Hypophrygian

Hypdorian

Tetrardus

Tritus

Deuterus

Protus

Graves

Excellentes

Finales

Superiores

BIBLIOGRAPHY

L. Bronarski: ‘Die Quadripartita figura in der mittelalterlichen Musiktheorie’, Festschrift Peter Wagner, ed. K. Weinmann (Leipzig, 1926/R), 27–43

C. Adkins: The Theory and Practice of the Monochord (diss., U. of Iowa, 1963), 349–50

CECIL ADKINS

Otloh of St Emmeram

(b c1010; d c1070). Benedictine writer, composer and music theorist. A monk at St Emmeram in Regensburg, he was one of the most productive authors of his time, writing on a wide variety of subjects. He was heavily involved in the fabricated ‘discovery’ of the relics of St Dionysius (Denis of Paris) at St Emmeram in 1049. Although he is addressed as a partner in the music theory treatise of Wilhelm of Hirsau, whose teacher he appears to have been, no treatise by Otloh has survived. On the other hand, liturgical chants copied by him are to be found in a number of manuscripts from St Emmeram, and it is likely that he composed many of them, including a sequence for St Dionysius Exultemus in ista fratres, a troped Kyrie O pater immense and chants for the proper Office of St Dionysius (D-Mbs Clm 14083, 14871).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

D. Hiley: ‘Some Observations on the Repertory of Tropes at St Emmeram, Regensburg’, Cantus planus IV: Pécs 1990, 337–57

D. Hiley: ‘The Regensburg Offices for St Emmeram, St Wolfgang and St Denis’, Musica antiqua X: Bydgoszcz 1994, 229–312

D. Hiley: ‘Musik im mittelalterlichen Regensburg’, Regensburg im Mittelalter, i: Beiträge zur Stadtgeschichte vom frühen Mittelalter bis zum Beginn der Neuzeit, ed. M. Angerer and H. Wanderwitz (Regensburg, 1995), 311–22

R. Hankeln: Historiae Sancti Dionysii Areopagitae: St Emmeram, Regensburg, ca. 1050 / 16 Jh. (Ottawa, 1998)

DAVID HILEY

Ots, Charles

(b Brussels, 13 May 1776; d Brussels, 1845). Flemish composer. He probably received his musical education in Brussels, and settled in Ghent at the end of the 18th century. His opéra comique La ruse villageoise was performed in the municipal theatre there in 1796. Later he was active as a music teacher and was a member of the Société des Beaux-Arts et de la Littérature. His second opera, Le nouveau marié, ou Les imposteurs, was performed in Brussels in 1808. Between 1816 and 1818 he devoted himself chiefly to opera, writing two more works for Ghent. Of these, David Teniers was particularly successful, and he became conductor at the Ghent theatre for the 1819–20 season. He was extremely active in this post, but intrigues and rivalries caused him to resign. Disappointed, he abandoned opera and turned to composing sacred music. In form his operas were similar to Dalayrac’s, in one act and with arias of the romance type. Ots chose subjects popular at the time of the French Revolution and under the Empire – historical portraits, battle scenes and the glorification of the nation – contributing to the importation of French operatic trends into the Low Countries.

His daughter Emilie (b 24 April 1808) studied singing with him and embarked on a career that took her to the Opéra-Comique in Paris in 1827 (BNB, E. Beeckman).

WORKS

stage

opéras comiques in one act

La ruse villageoise, Ghent, 2 Jan 1796

Le nouveau marié, ou Les imposteurs (J.F. Cailhava), Brussels, Monnaie, June 1808

Jean Second, ou Charles V dans les murs de Gand, Ghent, 18 Dec 1816

David Teniers, Ghent, 28 Oct 1818

other works

La rose enlevée (cant.)

6 canzonette, hpd acc., op.5 (Mainz, n.d.)

Romances: Henri Quatre, Je l’aimerai, Les beaux arts, 6 romances, v, pf/hp

Sacred: Dixit Dominus, Laudate pueri, Tantum ergo, O salutaris, others, cited in FétisB

PHILIPPE VENDRIX

Ott [Ottler, Ottel, Otto], Hans [Johannes]

(d Nuremberg, 1546). German publisher. A bookseller in Regensburg until his expulsion in 1524, Ott continued his business in Nuremberg from 1525 until his death. In 1533, he received an Imperial privilege to publish music, and from 1534 to 1544 issued six anthologies. He commissioned the printing of the first five from Hieronymus Formschneider; this connection was severed sometime between 1539 and the early 1540s, and his next anthology was printed in 1544 by the recently-founded firm, Berg & Neuber. In 1545, he received an imperial privilege for Isaac's Choralis constantinus, a book of masses, and a pharmacological work; he died the following year, without having published any of them. His widow, Elsbet, returning to Formschneider as printer, published the first volume of the Choralis constantinus in 1550; she continued the bookselling business until 1554.

Most of the 291 works in Ott's series of secular anthologies are by composers from the imperial or Bavarian courts or in the employ of the Nuremberg Council; just over half are by Senfl. The series of sacred anthologies contains 100 motets and 13 mass ordinaries, with other volumes of mass ordinaries and propers planned at the time of his death; he intended the series to be dominated by the works of the three composers whom he singled out for special praise – Josquin, Senfl and Isaac. Ott's political and business acumen caused him to take particular care when editing the motet texts; by careful choice or revision, he ensured that the secular motets were all in praise of members of the family of the dedicatee, Ferdinand, King of the Romans, and that the sacred motets would cause no offence in Lutheran Nuremberg. His success as an editor is clear, for his anthologies are among the most important and influential German musical sources from the first half of the 16th century.

PUBLICATIONS

all published in Nuremberg; printed by Formschneider unless otherwise stated

Der erst Teil: hundert und ainundzweintzig newe Lieder (1534¹⁷), 82 ed. in Ludwig Senfl: Sämtliche Werke, iv (Wolfenbüttel, 1940/R), 11 ed. in DTÖ, lxxii, Jg.xxvii/2 (1930/R)

Schöne auszerlesne Lieder (1536⁹), 27 ed. in EDM, lxx (1981), 7 ed. in Ludwig Senfl: Sämtliche Werke, v (Wolfenbüttel, 1949), 3 ed. in DTÖ, lxxii, Jg.xxvii/2 (1930/R)

Novum et insigne opus musicum (1537¹/R), ed. R.R. Gustavson (forthcoming)

Secundus tomus novi operis musici (1538³/R), ed. R.R. Gustavson (forthcoming)

Missae tredecim, 4vv (1539²)

Hundert und fünfftzehen guter newer Liedlein (1544²⁰; Berg & Neuber), ed. in PÄMw, i–iv (1873–6/R)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

ADB (R. Eitner)

MGGI (T. Wohnhaas)

O. Kade: ‘Einleitung’, Einleitung, Biographieen, Melodieen und Gedichte zu Johann Ott's Liedersammlung von 1544, ed. R. Eitner and others, PÄMw, iv (Berlin, 1876), 1–35

K. Schottenloher: ‘Vom ältesten Buchhandel in Nürnberg’, Unterhaltungsblatt des Fränkischen Kuriers (15 Sept 1912)

R. Wagner: ‘Nachträge zur Geschichte der Nürnberger Musikdrucker im sechzehnten Jahrhundert’, Mitteilungen des Vereins für Geschichte der Stadt Nürnberg, xxx (1931), 107–51

H.J. Moser: ‘Hans Ott's erstes Liederbuch’, AcM, vii (1935), 1–15

B.R. Butler: Liturgical Music in Sixteenth-Century Nürnberg: a Socio-Musical Study (diss., U. of Illinois, 1970)

R. Redeker: Lateinische Widmungsvorreden zu Mess- und Motettendrucken der ersten Hälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts (Eisenach, 1995)

R.R. Gustavson: Hans Ott, Hieronymus Formschneider, and the ‘Novum et insigne opus musicum’ (Nuremberg, 1537–1538) (diss., U. of Melbourne, 1998)

T. Göllner: ‘Lassos Lektionskompositionen und ihre neu-entdeckten Vorlagen im Ott-Druck von 1538’, Compositionswissenschaft: Festschrift Reinhold und Roswitha Schlötterer zum 70 Geburtstag, ed. B. Edelmann and S. Kurth (Augsburg, 1999), 69–84

ROYSTON GUSTAVSON

Ott, Lorenz Justinian [Joseph Marzellin]

(b Dietfurt an der Altmühl, bap. 28 April 1748; d Weyarn, Upper Bavaria, 6 April 1805). German composer. He attended the Jesuit seminary in Neuburg an der Donau (1759–64) and then studied logic at the Jesuit high school in Munich. In 1767 he joined the Augustinian prebendary institute in Weyarn as a novice, took his vows on 11 September 1768, was ordained on 6 October 1771, and became sub-dean at the monastery in about 1777. Having taught music at the monastery school, he was appointed music director in 1780 as successor to Bernhard Haltenberger (also known as Montenelli). Under Ott’s direction the Weyarn monastery became one of the most important centres of musical practice in Bavaria. His manuscript diary in the Munich Ordinariatsarchiv, covering the years 1776 to 1805, is an important source for the history of music in the institute.

Ott composed exclusively for his own monastery. Five symphonies, seven masses, a requiem, three Salve regina settings and ten Latin and German sacred works on a smaller scale survive (in D-FS), as do some sacred works of doubtful authenticity and several arrangements. His arrangements of operatic excerpts by Bernasconi and Sacchini as sacred works are examples of the musical parody frequently practised in the Bavarian monasteries of this period.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

R. Münster and R. Machold: Thematischer Katalog der Musikhandschriften der ehemaligen Klosterkirchen Weyarn, Tegernsee und Benediktbeuern (Munich, 1971)

M. Mayer: ‘Die Seelsorge der Weyarner Chorherren im ausgehenden 18. Jahrhundert nach den Tagebüchern des Chorherrn L.J. Ott’, Beiträge zur altbayerischen Kirchengeschichte, xxx (1976), 115–212

ROBERT MÜNSTER

Ottani, Bernardo

(b Bologna, 8 Sept 1736; d Turin, 26 April 1827). Italian composer, brother of Gaetano Ottani. In the early literature he is often confused with his older brother. He studied with Padre Martini, who remained a lifelong friend; the letters to his master, described by Tagliavini, survive in the Bologna Conservatory. His earliest composition to be performed was reportedly a cantata Il trionfo della gloria in 1760 in Bologna; this was followed in 1765 by an oratorio Le gare della potenza, and in the same year he was elected to Bologna’s Accademia Filarmonica. He was in Genoa by February 1766 to write an opera (of which the only known record is a letter from him to Martini); there he also gave lessons to the brother of the king of Sweden. In the autumn of that year he went to Venice to provide new music and revisions for a popular Piccinni opera. This work earned him a commission from the Teatro S Moisè to set a new comic opera, L’amore senza malizia, for 1768 the carnival season, and early that year he wrote to his teacher of its clamorous success. It was immediately taken on tour throughout northern Italy and central Germany. Ottani may have gone with the company to Germany, for the comedy was performed in Dresden that same year, and he wrote two further comic operas for the court there.

By late 1769 Ottani must have returned to Bologna, for then he was appointed maestro di cappella of the basilica of S Giovanni in Monte, an office he also held in the church of S Lucia, and three years later in the Collegio degli Ungheri. Church compositions apparently occupied him for the next few years. For Good Friday of 1770 he wrote another oratorio, and later that year he was one of ten musicians chosen by the Accademia to compose and conduct works for its annual day-long concert, which took place on 30 August with Burney and the Mozarts in attendance. Burney thought him ‘young and promising’, and described the Laudate pueri as containing ‘many ingenious, pretty things’. Shortly after this, on 9 October, Ottani was one of Wolfgang’s examiners for his election to the academy. In 1774 Ottani served as the academy’s president.

In the meantime, his reputation had been growing and he started to travel again on opera commissions: in 1776 to Turin, where he became a friend of Quirino Gasparini; in autumn and winter 1777–8 to Naples and Rome; and for those seasons the following year to Venice, Florence and again Turin. In spring 1778 he was primo cembalo at the Teatro Pubblico, Bologna, in the production of Gluck’s Alceste. Then in 1779 his serious opera Fatima, written for Turin, resulted in an appointment as maestro di cappella of the cathedral there, and he resigned his positions in Bologna. His new duties included teaching young members of the church music school; among his more distinguished graduates were the singer Felice Pellegrini (1774–1832) and the singer and theorist Federico Massimino (1775–1858). In 1780–81 he also taught the Princess Caroline, until her marriage to Anton of Saxony. He composed at least three opera serie after moving to Turin. They reflect the court's interest in innovatory opera seria, notably Calipso; a French-inspired piece with choruses, dance and stage spectacle. The orchestration is especially rich in wind solos and obbligatos including clarinet and bassoon. He devoted most of his attention to church music. According to early sources he composed 46 masses, and many motets, litanies, psalms and other sacred works. During the French occupation Ottani was involved in the dissolution of the Royal Chapel in 1798, the closing of the Teatro Regio and the shutting down of musical activity. Continuing his duties at the cathedral he wrote several religious compositions for the coronation of Napoleon and was nominated maestro di musica to the Prince and Princess Borghese. As the only survivor of the old order at the time of the Restoration, he was entrusted with the task of reorganizing a new Royal Chapel in 1814.

WORKS

operas

L’amore senza malizia (dg, P. Chiari), Venice, S Moisè, carn. 1768, D-Dl, Rtt?*, H-Bn, I-MOe (score and pts), P-La

Le virtuose ridicole (dg, C. Goldoni), Dresden, Piccolo, carn. 1769, D-Dl

L’amore industrioso (dg, G. Casori), Dresden, Piccolo, 21 Nov 1769, Dl, I-Tf

La semplicità in amore (dg), Udine, carn. 1771

Calipso (L’isola di Calipso) (os, Donzel), Turin, Regio, 26 Dec 1776, D-Bsb, P-La

Catone in Utica (os, P. Metastasio), Naples, Reale, Nov 1777, I-Nc, P-La

La sprezzante abbandonata, ovvero La finta sprezzante (dg), Rome, Dame, carn. 1778

Le industrie amorose (dg, G. Bertati), Venice, S Moisè, aut. 1778

Le nozze della Bita (dg, N. Tassì), Florence, Cocomero, aut. 1778, B-Bc

Fatima (os), Turin, Regio, carn. 1779, I-Mc, P-La

La Didone (os, Metastasio), Forlì, Pubblico, spr. 1779, I-Tf

Arminio (os, Coluzzi), Turin, Regio, carn. 1781, D-Dlb, P-La

Amaionne (os, F.S. Gambino), Turin, Regio, carn. 1784, La

Le clemenza di Tito (os, Metastasio), Turin, Regio, carn. 1798, duet I-Mc

Several arias and a duet for Piccinni’s Il fumo villana (orig. title Il cavaliere per amore), Venice, S Moisè, aut. 1766; new pieces for Traetta’s opera (?Le serve rivali), Venice, aut. 1767

Doubtful: Adriano, Mantua, 1765; arias I-MAav, duet Vc; Il maestro (ob), Munich, Hof., carn. 1770; Le Amazzoni (Bertati), Turin, Carignano, carn. 1784

Individual arias and ensembles in A-Wgm, CH-Zz, D-Bsb, Dl, DS, SWl, W, F-Lm, Pc, I-Fc, Gl, Mc, MAav (Ciro aria), Pca, Vmc and in contemporary anthologies

other works

Orats and cants.: Il trionfo della gloria (cant., P. Metastasio), Bologna, 1760; Le gare della potenza, e dell’amore (cant., C.L. Cecchilli), 2vv, Bologna, 1765; Il pianto de’ discepoli nella morte di Gesù Cristo (orat), Bologna, Good Friday, 1770; Direte all’ingrata (cant.), La partenza

Sacred vocal: Antifona, 4vv, I-Baf; Kyrie, 4vv, strs, hn, Bc; Kyrie, 4vv, strs, ob, hn, org, MOe, Gloria in excelsis, 4vv, strs, hn, Bc; Ave Regina coelorum, S, T, strs, hn, 1763, Bc*; Cum invocarem, 4vv, insts, Bc; Dixit, 4vv, ob, hn, Bc; Nisi Dominus, SAB, insts, Bc; Libera me Domine, 4vv, strs, bc, MOe; Mottetto, Vaga hyrundo viduata, B, B, orch, Genoa, 1785, VId

Instr: Fughe a tre e quattro voce, I-Bc; 6 sonates faciles, F-Pn; Sinfonien zu Opern, A-Wgm, I-Mc

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BurneyFI

BurneyGN

DEUMM

ES (L.-F. Tagliavini)

FétisB

GerberL

C. Gervasoni: Nuova teoria di musica (Parma, 1812/R)

C. Ricci: I teatri di Bologna nei secoli XVII e XVIII: storia aneddotica (Bologna, 1888/R), pp.xix, 486, 654

G. Sacerdote: Teatro regio di Torino: cenni storici … dal 1662 al 1890 (Turin, 1892), esp. 59

G. Barblan and A. Della Corte, eds.: Mozart in Italia (Milan, 1956), 77, 114, 257

O.E. Deutsch, ed.: Mozart: die Dokumente seines Lebens (Kassel, 1961, rev. 2/1981 by J.H. Eibl; Eng. trans., 1965, 3/1990)

W.A. Bauer and O.E. Deutsch: Mozart: Briefe und Aufzeichnungen (Kassel, 1962), i, 322, 385–6

M.-T. Bouquet and A. Basso: Storia del Teatro regio di Torino (Turin, 1976–)

JAMES L. JACKMAN/MARITA P. McCLYMONDS

Ottani, Gaetano [Bernardino]

(b ?Bologna, before 1736; d Turin,1808). Italian tenor, brother of Bernardo Ottani. His first known performance was in Bologna in 1747; he then sang in Lucca (1748) and Turin (1750), and from 1754 until 1768 was attached to the Turin court opera as primo uomo. He also sang in Milan in 1752, and again in 1770 when the Mozarts heard him in the convent of S Marco. Burney, who met him in July 1770 in Turin, thought him ‘a master in his profession’, possessing an ‘excellent voice’ and performing ‘with taste and in a pleasing manner’. Gaetano was also a landscape painter of some repute (to Burney’s eye, in the style of Claude Lorrain) and occasionally received royal commissions. He is sometimes confused with his more famous brother.

For bibliography see Ottani, Bernardo.

JAMES L. JACKMAN

Ottava

(It.).

See Octave (i).

Ottava alta, bassa, sopra, sotta.

See under All'ottava.

Ottava battuta

(It.: ‘beaten octave’).

In two-part counterpoint, the accented approach of the octave from a larger interval and by contrary motion, considered by some theorists to be characteristic of bad Part-writing.

Ottava rima

(It.).

A stanzaic form of Italian poetry set by composers of the frottola and 16th-century madrigal, also known as Strambotto and elsewhere rispetto, although the strambotto usually consists of a single stanza and the rispetto refers not to structure, but to intent or function (poetry, with or without music, reverently offered to the female beloved). While the multistrophic ottava rima is known from literature (Boccaccio, Filostrato, 1339; Ariosto, Orlando furioso, 1516; and so forth, down to the English poets Wyatt and Spenser and, in the 19th century, Byron, in Don Juan, 1819–24), it is rare in the musical sources: composers usually set a single stanza, as in the strambotto or equivalent examples in the madrigal. In prosody the ottava rima, in each of its stanzas, consists of eight lines of 11 syllables, or the iambic endecasillabo, with the eight lines arranged as four couplets according to the rhyme scheme abababcc. Usually the first couplet of the four is the only one to be notated, with the three remaining ones accommodated to its music. The melodic writing tends to be melismatic, thus endowing the single, short couplet with greater length and expressivity. Often a sacred text is indicated as a contrafactum, as in the strambotto Rezina del cor mio (F-Pn Rés.Vm⁷ 676, ff.16 v–17 v), with the alternative text Rezina del paradiso, headed ‘Hoc carmine ad laudem Virginis Mariae’. See Frottola.

DON HARRÁN

Ottavino (i)

(It.).

The piccolo or octave flute (see Flute, §II, 3(i)).

Ottavino (ii)

(It.).

The octave Spinet, a plucked string keyboard instrument that plays at 4' pitch, also called spinettino or spinetta ottavina.

Ottavino (iii)

(It.).

See underOrgan stop (Octavin).

Ottavio, Frate.

See Ariosti, Attilio.

Ottawa.

City in Ontario, capital of Canada since 1858; it was called Bytown from 1826 to 1855. Among a population of 2000 in the 1830s, there were six music teachers, including the German-born J.F. Lehmann (1790–1850) who composed The Merry Bells of England (Lovell, 1840), the first known typeset piece of sheet music in Canada. Beginning in the 1840s schools for young ladies and singing schools provided musical instruction, while military and civilian bands gave concerts of popular ballads and operatic selections, especially for the saints' days celebrated by the Irish, English, French and Scottish inhabitants. A performance of an Ave Maria ascribed to Pergolesi and Mozart's Requiem celebrated the installation of the 1063 Casavant pipe organ with 18 stops at Notre Dame Basilica in 1850. That year the first of many minstrel troupes performed, and other touring artists began to visit; a railway line, opened in 1854, facilitated travel; and Her Majesty's Theatre (1856) provided a venue.

By 1860 larger musical organizations began to be formed including the Quintette Club (1860s), the Ottawa Choral Society (1860–61, 1865–9), which became the Ottawa Philharmonic Society (1870–73), the Governor-General's Foot Guards Band (from 1872; still active), the Ottawa Musical Union (1879) and the Ottawa Choral Union (1874–6). An 1863 concert included glees, selections from Verdi's operas and a Haydn symphony arrangement. In 1870 the first part of Haydn's The Creation was performed with the band of the 60th Regiment. Quadrille dance bands, large bands and church choirs provided most formal musical events, but solo recitals were occurring by the 1870s. A Grand Opera House was built in 1874, opening as Gowan's Opera House; it burnt down in 1913. A touring group performed some Wagner excerpts in 1875 and opera companies with full chorus and orchestra presented opera and operetta. By 1880 local musicians had given the first Canadian performance of a Bach Concerto for three harpsichords (performed on three pianos), and in 1883 they organized the Ottawa String Quartette Club. Messiah was performed in full in 1884.

Meanwhile, local composers produced dance music, piano solos, songs and five operettas which were actually staged in the 1870s. A masque, Canada's Welcome, with a score of 200 pages by Arthur Clappé, was presented in honour of the new governor-general, the Marquis of Lorne, and his wife the Princess Louise in 1879. In 1880 a parody, HMS Parliament by W.H. Fuller, sung to the music of HMS Pinafore, became very popular. These local productions led to the formation in 1893 of the Ottawa Amateur Operatic Society. After hearing Damrosch's New York SO, Frank Jenkins formed the Ottawa Amateur Orchestral Society (1894–1902) of some 60 players. It performed choral works with the Schubert Club, later the Ottawa Choral Society (1896–1914), and programmes of operatic overtures, marches, dances and the occasional movement of a symphony or concerto. The Morning Music Club, founded in 1892, became the Pro Musica Society of Ottawa in 1962 and from 1969 to 1974 continued as the Concert Society of Ottawa.

In the early 20th century the rise and fall of various large organizations continued. The opening of the Russell Theatre in 1897 provided a better venue for both local productions and touring artists, until it was taken over by the city authorities in 1928. The oldest continuously operating musical theatre society in North America began in Ottawa as the Orpheus Glee Club in 1906. As the Orpheus Glee and Operatic Society of Ottawa (or the Orpheus Operatic Society), it gave Iolanthe in 1917 and by 1949 was presenting Broadway musicals and operettas. From 1949 to 1963 the Ottawa Grand Opera Company produced fully staged productions of The Bartered Bride, La bohème, Carmen, Faust, La Gioconda, Samson et Dalila, La traviata and Il trovatore. The Leipzig-trained musician Harry Puddicombe established the Canadian Conservatory of Music (1902–37). Its Canadian Conservatory Orchestra (1903–27), conducted by Donald Heins, was said by visitors from New York to be the finest community orchestra in North America. Subsequent orchestral organizations included the Ottawa Little Symphony (later the Ottawa SO; 1928–35), the LaSalle SO (1934–41), the Ottawa PO (1944–60) and the Ottawa Youth Orchestra (from 1960; still active). Choral ensembles included the Ottawa Women's Choir (1930s), the Ottawa Choral Union (from 1939; later the Ottawa Choral Society, still active), the Palestrina Choir (1946–58), and the Cantata Singers (from 1964; still active). The Tremblay concerts presented touring artists from 1929 to 1971, while the Twilight Music Club (later the Ottawa Music Club) began in 1930.

Musical activities expanded with the founding of the Canadian Centennial Choir (1967), the opening of music departments at Carleton University (1967) and the University of Ottawa (1970), and the formation of the Ottawa (Civic) SO (1965). In 1969 the National Arts Centre, with its 2236-seat opera house, a 969-seat theatre, a 350-seat studio and a 150-seat salon, opened as a national showcase for Canadian performers. Its musical centrepiece, the National Arts Centre Orchestra, achieved wide recognition under Mario Bernardi (1969–81), Franco Mannino (1982–6), Gabriel Chmura (1986–90), Trevor Pinnock (1991–6) and Pinchas Zukerman (1999–). Festival Ottawa (previously Festival Canada), founded in 1971, presented summer opera productions to 1983 and again from 1988 to 1991. Since 1984 Opera Lyra has produced operas in staged and concert formats. The Espace Musique Concert Society, founded in 1979, performs and commissions contemporary works. Other ensembles laid the foundation for the Ottawa Chamber Music Festival, which in 1995 had 46 sold-out concerts within 12 days. By the end of the 20th century it had become the largest festival of its kind in the world.

Ottawa has had rich traditional music activities throughout its history. This musical heritage, encompassing some 60 ethnic groups now resident in the city, is celebrated in various clubs. Occasional or annual summer festivals such as the Homelands and Franco-Ontarien provide further venues for traditional music, country music and pop artists. The Ottawa Jazz (International) Festival was established in 1981, and in 1994 Bluesfest began.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

EMC2 (J. Southworth)

D.A. Begg: A History of Orchestras in Ottawa from 1894 to 1960 (MA thesis, Carleton U., 1981)

F.A. Hall, ed.: Songs I to English Texts, The Canadian Musical Heritage, iii (Ottawa, 1985)

D. Gardner: A Celebration: Twenty-One Seasons of the Ottawa Symphony Orchestra (Ottawa, 1986)

E. Keillor: ‘Musical Activity in Canada's New Capital City in the 1870s’, Musical Canada: Words and Music Honouring Helmut Kallman, ed. J. Beckwith and F.A. Hall (Toronto, 1988), 115–33

D. Cooper, ed.: Opera and Operetta Excerpts I, The Canadian Musical Heritage, x (Ottawa, 1991)

F.A. Hall, ed.: Songs IV to English Texts, The Canadian Musical Heritage, xiv (Ottawa, 1993)

J. Beckwith, ed.: Oratorio and Cantata Excerpts I, The Canadian Musical Heritage, xviii (Ottawa, 1995)

ELAINE KEILLOR

Ottaway, Hugh

(b London, 27 July 1925; d Malvern, 6 Nov 1979). English writer and lecturer. In 1944 he won an open scholarship to the University of the South-West (now the University of Exeter), where he read history (London BA, 1968). He worked chiefly as a teacher, as a freelance writer and for the BBC, for which he prepared programmes on Walton, Rubbra and Shostakovich. His studies in 20th-century music are mainly concerned with the nature of symphonic thought after Mahler, and his published work, though predominantly on English composers, was not limited by a nationalist outlook; his ability to view English composition in its broader context also made his reviews valuable.

WRITINGS

‘Vaughan Williams: Symphony in D and “The Pilgrim's Progress”’, MT, xciv (1953), 456–8

‘The Piano Music of John Ireland’, MMR, lxxxiv (1954), 258–66

‘Prokofiev’s Seventh Symphony’, MT, xcvi (1955), 74–5

‘Vaughan Williams and the Symphonic Epilogue’, MO, lxxix (1955–6), 145, 147 only

‘Robert Simpson’s First Symphony’, MT, xcvii (1956), 462–5

‘Vaughan Williams’s Eighth Symphony’, ML, xxxviii (1957), 213–25

‘VW5: a New Analysis’, MT, cv (1964), 354–6

‘Carl Nielsen’, ‘Prospect and Perspective’, The Symphony, ed. R. Simpson, ii (Harmondsworth, 1967, 2/1972), 52–79, 268–77

‘The Enlightenment and the Revolution’, The Pelican History of Music, ed. A. Robertson and D. Stevens, iii (Harmondsworth, 1968), 11–96

‘Rubbra’s Symphonies’, MT, cxii (1971), 430–32, 549–52

‘Third Symphony’, Robert Simpson: Essays [on his 50th birthday], ed. E. Johnson (London, 1971), 15–20

Vaughan Williams Symphonies (London, 1972)

‘Walton’s First Symphony: the Completion of the Finale’, MT, cxiii (1972), 254–7; see also MT, cxiv (1973), 998–1001

‘The Symphonies’, Edmund Rubbra, Composer, ed. L. Foreman (Rickmansworth, 1977), 30–42

Shostakovich Symphonies (London, 1978)

Mozart (London, 1979)

Edmund Rubbra: an Appreciation (Croydon, 1981)

DAVID SCOTT/R

Otte, Hans (Günther Franz)

(b Plauen, 3 Dec 1926; d Port Joli, Nova Scotia, 2 Sept 1997). German composer, pianist and radio producer. He attended the Weimar Hochschule für Musik (1946–7), the Stuttgart Musikhochschule (1948–50) and Yale University (1950–51), studying composition with Johann Nepomuk David and Paul Hindemith, the piano with Walter Gieseking and Bronislaw von Pozniak, and the organ with Fernando Germani. During the 1950s, Otte appeared as a soloist with well-known orchestras, including the Berlin PO, and made several recordings. From 1959 to 1984 he was head of the music section of Radio Bremen where his unorthodox programming brought him international recognition as a radio producer. He founded the alternating festivals Pro Musica Nova and Pro Musica Antiqua in 1961.

As a composer, Otte developed a free and open harmonic and rhythmic style, that also incorporates traditional sonorities. His output includes pieces for the theatre, works employing experimental texts, and sound and light installations. His honours include a fellowship from the Villa Massimo, Rome (1959), an honorary professorship from the Bremen Hochschule für Künste and membership in the presidium of the Deutscher Musikrat (1969–72). He was admitted to the Hamburg Freie Akademie der Künste in 1986.

WORKS

(selective list)

Dramatic: modell – eine Probe aufs Exempel (Lehrstück), actor, 1963–5; nolimetangere, actor, pf, tape, film, 1966–7; drama (Schau- und Hörspiel), str qt, 1970; refrain (Körpertheater), 2 actors, 1971; Die Reise von 1000 Meilen beginnt mit einem Schritt (7 scenes), 1978–9; Im Garten der Klänge, 1992

Orch: realisationen, pf, orch, 1956; momente, 1958; ensemble, str, 1961; passages, pf, orch, 1965–6; Orch Buch, 1968

Vocal: schrift, 4 choruses, org, slide projections, loudspkr, 1975; philharmonie, chorus, orch, 1985–6; Das Lied der Welt, 10 choruses, radio link, 1986

Chbr and solo inst: montaur, brass, perc, 2 pf, 1955; tropismen I, pf, 1959; tropismen II, brass, perc, pf, str, 1959; interplay, 2 pf, 1962; face à face, pf, tape, 1965; Pf Buch, 1968; minimum: maximum, 2 org, 1973; biographie, pf, tape, 1975; das buch der klänge, pf, 1979–82; septuor, ens, 1988; Stundenbuch, pf, 1991–6; sounds, org, 1992

BIBLIOGRAPHY

H.A. Peters, ed.: Hans Otte: visuelle Musik (Baden-Baden, 1979) [exhibition catalogue]

H. Otte: Wort für Wort (Texte 1975–83) (Berlin, 1983)

MusikTexte, no.17 (1986) [incl. interview, articles by L. Baucke, R. Oehlschlägel, U. Schalz-Laurenze]

STEFAN FRICKE

Otteby, John.

See Hothby, John.

Ottel, Hans.

See Ott, Hans.

Otteman, Nicolas.

See Hotman, Nicolas.

Otten, Kees (Gerrit Cornelis)

(b Amsterdam, 28 Nov 1924). Dutch recorder player and teacher. His musical studies at the Amsterdam Muzieklyceum and Conservatory included the clarinet and recorder. He played the clarinet and alto saxophone in a dance band and the recorder in a cabaret act. His début on the recorder was in 1946 and he won recognition as the first Dutch recorder soloist. He initiated recorder classes at the Muzieklyceum, where his pupils included Frans Brüggen, and he also taught at the Royal Conservatory in The Hague. He commissioned works from such composers as Henk Badings. In 1963 he founded the ensemble Syntagma Musicum; the group, of around six performers, received international acclaim in tours of the USA, Australia, New Zealand and Japan and for several recordings of works by little-known Renaissance composers. Otten has made many editions and written extensively on the recorder and early music. In 1998 he formed an ensemble to perform and record 20th-century recorder music by Hindemith, Poulenc, Auric, Walter Leigh and others.

J.M. THOMSON

Ottensteiner, (Johann) Georg

(b Füssen, 9 Feb 1815; d Munich, 6 Aug 1879). German wind instrument maker. He was trained as a turner and wind instrument maker in Karl Friedrich Adler’s workshop in Bamberg (1837–8). He then moved to Paris where he worked for ten years, during which he came into contact with leading makers such as Sax and Triébert; whether he worked in one of their workshops or independently is unknown. After the Revolution of 1848 he returned briefly to Füssen, moving in 1851 to Munich where he produced both woodwind (licence 1851) and brass instruments (licence 1852). In 1860 he was appointed an official supplier to the Bavarian court. When the Munich court orchestra changed in 1867 to the Parisian diapason normal of a' = 435, he supplied most of the new instruments; his instruments were thus used for many of the Wagner productions of the Hofoper.

Ottensteiner developed numerous wind instrument models including the ‘Baermann-Ottensteiner’ clarinet (an amalgamation of experiments by the clarinettist Carl Baermann and Benedikt Pentenrieder of Munich with the Parisian models of Sax and others), the ‘Munich’ oboe (based on Triébert’s Système 4/4A), a new horn (probably based on a model by Sax) and a bass clarinet (privilege 1869). His instruments were played by virtuosos such as Baermann, Richard Mühlfeld and Franz Strauss. He was the first German wind instrument maker to build Boehm-system clarinets, saxhorns and other French types alongside German models and to attempt to amalgamate the divergent developments in wind instrument making of the two countries; he was also a pioneer of industrial wind instrument making in Germany.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Waterhouse-LangwillI

E. Tremmel: Blasinstrumentenbau im 19. Jahrhundert in Südbayern (Augsburg, 1993)

ERICH TREMMEL

Otter, Anne Sofie von

(b Stockholm, 9 May 1955). Swedish mezzo-soprano. She studied in Stockholm and at the GSM in London before being engaged by the Basle Opera (1983–5), where she first appeared as Alcina in Haydn's Orlando paladino. She made admired débuts at Covent Garden (1985) and the Metropolitan (1988) as Cherubino, and has since delighted European and American audiences in such roles as Purcell's Dido, Gluck's Orpheus, Idamantes, Dorabella, Sextus (La clemenza di Tito), Tancredi, Bellini's Romeo, Octavian, Hänsel and Charlotte (Werther). Her recorded repertory of operas extends even further, encompassing Monteverdi's Octavia, several Handel roles (notably Ariodante), Clytemnestra (Iphigénie en Aulide), Olga, Judith (Bluebeard's Castle) and Jocasta. Von Otter is also an eloquent oratorio soloist and has made a deserved reputation as an interpreter of lieder, Scandinavian songs and, most recently, mélodies. Her voice, basically firm and flexible, has an individual tang to it; she employs it intelligently to project the meaning of all she sings, and on stage she commands the personality to perform comedy and tragedy with equal aplomb. Among her many discs those of Octavia, Ariodante, Sextus, Hänsel and Octavian, and of songs by Schubert, Schumann and Grieg (all with her imaginative accompanist Bengt Forsberg), disclose her art at its considerable best.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

A. Clark: ‘Anne Sofie von Otter’, Opera, xlii (1991), 627–34

ALAN BLYTH

Otter, (Franz) Joseph

(b Nandlstadt, Bavaria, c1760; d Vienna, 1 Sept 1836). German violinist and composer. The Bishop of Freising enabled him to go to Florence to study the violin with Pietro Nardini, but on the death of the bishop he was obliged to return. He became a member of the Freising Hofkapelle in 1781. In 1790 he was named Konzertmeister at the Salzburg court, becoming director and first violinist in 1803. He taught the violin at the Kapellhaus and was a pupil and friend of Michael Haydn, on whom he wrote Biographische Skizze von J.M. Haydn (Salzburg, 1808) in collaboration with F.J. Schinn. In 1809 he became a violinist in the royal chapel at Vienna, a position he held until his death. His son, Ludwig Joseph (b Freising, c1786; d Vienna, 17 Feb 1877), studied the violin with his father and from 1804 to 1809 was violinist at the Salzburg court. He moved to Vienna with his father, but was not listed as a member of the Hofkapelle until 1822; he retained this position until 1867, when he retired.

WORKS

Vocal: Nun habe Dank, o Vater Haydn, canon, 9vv, in M. Haydn: Der Mond ist aufgegangen: ein Abendlied (Salzburg, c1802); Wolthun edler Freund, erwirkt dir Segen, canon, 7vv, for J. Haydn's birthday, A-Ee*; pieces, 4 male vv, Ssp, MB

Inst: Ich bin liederlich, variations, va, 2 vn ad lib (Vienna, 1810); vn concs.; str qts; sonatas, vn, pf

BIBLIOGRAPHY

MGG1 (H. Jancik)

L. von Köchel: Die kaiserliche Hof-Musikkapelle in Wien von 1543 bis 1867 (Vienna, 1869/R)

K.G. Fellerer: Beiträge zur Musikgeschichte Freisings von den ältesten christlichen Zeiten bis zur Auflösung des Hofes 1803 (Freising, 1926)

SERGIO MARTINOTTI

Otterloo, (Jan) Willem van

(b Winterswijk, 27 Dec 1907; d Melbourne, 27 July 1978). Dutch conductor and composer. He first studied medicine in Utrecht, then the cello under Orobio de Castro and composition under Sem Dresden at the Amsterdam Conservatory. While engaged as a cellist with the Utrecht City Orchestra his Suite no.3 won a prize offered by the Concertgebouw Orchestra, and its first performance brought about his conducting début with that orchestra in 1932. The next year he was appointed assistant conductor at Utrecht, and joint chief conductor with Carl Schuricht in 1937. In 1949 he became conductor of the Residentie-Orkest, The Hague, a post he held until 1973; his technique and keen feeling for orchestral capacity brought the orchestra to an international standard and he conducted it on numerous recordings (mostly in the 1950s), some of which received international awards. Admired for his reliable and sensitive performances in works by contemporary composers as well as the standard repertory, he also conducted leading orchestras in other countries and in 1971 was appointed conductor of the Sydney PO, returning to Europe in 1974 to become general music director at Düsseldorf. He was an accomplished composer; his works include a symphony, three suites for orchestra, Symphonietta for 16 wind instruments, Seranade (Divertimento) for brass orchestra, harp, celesta and percussion, Five Sketches for string orchestra, Intrada for brass instruments, double bassoon and percussion, and Introduction and Allegro for orchestra (which won high praise for its originality and beauty), as well as a string trio and an (unpublished) string quartet. He was a Knight of the Order of the Nederlandse Leeuw.

HERBERT ANTCLIFFE/TRUUS DE LEUR

Ottetto

(It.).

SeeOctet.

Ottler, Hans.

See Ott, Hans.

Otto, Georg [Georgius]

(b Torgau, 1550; d Kassel, bur. 30 Nov 1618). German composer. It is not known to what extent he was influenced by Johann Walter (i), who lived at Torgau while he was growing up there. He attended the local choir school, which supplied boys to the Kapelle of the Elector of Saxony at Dresden, and this no doubt accounts for his being engaged as a choirboy there in 1561. When his voice broke in 1564 he moved to the monastery school at Schulpforta, near Naumburg, and in 1568 he entered Leipzig University, where he came to know Nicolaus Selnecker. In the following year, however, he accepted the post of civic Kantor at Langensalza. In 1586 – after two unsuccessful applications for posts at Dresden, the second of which was for the vacancy caused by the death of the Hofkapellmeister, Scandello, in 1580 – he succeeded Johannes Heugel as Hofkapellmeister at the court of the Landgrave of Hessen-Kassel. There he taught the young heir Moritz, who as landgrave from 1592 was an outstanding patron of the arts and learning and also a composer (see Moritz, Landgrave of Hessen-Kassel). Moritz’s enthusiasm together with Otto’s strong direction led to a notable flourishing of music at the court. The young Schütz became one of his pupils in 1599. Up to about 1610 Otto was increasingly active and productive, but thereafter his creative strength ebbed somewhat: he was then over 60, and he may, moreover, have been rather unsympathetic to the Venetian style, which was becoming increasingly popular.

Otto’s reputation rested as much on his compositions as on his services to the musical establishment at Kassel. He cultivated a conservative, harmonically orientated polyphonic style heavily dependent in both form and expressive content on his chosen texts. Much of his output consists of introits and motets that relate to the sequence of Gospel readings for the church year and offer a valuable contribution to the Proper of the Mass. Among these the 65 bicinia forming his manuscript Opusculum (1601, D-Kl) are particularly noteworthy. He also made an edition (dated 1591) of Lobwasser’s German psalter (1573), which likewise remains in manuscript.

WORKS

Melodiae continentes introitus totius anni praecipuos, 5vv (Erfurt, 1574); some ed. F. Blume, Geistliche Musik am Hofe des Landgrafen Moritz von Hessen (Kassel, 1931)

Geistliche und deutsche Gesenge D. Martini Lutheri … zu singen, auch allerley instrumenten zu gebrauchen, 5, 6vv (Erfurt, 1588)

Opus musicum novum continens textus evangelicos dierum festorum, Dominicarum et Feriarum, per totum annum, 5, 6, 8vv (Kassel, 1604); some ed. F. Blume, Geistliche Musik am Hofe des Landgrafen Moritz von Hessen (Kassel, 1931)

Canticum beatae Mariae Virginis 8 tonorum, 4vv, 1599, D-Kl

Opusculum, 2vv, 1601, 8 ed. G. Heinrichs, 25 geistliche Tonsätze aus dem 16.–18. Jahrhundert (Homberg, 1929–33): some ed. F. Blume, Geistliche Musik am Hofe des Landgrafen Moritz von Hessen (Kassel, 1931)

7 Latin psalm or psalm-compilation settings, 6, 8, 10vv (Kl; 1 lost)

Magnificat (Ger. text), 12vv, 1607, Kl

3 German motets, 4-5vv, Kl

ed.: Deutsch Psalter D. Ambrosij Lobwassers, 1591, Kl (copied into large cantional)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

E. Zulauf: Beiträge zur Geschichte der landgräflich-hessischen Hofkapelle zu Cassel bis auf die Zeit Moritz des Gelehrten (Kassel, 1902)

F. Blume: Introduction to Geistliche Musik am Hofe des Landgrafen Moritz von Hessen (Kassel, 1931); repr. in Zeitschrift des Vereins für hessische Geschichte und Landeskunde, lxviii (1957), 131

H.J. Moser: Die mehrstimmige Vertonung des Evangeliums, i (Leipzig, 1931/R)

H. Grössel: Georgius Otto, ein Motettenkomponist des 16. Jahrhunderts (Kassel, 1933)

C. Engelbrecht: Die Kasseler Hofkapelle im 17. Jahrhundert (Kassel, 1958)

C.L. Alwes: Georg Otto’s Opus musicum novum (1604) and Valentin Geuck’s Novum et insigne opus (1604) (diss., U. of Illinois, 1982)

R.A. Murányi: ‘Zwei unbekannte Druckschriften aus dem 16. Jahrhundert’, SMH, xxvii (1985), 291–4

WALTER BLANKENBURG

Otto, Hans.

See Ott, Hans.

Otto [née Alvsleben], Melitta

(b Dresden, 16 Dec 1842; d Dresden, 13 Jan 1893). German soprano. She studied with Thiele at the Dresden Conservatory from 1856 to 1859 and was engaged at the Dresden Hofoper from 1860 to 1873, at first for light, coloratura parts, later for more dramatic roles. She sang in the Beethoven centenary celebrations at Bonn and made her London début in 1873 at a Clara Schumann concert at St James’s Hall. She remained in England for two years and sang at the Albert Hall, the Crystal Palace, and in many provincial towns. In 1874 she took part in the Leeds Festival, and the following year was engaged at the Hamburg Stadttheater. In 1877 she returned to the Dresden Opera and sang there until her retirement in 1883. She visited the USA in 1879 for the Cincinnati Music Festival. Her operatic roles included Anna in Marschner’s Hans Heiling, Rowena in the same composer’s Der Templer und die Jüdin, the Queen of Night, Alice in Robert le diable and Eva in Die Meistersinger, which she sang at the first Dresden performance (21 January 1869).

ELIZABETH FORBES

Otto, Stephan

(b Freiberg, Saxony, bap. 28 March 1603; d Schandau, Saxony, bur. 2 Oct 1656). German composer and teacher. He studied at the Gymnasium at Freiberg under Christoph Demantius, his ‘truly diligent mentor’, as he later called him. He matriculated at the University of Leipzig in the summer term of 1614, but since there is no record of his taking an oath it seems that he did not study there after all. Probably between 1621 and 1623 he went to Augsburg, where he is said to have studied and taken up employment. In 1625 he became a teacher at the Protestant Gymnasium of St Anna. On 7 September 1629, as a consequence of the Edict of Restitution of 6 March 1629, he was dismissed, together with all the other teachers, for embracing the Protestant faith. By 1631 he was back in Freiberg, where, when the post became vacant on 11 November 1632, he was appointed succentor at the Gymnasium. In the following year he was appointed cantor to Count Rudolf von Bünau at the castle at Weesenstein, Saxony. The organist there in 1633–4 was Andreas Hammerschmidt (who also worked for a time in Freiberg), with whom he enjoyed a long-standing friendship; Hammerschmidt's commendatory poem in Otto's Kronen-Krönlein (1648) bears witness to this. In 1639 Otto became cantor at Schandau and remained there until his death. In 1643 he applied unsuccessfully to follow Demantius as cantor at Freiberg.

Like that of Demantius, Otto's music is firmly rooted in the expressive style characteristic of madrigalian and monodic music. Kronen-Krönlein is his most important publication. He attached designations to each of the 15 pieces, whether ‘motet’, ‘madrigal’, ‘symphony’, ‘concerto’, ‘dialogue’ or ‘melody’, and this recognition of distinct categories is reflected in the individual works. In the motet (for double choir) and the sacred madrigal striking individual details stand out from the homogeneous textures; in a three-part parody mass (an early example of the concert mass) and in the gospel settings (concertos and dialogues) solo passages alternate with tutti sections. The concertos point the way to subsequent formal developments, such as the insertion of non-gospel texts, realistic dramatic dialogue passages and the use of a closing chorale. The terms that Otto used to denote the various groups of performers are those of Demantius: ‘favorito’, ‘capella’ (vocal or instrumental) and ‘tutti’ (vocal and instrumental). His theoretical work of 1632, now lost, was known as late as 1740 to Mattheson who thought very highly of it.

WORKS

Edition:Geistliche Chorwerke, ed. H. Mönkemeyer, Veröffentlichung der Städtischen Volksmusikschule Krefeld, i (Hanover, 1937) [M]

Andachts-Krönlein, oder des Hl. Bernhards Jubel-Geschrei, 3vv (Freiberg, 1646); lost, cited in Göhler

Kronen-Krönlein, oder musikalischer Vorläufer, 3–8vv, bc (Freiberg, 1648); M

Die Luth: Burgk, das ist … Ein feste Burgk ist unser Gott, 19vv, 1632; M

Wedding songs: Dreyfache Frewd aus Hl. Schrift, 8vv (Freiberg, 1631); Wünschet Glück, 9, 15vv, Mein Freundin ist mein, 8vv: lost, cited in Nagel

Freuden-Krönlein, Trauer-Krönlein, Epistel-Krönlein, Evangelien-Krönlein; lost, mentioned in foreword of 1648 publication

BIBLIOGRAPHY

GöhlerV

MatthesonGEP

R. Kade: ‘Die älteren Musikalien der Stadt Freiberg im Sachsen’, MMg, xx (1888), suppl.

W. Nagel: ‘Die Kantoreigesellschaft zu Pirna’, MMg, xxviii (1896), 148–66

R. Vollhardt: Geschichte der Cantoren und Organisten von den Städten im Königreich Sachsen (Berlin, 1899, rev. 2/1978 by E. Stimme)

G. Schünemann: ‘Die Bewerber um das Freiberger Kantorat’, AMw, i (1918–19), 179–204

E. Schild: Geschichte der protestantischen Messenkomposition im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert (Wuppertal, 1934)

E. Müller: Musikgeschichte von Freiberg, Mitteilungen des Freiburger Altertumsvereins, lxviii (Freiberg, 1939)

JOHANNES GÜNTHER KRANER

Otto, Valerius

(b Leipzig, 25 July 1579; d after 1612). German composer, organist and instrumentalist. The son of Valentin Otto, Kantor at the Thomaskirche, Leipzig, he enrolled, according to Wustmann, at Leipzig University in summer 1592 and received a scholarship in 1593 which enabled him to study at Schulpforta. By 1609, according to Wustmann, he was organist of the Týn Church (the main church of the Old Town, Prague), and musician to the Prince of Leuchtenberg; Pertuchius stated that he still held these posts in 1612. Only one volume of music by Otto survives, and that incomplete: Newe Paduanen, Galliarden, Intraden und Currenten nach englischer und frantzösischer Art (Leipzig, 1611), containing 62 pieces in five parts. Ten instrumental dances were included in David Oberndörffer's Allegrezza musicale (Frankfurt, 1620); Otto's Musa Jessaea gloriosa virgine Maria for five and eight voices (Leipzig, 1609) is lost, as is a Magnificat that he is said to have had printed.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

GöhlerV

J. Pertuchius: Chronicon Portense (Leipzig, 1612), 272

R. Wustmann: Musikgeschichte Leipzigs, i: Bis zur Mitte des 17. Jahrhunderts (Leipzig and Berlin, 1909/R)

K. Nef: Geschichte der Sinfonie und Suite (Leipzig, 1921/R), 34

G. Oberst: Englische Orchestersuiten um 1600 (Wolfenbüttel, 1929)

A. LINDSEY KIRWAN

Ottobeuren.

Benedictine monastery in Bavaria, Germany, founded in 764. There is evidence of music making in the monastery from the 12th century. In the first half of the 16th century Ottobeuren was receptive to humanist ideas; it had its own printing press and in 1543 founded its own Benedictine university, although this lasted only a few years. Abbot Caspar Kindelmann (1547–86) encouraged polyphony and instigated the construction of a large organ by Georg Ebert von Ravensburg in the new abbey chapel; he also appears to have been a composer. Kindelmann employed the organist Vitalis Brelle and the choirmaster Christian Frantz, whose manuscript of mainly four-part sacred music (1577) survives. In the 17th century the Catholic revival aroused new interest in choral music, and in the following century the monastery's music reached a peak of splendour, primarily in the field of sacred music, although musical dramas were presented in the abbey school. In 1725 a theatre was inaugurated under Abbot Rupert Ness. Many capable musicians and instrumentalists worked at Ottobeuren during this period, including Raphael Weiss, Franz Schnitzer and Konrad Back. The organ-building tradition established by Christoph Vogt was continued by his colleague J.G. Hofer and his son-in-law Joseph Zettler. The famous K.J. Riepp built the two choir organs in the 18th-century abbey church, and his pupil J.N. Holzay also worked there. This rich period in the abbey's history came to an end with the secularization of 1802. After the abbey's dissolution, however, some of the monks remained and in 1834 Ottobeuren was made a priory of the Benedictine monastery of St Stephan zu Augsburg; in 1918 it became an abbey. Unlike other Bavarian monasteries, Ottobeuren's substantial library remained intact and retains a large collection of manuscripts and printed music. About 1200 music manuscripts are preserved in the monastery, mostly dating from the 18th century, together with some 200 items of printed music, mainly sacred vocal works of the 16th and 17th centuries. Ottobeuren evidently had close links with Prague, as numerous works by composers who were active there (Brixi, Habermann, Laube) are preserved in the monastery. Some of Ottobeuren's medieval manuscripts are in the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek in Munich. A series of concerts is held each summer between June and September at the monastery, with the participation of both local and international musicians.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

MGG2 (T. Wohnhaas)

L. Wilss: Zur Geschichte der Musik an den oberschwäbischen Klöstern im 18. Jahrhundert (Stuttgart, 1925)

W. Klemm: ‘Benediktinisches Barocktheater in Südbayern insbesondere des Reichsstiftes Ottobeuren’, Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des Benediktinerordens, liv (1936), 95–184, 397–432; lv (1937), 274–304

W. Irtenkauf: ‘Zur mittelalterlichen Liturgie- und Musikgeschichte Ottobeurens’, Ottobeurer Festschrift zur 1200-Jahrfeier der Abtei, ed. Ä. Kolb and H. Tüchle (Augsburg, 1964), 141–79

S. Michl: Theatermusik Ottobeurer Hauskomponisten im 18. Jahrhundert (Munich, 1964); repr. in Musik in bayerischen Klöstern, i (Regensburg, 1986), 189–220

H. Hauke: Die mittelalterlichen Handschriften in der Abtei Ottobeuren: Kurzverzeichnis (Wiesbaden, 1974)

G. Haberkamp: Die Musikhandschriften der Benediktiner-Abtei Ottobeuren: thematischer Katalog (Munich, 1986)

ADOLF LAYER/JOHANNES HOYER

Ottoboni, Pietro

(b Venice, 2 July 1667; d Rome, 28 Feb 1740). Italian patron and librettist. In November 1689, a month after his grand-uncle was elected Pope Alexander VIII, he was made a cardinal and given a lifetime appointment as vice-chancellor of the Church. During the brief papacy of Alexander VIII (d 1 Feb 1691), Ottoboni had no rival as a musical patron; Queen Christina of Sweden had died at Rome in April 1689, and Cardinal Pamphili was at Bologna as papal legate in 1690–93. Even though his annual income from numerous benefices exceeded the staggering sum of 50,000 scudi, Ottoboni was perpetually in debt, partly because of the extraordinary amount he spent on music. At his residence, the Palazzo della Cancelleria, he housed some of the finest singers and instrumentalists in Italy, such as the castrato Andrea Adami and the violinist Arcangelo Corelli. Once a week he sponsored an ‘academy of music’, during which cantatas and instrumental pieces were performed. Within his palace was the church of S Lorenzo in Damaso, where on feast days his musicians were joined by many others to perform splendid masses, motets, sinfonias and concerti grossi. Many works were dedicated to him, for example the trio sonatas op.4 by Corelli and op.1 by Albinoni, and 13 Roman dramatic works of 1690–1700 (listed in Franchi, 1988). He presumably paid creators handsomely for their dedications. He served as cardinal protector of the Congregazione di S Cecilia in Rome (1691–1740), of the Oratorio della Chiesa Nuova (1703–40) and of the Accademia Filarmonica in Bologna (1713–40). His many other posts included archpriest of S Maria Maggiore (1702–40), protector of the affairs of France at the papal throne (1709–40), and ultimately deacon of the sacred college of cardinals.

Charles de Brosses called Ottoboni a ‘fanatical music lover’, and the cardinal's principal passion was certainly music drama. His musicians even performed a serenata outside his cell during the conclave following the death of his great-uncle. Documents show that he frequently employed up to 20 singers and 50 instrumentalists for a religious or theatrical event. Presumably because he was a Venetian noble who held extraordinarily high-ranking ecclesiastical posts, librettos written by him do not bear his name. (The three exceptions are works of 1690, which include dedications signed ‘Crateo Pradelini’, an anagram of ‘Cardinale Pietro’.) Thus we are mainly dependent on contemporary newsletters (reproduced, e.g., in Scano and Graglia, 1977–9; Griffin, 1983 and 1993; Staffieri, 1990; and Morelli, 1991) for statements confirming his authorship of the many dramatic works sponsored by him. We know but few of the ‘infinity of operas, oratorios, cantatas and other works’ that one writer attributed to him in 1705 (see Griffin, 1983, pp.832–8, and Morelli, 1984, pp.142–4). We know many more works by his father Antonio (who was among the 14 founders of the Arcadian Academy); Antonio's extant texts comprise two operas, four oratorios, four serenatas, 17 duet cantatas and 235 solo cantatas.

The Teatro Tordinona, which had been closed for 15 years, was reopened for the 1690 production of Statira, with text by the cardinal and music by Alessandro Scarlatti, who may well have been his favourite musical collaborator. Within a year he had produced three more three-act dramas; then the pope's death halted this proliferation of rather mediocre texts. His ensuing works were influenced by the ideals of the Arcadian Academy, which he (as ‘Crateo Ericinio’) served as protector. In G.M. Crescimbeni's La bellezza della volgar poesia (Rome, 1700) L'amore eroico fra pastori (1696) is called ‘the first work that restored the antique rules, by introducing choruses and various other appurtenances of good comedy’. A papal ban on operas should have prevented Ottoboni from producing stage works between 1698 and 1710, but we know that he did so, for example, by presenting Il regno di Maria Vergine (1705) on a sumptuously decorated outdoor stage with 50 singers and 100 instrumentalists, by performing two acts of Statira (1690) without costumes in 1706, and by recasting the oratorio Il martirio di S Cecilia (1708) as a staged, three-act work in 1709. Filippo Juvarra, Ottoboni's architect and scene designer from 1708 to 1712, replaced his makeshift theatre in the Cancelleria with a splendid one, capable of many scenic effects that could not be seen elsewhere in Rome. They were fully exploited in Costantino pio, set by C.F. Pollarolo in 1710, and in two further heroic texts of 1711–12. Although these works were regarded as scenic marvels, Ottoboni apparently lacked funds for further operatic productions, and is known to have written only one more libretto, Carlo Magno, his festa teatrale of 1729. He did nevertheless continue to support dramatic productions elsewhere. He was, for example, the guarantor for at least two productions at the Teatro Capranica, in 1692 and 1714, and he sponsored at least one oratorio in the Chiesa Nuova as late as 1739. When he died, in 1740, he had been at the centre of Roman musical life for half a century. Yet his music library was considered virtually worthless by his Roman contemporaries in 1742, who sold ‘above 150 pounds weight’ of it to Edward Holdsworth, who thus procured for Charles Jennens (one of Handel's librettists) ‘a large purchase of Operas, Oratorios, Cantatas, & what not, … most of it by celebrated hands, such as Scarlatti, Pollaroli, Mancini, Bencini, and Marcello …. The whole amounting not to above 40 shillings’.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

GroveO (L. Lindgren) [incl. further bibliography]

C. de Brosses: Lettres familières écrites d'Italie en 1739 et 1740 (Paris, 1799, rev. 5/1904 by R. Colomb)

A. Cametti: Il Teatro di Tordinona poi di Apollo (Tivoli, 1938), ii, 342–9

A. Schiavo: Il Palazzo della Cancelleria (Rome, 1964)

H.J. Marx: ‘Die Musik am Hofe Pietro Kardinal Ottobonis unter Arcangelo Corelli’, AnMc, no.5 (1968), 104–77

A. Schiavo: ‘Il teatro e altro opere del cardinale Ottoboni’, Strenna dei Romanisti, xxxiii (1972), 344–52

G. Scano and G. Graglia, eds.: Francesco Valesio: Diario di Roma (Milan, 1977–9)

T.E. Griffin: The Late Baroque Serenata in Rome and Naples: a Documentary Study with Emphasis on Alessandro Scarlatti (diss., UCLA, 1983)

P.J. Everett: ‘A Roman Concerto Repertory: Ottoboni's “what not”?’, PRMA, cx (1983–4), 62–78

A. Morelli: ‘Alessandro Scarlatti, maestro di cappella in Roma, ed alcuni suoi oratori: nuovi documenti’, NA, new ser., ii (1984), 117–44

L. Lindgren: ‘Il dramma musicale a Roma durante la carriera di Alessandro Scarlatti (1660–1725)’, Le muse galanti: la musica a Roma nel Settecento, ed. B. Cagli (Rome, 1985), 35–57

F. Piperno: ‘Il componimento sacro per la festività del SS Natale di Metastasio-Costanzi (1727): documenti inediti’, Metastasio e il mondo musicale, ed. M.T. Muraro (Florence, 1986), 151–69

S. Franchi: Drammaturgia romana: repertorio bibliografico cronologico dei testi drammatici pubblicati a Roma e nel Lazio, secolo XVII (Rome, 1988)

P.J. Everett: The Manchester Concerto Partbooks (New York, 1989)

G. Staffieri: Colligite fragmenta: la vita musicale romana negli ‘Avvisi Marescotti’ (1683–1707) (Lucca, 1990)

A. Morelli: ‘Il tempio armonico’: musica nell'Oratorio dei Filippini in Roma (1575–1705), AnMc, no.27 (1991)

T. Griffin: Musical References in the ‘Gazzetta di Napoli’, 1681–1725 (Berkeley, 1993)

S. Franchi: Le impressioni sceniche: dizionario bio-bibliografico degli editori e stampatori romani e laziali di testi drammatici e libretti per musica dal 1579 al 1800 (Rome, 1994)

S. La Via: ‘Il Cardinale Ottoboni e la musica: nuovi documenti (1700–1740), nuove letture e ipotesi’, Intorno a Locatelli: studi in occasione del tricentenario della nascita di Pietro Antonio Locatelli (1695–1764), ed. A. Dunning (Lucca, 1995), 319–526

F. Piperno: ‘Su le sponde del Tebro: eventi, mecenati e istituzioni musicali a Roma negli anni di Locatelli. Saggio di cronologia’, ibid., 793–877

S. Franchi: Drammaturgia romana. ii: Annali dei testi drammatici e libretti per musica pubblicati a Roma e nel Lazio dal 1701 al 1750, con introduzione sui teatri romani nel Settecento e commento storico-critico sull’attività teatrale e musicale romana dal 1701 al 1750 (Rome, 1997)

LOWELL LINDGREN

Ottoman music.

Ottoman music may be defined as the dominant music of those urban areas of the Ottoman Empire (1389–1918) where Turkish was the secular literary language of the Muslim population; primarily in Istanbul, Edirne, Izmir, Thessaloniki and, until the later 18th century, the cities of south-east Anatolia. Elsewhere genres of Ottoman music were supported by certain social classes in a predominantly non-Ottoman musical environment, for example in Cairo, Baghdad, Belgrade and Sarajevo. Ottoman music emerged in the late 16th century (almost two centuries after the appearance of the Empire) and has continued in some form up to the present day. With the creation of the Republic of Turkey in 1923, it was redefined as ‘Turkish classical music’ within the new state (see Turkey, §§I, III and IV). Sources for Ottoman music are unique among West Asian maqām musics as they contain musical notation and a theory based mainly on practice, enabling the music to be discussed historically. All the composers mentioned in this article are associated with surviving repertory. However, most of the repertory has been transmitted orally and the task of analysing it using the musical principles found in the notated documents is still in its infancy.

6. Non-classical genres.

WALTER ZEV FELDMAN

1. 1580–1700.

During this formative period the characteristic social organization of Ottoman music was put in place: a combination of state support of musical instruction; composition and performance through official palace service; the attraction or capture of foreign experts; musical amateurism among the bureaucratic élite; and the participation of clerical musical experts (hafiz, müezzin), dervish zakirs and neyzens. Towards the end of the period free urban musicians, including non-Muslims, were hired by the court, while the role of foreign experts declined. The prestigious Mevlevi dervish order moved its focus to the capital, Istanbul, and began creating a mystical art music that exerted a strong influence on the urban élite. The reigns of Murad IV (1623–40) and Mehmed IV (1648–87) saw significant musical developments through the practices of musicians such as Koca Osman, Sütcüzade Isa (d 1628), Küçük Imam Mehmed (d 1674) and Hafiz Post (d 1694). The roles of vocal and instrumental performers were strictly differentiated; vocalists did not perform to their own accompaniment. The profession of composer was highly prized and not necessarily dependent on vocal ability, with instrumental composers being far less prolific than vocal.

A new cyclical genre (fasıl) was formed around the murabba, a formerly popular form which used Turkish texts, the kâr, a local development of the Timurid era, and the semai, a vocal form derived from Turkish Sufi ecstatic hymns and dance. The şarkı, a genre that entered informal court music in the mid-17th century, had similar origins but used shorter rhythmic cycles.

A parallel creation was the Mevlevi dervish ceremony (ayin) in a separate cyclical format, usually by a single composer. Their first named composer was Mustafa Dede (d 1683) who lived in Edirne. However, by the end of this period most new composition was centred on Istanbul. The Mevlevi lodges became major centres of musical teaching throughout the area of Ottoman rule (see Islamic religious music).

The large, and previously dominant, medieval Iranian ensemble of ud (Arabic ‘ūd) and kopuz lutes and the mugni (psaltery) and çeng (harp) was replaced by a smaller ensemble which included the tanbur (long-necked lute) and the ney (a flute associated with the dervish orders). Instrumental music principally comprised the prelude peşrev, derived from the Timurid pishrow. Major peşrev composers include Hasan Can (d 1567), the Crimean Khan Gazi Giray (1554–1607), Mıskali Solakzade (d 1658), Sultan Murad IV (1623–40) and, towards the end of this period, the Greek Tanburi Angeli (d ?1690).

An important development was that of an improvisatory form for both voice and instruments, the taksim (Arabic taqsīm), featuring flowing rhythm, codified melodic progressions (seyir) and modulation. The term taksim began to be employed in this sense during the early 17th century and was gradually adopted in both the Balkan and Arab provinces of the empire. The taksim became the centre of the new instrumental suite, the fasıl-i sazende, featuring several taksim, a peşrev and a semaisi. A similar composed cycle for the synagogue was first composed in Edirne, from where it was spread to other Ottoman cities by Jewish composers such as Avtalyon (d c1570) and Aharon Hamon (d c1690).

Close links between the music of the court and the Anatolian Turkish musical tradition made their mark on the emerging Ottoman music. The Anatolian makam Hüseyni (Kürdi) became the predominant modal species at the court along with popular local rhythmic cycles such as düyek (eight beats), devr-i kebir (14 beats), devr-i revan (14 beats), evfer (nine beats) and semai (six beats).

2. 1700–80.

It was during this time that Ottoman music went through its greatest period of change and development. There was a great increase in the number of urban musicians, including non-Muslims, indicating a wide acceptance of makam art music by much of the urban middle class.

The beginning of the period saw the vocal compositions of Buhurizade Itri (d 1711/12), an urbanite associated with the Mevlevi order, including his kar in makam Neva, his ayin in makam Segah and his na‘at in makam Rast, all extant today; the compositions of Seyyid Nuh of Diyarbekır (d 1714); those of Kutb-u Nay Osman Dede (1652–1730), a Mevlevi sheikh who composed a miraciye, an ayin in makam Irak and invented a system of musical notation; and Prince Dimitrie Cantemir (1673–1723), the son of the voyvod (ruler) of Moldavia, a tanbur player who revolutionized the composition of the peşrev, invented a system of notation and created the most influential theory of Ottoman music.

The Tulip Age (1703–30) under Ahmed III witnessed an extraordinary collection of musical talent at the court. Notable figures included Ebu-Bekir Aga (1685–1759); Enfi Hasan Aga (1670–1729); Ibrahim Aga (d 1740); Kara Ismail Aga (d 1724); Şeyhülislam Esad Efendi (1685–1753), a cleric, poet, lexicographer and the author of a biographical dictionary of musicians; Mustafa Çavuş (d ?1745) who developed the şarkı song, which was by now accepted by the court; and Tabi Mustafa (1705–?1770). Later the music was dominated by composers such as the Jewish tanbur player Haham Musi (Faro, d ?1770), the Greek violinist Corci and the Greek church-singer Zaharya Efendi. Also notable was the Armenian tanbur player Harutin, who wrote a musical treatise which included a system of notation.

During this period the tempos of both vocal and instrumental compositions began to slow and melodies became tonally more dense, leading to longer and more intricate melodic lines. In the peşrev small subdivisions of the composition were broken down, allowing more developed connections between successive sections of the melody. The older instrumental semai in six beats was gradually replaced by the new semai in ten. In addition, melodic progression, seyir, dominated the composition from beginning to end. In terms of mode, compositions began to employ the subsidiary terkibs as well as the independent makams as their nominal mode.

There was a great deal of interaction between Greek Orthodox cantors, the Mevlevi dervishes and the Ottoman court. Both neo-Byzantine and Ottoman musics display evidence of interaction, as can be seen in the careers and compositions of Zaharya Efendi and Petros the Peloponnesian (1730–77).

The instrumental ensembles of this time were divided between a large outdoor ensemble and a smaller concert ensemble. The outdoor ensemble featured several neys, miskals (panpipes), tanburs, kemanche or rebab (Iranian spike fiddle), santur and percussion. In contrast the concert ensemble was led by the ney and tanbur, with miskal, rebab and a single percussion instrument. By the middle of the period the rebab shared place with the European viola d'amore (sine kemani). The kanun (Arabic qānūn) had its metal strings replaced with those of gut and was largely replaced at court by the santur, one of the oldest Ottoman instruments (the kanun became a mainly female instrument). The concerts of the court became formalized as the fasıl-i meclis (from Arabic majlis: ‘assembly’).

3. 1780–1876.

What might be termed the ‘first classical period’ culminated in the music of the court of Selim III (1789–1808). Selim was a notable composer and patron of music who gathered around him a group of virtuosi such as Tanburi Isak Fresco (d 1814), the founder of the existing tanbur style and also one of the foremost composers of both instrumental and vocal music; the Moldavian violinist Miron; Santuri Hüseyin; the Greek composer Ilya (d 1799); the Armenian composer Baba Hamparsum (1768–1839); Musahhib Numan Aga (1750–1834), father of Zeki Mehmed Aga (1776–1846); Sadık Aga (1757–1815); Sadullah Aga (d 1801); and Şakir Aga (1779–1840). Mevlevi musicians received a great deal of patronage, including the composers Abdürrahman Şeyda Dede, Abdülbaki Nasır Dede (1765–1821) and Künhi Abdürrahim Dede (1769–1831). Both Abdülbaki Dede and the Armenian Hamparsum created new systems of notation.

The end of the reign of Selim III witnessed the beginning of the career of Ismail Dede Efendi (1778–1846), which reached its zenith under Mahmud II (1808–39). Ismail Dede, a Mevlevi dervish, produced compositions in all the forms then available, setting the compositional norms which remained standard throughout the remainder of this period.

Apart from Ismail Dede, major vocal composers of the 19th century include Dellalzade Ismail (1797–1869), Kazasker Mustafa Izzet (1801–76), Ser-Müezzin Rifat Bey (1820–88), Zekai Dede (1825–96), Haci Faik Bey (1831–91), Bolahenk Nuri Bey (1834–1910), Ismail Hakkı Bey (1866–1927) and Tanburi Ali of Izmir (1836–1902). Important composers of instrumental music are Tanburi Büyük Osman Bey (1816–85) and Serneyzen Yusuf Paşa (1821–84).

During the 19th century the changes overtaking Ottoman society – beginning with the destruction of the Janissary corps (1826), the Tanzimat reforms (after 1839) and the general military and economic weakening of the empire – had the effect of inhibiting the development of Ottoman music.

Ottoman music in the 19th century was characterized by processes of rhythmic retardation and melodic elaboration which led to a five-fold decrease in tempo and a corresponding increase in melodic density compared to 1650. In addition all rhythmic cycles (usul) were doubled; for example devr-i kebir in 14 beats now had 28, muhammes and hafıf in 16 beats now had 32 and sakil in 24 beats now had 48.

The general scale made a definitive shift from the medieval Iranian 17-note system with neutral (2·5 comma) tones, to a broader system featuring single comma tones. The distinction formerly made between independent (makam) and subsidiary (terkib) modal entities was abandoned, leading to the ‘open-ended’ modal system of modern Turkish and (Ottoman) Arab music, with many new terkibs being invented. The Hüseyni makam became less characteristic of art music with the augmented 2nd species (known variously as Hicaz, Uzzal, Araban or Şehnaz) assuming a prominent role.

By the mid-19th century the peşrev had adopted a four-section (hane) structure, with significant modulations between each section. The mülazime (or long ritornello) of the older peşrev was replaced by the shorter teslim. In the ensemble the ney had replaced all other flutes, the viola d'amore had replaced the keman, a new form of santur with an increased range had assumed a major melodic role with the tanbur and ney retaining their prominent positions. Within 50 years this new santur had been replaced by another version, introduced by Moldavian klezmorim (see Jewish music, §IV, 3(ii)).

4. 1876–present day.

The accession of Sultan Abdulhamid II (1876–1908) marked the decline of Ottoman court music. The music was dominated by the şarki, especially following Haci Arif Bey (1831–85), and various forms of Western music. Other than the emergence of the more ‘serious’ şarkı using the doubled ‘heavy’ (agir) forms of the usuls aksak (in nine beats) and aksak semai (in ten beats) there were no substantial formal developments. Major composers of şarkı other than Haci Arif Bey were Asdik Asadur Hamamcıyan (1840–1913) and Rahmi Bey (1865–1924).

The creation of a new hybrid of court and popular music in the gazino clubs owned by Greeks and Armenians attracted some court musicians while alienating others. The early 20th century saw a rift between the more popular trends and the strictly classical school of music, led mainly by Mevlevi dervishes such as Rauf Yekta Bey, the founder of modern Turkish musicology. Şevki Bey (1860–91), while at first a performer at the court, contributed a considerable repertory of şarkı for the gazino which were later claimed by classical musicians. Other famous composers for the gazino were the Istanbul Greek Kemençeci Nikolaki (d ?1915); the brothers Lavtacı Zivanis/Civan Kiryazis (d 1910), Lautacı Andon Kiryazis (d 1925) and Lautacı Hristo Kiryazis (b 1914); the Bursa Armenian Bimen Şen Dergazaryan (1873–1943); the Thessaloniki Armenian Kanuni Artaki Candan/Terziyan (1885–1948); Dramalı Udi Hasan Güler (b 1896); and Misirli Udi Ibrahim (Udi Avram, 1872–1933), an Egyptian-Jewish ud player who composed in the Turkish style.

Early in the 20th century a number of composers, such as Zeki Arif Ataergin (1896–1964), Lemi Atlı (1869–1945) and Subhi Ziya Özbekkan (1887–1966), continued to develop the şarki, especially those in the agir usul. Sadettin Kaynak (1895–1961) developed a lighter, more popular style. Mevlevi composers of the period included Rauf Yekta Bey (1871–1935), Ahmet Avni Konuk (1871–1938) and Zekai-zade Ahmet Irsoy (1869–1943). The major instrumental composers were Tanburi cemil bey (1873–1916) and Refik Fersan (1883–1965).

The musical roles of minority groups had begun to change by the mid-19th century. Armenians such as Kuyumcu Oskiyam (1780–?1870), the student of Tanburi Isak, and Nikogos Taşciyan (1836–85), the student of Ismail Dede and Dellalzade, were excellent performers and composers of Ottoman music. There were schools of Ottoman Hebrew music in Edirne, Thessaloniki, Istanbul and Izmir. The last composers to come from these were Santo Şikiar of Izmir and Moshe Cordova of Istanbul. The foremost cantor from the schools was Isak al-Gazi (1889–1950) of Izmir. Haham Nesim Sivilya (d ?1920) also composed in the classical style. However, on the whole musicians from minority groups found more scope in the gazinos for their activities, as they lacked the support of either the dervish orders or high bureaucratic positions.

After 1918 the instrumentation of Ottoman music changed radically. The ud was reintroduced from Syria and accepted as a classical instrument, the use of the tanbur was somewhat restricted, the kanun had been reintroduced by the Egyptian Kanuni Ömer (d ?1900) and had risen to a dominant position, the Greek lira was adopted as the kemençe, replacing the Western violin, and the santur fell into disuse. The ney was gradually restricted to its original Mevlevi context and was often replaced in secular music by the clarinet.

5. Form and rhythmic cycles.

The courtly vocal repertory was divided between genres which used long and short usul. The former group consisted only of the beste and sometimes the kâr (which used both long and short usul); the latter consisted of the various forms of nakş and semai. The nakş and semai showed a close connection between the rhythmic cycle and the poetic metre; no such connection was evident in the beste and the kâr. By the later 18th century the expansion of the usul system had led to a radical break not only between melodic structure and poetic metre (which had already occurred in the 17th century), but between melody and usul as well.

The structure of the fasıl (cyclical genre) of the later 17th century is shown in Table 1a. By the second half of the 18th century the order and composition of the fasıl had changed, showing an expansion of the Turkish compositional forms and less use of the Iranian forms kâr and nakş (see Table 1b). In the first half of the 17th century the murabba had contributed to the development of the dominant fasıl. By the latter half of the century the murabba itself had become known as the beste (or murabba beste). From the 17th century to the late 19th it dominated the fasıl, becoming the most characteristically Ottoman form. The beste allowed the fullest scope for the deployment of complex usul, and melodic and modal development.

	TABLE 1


	a. the fasil of the later 17th century

	1.	instrumental taksim
	2.	one or two peşrevs
	3.	vocal taksim
	4.	beste
	5.	nakş
	6.	kar
	7.	semai
	8.	instrumental semai
	9.	vocal taksim

	b. the fasil of the later 18th century

	1.	instrumental taksim
	2.	one peşrev
	3.	[vocal taksim, optional]
	4.	birinci bests or kar
	5.	ikinci beste
	6.	agir semai
	7.	small suite (taksim) of şarki
	8.	yürük semai
	9.	instrumental semai (saz semai)
	10.	[vocal taksim, optional]

In the beste the melodic line begins at the start and concludes at the end of two usul cycles (or of one cycle in the very long usul). A pause may exist at the end of one cycle, but this is optional. The melodic line may be broken up in a variety of ways which do not necessarily correspond to the heavy (düm) or light (tek) strokes or pauses of the usul pattern. The drum beats form a large-scale cycle (devr) which exists independently of the melodic line, only coinciding at the beginning and end.

As with all forms within the fasıl the beste consists of one melody called the zemin (‘ground’), to which the first, second and fourth lines of verse are set, and the miyan (‘middle’) for the third line. There may also be a section without poetic text, called the terennüm. In the existing repertory beste composed in most of the long usul employ two cycles (devr) of the usul to present the first misra (stich) of the poetic text. If there is a terennüm it also spans two cycles. The same principles apply to the miyanhane. There may be a clear pause following the first cycle. In the case of muhammes or hafif, a single poetic line is extended for 64 beats, necessitating frequent repetition of words or syllables and the insertion of non-textual elements. This drawn-out presentation of the poetic text distinguishes the beste from the kâr and nakş.

In longer usul, such as havi (in 64 beats), the first misra is presented within a single usul cycle (equivalent to two cycles of muhammes), as is the terennüm. There may be a pause half way through the cycle, which may be emphasized by a short instrumental break. In the longest compound usul, such as zencir in 120 beats, the first misra and the terennüm are sung in a single cycle. The first misra is stretched over 60 beats. Although a single poetic line covers the entire hane, the musical line is broken into the constituent segments of the compound usul zencir. There is a pause following each successive usul cycle: çifte düyek (16 beats), fahte (20 beats), çenber (24 beats), devr-i kebir (28 beats) and berefşan (32 beats). In a number of commonly used usul, those in 32 and 28 beats, two cycles produce the same number of beats as a longer cycle and thus the length of the melodic line will be identical.

6. Non-classical genres.

Many musical genres occupied the space between makam music and popular styles. One of the foremost of these was the ilahi and other hymns sung by the dervish orders (other than the Mevlevi). Although only written down in the early 20th century a considerable repertory survives today, the oldest being by Halveti Zakiri Hasan (d 1622). The branch of the ilahi used in zikr has a distinctive style, adapting elements of both courtly and popular musics to a ritual purpose. Dervish musicians also composed numerous hymns (tevşih: Arabic tawshih) for Islamic holidays. These employed the makam system and used distinctive asymmetrical or long usul. Rubato composition was explored with great sophistication in durak and na‘at (see Islamic religious music). The forms flourished until the economic decline of many Sufi lodges in the early 19th century. They were finally prohibited when the dervish lodges were closed in 1925.

In the secular sphere the music of the mehterhane of the Janissary corps (see Janissary music) and its relative the mehter-i birun blended classical and popular styles and genres. The official mehter represented an old Turkish tradition conferring rank and authority on state officials as well as being a musical encouragement to battle. The repertory of the mehter principally used the peşrev and semai forms arranged in a cycle called nevbet (Iranian naubat; see Naqqārakhāna). By the 18th century some court composers had created peşrev for the mehter. Between 1720 and the 1770s the mehter achieved great popularity in Europe where it influenced new styles of military music.

The popular mehter-i birun was subordinate to the leader (aga) of the Janissaries but its musicians were free and unsalaried. They were employed by the state for public festivities and seem to have largely had a Gypsy personnel. Associated with the mehter-i birun were the boy dancers known as köçekçe and tavşan, usually of non-Muslim origin. In the late 18th century and during the 19th many köçek were Gypsies or Greeks from the island of Chios. They were accompanied by an urban Greek ensemble which contained the lira (Turkish kaba kemençe) and laouto (Turkish kava lavta). The most sought-after dancing troupes performed at the imperial court and also in taverns (meyhane) found mainly in the Christian parts of Istanbul. The dancers wore luxurious costumes and earned a lot of money.

Little is known of the music which accompanied the dancers until the early 19th century. Several musical suites survive from that period which feature a medley of traditional and newly composed songs in related makam, usually in the aksak (nine beat) usul, derived from Anatolian Turkmen music, which had come to dominate the urban popular music of this period. The suites often ended with a Greek sirtos or a dance of Romanian origin. Some of the suites were in part the work of court composers such as Ismail Dede. Köçek dance disappeared during the reign of Abdülaziz (1861–76).

Both the male and female Greek popular dances of Istanbul survived as a separate category, at times mingling with the köçekçe repertory. The urban Turkish fashion for the sirtos in the mid-19th century and the survival of the hasapikos (Turkish kasap) dance testifies to the existence of this distinct repertory. In Izmir (formerly Smyrna) the working-class Greek repertory was termed Smyrneïka and showed differences from that of Istanbul, notably in the development of the zeibekikos out of the local Turkish zeybek dance (see Greece, §IV, 1(iii)).

The female dancers known as çengi were an old tradition, already documented by the 15th century. They sang and danced, principally accompanied by the çeng (Persian chang: ‘harp’), and were favoured by the palace and the mansions of the wealthy. Their organization survived the decline of the çeng and continued until the mid-19th century.

Probably related stylistically to the çengi were the erotic performances of the cariye women of the Seraglio, documented in many Ottoman paintings. Paintings from the 17th century show an ensemble of the çeng and ud, or çeng, keman, miskal, daire (frame drum) and nakkare (kettledrum), which differed from male ensembles. Earlier depictions also showed the santur. Other sources show male performers on the tanbur and santur, but no çeng. It is known that male musicians instructed the cariyes from at least the 17th century onwards, but it seems unusual that the women were expected to master the classical repertory. One notable exception is Dilhayat Kalfa (d 1780), one of the teachers of the future Selim III and a major composer. Many paintings depict the cariyes playing the bozuk (lute) and by the mid-17th century this instrument was the accompaniment for a variety of popular songs, the türkü, bayati, varsagi and şarkı, used for informal performance both in the city and the court.

Another popular musical institution was the kahve coffee-house, much favoured by the Janissaries. In these popular Turkish music, as well as the hymns (nefes) of the Bektaşi order, was performed; much of the 17th-century repertory was recorded in the anthology of Bobowski (‘Alī Ufkī Bey, d c1675). After the destruction of the Janissary corps in 1826 something of the Bektaşi repertory survived in the semai kahve and the popular urban aşık minstrel suites known as divan and nazire.

During the 17th century, when the empire extended far into Europe, the irregular troops of the border regions played a distinctive levendane repertory on a variety of lutes, mostly related to the kopuz. The name (although not the shape) of these survives in the Romanian cobza, while the mugni seems to have led to the development of the hybrid bandura psaltery in Ukraine.

The gazino fasıl appeared in the late 19th century. This genre preserved the concept of cyclicity but followed the instrumental peşrev in form, with one or two şarkı in the usul agır aksak or agır aksak semai instead of the beste and semai. The remainder of the fasıl consisted of şarkı in gradually accelerating rhythms and tempos, interspersed with vocal and instrumental taksim. The saz semai was often followed by a longa, modelled on the Romanian hora or sirba. As the urban middle class had increasingly less contact with the classical fasıl they began to adopt this nightclub fasıl as a ‘classical’ form.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

W. Bobowski (‘Alī Ufkī Bey): Mecmua-yi saz ü söz [Collection of instrumental and vocal pieces] (MS, F-Pn Turc 292 [müsvedde]; GB-Lbl Sloane 3114); photographic reproduction, Ali Ufkî: hayatı, eserleri ve mecmûa-i sâz ü söz, ed. S. Elçin (Istanbul, 1976)

D. Cantemir: Kitab-i‘ilmu ‘l muziki [Book on the science of music] (MS, Tr-Iü Türkiyât Enstitüsü 2768); Romanian trans., ed. E. Popescu-Judetz (Bucharest, 1973); modern Turkish trans., Y. Tura (Istanbul, 1976)

Es'ad Efendi (Şeyhülislâm): Atrabü’l asâr fe tezkirati ‘urefâi’l-edvâr (c1725) (MS, Tr-Iü T.Y. 1739)

C. Fonton: Essai sur la musique orientale comparée a la musique européenne (Paris, 1751); ed. E. Neubauer, Zeitschrift für Geschichte der arabischen-islamischen Wissenschaften, iii (1986), 377–424; Eng. trans. in Turkish Music Quarterly, i/2–ii/1 (1988–9)

Abdulbaki Nasir Dede: Tahrîrîye (1794) (MS, Tr-Is Nâfiz Pasa 1.242)

Abdulbaki Nasir Dede: Tetkik ü tahkik (1795) (MS, Tr-Itks Emânet Hazinezi 2.069)

R. Yekta, ed.: Hoca zekâî dede efendi (Istanbul, 1900)

R. Yekta: ‘La musique turque’, EMDC, I/v (1922), 2945–3064

R. Yekta: Mevlevî ayînleri (Istanbul, 1923–39)

R. Yekta: Dârülelhân küliyâti (Istanbul, 1924–30)

R. Yekta: Dede efendi (Istanbul, 1925)

S. Ezgi: Nazarî, amelî türk musikisi, iv (Istanbul, 1953)

H. Sanal: Mehter musikisi [Janissary music] (Istanbul, 1961)

G. Oransay: Die melodische Linie und der Begriff Makam der traditionellen türkischen Kunstmusik vom 15. bis zum 19. Jahrhundert (Ankara, 1966)

N. Taghmizian, ed.: Rukovodstvo po vostochnoi muzyke [Handbook of oriental music] (Yerevan, 1968) [trans. of untitled Armeno-Turkish music treatise by Harutin]

Y. Öztuna, ed.: Türk musikisi ansiklopedisi (Istanbul, 1971)

K. Signell: Makam: Modal Practice in Turkish Art Music (Seattle, 1977)

I.H. Uzunçarşili: ‘Osmanlılar zamanında saraylarda musiki hayatı’ [Musical life in the palaces during the time of the Ottomans], Belleten, no. 161 (1977), 79–114

E. Karadeniz: Türk musikisinin nazariye ve esasları (Ankara, 1984)

O. Wright: ‘Aspects of Historical Change in the Turkish Classical Repertoire’, Musica asiatica, v (1988), 1–108

S. and G.A. Tekin, eds.: The Seyahatname of Evliyâ Çelebi (Cambridge, MA, 1989) [Facsimile edn of parts I and II of TS Bagdat 304]

E. Seroussi: ‘The Turkish makam in the Musical Culture of the Ottoman Jews: Sources and Examples’, Israel Studies in Ethnomusicology, v (1990), 43–68

O. Wright: ‘Çârgâh in Turkish Classical Music: History Versus Theory’, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, liii (1990), 224–44

W. Feldman: ‘Cultural Authority and Authenticity in the Turkish Repertoire’, AsM, xxii/1 (1990–91), 73–112

E. Seroussi: ‘The peshrev as a vocal genre in Ottoman Hebrew Sources’, Turkish Music Quarterly, iv/3 (1991), 1–9

W. Feldman: ‘Musical Genres and zikir of the Sunni Tarikats of Istanbul’, The Dervish Lodge: Architecture, Art and Sufism in Ottoman Turkey, ed. R. Lifchez (Berkeley, 1992), 187–202

O. Wright, ed.: Demetrius Cantemir: the Collection of Notations, Part 1 (London, 1992)

O. Wright: Words Without Songs: a Musicological Study of an Early Ottoman Anthology and its Precursors (London, 1992)

C. Behar: Zaman, mekân ve müzik: klâsik türk musikisinde eǧitim (meşk), icra ve akatarım [Time, place and music: education (practice), performance and transmission] (Istanbul, 1993)

W. Feldman: Music of the Ottoman Court: Makam, Composition and the Early Ottoman Instrumental Repertoire (Berlin, 1996)

C. Behar: Aşk olmayınca meşk olmaz: geleneksel Osmanlı türk müziğinde öğretim ve intikal [Without love there is no practice: teaching and transmission in traditional Ottoman Turkish music] (Istanbul, 1998)

Ottoni

(It.).

See Brass instruments.

Ottósson, Róbert Abraham

(b Berlin, 17 May 1912; d Lund, 10 March 1974). Icelandic musicologist, conductor and composer of German birth. The son of the musicologist Otto Abraham, he studied in Berlin at the Hochschule für Musik (1932–4) and privately with Sachs. After leaving Germany in 1934, he continued his studies with Scherchen in Paris and then moved to Iceland in 1935, becoming an Icelandic citizen in 1947. He gained the doctorate from the University of Iceland in 1959 with a dissertation on a 14th-century rhymed office for St Thorlakur, the patron saint of Iceland. He taught musicology, theory and conducting at the Reykjavík College of Music, and was appointed docent at the theological faculty of the University of Iceland in 1966. He served as music director of the Icelandic Lutheran church (1961–74) and prepared a thoroughly revised edition of the Lutheran hymnal (first ed. 1972).

Ottósson was an active conductor both in Iceland and abroad. He conducted the State Radio Choir (1947–9), led the Iceland Symphony Orchestra in its first concert under that name (9 March 1950) and served as assistant conductor of the Berlin SO (1956–7). In 1959 he founded the Philharmonia Choral Society, which introduced a number of major works to Icelandic audiences under his direction, including a legendary series of performances of Beethoven's Ninth Symphony in 1966. As a scholar, his research on medieval Icelandic church music earned him an outstanding reputation. He was a prolific arranger of hymns and plainchant melodies, and his publications of music for liturgical use prompted a renewed interest in the use of chant-based melodies in Lutheran services. His choral arrangements of Icelandic folk songs have also enjoyed great popularity, and a rare example of an original composition, Miskunnarbean (‘Prayer for Mercy’, SATB, str, 1967) combines chant-like melodic writing with modern choral techniques.

WRITINGS

‘Antifon’, ‘Diskant’, ‘Koral, gregoriansk’, ‘Rímur-melodier’, ‘Tvesang’, Kulturhistoriskt lexikon för nordisk medeltid fran vikingatid till reformationstid, ed. J. Granlund (Malmö, 1956–78)

Sancti Thorlaci episcopi officia rhythmica et proprium missae in AM 241 A folio (diss., U. of Iceland, 1959; Copenhagen, 1959)

Tuttugu og tveir helgisöngvar fyrir kóra og söfnui (Reykjavík, 1967)

‘Ein føgur Saung Vijsa’, Afmaelisrit Jóns Helgasonar, ed. J. Benediktsson and others (Reykjavík, 1969), 251–9

‘Das musiktheoretische Textfragment im Stockholmer Homilienbuch’, Opuscula, iv, Bibliotheca arnamagnaeana, xxx (Copenhagen, 1970), 169–76

‘Ein Prozessionsgesang der Mönche zu Thingeyrar’, Scientia Islandica, no.2 (1970), 3–12 [incl. facs.]

‘Iceland’, §II, 1, 2, Grove6

BIBLIOGRAPHY

G. Morin, C.-A. Moberg and E. Sundström, eds.: Sohlmans musiklexikone (Stockholm, 1948–52, rev. 2/1975–9 by H. Åstrand)

J. Gudnason and P. Haraldsson: Íslenzkir samtíðarmenn (Reykjavík, 1965)

A. Burt: Iceland’s Twentieth-Century Composers and a Listing of their Works (Annandale, VA, 1975, 2/1977)

ÁRNI HEIMIR INGÓLFSSON

Ouchard.

French family of bowmakers. Emile François Ouchard (1872–1951) was apprenticed to Eugene Cuniot-Hury from 1884; after 1912 he continued running this shop with his master’s widow, assuming complete management in 1926. His bows, while not elegantly finished, are well made and show ample evidence of a clearly developed style, though remaining fairly conservative throughout his career. Their box-like heads have rather straight chamfers, while the frogs are fairly low, with rounded heels. The buttons are either silver-capped or banded. They are branded emile ouchard, though some of his work doubtless appears under Cuniot-Hury’s brand.

Emile François’ son, Emile A. Ouchard (1900–1969), who became the most important member of the family, appears to have learnt the craft from his father in Mirecourt. He went to Paris in 1941 and soon afterwards emigrated to the USA, working in New York and later in Chicago. In the mid-1950s he returned to France and set up shop in the provinces. His bows, while similar in appearance to those of the Voirin-Lamy school, have quite different playing qualities; many players find his sticks rather stiff. The frogs, of conventional design, are usually mounted in a recessed track which is carved into the three lower facets of the butt. The buttons are either capped or banded and are often threaded to the screwshaft. He used various forms of his name as his brand; some bows of the 1940s are also stamped with the year of manufacture under the frog.

Bernard Ouchard (1925–79), son and pupil of E.A. Ouchard, accompanied his father to Paris in 1941. During World War II he enlisted with the French army and in 1949 joined the workshop of Pierre Vidoudez in Geneva. He remained there as a bowmaker until 1971, when he was appointed professor of bowmaking at the Mirecourt school. His bows, whose sticks are mostly octagonal, are of elegant proportions and are apparently based on a kind of Peccatte model. They are branded with his surname only, although much of his work bears the Vidoudez brand.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

J. Roda: Bows for Musical Instrumems of the Violin Family (Chicago, 1959)

E. Vatelot: Les archets français (Nancy, 1976)

C.C. Brown: ‘The Ouchards and their Bass Bows’, The Strad, cii (1991), 134–43 [incl. illustrations]

JAAK LIIVOJA-LORIUS

Oud.

See ‘Ūd.

Oudenaerde, Iacobus de.

See Jacobus of Liège.

Oudin, Eugène (Espérance)

(b New York, 24 Feb 1858; d London, 4 Nov 1894). American baritone of French descent. He studied with Moderati in New York, where he made his début in 1886 at Wallack’s Theatre with the M’Caul Opéra-Comique Company as Montosol in an English version of Roger’s Joséphine vendue par ses soeurs. He was engaged by Sullivan to create the part of the Templar in Ivanhoe at the Royal English Opera House, London, in 1891. He sang the title role in the English première of Yevgeny Onegin (1892) at the Olympic Theatre, and in 1893 he sang the High Priest in the first performance in England (a concert version) of Samson et Dalila, in his own translation. Oudin sang with notable success in 1893 and 1894 at St Petersburg as Wolfram, Telramund and Albert (Werther).

HAROLD ROSENTHAL/R

Oudot, Claude

(b Paris; d Paris, 1696). French composer and musician. He was a singer in the service of the Duke of Orleans and the dauphin and was maître de chapelle for the Jesuits at the Maison St Louis, Paris. In 1683 he was named maître de musique of the Académie Française. In the same year he competed unsuccessfully for a place in the royal chapel at Versailles. He conducted a performance of one of his motets in the Louvre chapel every year from 1680 to 1695 on the Feast of St Louis and also composed and conducted a Te Deum to celebrate the king's recovery from illness: all these works are lost. So too are his opera Les amours de Titon et l'Aurore, performed before Colbert at Sceaux in 1677 and heard again in 1679, his cantata Le banquet des dieux (1683), written for the birth of the Duke of Burgundy, his intermède Démétrius (1685), his dialogue Scène d'une bergère (1689) and his choruses for the tragedies Jephté and Judith by Boyer. His extant works comprise Stances chrestiennes, for two, three and four voices and continuo, printed by Christophe Ballard (Paris, 1692, 4/1722), settings of words by the Abbé Testu, which are sacred dialogues between two soloists and chorus; and six airs for solo voice and continuo (Paris, n.d.).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BrenetC

D. Launay: La musique religieuse en France du concile de Trente à 1804 (Paris, 1993)

NORBERT DUFOURCQ/JAMES R. ANTHONY

Oudrid (y Segura), Cristóbal (Domingo)

(b Badajoz, 7 Feb 1825; d Madrid, 12 March 1877). Spanish composer and conductor. He studied singing and the piano with his father and taught himself the horn, the oboe and other instruments. He had no formal harmony or counterpoint lessons, but arranged some of the works of Haydn and Mozart for the flute, oboe, clarinet and cornet. In 1844 he went to Madrid, where he became the protégé of the Madrid writer Ramón de Mesonero Romanos (1803–82) and the friend of Baltasar Saldoni, who, as director of the Teatro Español, gave the premières of some of his symphonic works. He became known as a pianist, and for the next two or three years wrote songs and fantasias and other music for the piano, which he included in his concerts. His greatest success with the public came, however, from his zarzuelas. His first, La venta del puerto, o Juanillo el contrabandista, was written for the Teatro del Instituto in 1847, and in the same year La pradera del canal, written in collaboration with Cepeda and Iradier, was performed at the Teatro de la Cruz. From that time he composed five or six zarzuelas a year, his greatest successes being El postillón de la Rioja (1856) and El molinero de Subiza (1870), which had 300 performances in one year. The jota he wrote for Lombía’s play El sitio de Zaragoza has remained a popular favourite. After 1867 he conducted Italian opera in Madrid, in 1870 becoming director of the Teatro Real, where he died suddenly during a rehearsal of Mignon.

WORKS

complete list of stage works in Peña y Goñi

88 zars, all first performed in Madrid, incl.: La venta del puerto, o Juanillo el contrabandista (1, M. Fernández), Príncipe, 16 Jan 1847; La pradera del Canal (1, Azcona), Cruz, 1847, collab. S. Iradier, L. Cepeda; Buenas noches, Sr. Don Simón (1, L. Olona), Circo, 16 April 1852, vs (Madrid, n.d.); Estebanillo (3, V. de la Vega), Circo, 5 Oct 1855, collab. Gaztambide; El postillón de la Rioja (2, Olona), Circo, 7 June 1856, vs (Madrid, n.d.); La flor de la Serranía (1, J. Gutiérrez de Alba), Verano, 2 Aug 1856, vs (Madrid, n.d.); El hijo del regimiento (3, V. Tamayo), Circo, 22 Aug 1857; Don Sisenando (1, Puerta Vizcaíno), Circo, 4 April 1858, vs (Madrid, ?1865); El joven Virginio (1, M. Pina), Zarzuela, 30 Nov 1858

El último mono (1, N. Serra), Zarzuela, 30 May 1859, vs (Madrid, n.d.); Enlace y desenlace (2, Pina), Zarzuela, 27 Sept 1859; Memorias de un estudiante (3, J. Picón), Zarzuela, 5 May 1860; Nadie se muere hasta que Dios quiere (1, Serra), Zarzuela, 19 Sept 1860, vs (Madrid, ?1860); A Rey mueto (1, L. Rivera), Zarzuela, 17 Nov 1860; Un concierto casero (1, Picón), Zarzuela, 3 Dec 1861; Un viaje alrededor de mi suegro (3, Rivera), Zarzuela, 24 Dec 1861, collab. Vázquez; La Isla de San Balandrán (1, Picón), Zarzuela, 12 June 1862; Influencias políticas (1, Pina), Zarzuela, 24 April 1863; Bazar de novias (1, Pina), Variedades, 9 March 1867; Un estudiante de Salamanca (3, Rivera), Zarzuela, 4 Dec 1867

La gata de Mari-Ramos (2, Pina), Zarzuela, 27 Jan 1870; El paciente Job (1, R. de la Vega), Zarzuela, 13 May 1870; El molinero de Subiza (3, Eguilaz), Zarzuela, 21 Dec 1870, vs (Madrid, ?1865); Ildara (4, R. Puente y Brañas), Zarzuela, 5 Jan 1874; Compuesto y sin novia (3, Pina), Zarzuela, 5 Dec 1875

Other stage works, incl.: Los polvos de la madre Celestina (magia, 3, Hartzenbusch); La pata de cabra (magia, 3, Grimaldi); Dalila (drama, 1, Gil-Rosales); Una zambra de gitanos (baile, 1)

Colección de canciones y melodías españolas (Valladares y Saavedra) (Madrid, ?1845)

Pf: Fantasía sobre motivos de María de Rohán (Madrid, ?1845); Hernani, fantasía (Madrid, ?1845); Variaciones sobre el jaleo de Jerez (Madrid, ?1845)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

FétisB

Obituary: La Correspondencia de España (15 March 1877)

B. Saldoni: Diccionario biográfico-bibliográfico de Efemérides de músicos españoles, i (Madrid, 1868), 70, 240–42; ii (Madrid, 1880), 108, 493

A. Peña y Goñi: La ópera española y la música dramática en España en el siglo XIX (Madrid, 1881, abridged 2/1967 by E. Rincon as España desde la ópera a la zarzuela)

E. Cotarelo y Mori: Historia de la zarzuela (Madrid, 1934)

M. Muñoz: Historia de la zarzuela española y del género chico (Madrid, 1946)

GUY BOURLIGUEUX

Oudryns, Johannes.

See Oridryus, Johannes.

Ouïe

(Fr.).

See Soundhole.

Oulibicheff, Aleksandr Dmitryevich.

See Ulïbïshev, Aleksandr Dmitryevich.

Oury [née de Belleville], Anna Caroline

(b Landshut, 24 June 1808; d Munich, 22 July 1880). German pianist and composer, of French descent. The daughter of a French nobleman who was director of the Munich Nationaltheater, she spent her childhood in Augsburg, where she studied with the cathedral organist. From 1816 to 1820 she studied with Carl Czerny in Vienna, where she was introduced to Beethoven and heard him improvise on the piano. In 1820 she returned to Munich, performing there with great success; she spent the next year in Paris and then resumed her studies in Vienna with Johann Andreas Streicher. She subsequently toured to Warsaw and Berlin. In July 1831 she made her London début in a concert at Her Majesty’s Theatre with Nicolò Paganini and in October married the English violinist Antonio James Oury. Between 1831 and 1839, they toured in Russia, Germany, Austria, the Netherlands, France and Belgium, before settling in England. In 1846 and 1847 they visited Italy; afterwards, until her retirement in 1866, she devoted herself primarily to composition, producing some 180 drawing-room pieces – mainly dances and fantasies for piano.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Grove1 (J.A. Fuller-Maitland)

SchillingES

J.A. FULLER MAITLAND/ANDREW LAMB

Oury, Antonio James

(b London, 1800; d East Dereham, Norfolk, 25 July 1883). English violinist. He received his first violin lessons from his father, a former officer in Napoleon's army who had settled in London, and from George Macfarren. He later studied with Mori, Spagnoletti and Kiesewetter, and in the 1820s made regular trips to Paris, where he had violin lessons from Baillot, Kreutzer and Lafont, and studied composition with Fétis. In 1823 he joined the Philharmonic Society's orchestra in London, and from 1824 to 1830 performed concertos and participated in chamber music at Philharmonic concerts. He also played in the Concert of Ancient Music and at the Royal Italian Opera; in 1826 he was appointed leader of the ballet orchestra at the King's Theatre. In the 1820s he taught at the RAM, where his pupils included G.A. Macfarren and W.S. Bennett.

In 1831 Oury married the pianist Anna Caroline de Belleville. They toured Europe from about 1832 to 1839, giving concerts in Russia, Germany, Austria, the Netherlands, Belgium and France. A concert tour of Italy followed in 1846–7. In the 1840s and 50s the Ourys were active in Brighton; in 1847 they set up the Brighton Musical Union, a chamber music club modelled closely on the London Musical Union, itself the brainchild of Oury's friend John Ella. From 1868 Oury lived in retirement in Norfolk.

Trained in the classical French school of violin playing and possessing a full, round tone, Oury absorbed into his technique some of the brilliant effects favoured by Paganini, whom he had met in 1831. According to his pupil Haweis, ‘he had the fine large style of the De Beriot school, combined with a dash of the brilliant and romantic Paganini, and the most exquisite taste of his own’.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

G. Dubourg: The Violin: Some Account of that Leading Instrument and its most Eminent Professors (London, 1836, 4/1852), 214, 217–19

H.R. Haweis: My Musical Life (London, 1884), 38–45

F. Boase: Modern English Biography (London, 1892–1921), suppl.

C. Bashford: Public Chamber-Music Concerts in London, 1835–50: Aspects of History, Repertory and Reception (diss., U. of London, 1996)

CHRISTINA BASHFORD

Ouseley, Sir Frederick Arthur Gore

(bLondon, 12 Aug 1825; d Hereford, 6 April 1889). English church musician, scholar and composer. His father, Sir Gore Ouseley (1770–1844), a noted orientalist, was successively ambassador to Persia and to Russia, and was made a baronet in 1808; he was also an amateur musician, and helped found the Royal Academy of Music in 1822. His only son, named after the boy's godfathers, Frederick, Duke of York, and Arthur, Duke of Wellington, was educated at home in Beaconsfield, Buckinghamshire. In 1840 he was sent as a pupil to James Joyce, vicar of Dorking, who instructed him in the classics and theology. In 1843 he entered Christ Church, Oxford, and the following year inherited his father's title and estate. He graduated BA in 1846 and received the DMus in 1854. From 1846, when he moved to London, he sang as a lay member of the newly surpliced choir of St Paul's, Knightsbridge, under its Tractarian vicar W.J.E. Bennett; after his ordination in 1849 he became one of Bennett's curates at the new church of St Barnabas, Pimlico, where the notorious ‘no popery’ riots occurred in 1850. During his curacy he presented the organ and paid the entire costs of the choir. Following Bennett's resignation in 1851 the choir of St Barnabas's was dismissed, but Ouseley kept it together by housing and educating the boys at his own expense at Langley, Buckinghamshire. They became the nucleus of his foundation, St Michael's College, Tenbury Wells, which was begun in 1854 and dedicated in 1856, with Ouseley himself as warden and vicar of the newly formed parish; he appointed a former St Barnabas chorister, John Hampton, as first choirmaster. Meanwhile in 1855 Ouseley had been elected professor of music at Oxford, and in the same year he was appointed precentor of Hereford Cathedral. He was later given honorary degrees at Durham, Dublin and Edinburgh, and the Lambeth LLD; in 1886 he was made canon residentiary at Hereford.

Ouseley's musical precocity was almost as great as that of Mozart or Crotch. Many incidents are on record to prove the astonishing accuracy of his ear, while his ability in playing and improvising was the wonder of the fashionable world and impressed many musicians including Mendelssohn. From the age of three he began to compose, the music being at first written down by his sisters and later by himself. His early compositions show as much skill and originality as Mozart's. One remarkable example from 1832 is a piece of descriptive programme music for piano in A major and minor, illustrating the progress of an illness (printed in Joyce, 1896, pp.239ff). His early works include an opera, several orchestral pieces and some string quartets.

Something in his upbringing made Ouseley repress this early vitality of imagination, though his musical skill remained undiminished. He subjected himself not only to the most rigorous technical discipline, but also to the purging of all ‘secular’ influences from his style. His comments in 1872 about the use of secular melodies as hymn tunes reveal a deep anxiety on this point: ‘How can they result in aught but the disgust and discouragement of all musical churchmen, the misleading of the unlearned, the abasement of sacred song, the falsification of public taste, and (last, but not least) the dishonour of God and his worship?’. He treated all modern and popular trends in music with suspicion and curbed the natural exuberance of his style by modelling himself on the classics – Mozart for instrumental music, Handel for oratorio, the 17th-century English masters for cathedral music. The result is a prevailing dullness in his mature compositions, however great their technical mastery and assurance. His anthems and services were once in great demand, especially How goodly are thy tents, From the rising of the sun and O saviour of the world; but they have scarcely survived their own era, lacking the imaginative power of Wesley or Walmisley. In the F major Service, however, Havergal Brian found ‘wonderful stretches of self-expression which disclose an unusual feeling for the deep underlying significance of the words’. In a remarkable modern appreciation Gatens treats Ouseley as the leading representative of the ‘timeless idiom’ in Victorian cathedral music. He was also a successful composer of hymn tunes.

But Ouseley's importance was not primarily as a composer. Simply by dedicating his rank and wealth to the musical profession, he helped to lay the foundations for the upward progress of English music which was already evident. His social position, though unaided by any marked force of personality, allowed him to secure for music a recognition such as it had not enjoyed for generations. As professor at Oxford he made music a serious subject of study; as nominal founder and first president of the Musical Association he established musicology (as it was later termed) as a respected field of learning. His own scholarship was distinguished, especially in Spanish theory and early English church music.

Ouseley's most enduring monument is the College of St Michael and All Angels, Tenbury Wells, which for over 100 years remained ‘a model for the choral service of the church in these realms’. He lavished much of his wealth as well as his energy and devotion on the founding and nurturing of this institution. It was described in 1883 as ‘the one real development of the aesthetic principle that England is yet able to boast’ – a startling challenge to Victorian materialism and popular culture, thrust into the sleepy valley of the Teme. There Ouseley, as unchallenged and beloved master, could develop in peace his own ideal of the cathedral service, which was that of a high churchman deeply influenced by the Oxford movement but still retaining a distaste for adapted Gregorian chants and for extremes of ritualism. His model prevailed over its rivals to become the standard form of cathedral service.

Ouseley was a lifelong collector of music and music theory books. He bequeathed to St Michael's his splendid library of over 3000 volumes, which, in King's words, ‘probably represents the genius of the Victorian collector at its highest point in range, variety and quality’. (Much of the collection is now in F-Pn, V and GB-Ob.) He was also an expert on organ design. He inspected 190 organs during a tour of Europe in 1848–9.

WORKS

published in London, n.d., unless otherwise stated; MSS in GB-Ob

sacred vocal

The Lord is the true God (cant.), 1850, unpubd

The Martyrdom of St Polycarp (orat) (1855)

Hagar (orat), vs (1873)

5 full services, 19 anthems, in Ouseley's Cathedral Music, Services and Anthems (1853)

8 other services incl.: C, 8vv, unpubd; F, 8vv, orch; 2 evening services, B, E; Communion, C; 2 TeD, D, F; Gloria, D

[13] Special Anthems for Certain Seasons and Festivals (1861–6)

c43 other anthems; 42 single and 15 double chants; 42 hymn tunes, incl. 12 in Hymns Ancient and Modern (1889); 4 hymn settings; 4 Christmas carols; Final Amen, 1889

secular vocal

L'isola disabitata (op, P. Metastasio), 1834

Let tears fall down, ode, 4vv, orch, 1852

Peace Ode, S, 5vv, orch, 1855

Now let us praise famous men, ode, S, 5vv, orch, Nov 1869

11 songs, incl. Set of 6 Songs (R. Wilton); 10 glees; 3 partsongs; 1 madrigal

instrumental

Orch: 3 ovs., D, d, F (1888, n.d.), 2 marches, 2 minuets

Chbr: 2 str qts, C, d (1868); str qt, fugue for strs: both unpubd

Org: 31 preludes and fugues in 3 sets (1864, 1877, n.d.); 6 short preludes (1869); 3 andantes; 2 sonatas (1877, 1883); other pieces, incl. 2 voluntaries in Original Compositions for the Organ, viii–ix (1882)

Pf: songs without words, 1839–49, unpubd

243 juvenile works, GB-Ob

editions

A Collection of Cathedral Services set to Music by English Masters of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (London, 1853)

A Collection of Anthems for Certain Seasons and Festivals (London, 1861–6)

with E.G. Monk: The Psalter with the Canticles and Hymns of the Church (London, 1861)

The Sacred Compositions of Orlando Gibbons (London, 1873)

Motets by Spanish Composers (London, c1880)

H. Purcell: Masque in Timon of Athens, Works, ii (London, 1882)

WRITINGS

only those on music

A Treatise on Harmony (Oxford, 1868, 3/1883)

A Treatise on Counterpoint, Canon, and Fugue, based on Cherubini (Oxford, 1869)

‘Church Music’, Church Congress: Leeds 1872 (Leeds, 1872), 325–34

A Treatise on Musical Form and General Composition (Oxford, 1875, 2/1886)

‘Considerations on the History of Ecclesiastical Music of Western Europe’, PMA, ii (1875–6), 30–47

‘On the Early Italian and Spanish Treatises of Counterpoint and Harmony’, PMA, v (1878–9), 76–99

‘On Some Italian and Spanish Treatises of Music of the Seventeenth Century’, PMA, viii (1881–2), 83–98

ed.: E. Naumann: The History of Music (London, 1882–6) [trans. of Illustrirte Musikgeschichte, Stuttgart, 1880–85; incl. 3 new chaps. by Ouseley on English music]

‘On the Position of Organs in Churches’, PMA, xii (1885–6), 75–90

BIBLIOGRAPHY

DNB (W.H. Cummings)

Grove1 (H.S. Oakeley)

The Harmonicon, xi (1833), 102 [review of 2 pf works of 1831]

Monthly Supplement to the Musical Library, i (1834), 66–7 [review of L'isola disabitata, incl. duet ‘Vanne a regnar ben mio’]

F.T. Havergal: Memorials of the Rev. Sir F.A.G. Ouseley, Bart. (London, 1889)

J. Stainer: ‘The Character and Influence of the Late Sir Frederick Ouseley’, PMA, xvi (1889–90), 25–39

J.S. Bumpus: The Compositions of the Rev. Sir Frederick A. Gore Ouseley, Bt. (London, 1892) [detailed work-list; rev. and repr. in Joyce, 1896]

F.W. Joyce: The Life of Rev. Sir F.A.G. Ouseley, Bart. (London, 1896) [incl. G.R. Sinclair: ‘Sir Frederick Ouseley as a Musician’, 235–55, and rev. repr. of Bumpus's 1892 catalogue, 256–70]

J.S. Bumpus: A History of English Cathedral Music 1549–1889 (London, 1908/R), 528–60

W. Page, ed.: The Victoria History of the County of Buckingham, iii (London, 1925), 159

H. Brian: ‘Frederick Arthur Gore Ouseley’, MO, liv (1931), 806–7, 886–7

E.H. Fellowes: A Catalogue of the Music Manuscripts in the Library of St Michael's College, Tenbury (Paris, 1935)

H.C. Colles: ‘Sir Frederick Ouseley and his Foundation’, History of St. Michael's College, Tenbury, ed. M.F. Alderson and H.C. Colles (London, 1943), 1–32

A.H. King: Some British Collectors of Music (Cambridge, 1963), 67–8

B. Rainbow: The Choral Revival in the Anglican Church 1839–1872 (London, 1970)

N. Temperley: The Music of the English Parish Church (Cambridge, 1979/R)

P. Charlton: John Stainer and the Musical Life of Victorian Britain (Newton Abbot, 1984)

W.J. Gatens: ‘Sir Frederick Ouseley (1825–89): the Timeless Idiom and Beyond’, Victorian Cathedral Music in Theory and Practice (Cambridge, 1986), 147–69

N. Thistlethwaite: The Making of the Victorian Organ (Cambridge, 1990)

I. Bradley: Abide with Me: the World of Victorian Hymns (London, 1997)

NICHOLAS TEMPERLEY

Ousset, Cécile

(b Tarbes, 23 Jan 1936). French pianist. She studied with Marcel Ciampi as a child and later at the Paris Conservatoire. She gave her first recital at the age of five and made her professional début in 1954 at the Salle Gaveau, Paris. Despite success in several international competitions including finalist status in the Queen Elisabeth (1956) and Van Cliburn (1962), her early career was largely restricted to minor musical venues. This situation changed abruptly in 1975 after her London début. From then until the 1990s, her unflagging brio, force and clarity were greatly celebrated. The French remained sceptical, but London audiences were thrilled by her heroically scaled performances. Ousset has appeared with most of the major European orchestras and at festivals, and made her US début in 1984 with the Los Angeles PO and Minnesota Orchestra. She has returned annually to perform widely in the USA, and has also performed in Australia, New Zealand, Hong Kong, Japan and South Africa. A specialist in the virtuoso repertory, she has been heard to glittering advantage in music such as Brahms's Second Concerto, Rachmaninoff's Third Concerto, the Liszt B minor Sonata and Ravel's Gaspard de la nuit, all of which she has recorded. Her BBC television appearances include a film charting her career and a recital in which she performed the complete Debussy Preludes.

BRYCE MORRISON

Ouvert [overt, vert]

(Fr.: ‘open’).

In medieval French music the first-time ending for a repeated musical section; the second-time ending is termed clos (Fr.: ‘closed’). The words are found particularly in the sources of 14th-century music (like the Italian Aperto (ii) and Chiuso (ii)) since songs at that time characteristically included sections that were repeated with the second ending on the tonic, or final, and the first ending on some other pitch, often a 2nd away. In many such cases the open and closed endings would be equal in length and would have the same part-writing except for the shift to a different pitch level.

The words ‘clausum’ and ‘apertum’ were applied to such endings by Johannes de Grocheo (c1300) and many subsequent theorists. In his Tractatus cantus mensurabilis (CoussemakerS, iii, 124–8) Egidius de Murino even provided instructions for the composition of secular forms in terms of the ouvert and clos cadences: for a ballade simplex there was to be an apertum and a clausum at the end of the first half but only a clausum at the end; a ballade duplex should have apertum and clausum after each half; a virelai simplex has an apertum at the end of the first half and a clausum at the end of the second half; a virelai duplex has an apertum and a clausum after each half; and a rondeau should have a clausum at the end, but at the middle it should have an apertum built on a 10th when it finishes on ut and on a 5th when it finishes on la. A similar passage in US-PHu lat.36, f.207, refers to the endings as overtum and clausulum.

Ouverture

(Fr.).

See Overture.

Ouvrard [Du Reneau], René

(b Chinon, Indre-et-Loire, 16 June 1624; d Tours, 19 July 1694). French theorist, musician, ecclesiastic and man of letters. As a youth he trained in theology and music in Tours. About 1657 he was maître de chapelle of Bordeaux Cathedral, about 1660 chef de la maîtrise of Narbonne Cathedral, and from 1663 at the latest maître de musique of the Ste Chapelle in Paris until in 1679 he retired to Tours as canon at the cathedral.

Ouvrard wrote on architecture, theology, mathematics and music. As correspondence reveals he was aware of the most recent developments in musical theory and in French and Italian musical practice. He seems to have been close to such prominent Parisian figures as the Perrault brothers, François Blondel and François Arnaud. His first works are traditional, but La Musique rétablie, which occupied him for the last 20 years of his life, is a vast encyclopaedic project. It was to be divided into three parts (‘Harmonic Prenotions’, a ‘Harmonic Library’ and ‘The Universal Practice of Music’) but only the first two subjects were covered, and then only incompletely. The ‘Harmonic Prenotions’ was to have contained eight treatises presented in Latin and French. Ouvrard hoped to end this section with reflections of a pedagogical nature. The ‘Harmonic Library’ aimed to be a historical and bibliographical catalogue of compositions and writings on music, with a summary of each entry. As for the ‘Universal Practice of Music’, its objective was to provide an introduction to practical musical issues such as composition and the art of singing, and a definition of current musical style. Although no compositions of Ouvrard's have survived, he is known to have favoured the Italian style, especially oratorios in the style of Carissimi, for which he developed a taste while visiting Italy in 1655. He had a great influence on such theorists as Etienne Loulié and Sebastien de Brossard.

WRITINGS

only those on music

Secret pour composer en musique (Paris, 1658 [pubd under the pseudonym ‘Du Reneau’], 2/1660)

L’art et la science des nombres (Paris, 1677)

Architecture harmonique (Paris, 1679)

Lettres à Nicaise (MS, F-Pn fr.9360)

La musique rétablie depuis son origine (MS, F-TOm 821–2)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BrenetM

A. Cohen: ‘René Ouvrard (1624–1694) and the Beginnings of French Baroque Theory’, IMSCR XI: Copenhagen 1972, 336–42

A. Cohen: ‘The Ouvrard-Nicaise Correspondence (1663–93)’, ML, lvi (1975), 356–63

P. Vendrix: ‘L'augustinisme musical en France au XVIIe siècle’, RdM, lxxviii (1992), 237–55

P. Vendrix: Aux origines d’une discipline historique: la musique et son histoire en France aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles (Geneva, 1993)

PHILIPPE VENDRIX

Ovcharenko, Halyna (Ivanovna)

(b Novodruzhevka settlement, Lugansk province, 9 July 1963). Ukrainian composer. A graduate of Ishchenko's class at the Kiev Conservatory (1987), she taught at the Lysenko Middle School (1990–93) before lecturing at the pedagogical institute in Sumy. She is a laureate of the Kiev Festival competition (1992 and 1995) and of the Leontovych Prize (1992). The main trend in her work is determined by rural folklore (she has sung in and directed folk ensembles) and folk music forms the basis of all of her compositions. In her attempts to breathe symphonic life into folksong, she has encountered the problem of amalgamating folk sources and frequently complex contemporary techniques. She is especially attracted to choral cycles; Chumats'ki pisni (‘Songs of the Oxcart Drivers’) is based on seasonal texts and games, while the more recent Opalyonnaya mal'va (‘The Sun-Scorched Mallow’) deals with the Chernobyl tragedy. In Predkovichne (‘Ancestry’) she exhibits a deep sympathy for the pagan roots of Ukrainian culture and its relevance to the position of humanity in the universe.

WORKS

(selective list)

Children's Pictures, 6 pieces, 1v, pf, 1980; 5 Preludes, pf, 1982; Pf Sonata, 1985; Cant., solo vv, children's choir, orch, 1987; Chumats'ki pisni [Songs of the Oxcart Drivers] (cant.), male chorus, 1989; Vesnovyi [Vernal song], choir, 1989; Dribushechki [Rapid Platter Dance], orch, 1992; Opalyonnaya mal'va [The Sun-Scorched Mallow] (cant.), solo vv, spkr, chorus, orch, 1992; Toccata, tpt, 1993; Charivniy svit u skalkakh l'odu [The Wizard World in Pieces of Ice], 2 pf, 1994; Gopak, 2 pf, 1994; Everlasting (trad.), vv, orch, 1995; Khytalasya tisha u nebi [The Lulling Silence of Heaven], brass qnt, 1995; 2 Pieces for an Inspired Clarinetist, 1995; Invocation of Rain (trad.), 1v, 4 perc, 1996; Negative of Sketch (op, S. Vitkevich), 1996; Str Qt, 1996; Transformations, orch, 1997; Moods (W.B. Yeats), choir, 1997; Illusion, 18 solo str, 1997; Le nonsense (E. Lear), hp, authentic voices, 1998; Studies in Witchcraft, orch, 1999

MSS in UA-Km; Ukraine Ministry of Culture

NINA SERGEYEVNA SHUROVA

Ovchinikov, Vladimir

(b Belebey, 2 Jan 1958). Russian pianist. He studied in Moscow with Anna Artobolevskaya and Aleksey Nazedkin. He was runner-up to Ivo Pogorelich in the Montreal Competition in 1980, two years later won a joint silver medal of the Tchaikovsky Competition in Moscow with the British pianist Peter Donohoe and was the winner of the Leeds International Piano Competition in 1987. Thereafter his career took off particularly in Britain, with a solo début at the Barbican, London, in 1987 and his London concerto début with the Philharmonia two years later; by this time he had already appeared in recitals in the festivals at Aldeburgh, Cheltenham, Edinburgh and Lichfield. He toured Japan in 1989 and has appeared in Canada and the USA as well as throughout Europe. His recordings include piano trios by Rachmaninoff and Shostakovich and Tchaikovsky's First Concerto with the LPO under Yury Simonov; he has also made a particularly fine disc of the Liszt Etudes d'exécution transcendante. During the 1990s he consolidated his reputation as an interpreter of Russian music and the 19th-century virtuoso Romantics, notable especially for his strong, flexible technique and powerful projection.

JESSICA DUCHEN

Ovchinnikov, Vyacheslav Aleksandrovich

(b Voronezh, 29 May 1936). Russian composer and conductor. He graduated from the Moscow Conservatory where he studied composition with Bogatïryov; he undertook postgraduate studies with Khrennikov, and attended the conducting class of Lev Ginzburg (1955–66). He is a member of the Union of Composers and of the Union of Cinematographers. From the mid-1950s he worked under contract with film studios in Russia and abroad, and on commissions for Russian radio and television. At the start of the 1970s he toured as a conductor, later holding posts with the Bangkok Royal SO (1989–84) and as professor at the University of Kansas (1990–91).

Orchinnikov’s chief area of success is film music; an acknowledged master of this genre, he has composed more than 40 film scores. His collaboration with S. Bondarchuk in Voyna i mir (‘War and Peace’) won an Oscar in 1967; he has been awarded a grand medal for his film music (Great Britain). His works feature in the repertories of such musicians as Aleksandr Gauk (who conducted the première of Symphony no.1, 1961), David Oistrakh, Leonid Kogan, Emil Gilels, Vladimir Ashkenazy, Maxim Shostakovich, Dmitry Levayn and others. He made his conducting début at a Rachmaninoff commemorative evening in which his own Ėlegiya pamyati S.V. Rakhmaninova (‘Elegy in memory of S.V. Rachmaninoff, 1973’) received its first performance.

WORKS

Stage: Pesnya pesney [The Song of Songs] (ballet, L. Yakobson), 1962–4; Na zare tumannoy yunosti [The Misty Dawn of Youth] (op, Ovchinnikov, L. Vasil'yeva), 1: 1972–82, 2: 1996; Voyna i mir [War and Peace] (ballet, V. Smirnov-Golovanov), 1965

Choral and orchestral: Sergey Radonezhskiy, orat, solo vv, chorus, orch, 1958–96; Geroichskaya poėma ‘Yuriy Gagarin’ [Heroic Poem ‘Yury Gagarin’], chorus, orch, 1962; Vremena goda [The Seasons], 1963–96; arr. of 5 works by Rachmaninoff, chorus, orch, 1973; Ėlegiya pamyati S.V. Rakhmaninova [Elegy in Memory of S.V. Rachmaninoff], lyric S, chorus, orch, 1973, pt2, 1981; Pesn'-ballada o stroitelyakh BAMa [Song-Ballad about the Builders of the Baykal-Amur Railway], cant., B, chorus, orch, 1974

Choral: Malen'kaya ballada [A Little Ballad] (R. Burns); Veter prinyos izdaleka [The Wind has Brought from Afar] (A. Blok); Tam neba osvetlyonnïy kray [There the Deforested Tract of Heaven] (Blok); Vokaliz [Vocalize], all 1955; Osenneye [Autumnal] (V. Firsov), 1972

Vocal: Ave Maria, S, chbr, ens, 1960; settings (for 1v, pf) after I. Bunin, H. Heine, A. Maykov, A.S. Pushkin

6 syms.: Sym., 1954, rev. 1970; no.1, 1955–7; no.3, 1965; No.5 ‘Saval'skaya’ [The Saval], 1975–7; no.4, with chorus, 1984–5;

Other orch: Al'bom dlya yunoshestva [An Album for the Young], 1955–72; P'yesa pamyati Ravelya [Piece in Memory of Ravel], 1956; Festival, sym. poem, 1957; Yarmarka [The Fair], sym. picture, 1958, rev. 1976; Russkiy prazdnik [A Russian Holiday], ov., 1960; Voyna i mir [War and Peace], suite from film score, 1962–5; Val's-poėma [A Waltz-Poem], 1968

Concs.: vn, orch, 1963–96; vc, orch, 1964–96; pf, orch, 1970–96

Vn, pf: Ballada, 1956; Napev [Melody], 1964; Sonata, 1965; Yaponskaya poėma [Japanese Poem], 1966

Pf: Sonata-ballada [Sonata-Ballade], 1959; Suite, 1960–2; Sonata ‘Metamorfozï’ [Metamorphoses], 1970; P'yesï [Pieces], 1993–6; Tsikl p'yes [Cycle of Pieces], 1995–6

Film scores (dirs. in parentheses): Andrey Rublyov (A. Tarkovsky); Arsenal [The Arsenal] (A. Dovzhenko); Avariya [The Accident] (V. Zhalakyavichus); Boris Godunov (S. Bondarchuk); Dolgaya schastlivaya zhizn' [A Long and Happy Life] (G. Shpalikov); Doroga k moryu [The Road to the Sea] (Yu. Alaverdov); Dvoryanskoye gnezdo [Nest of the Gentry] (A. Mikhalkov-Konchalovsky); Ėto sladkoye slovo – svodoba [That Sweet Word is Freedom] (Zhalakyavichus); Ivanovo detstvo [Ivan’s Childhood] (Tarkovsky); Katok i skripka [The Skating Rink and the Violin] (Tarkovsky); Legenda (S. Khenchinsky); Mal'chik i golub [The Boy and the Dove] (Mikhalkov-Konchalovsky); Oni srazhalis'za Rodinu [They Fought for their Homeland] (Bondarchuk); Pervïy uchitel' [The First Teacher] (Mikhalkov-Konchalovsky); Prishyol soldat s fronta [A Soldier Came From the Front] (N. Gubenko); Step' [The Steppes] (Bondarchuk); Takiye vïsokiy gorï [Such High Mountains] (Yu. Solnsteva); Voyna i mir [War and Peace] (Bondarchuk); Zemlya [The Ground] (Dovzhenko); Zvenigora (Dovzhenko)

ALLA VLADIMIROVNA GRIGOR'YEVA

Overblowing.

Technique used by woodwind players to ascend to a higher register. The Air column of a woodwind instrument is characterized by a set of natural (‘normal’) modes of vibration. A stable note can normally be sounded only if its fundamental frequency is close to that of one of the natural modes (or resonances) of the air column (see Acoustics, §IV). In the first register of an instrument, the fundamental frequency of the sounded note is close to the first natural mode frequency; within this register, the pitch is changed by altering the pattern of open and closed side holes (see Fingering, §III), thereby modifying the length of the air column and hence the first mode frequency. Overblowing is the term applied to the process by which the player ascends to a higher register, in which the fundamental frequency of the sounded note is close to the frequency of the second (or a higher) air column mode.

For instruments with approximately conical tubes (such as the oboe or bassoon), and for those with approximately cylindrical tubes effectively open at both ends (such as the flute), the frequencies of the first few natural modes form a complete harmonic series (frequency ratios 1:2:3 …); these instruments therefore overblow to the octave in the second register. For cylindrical instruments effectively closed at one end (such as the clarinet), the lower natural mode frequencies form an odd-member-only harmonic series (frequency ratios 1:3:5 …), and these instruments overblow to the 12th.

On the flute overblowing involves an increase in blowing pressure, modification of the shape of the jet of air issuing from the lips, and the angle at which this strikes the far edge of the mouth-hole. On a reed instrument it requires, as well as increased wind pressure, the adjustment of the pressure and position of the lips on the reed blade. Modern reed instruments have certain very small ‘speaker’ holes in the body tube which assist the process (see Speaker key). The muscular adjustments required are extremely small and subtle, and are learnt only by long and assiduous practice. Once acquired, however, they become quite automatic to the player.

PHILIP BATE/MURRAY CAMPBELL

Over-dotting.

See Dotted rhythms. See also Notes inégales and Performing practice, §I, 5.

Overend, Marmaduke

(bur. Isleworth, Middlesex, 25 June 1790). ?English organist, theorist and composer. According to Fétis, Overend was born in Wales, although this is not verified by later biographers. From 1760 until his death he was organist at Isleworth. He assisted Hawkins in transcribing early music for the General History. He also compiled a dictionary of musical terms that remained unpublished. His verse introduction to the first rudiments of music got only as far as a few proof sheets, and his compositions, most of which remained in manuscript, made little impact in his day.

Overend is, however, remembered as part of an English school of music theory concerned with the mathematical structure of musical pitch. The investigations of the founder, J.C. Pepusch, were continued by his pupil, William Boyce, with whom Overend studied. After c1776 the two men retained communication until Boyce's death, when Overend bought his teacher's manuscript treatise from his widow Hannah. His own investigations are contained in four manuscript volumes and summarized in his course of eight lectures on the science of music (c1781). In 1784 he issued proposals for publishing Boyce's treatise together with his own work; but this plan came to nothing and after his death copyright was assigned to J.W. Callcott by Overend's sister, Mary.

In 1791 Overend's library was sold at auction. His manuscript volumes, as well as Boyce's treatise, were bought by Callcott, who used these manuscripts as sources for his own manuscript treatise. In 1807 Callcott donated all the manuscripts to the Royal Institution (sold in 1972 to the Bodleian Library). John Farey visited the Royal Institution to study the manuscripts, which were cited by him in several articles written for the Philosophical Magazine. These articles, as well as Farey's subsequent investigations, mark the culmination of the school of English theory that began with Pepusch.

WRITINGS

A Brief Account of, and an Introduction to, Eight Lectures in the Science of Music (London, 1781)

MSS on music theory, GB-Lbl, Ob

Correspondence with William Boyce, Lbl, Ob

WORKS

The Epithalamium made on the Marriage of … King George III. and Queen Charlotte (London, 1761)

12 Sonatas, 2 vn, vc, bc (hpd), op.1 (London, 1762)

A Lesson, hpd/pf, no.1 (London, c1780)

A Hunting Cantata (London, c1780)

Several songs and glees pubd singly and in 18th- and 19th-century anthologies

Additional MS works, now lost, listed in: Dr Callcott’s Library: a Catalogue of the Very Fine and Extensive Collection of Musical and Literary Works, printed and M.S.S. … which will be sold by Auction by Mr White (London, 1819)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

DNB (L.M. Middleton)

FétisB

Mrs V.D. Broughton, ed.: Court and Private Life in the Time of Queen Charlotte: being the Journals of Mrs. Papendiek (London, 1887), ii, 236–9

E. Regener: Pitch Notation and Equal Temperament: a Formal Study (Berkeley, 1973)

A.N.L. Munby and L. Coral: British Book Sale Catalogues, 1676–1800 (London, 1977), 91

J.C. Kassler: The Science of Music in Britain, 1714–1830 (New York, 1979), ii, 804–8 [see also entries on Boyce, Callcott, Farey and Pepusch]

JAMIE C. KASSLER

Overlapping.

See Reaching over.

Overspun [overwound, wirewound] string.

String with a core of gut or metal that is wound round along its length with a coil or coils of a (relatively thin) ductile wire to increase its mass without substantially increasing stiffness. In non-keyboard string instruments gut cores are generally overspun with aluminium or silver. The steel core bass strings of the modern piano are completely covered with copper, but in some early pianos, spaced brass windings on a brass core string were used. (See String.)

FRANK HUBBARD/DENZIL WRAIGHT

Overstrung [cross-strung].

A term applied to a piano in which the strings are arranged in two nearly parallel planes, with the bass strings passing diagonally over those in the middle range. Both groups may thus fan out over the soundboard and make more effective use of its entire area. Because of the fanning out of the long bass strings and their diagonal orientation, an overstrung grand piano has a characteristically wide tail compared with that of a straight-strung instrument, in which the strings do not fan out and the bass strings run entirely to the left of the treble strings (see Pianoforte, fig.28, 29).

EDWIN M. RIPIN

Overt.

See Ouvert.

Overton, Hall

(b Bangor, MI, 23 Feb 1920; d New York, 24 Nov 1972). American composer. He began his music studies in Grand Rapids, Michigan, composing an overture and a polytonal orchestral piece while still in high school. He pursued studies in counterpoint with Gustav Dunkelberger (1940–42) and in composition with Persichetti at the Juilliard School (1947–51); later he took private lessons with Riegger and Milhaud. Serving overseas in the US Army (1942–5), he developed remarkable skill in jazz improvisation and later appeared with such jazz musicians as Getz, Pettiford, Teddy Charles, and Jimmy Rainey; he also made arrangements for the Thelonious Monk Orchestra and contributed to Down Beat and Jazz Today. His own music was deeply influenced by jazz but without his trying to make jazz ‘respectable’ through the unnatural imposition of classical forms or materials. He taught at Juilliard (1960–71), the New School, New York (1962–6), and the Yale School of Music (1970–71). Among his many honours were two Guggenheim Fellowships (1955, 1957), a BMI award (1962), and the combined award of the American Academy of Arts and Letters and the National Institute of Arts and Letters (1964).

WORKS

(selective list)

Dramatic: The Enchanted Pear Tree (op buffa, 4 scenes, J. Thompson, after Boccaccio: Decameron), 1950; Nonage (ballet), 1951; The New Look is the Anxious Look (film score), 1960; Pietro’s Petard (chbr op, 1, R. DeMaria), 1963; Huckleberry Finn (op, 2, Overton, J. Stampfer, after M. Twain), New York, May 1971

Orch: Sym. Movt, 1950; Sym. no.1, str, 1955; Concertino, vn, str, 1958; Sym. no.2, 1962; Dialogues, chbr orch, 1963; Interplay, 1964; Sonorities, 1964; Rhythms, vn, orch, 1965; Pulsations, chbr orch, 1972

Chbr and solo inst: Str Qt no.1, 1950; Str Qt no.2, 1967; Sonatina, vn, hpd, 1956; Fantasy, brass qnt, pf, perc, 1957; Str Trio, 1957; Polarities no.1, pf, 1959; Sonata, va, pf, 1960; Sonata, vc, pf, 1960; Pf Sonata, 1963; Processional, brass qt, perc, 1965; Str Qt no.3, 1967; Polarities no.2, pf, 1971; other pf and chbr pieces

Vocal: Captivity (G. Chaucer), male vv; 3 Elizabethan Songs (B. Jonson), S, pf, 1953; other songs

Principal publishers: ACA, Peters

BIBLIOGRAPHY

J.T. Howard: Our American Music: Three Hundred Years of it (New York, 1929, enlarged 4/1965 as Our American Music: a Comprehensive History from 1620 to the Present)

D. Cohen: ‘The Music of Hall Overton’, ACAB, x/4 (1962), 8–12

W. Mellers: Music in a New Found Land (London, 1964/R)

G. Green: ‘Current Chronicle’, MQ, lvii (1971), 659–64 [analysis of Va Sonata]

OLIVER DANIEL

Overtone.

One of the frequency components of a sound other than that of lowest frequency. Usually overtones are numbered consecutively in ascending order of frequency; they need not be harmonic. See Harmonics and Sound, §5.

MURRAY CAMPBELL

Overtone-singing [throat-singing, chant biphonique, chant diphonique, höömii].

A vocal style in which a single performer produces more than one clearly audible note simultaneously. In melodic overtone-singing styles, a drone is produced on the first harmonic or fundamental and a flute-like melody created from a series of upper harmonics or overtones. In non-melodic styles, overtones may occur because of the pitch of the fundamental drone combined with the vocal sounds being enunciated, for instance when Mongols sing the bass overtone-singing style harhiraa höömii or Tibetan dge lugs pa monks in Gyume and Gyütö monasteries chant using a profound bass in the chest register. Overtone-singing may also comprise a rich tapestry of harmonics without the presence of a drone.

1. History, locations and contexts.

Myths of origin vary. Tuvans believe that overtone-singing originates in lullabies sung by women dating back to the time when humans first inhabited the earth, or that it originates in the environment; Khalkha Mongols cite musical communications between natural phenomena and the effects of such sounds on humans. Both Tuvans and Mongols generally refute connections posited by Europeans of its relationship with Shamanism, Buddhism or the jew's harp. Given their beliefs about the spirits of nature, however, overtone-singing may traditionally have been linked to folk-religious practices.

Indigenous overtone-singing is found predominantly among the Turco-Mongol peoples of Inner Asia, the nomadic pastoralists of the Republic of Tyva (see Tuvan music) and Mongolia (see Mongol music), and the Khakassians and Gorno Altais of southern Siberia. Tuvans, Khakassians and Gorno Altais live across the northern border of west Mongolia, where overtone-singing is traditionally performed by Western Khalkha, Bait, Torgut and Altai Urianghai Mongols. A style of overtone-singing (uzliau) is also performed by the Bashkirs, a Turkic-speaking people from the Ural mountains. Isolated examples have been found in other parts of the world, for instance among the Xhosa speakers of South Africa and the Gogo of central Tanzania. A single example recorded in Rajasthan in 1967 is thought to be imitating either the satara double flute or the jew's harp. It is Mongolian and Tuvan overtone-singing that has become particularly well known in recent years.

Traditionally, both Mongols and Tuvans use overtone-singing in a range of different contexts including lulling babies to sleep, calling yaks or camels while herding, and luring wild animals during the hunt. Occasionally it is used in formal contexts such as during wedding celebrations. Mongols sometimes accompany themselves with the morin Huur, Tuvans with the toshpulur, shanzy, byzaanchi, balalaikaor the horse-head fiddle. Until the communist period, overtone-singing was performed only by men, which is explained by Mongols in terms of the bodily strength required and by Tuvans in terms of its effects on fertility. Under communism, the gendered performance of songs and instruments was changed.

Over the cusp of the new millennium, overtone-singing has been increasingly assimilated by Westerners into a New Age collage of spiritual and alternative beliefs about nature, the earth and spirituality. It has been used in a range of different musical genres. In Stimmung, the first major Western classical composition to be based entirely on vocal harmonics, Karlheinz Stockhausen was inspired by ‘a range of Mexican gods and magical forces’. Similarly, David Hykes relates the overtones of his New York-based Harmonic Choir to ‘solar winds’, ‘gravity waves’ and the ‘flight of the sun’. Overtone-singing has become popular as a sonic icon of the ‘other’ among ethnic and World music enthusiasts. In indigenous contexts, overtone-singing was elevated into an ‘art form’, became part of ‘national’ and ‘international’ Soviet repertories, and was taught in schools under communism. In Tuva, Xunashtaar-ool, who died in 1993, was said to perform ‘in the classical style’ and in Mongolia Sundui is considered to be the founder of the ‘modern classical form’. Partly in order to reclaim and reinvent traditions and beliefs in post-Soviet times and partly to secure a niche in world music and global culture, local overtone-singers are reinvesting overtone-singing with spiritual aspects (Pegg, 2001).

2. Styles.

In general, Tuvan styles of overtone-singing are pitched much lower than Mongolian styles.

Aksenov (1964) identified four basic Tuvan styles within the xöömii genre – kargiraa, borbannadir, ezenggileer and sygyt – but noted that in some regions xöömej was used to refer to borbannadir. More recently it has been suggested that xöömej is the oldest style, originating from the lullaby, as well as giving its name to the genre.

Styles and substyles are proliferating partly because of the individuality of renowned performers, such as Mongush Mergen and Kajgal-ool Xovalyg, and partly because of increased interest and research. Kargiraa has many substyles: xov- or steppe kargiraa (characterized by long flowing lines); dag- or mountain kargiraa (also called kozhakar kargiraa); chelbig-kargiraa (which uses a birch tree leaf as a fan); ün- or ‘throat’ kargiraa; öpej- or ‘lullaby’ kargiraa; chilangit, Stil Oidupa, xörek-kargiaazi and dumchukargiraazi. Other recently-discovered styles and substyles include kanzyr (without bourdon), chilandyk (a combination of sygyt and kargiraa), dunchuktaar (‘through the nose’; used in combination with sygyt, kargiraa and xöömej); xorekteer(a bourdonless melody used in between overtone-singing sections in sygytand kargira styles; when performed in a low register it is called xörekkargirazi) and tsepeng khoomei (sygyt with fast tremolo-like notes characteristic of borhangnadir).

In Mongolia, styles and methods vary according to ethnicity and the ability of individual performers. Bait Mongol helnii üg (root of the tongue) style corresponds to Western Khalkha bagalzuuryn or hooloin(‘glottal’ or ‘throat’) höömii. Some have styles peculiar to their group, for instance, Altai Urianghais perform hargiawith the hand cupped to the mouth and only Kazakhs perform ‘tooth höömii’ (shüdnii höömii).

The musician Tserendavaa and the music scholar Badraa identified seven types of Western Khalkha höömii, six of which use overtones to produce a ‘melodic whistle’ (uyangiin isgeree). These are as follows: labial (uruulyn) – fundamental ‘e’ (167–8 Hz), range of overtones in Helmholtz pitch notation b''–c''''; palatal (tagnain) – fundamental ‘e’ (167–8 Hz), range b''–c''''; nasal (hamryn) – fundamental ‘f’ (182–3 Hz), range c'''–c''''; glottal, throat (bagalzuuryn, hooloin) – fundamental ‘e’ (170 Hz), range, b''–b''''; chest cavity, stomach (tseejiin höndiin, hevliin) – ‘a’ (214–15 Hz), range e'''–e''''; and ‘with türleg’ (türlegt) – fundamental g (202–3 Hz), range d'''–d''''.

In performance of labial and palatal höömii, Tserendavaa employed a single lively overtone melody but used a second more reflective melody for nasal, chest cavity and glottal höömii. His use of the seventh and eleventh partials as auxiliary rather than structural notes supports the suggestion that overtones were selected in accordance with the collection of five pitches typical of Mongolian traditional music (ex.1). Türlegt höömii, called hosmoljin höömii by Mongolian researchers, combines speaking, singing, humming, long-song melodies and the other five melodic höömii types.

The seventh type, harhiraa, produces overtones but does not attempt to create melodies with them. It requires a deep bass voice that can reach a fundamental drone at least as low as B producing melodic overtones within the range b''–g''''.

Training methods include holding a cup to the mouth to provide an echo (ayagaar deveh, literally ‘to fan by means of a cup’) and performing against the wind (salhny ögsüür höömiilöh). Traditionally, learning is by example and imitation.

3. Musical, acoustical and physiological analyses.

The multiphonic quality of sound and rich textures of overtone-singing have led to diverse scholarly attempts to represent its production and essence. Musical transcriptions usually represent the fundamental drone and overtone melody for different styles rather than notate any additional harmonics.

Acoustical analyses seek to explain the mechanisms through which the vocalist reinforces harmonics in order to make them discernible as individual pitches. Using the acoustic theory of speech production together with methods including video fluoroscopy (motion X-ray) and nasoendoscopy (imaging the vocal folds using a miniature camera), it has been demonstrated that singers do this by changing the shape of the vocal tract to align the frequency of a resonance or ‘formant’ with that of a harmonic. Physiological techniques used to achieve this include manipulating the vocal folds and glottis in the larynx; moving other organs, such as the ‘false folds’, arytenoid cartilages, aryepiglottic folds and the epiglottic root in the vocal tract; modifying the volume of the mouth and vocal tract by moving the jaws backwards and forwards, changing the shape of the lips (including enunciating vowels) and altering the thickness or position of the tongue (see Acoustics, §VI, 5(vii)).

Frequency-spectra have been used to show the effects of labial movements on the amplitude of overtones – as the performer's lips close during uruulyn höömii for instance, the overtones become softer. Spectograms and sonograms have indicated the presence of two, three and sometimes four voices in Mongolian, Tuvan, Tibetan and South African overtone-singing as well as that performed by Westerners.

Physiological research has yet to take on board the potentially damaging effects that overtone-singing might have on the body. Mongols stress that there are physical dangers in the learning and performance of höömiiand höömii performers cite a number of potential injuries including loss of consciousness, burst blood vessels around the eyes and the inability to swallow because of a damaged larynx. These are more likely to be a result of performing the more difficult styles, such hamryn and türlegt höömii. Tuvans consider the ezenggileer style, which involves fast tongue movements, difficult to perform.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

and other resources

O.J. Mänchen-Helfen: Reise ins asiatische Tuwa (Berlin, 1931; Eng. trans., 1992)

A.N. Aksenov: Tuvinskaia narodnaia muzyka [Tuvin folk music] (Moscow, 1964)

H. Smith and K.N. Stevens: ‘Unique Vocal Abilities of Certain Tibetan Lamas’, American Anthropologist, lxix/2 (1967), 209–12

L. Vargyas: ‘Performing Styles in Mongolian Chant’, JIFMC, xx (1968), 70–72

E. Leipp: ‘Le problème acoustique du chant diphonique’, Bulletin du groupe d'acoustique musicale, no.58 (1971), 1–10

A.N. Aksenov: ‘Tuvin Folk Music’, AsM, iv/2 (1973), 7–18

R. Walcott: ‘The chöömij of Mongolia: a Spectral Analysis of Overtone Singing’, Selected Reports in Ethnomusicology, ii/1 (1974), 54–60

Batzengel: ‘Urtyn duu, xöömij, and morin xuur’, Musical Voices of Asia: Tokyo 1978, 52–3

S. Gunji: ‘An Acoustical Consideration of xöömij’, ibid., 135–9

Trân Quang Hai and D. Guillou: ‘Original Research and Acoustical Analysis in Connection with the xöömij Style of Biphonic Singing’, ibid., 162–73

S.I. Vainshtein: ‘A Musical Phenomenon Born in the Steppes’, Soviet Archaeology and Anthropology, xviii/3 (1979–80), 68–81

V.T. Maslov and B.P. Chernov: ‘The Secret of a “Solo Duet”’, ibid., 82–6

L. Harvilahti: ‘A Two Voiced Song with no Words’, Suomalais-ugrilaisen seuran aikakauskirja, lxxviii (1983), 43–56

L. Harvilahti and H. Kaskinen: ‘On the Application Possibilities of Overtone Singing’, Suomen antropologi i Finland, iv (1983), 249–55

D.W. Hughes: ‘The Historical Uses of Nonsense: Vowel-Pitch Solfege from Scotland to Japan’, Ethnomusicology and the Historical Dimension, ed. M. Leith Philipp (Ludwigsberg, 1989), 3–18

G. Léothaud: ‘Considérations acoustiques et musicales sur le chant diphonique’, Le chant diphonique (Limoges, 1989), 17–51

J.-P. Pailler: ‘Examins vidéo du larynx de la cavité buccale de Monsieur Trân Quang Hai’, ibid., 11–14

J.-P. Sauvage: ‘Observation clinique de Monsieur Trân Quang Hai’, ibid., 3–10

H. Zemp and Trân Quang Hai, producers: Le chant des harmoniques (Paris, 1989) [16mm film]

D. Dargie: ‘Umngqokolo: Xhosa Overtone Singing and the Song “Nondel'ekhaya”’, AfM, vii/1 (1991), 33–47

Trân Quang Hai and H. Zemp: ‘Recherches expérimentales sur le chant diphonique’, Cahiers de musiques traditionnelles 4: voix (Geneva, 1991), 27–68

C.A. Pegg: ‘Le chant des harmoniques – The Song of Harmonics’, YTM, xxiv (1992), 192–4

C.A. Pegg: ‘Mongolian Conceptualizations of Overtone Singing (xöömii)’, British Journal of Ethnomusicology, i (1992), 31–55

M. van Tongeren: ‘Xöömej’ in Tuva: New Developments, New Dimensions (diss., U. of Amsterdam, 1994)

M. van Tongeren: ‘A Tuvan Perspective on Throat Singing’, Oideion: the Performing Arts Worldwide, ii (1995), 293–312

T.C. Levin and M.E. Edgerton: ‘The Throat Singers of Tuva’, Scientific American (1999)

C.A. Pegg: Mongolian Music, Song and Oral Narrative: Performing Diverse Identities (Seattle and London, 2001)

recordings

Chants mongols et bouriates, Vogue LDM 30138 (1973) [with notes]

Voyage en URRS vol.10 Sibérie: extrême Orient, extrême nord, Le Chant du monde LDX 74010 (1985)

Tuva: Voices from the Centre of Asia, Smithsonian/Folkways SF40017 (1990) [incl. notes]

Mongolia: Traditional Music, Auvidis D 8207 (1991)

Mongolia: höömii and urtin duu, JVC World Sounds V1CG-5211 (1992)

Yenesei-Punk, perf. Yat-kha, Global Music Center GM CD 9504 (1995)

Chants épiques et diphoniques, Asie Centrale, Sibérie, Inedit– Maison des Cultures du Monde MCM W260067 (1996)

Jargalant Altai: xöömii and Other Vocal and Instrumental Music from Mongolia, Pan (1996)

Les voix du monde: une anthologie des expressions vocales, Chant du Monde CMX 374 1010 (1996) [incl. notes]

Tuva, Among the Spirits: Sound, Music, and Nature in Sakha and Tuva, Smithsonian Folkways SFW 40452 (1999)

CAROLE PEGG

Overture

(Fr. ouverture; Ger. Ouvertüre; It. sinfonia).

A piece of music of moderate length, either introducing a dramatic work or intended for concert performance. See also French overture.

1. Definitions.

2. Dramatic overture.

3. Concert overture.

NICHOLAS TEMPERLEY

1. Definitions.

The word ‘overture’ derives from the French ouverture, which denoted the piece in two or more sections that formed a solemn introduction to a ballet, opera or oratorio in the 17th century. (It was sometimes applied, notably by Bach, to a suite comprising a French overture and a group of dance movements.) In 18th-century usage it was extended to works of the symphony type, whether or not they were preludes to dramatic works; the terms were often used interchangeably. Thus in the 1790s Haydn’s London symphonies were sometimes billed as ‘overtures’.

In modern usage the word denotes, first, a substantial piece of orchestral music designed to precede a full-length dramatic work (it would thus include an Italian overture which might actually be called ‘sinfonia’). It may be in one or more sections, and may or may not come to a full close before the drama begins (Mozart’s overture to Die Entführung aus dem Serail, for example, does not). But it is expected to conclude with a fast section of some brilliance. If it does not it is more likely to be called a ‘prelude’ (Vorspiel), as in the case of Tristan und Isolde, or an ‘introduction’, as in the case of Swan Lake.

The word also extends to a work of similar scope designed for independent performance in a concert. A concert overture usually, but not always, has a title, either suggesting a literary or pictorial content (as Mendelssohn’s The Hebrides) or identifying the occasion for which it was written (as Beethoven’s Die Weihe des Hauses or Brahms’s Akademische Festouvertüre). It is approximately equivalent to the first movement of a symphony, and is more restricted than a symphonic poem.

2. Dramatic overture.

Renaissance court entertainments frequently began with a flourish of trumpets, of the type that survives as the Toccata of Monteverdi’s Orfeo (1607). A ‘sinfonia’ at this early date was any instrumental movement in the course of the opera; commonly they were played before each act or section. The one at the beginning of Landi's Il Sant'Alessio (1631 or 1632) happens to be in three sections, fast–slow–fast, but this was long before any systematic use of such a plan. The Venetian operas of the 1640s and 50s generally began with a simple homophonic movement for solo strings and continuo, in three short, slow phrases. In some cases this served also as the ritornello of the first vocal section. In Cesti's La Dori (1657) it was used twice: in D before the prologue, and in C before the first act. Later this ‘sinfonia’ expanded to two or more movements of different tempos and metres, and as time went on the most common pattern became slow duple followed by fast triple, not unlike a pair of dances (e.g. Cavalli's Scipione affricano, 1664).

A similar form was used in the French ballet de cour, and had been termed ‘ouverture’ at least as early as 1640 (in the Ballet de Mademoiselle, printed in Prunières). Lully expanded it, and began to develop the characteristic contrast between the two sections. The opening became march-like, with pompous dotted rhythms that would become almost synonymous with the majesty of absolute monarchy. Typically it would end with a half-cadence and would be repeated. The second section was usually in triple or compound metre and was canzona-like in its use of imitation; it, too, would generally be repeated. There was often a brief return to the tempo and rhythm of the first section at the close. The first fully characteristic French overture is that to Lully's ballet Alcidiane (1658). In the tragédie lyrique, from Lully to Rameau, it was usual to include a pair of overtures, one before the prologue and the other to introduce the opera itself. The scoring was predominantly for oboes, five-part strings and continuo. The French overture was imitated in Germany, England, and sometimes even Italy. Handel preferred it for both operas and oratorios, but used it with freedom, and often with a variety of additional movements, sometimes linked to the ensuing action. In England the French overture could be used as prelude to a spoken play, as in The Beggar's Opera, and also became popular as a keyboard form (Pont).

The Italian overture (sinfonia avvanti l'opera), coming from the same ultimate origins, began to develop a standard pattern in late 17th-century Naples. It was typically in three short, simple sections arranged in the order fast–slow–fast. Alessandro Scarlatti employed this type in Tutto il mal non vien per nuocere (1681), and with some regularity after 1695. He often scored for one or two trumpets in the two outer movements, playing brilliant passages that were echoed by the violins (also by unison flute and oboe in Eraclea, 1700). Indeed, the Italian overture from this period is sometimes indistinguishable from a trumpet concerto, naturally in D major (a good example is the sinfonia to Scarlatti's serenata Il giardino di amore, c1700–05). The slow middle section for strings alone would often move briefly into related minor keys, and the last section was a binary dance movement in compound time. Italian oratorio overtures in this period might resemble church sonatas, or be in the French or Italian overture form.

In operas of the early 18th century the Italian overture gradually spread north of the Alps. Keiser's Croesus (1711) at first had a French overture, but when he revived it in 1730 he substituted a new overture in the Italian style. In France the overture formed part of the lengthy public debates over Italian versus French styles. Increasingly, the outer movements began to resemble sonata form designs without development sections. There were two subclasses: the ‘reprise’ overture, in which the third section used the same material as the opening one (it is found as early as Caldara's Don Chisciotte, 1727); and the two-movement type, where the opening vocal number serves as the finale of the overture (Fux, Elisa, 1719).

All three types were still alive after 1760, by which time the Italian overture had become normal for operas throughout Europe. The form was evolving, however, in ways that closely paralleled the modification of the da capo aria, and which caused it gradually to diverge from the symphony proper. The full three-movement type gradually disappeared: Mozart's last dates from 1775, Haydn's from 1779. The reprise overture survived at least until Paisiello's Socrate immaginario (1775) and Mozart's Die Entführung (1782), where it leads into an aria based on the slow section. The two-movement type also continued to flourish for a while, as in Haydn's Philemon und Baucis (1773). But by 1790 the established form was a single movement, generally with a slow introduction. It was very much like the opening movement of a contemporary symphony except for the absence of a substantial development section.

An important part of the reform of opera seria was the effort to link the overture emotionally and dramatically with the coming opera: this is clearly stated in the famous preface to Gluck's Alceste (1767), whose overture sets the tragic mood that will characterize the first act. Topical overtures were not entirely new: ‘storm’ settings can be traced as far back as Draghi's L'albero del ramo d'oro (1681), and Gluck himself had attempted a ‘Chinese’ overture to Le cinesi (1754) and a ‘Turkish’ one for La rencontre imprévue (1764). Mozart's Idomeneo, Die Entführung and Le nozze di Figaro prepare the audience, in very different ways, for what is to follow. In Don Giovanni, Così fan tutte and Die Zauberflöte the overture quotes significant musical ideas from the opera, a practice already established by Rameau in his later works, and indeed by Pepusch in The Beggar's Opera. The more thorough-going ‘medley’ overture, stringing together a number of tunes to be used in the opera, seems to have been an English invention, found for instance in Dibdin's The Touchstone (1779). The Times, reviewing Shield's The Lad of the Hills on 11 April 1796, complained that ‘the Overture was very la, la, it consisted of old provincial tunes ill put together’, tunes that were later sung to newly written texts in the course of the opera.

Thus, all the main ingredients of the 19th-century dramatic overture were already in place well before 1800. While Rossini's earlier works used a stereotyped one-movement model of a sonata form movement lacking development but with an independent slow introduction, Spontini, Méhul and the early German Romantics tended to develop the notion of tying the overture to the opera in mood and theme. Beethoven made powerful use of dramatic motifs in his three Leonore overtures, while Weber in Der Freischütz and Euryanthe extended the method to a point where almost every theme, in both slow and fast sections, was to reappear at an important point in the drama. But the formal structure changed little. Composers of French grand opéra, from Guillaume Tell onwards, tended to expand the traditional overture by means of a slow lyrical section preceding the loud, fast conclusion. Often they brought in important and symbolic themes from the opera, for example the chorale ‘Ein’ feste Burg’ in Meyerbeer’s Les Huguenots. Wagner in his early operas imitated this type, but in the Ring preferred a ‘prelude’ which was fully integrated into his music drama. Tannhäuser (1845) was one of the last important serious operas to be preceded by a full-dress, independent overture. For Bellini, Donizetti and Verdi the prelude was always an alternative possibility, and it became normal in Italian opera after the mid-century, though La forza del destino (1862) has an extended overture. With Verdi the prelude to the first act may be no longer than those to the other acts. For Aida (1871) he experimented with a full-scale overture, but decided on a prelude that had been first planned as an entr’acte. Otello has no overture or prelude at all. Some ‘nationalist’ operas were conservative in their overtures, for instance Prince Igor, which has a full sonata form movement complete with slow introduction.

In comic operas and operettas the independent overture lasted longer, and here the structure based on themes from the drama became a mere medley of tunes, with perhaps a short final sonata form section as a link with the traditional form. This ‘potpourri’ overture was the pattern frequently chosen by Auber, Gounod, Thomas, Offenbach, Johann Strauss (ii) and Sullivan; it can still be traced in musical comedy overtures of recent times.

Oratorio overtures tended to be conservative. An exception is the ‘Representation of Chaos’ that introduces Haydn’s The Creation (1798), a unique triumph of imagination in which the instrumental prelude is made the first term of the drama itself. In this respect it anticipates Wagner’s methods by more than 50 years. The French overture never quite died out in oratorio, and in the 19th century it received a new impetus from historicism. Smither's study provides lists of some 40 German and English oratorios that began with French overtures, chiefly on the model of Handel. Composers frequently felt constrained to write full-dress fugues, as did Spohr in Des Heilands letzte Stunden and Mendelssohn in Elijah. But Liszt, for each of his two oratorios, wrote an overture that was a free rhapsody based on an old hymn tune.

3. Concert overture.

There was never a time when the concert overture was entirely distinct from the dramatic overture. Just as some of Haydn’s and Mozart’s early symphonies were used to introduce stage works, so their later overtures were sometimes detached from their operas and played as concert pieces. Several endings have been added to the Don Giovanni overture to bring it to a full close for concert use, the first of them by the composer himself. Like several of Handel’s overtures, many of Mozart’s, Cherubini’s and Beethoven’s were commonplace in the concert repertory long after the theatrical works to which they belonged had been forgotten. This was especially likely to happen with overtures to spoken plays, which were often far more substantial than any other music used in the play. Beethoven’s overture to Collin’s play Coriolan was played in concert even before its first performance in the theatre.

From this it was but a small step to the creation of an overture as an independent piece. One might be commissioned for the opening of a theatre, or for a patriotic celebration: several of Beethoven’s were written for such purposes, and then quickly became standard concert works. Between 1805 and 1820 many German composers wrote overtures, in one movement on the Mozartian model, without title – or with a title that told only the occasion of their performance. Among them were Hoffmann, A.J. Romberg, Weber and Winter. Schubert composed several, one of which, ‘in the Italian style’, was later revised and used as the overture to Rosamunde. Beethoven’s Die Weihe des Hauses was an ‘abstract’ concert overture in this tradition. It had an unusual structure, consisting of several unpredictable sections followed by a long and boisterous fugue. Untitled concert overtures were later composed by Spohr, Wagner, Bruckner and others; Kalliwoda wrote as many as 15.

But the typical Romantic concert overture, though still recognizably in the traditional form, had a title of historical, poetic or pictorial character which the composer set out to illustrate, in a general way, in his music. Perhaps the first true example was Weber’s Der Beherrscher der Geister (1811). Although it was a revised version of the overture to an unfinished opera, Rübezahl (1804–5), its title was purely descriptive, having no reference to any dramatic work. It is in one sonata form movement without introduction. Botstiber, however, regarded Mendelssohn as the first true composer of concert overtures. His overture to A Midsummer Night’s Dream was written as a piano duet (1826) and first performed as a concert piece: the incidental music for the play was not added until many years later. His Meeresstille und glückliche Fahrt was inspired by reading Goethe’s book of that name, while The Hebrides, originally called Die einsame Insel and later The Isles of Fingal, was suggested to him during a visit to the Scottish islands. In the case of Melusine the stimulus was the negative one of hearing Kreutzer’s opera: Mendelssohn disliked the overture so much that he decided to write another, expressing what he felt was the true essence of Schiller’s fairy tale.

In these pieces Mendelssohn took a form that was well known and understood as a means of setting the mood of an opera, and converted it, without radical change, to embody his personal response to a specific work of art or of nature. A detailed programme was hardly possible if the form was to be maintained: the result is a mood piece, not a musical narrative. Mendelssohn’s concert overtures are perhaps the most perfect examples of the genre. Certainly there is no other great composer in whose fame overtures play so important a part.

Many composers followed his lead. Almost simultaneously Berlioz began to write overtures on literary subjects, like King Lear and The Corsair. Though strongly marked in theme, they stay fairly close to the conventional model in form. Sterndale Bennett succeeded more than once in capturing the poetic charm of Mendelssohn’s form. Most of Schumann’s overtures were originally linked with dramatic works or with other music, but several became detached concert pieces. Of these the Rheinweinlied overture (1853) is interesting for one innovation: the use of rondo form. His Overture, Scherzo and Finale op.52 (1841–5) combines an overture of standard form with two other movements, not quite adding up to a symphony.

Nationalist composers frequently found the concert overture suited their needs: Glinka, Rimsky-Korsakov, Glazunov, Smetana, Dvořák, Grieg and Elgar all contributed important examples. The medley overture of comic opera had its analogue in the concert overture based on one or more well-known national tunes, such as Wagner’s on Rule Britannia, Tchaikovsky’s on the Danish national anthem, Rimsky-Korsakov’s ‘sur des thèmes de l’Eglise russe’, and Brahms’s Akademische Festouvertüre based on student songs. A late example was Quilter’s Children’s Overture based on nursery rhymes. An interesting experiment of Dvořák’s linked three self-contained overtures, ‘Nature’, ‘Life’ and ‘Love’, in a cyclic work entitled Carnaval (1891): a ‘nature’ motif is common to all three. Another type, designed for spectacular orchestral effect, is represented by Tchaikovsky’s 1812 overture. It continued the ancient tradition of battle-pieces, which had appeared in the guise of many musical forms.

The decline of the concert overture began in the 1850s with Liszt’s invention of the Symphonic poem. Several of the works he called by this name originated as dramatic overtures, and in Prometheus (1850, revised 1855) and Hamlet (1858) the outlines of the old form can still be discerned. According to Raff, Liszt almost decided to call them concert overtures. Others, however, have a freely programmatic structure, in which the music follows the outlines of a story (Mazeppa), or attempts to depict the subject of a painting (Hunnenschlacht) or to sketch a character (Tasso). The freedom to mould the musical form according to outside requirements, though it may have been illusory, was the chief distinction between the two genres, and it allowed for a far more detailed ‘programme’ than the stricter form would admit. The symphonic poem naturally attracted the avant garde, while more conservative composers remained faithful to the overture, and preserved at least the spirit of its traditional form. So there are symphonic poems by Franck, Richard Strauss, Skryabin and Schoenberg; overtures by Rubinstein, Tchaikovsky, Brahms and Sullivan. Brahms’s Tragic Overture (1880) is one of the most important late examples. It lacks an external association, but never deviates from the mood its title defines; it is one movement in strict sonata form, with profound thematic development more characteristic of symphonies than of overtures. This ‘symphonic’ style of overture was taken up by Karl Goldmark, who greatly expanded the form without crossing the border into the ‘free’ symphonic poem.

In general, after 1900 the overture was scarcely relevant to what was happening in European music. The title remained one of a number of alternatives to describe an orchestral piece in one movement of moderate length; it was frequently chosen for music written for festive occasions. One of the last that still shows some links with tradition is Shostakovich’s Festive Overture op.96 (1954), which is in two linked sections, Allegretto and Presto.

3. Theoretical tradition.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

SmitherHO, iv (forthcoming)

D.F. Tovey: ‘Overture’, Encyclopaedia britannica (11/1911)

H. Botstiber: Geschichte der Ouvertüre und der freien Orchesterformen (Leipzig, 1913/R)

H. Prunières: Le ballet de cour avant Benserade et Lully (Paris, 1914/R)

G. Abraham: A Hundred Years of Music (London, 1938, 4/1974)

H. Livingston: The Italian Overture from A. Scarlatti to Mozart (diss., U. of North Carolina, 1952)

G.D. Durham: The Development of the German Concert Overture (diss., Catholic U., Washington DC, 1957)

R. Fiske: Beethoven Concertos and Overtures (London, 1970)

B. Deane: ‘The French Operatic Overture from Grétry to Berlioz’, PRMA, xcix (1972–3), 67–80

S. Steinbeck: Die Ouvertüre in der Zeit von Beethoven bis Wagner: Probleme und Lösungen (Munich, 1973)

P. Gossett: ‘The Overtures of Rossini’, 19CM, iii (1979–80), 3–31

P.G. Langevin: ‘Von Bruckner zur Ethnoromantik’, Bruckner Jb 1980, 67–89; repr. in ReM, nos.388–90 (1986), 173–209 [with list of nationalistic orch works, 1863–1939]

G. Pont: ‘Handel's Overtures for Harpsichord or Organ: an Unrecognized Genre’, EMc, xi (1983), 309–22

Editors’ introductions to The Symphony 1720–1840, ser. A, i, iv (New York, 1983); ser. B, ii (1983); ser. D, vii (1983); ser. E, i, vi (1984)

T.S. Grey: ‘Wagner, the Overture, and the Aesthetics of Musical Form’, 19CM, xii (1988–9), 3–22

Ovezov, Dangatar

(b 1 Jan 1911; d 5 May 1966). Turkmen composer and conductor. In 1940 he entered the Leningrad Conservatory, where he studied with N. Timofeev, but the advent of world war II prevented him from completing his studies. He headed the Turkmen Composers' Union (1940–48) and is considered a founder of Turkmen art music. The main areas of his compositional work are opera and symphonic music, while as a conductor he directed the orchestra of the Turkmen Theatre of Opera and Ballet (1941–8). He became a People's Artist of Turkmenistan in 1961 and was granted the State Prize of Turkmenistan in 1966.

WORKS

(selective list)

Shahsanem and Garib (op), 1943; Leyli and Medjnun (op), 1946, collab. Yu. Meytus; Aina (op), 1957, collab. A.G. Shaposhnikov; over 100 songs and romances

RAZIA SULTANOVA

Ovid [Publius Ovidius Naso]

(b Sulmo [now Sulmona, Italy], 43 bce; d Tomis [now Constanţa, Romania], 17 ce). Roman poet.

1. Life and writings.

Ovid was born into a family of equestrian rank and educated for public life, but as a young man he decided on a literary career. He first attracted attention with his light, sophisticated love elegies, the Amores. His Heroides, love letters written between mythological figures, and Ars amatoria established him by the time he was 40 as the leading exponent of Roman wit and elegance. His masterpiece is the Metamorphoses (see Pan; Syrinx), a vast collection of legends and mythology using the theme of change as a unifying device. In 8ce he was exiled by Augustus for some unknown indiscretion. He spent the last years of his life pining for Rome in the Black Sea fishing village of Tomis, where he wrote the Tristia and Epistulae ex ponto (‘Letters from the Black Sea’).

His work is of some musical significance. In the Tristia he mentioned that some of his poems were performed in the pantomime, although they were not intended for it. Medea, a lost drama presumably had musical portions. A passage in the Amores suggests that he may have played the lyre on occasion. Wille argued strongly that Roman lyric and elegiac poetry in general, and that of Ovid in particular, was regularly sung. Most classicists, however, maintain the view that, unlike Greek lyric poetry, it was recited rather than sung.

2. Later musical treatments.

Ovid has provided inspiration, notably through the Heroides and Metamorphoses, for European literature (from the 12th century) and eventually a wide range of music. Letters in the Heroides from Penelope to Ulysses, Phaedra to Hippolytus, Dido to Aeneas, Ariadne to Theseus, Medea to Jason, and the epistolary exchanges between Paris and Helen, Leander and Hero were absorbed by many librettists and composers. The Metamorphoses became a main source for works treating the myths of Greece and Rome, particularly involving such characters as Acis and Galatea, Apollo and Hyacinth, Ariadne, Daphne, Echo and Narcissus, Hercules, Medea, Orpheus and Eurydice, Pygmalion, Venus and Adonis.

In Rinuccini's libretto Dafne, set by Jacopo Peri and Jacopo Corsi (Carnival 1598), Marco da Gagliano (1608) and (in translation) Schütz (1627), Ovid actually delivers the prologue. Other Ovidian operas are Cornacchioli's Diana schernita (1629); Gli amori d'Apollo e di Dafne by Cavalli (1640); the Venus and Adonis of Blow (c1683); Rameau's Pigmalion (1748); Galuppi's Arianna e Teseo (1763 and 1769); the Paride ed Elena of Gluck (1770); Auber's Actéon (1836); Héro et Léandre by Augusta Holmès (1875); settings of Boito's Ero et Leandre by Bottesini (1879) and Luigi Mancinelli (1896); Pizzetti's projects for an Apollo and Leda (c1900); a one-act poème lyrique, Hélène, by Saint-Saëns (1904); the Narcissus of Rebikov (1913); and Strauss's Ariadne auf Naxos (1912 and 1916) and Daphne (1938). Further dramatic works are the festa teatrale Ercole in Tebe of Boretti (1670), and an Actéon pastorale by M.-A. Charpentier (1683–5), with a Metamorphoses ballet by Maximilian Steinberg (1914). In a genre of their own are Handel's Apollo e Dafne (c1708), Aci, Galatea e Polifemo (1708), Acis and Galatea (1718) and Hercules (1745). Vocal settings have been as diverse as Mudarra's songs with vihuela accompaniment (1546) and a Tarantella chorus by Elliott Carter (1936). Instrumental works include Dittersdorf's 3 symphonies exprimant 3 métamorphoses d'Ovide and Six Metamorphoses after Ovid for solo oboe by Britten (1951).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

G. Wille: Musica romana (Amsterdam, 1967), 282–6

S.E. Hinde: ‘Ovid’, The Oxford Classical Dictionary, ed. S. Hornblower and A. Spawforth (Oxford, 3/1996)

JAMES McKINNON (1), ROBERT ANDERSON (2)

Owen [Llwyn-Owen], Morfydd

(b Treforest, 1 Oct 1891; d Oystermouth, 7 Sept 1918). Welsh composer, mezzo-soprano and pianist. She was educated at University College, Cardiff (BMus 1912), and at the RAM with Frederick Corder (Lucas Silver Medal 1913, ARAM 1918). World War I frustrated her ambition to study folk music in St Petersburg in 1915, and she developed instead her collaboration with Ruth Lewis, the pioneering Welsh ethnomusicologist. Many of her 180 compositions – orchestral works, choral, chamber and piano music, and a wealth of exquisite vocal miniatures – bear the imprint of folksong. Her mercurial yet emotionally intense personality, which intrigued a wide circle from David Lloyd George to D.H. Lawrence and Ezra Pound, also shines through. Productivity and engagements dwindled after her sudden marriage in 1917 to the Freudian psychoanalyst Ernest Jones, with whom she had a chequered relationship. Her early death was the result of a failed appendicectomy. A four-volume memorial edition of her songs, orchestral and piano music was published in London, 1923–4, and a centenary edition in Cardiff, 1991–6. Despite the brevity of her life and output, Owen was a pivotal figure in early 20th-century Welsh music.

WORKS

Orch: Romance, str, 1911; Nocturne, 1913; Prelude, 1913; Morfa Rhuddlan, 1914; The Passing of Branwen: Death Music (Threnody), str, 1916; Funeral March to Branwen, 1916

Vocal: Fierce Raged the Tempest (S. Thring), SATB, pf, 1911; The Refugee (F. von Schiller), SATB, pf, 1911; Sea Drift (W. Whitman), Mez, orch, 1911; Sweet and Low (A. Tennyson), SATB, 1911; Ave Maria, Mez, SSATB, str, 1912; A Cycle of Sea-Songs (C. Rossetti, W. Watson, C. Mackay, T. Campbell), Mez, orch, 1912; Love’s Music (P. Bourke Marston), S, orch, 1912; Mad Song (W. Blake), SATB, 1912; My luve is like a red, red rose (R. Burns), SATB, 1912; My Sorrow (E. Crawshay-Williams), S, orch, 1912; Y Fwyalchen (Welsh folksong), SSA, 1912; Jubilate Deo, SSATB, brass, org, 1913; Toward the Unknown Region (Whitman), Mez/T, orch, 1913; Choric Song (A. Tennyson), S, str, cel, 1914; My luve is like a red, red rose (Burns), S, T, pf, 1914; Pro Patria (Elidir Sais), cant., S, Bar, SATB, orch, 1915; Trugarha wrthyf, O Dduw [Be merciful unto me, O God], unison vv, org, ?1915; 2 Songs (Eos Gwalia), S, orch, 1916; 2 Songs for Little Children (anon., D. Ainslie), S, orch, 1917; 22 hymns, SATB, 1909–16; 85 songs, v, pf, 1910–18; transcrs. and arrs. of Welsh, Eng., Pyrenean and Russ. folksongs, v, pf, 1913–17

Chbr: Romance, vn, pf, 1911; Pf Trio, 1915

Pf: Sonata, 1910; Impromptu, 1910; Etude, 1911; Fantaisie, 1911; Mélodie, 1911; Minuet and Trio, 1911; Chromatic Fugue, 1911; Rhapsody, 1911; Causerie gracieuse de riens, 1911; Story Fantaisie, 1911; Fantaisie appassionata, 1912; Berceuse, 1912; Prelude, 1913; Prelude and Fugue in the Ancient Style, 1914; Preludes: Beti Bwt, Citi Cariadus, Glantaf, Little Eric, Nant-y-Ffrith, Talyllyn, Waiting for Eirlys, 1914–15; [reworking of 1911 pf work] BetiBwt as a Minuet and Trio, ?1915

MSS in GB-CDu, AB, private collections

Principal publishers: Anglo-French Music Co./OUP, Boosey, Chappell, Hughes & Son, Guild for the Promotion of Welsh Music (Swansea), Snell

BIBLIOGRAPHY

E. Crawshay-Williams: ‘Morfydd Owen’, Wales, iv (1958), 50–56

E. Crawshay-Williams: ‘The Tragedy of Morfydd’, Y Ddinas, xiii/6 (1959) 17–18

K.I. Jones: ‘The Enigma of Morfydd Owen’, Welsh Music, v/1 (1975–6), 8–21

R. Davies: Never So Pure a Sight: Morfydd Owen (1891–1918): a Life in Pictures (Llandysul, 1994)

R. Davies: A Refined and Beautiful Talent: Morfydd Owen (1891–1918) (diss., U. of Wales, Bangor, 1999)

RHIAN DAVIES

Oxeia.

Sign used in pairs, or paired with the teleia, in Byzantine Ekphonetic notation.

Oxeiai diplai.

Sign used in pairs in Byzantine Ekphonetic notation.

Oxenford, John

(b Camberwell, London, 12 Aug 1812; d Southwark, London, 21 Feb 1877). English dramatist, librettist and critic. He wrote librettos for G.A. Macfarren and Edward Loder, and collaborated with Dion Boucicault on The Lily of Killarney for Benedict. Oxenford was unquestionably the best-read English librettist of his day, though his scholastic stance sometimes detracted from the dramatic force of his stage pieces. Nevertheless, he succeeded in raising the literary qualities of British opera to a level which greatly narrowed the gap between native and continental products. He was aided in this by the highly professional attitude of Macfarren, for whom he wrote eight librettos, 1834–64; in Robin Hood (1860) the two men created so thoroughly nationalist a work that the way lay open for composers such as Stanford and Ethel Smyth. For more than 30 years Oxenford was dramatic critic of The Times, but in this role his ‘excessive kindliness of disposition induced such leniency of judgment as was fatal to the value of his verdict’ (Athenaeum, 24 February 1877). His fine essay ‘Iconoclasm in German Philosophy’ (Westminster Review, new ser., iii, 1853, pp.388–407), which remains one of the most lucid introductions to Schopenhauer ever written, helped to advance the cause of Wagner in Britain.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

DNB (R.H. Legge)

GroveO (N. Burton)

NicollH

Men of the Time (London, 9/1875), 779

Obituaries: The Times (23 and 26 Feb 1877); The Athenaeum (24 Feb 1877); The Academy (3 March 1877); The Era (4 March 1877)

‘John Oxenford’s Dramatic Works’, Musical World, lv (1877), 172ff [incl. list of works; see also pp.196, 231 for addenda]

E.W. White: A Register of First Performances of English Operas and Semi-Operas (London, 1983)

NIGEL BURTON

Oxford.

English cathedral and university city, on the River Thames (known locally as the Isis).

1. General.

2. Choral foundations.

4. Music-making in the university and city.

5. Academic tradition.

6. Libraries and collections.

7. Printing and publishing.

SUSAN WOLLENBERG

1. General.

The first documented reference to Oxford is in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle under the year 912. Parts of the medieval fortifications survive today in the remains of the city walls (some of which were incorporated into the colleges) and castle tower (built for William the Conqueror in 1071). Among the medieval monasteries were St Frideswide's (within the city, to the south) and Oseney Abbey (beyond the city walls, to the west). These centres of learning, together with the exclusion of English students from France (1167) and dispersal of the University of Paris (1229), contributed to the development of the new university. The chancellor (first mentioned in a document of 1214) was originally appointed by the Bishop of Lincoln (in whose diocese Oxford was then situated), but the right of nomination passed to the masters of the university, until in 1367 the university was given formal dispensation from episcopal control. By the mid-15th century the medieval ‘academic halls’, based in rented accommodation, were displaying greater specialization, with some halls dedicated exclusively to students of the liberal arts. The decline of the academic halls coincided with the rise of the colleges, which possessed the advantages of endowments, land and buildings, and statutory ordinances, combining to create a more permanent institution. The statutes drawn up for the earliest colleges, which included University College (1249), Balliol (1263) and Merton (1264), generally made provision for liturgical music.

2. Choral foundations.

Musically the most significant of the early foundations was New College (1379) where scholars entered from the founder's school, Winchester. As the first of the three major choral foundations, New College had statutory provision for ten chaplains, three clerks and 16 choristers: the clerks and choristers also performed domestic duties. An informator choristarum was first documented in 1394–5. The first mention of part-music seems to have occurred in the founder's statutes (1340) for The Queen's College, which prescribed 13 chaplains and two clerks to give instruction in plainsong and polyphony to the ‘poor boys’. The second of the major choral foundations to be established, Magdalen College (1458), was provided with four chaplains, eight clerks, 16 choristers and their informator. The informator from 1490 to 1492 was Richard Davy; some of the music he wrote for the choir survives in the Eton choirbook. At Cardinal College (1525) on the site of St Frideswide's, Wolsey provided for 13 chaplains, 12 clerks (one of whom was to act as organist), 16 choristers and an informator. From 1526 to 1530 the informator was John Taverner. After Wolsey's fall the college was refounded by Henry VIII (1532) as King Henry's College. From 1542, when Oxford was created a diocese, Oseney Abbey served as its first cathedral. In 1546 the old priory church of St Frideswide's was designated Christ Church Cathedral, thenceforth serving as both diocesan cathedral church and college chapel for Henry's new college, now called Christ Church (or Aedes Christi), the third of the great choral foundations. Also in 1546 Henry established the cathedral school for the free education of the choirboys, with a complement of fee-paying pupils. The three choral foundations, New College, Magdalen and Christ Church, together with their choir schools, have remained among the focal points of the English choral tradition.

3. Theoretical tradition.

While the practice of singing plainsong and polyphony flourished from early in the history of the university, the medieval scholars also established a tradition of music theory in connection with the study of the seven liberal arts (in which music was studied as part of the Quadrivium alongside arithmetic, astronomy and geometry). The writings of John of Garland (not the French music theorist of that name), Robert Grosseteste (chancellor of the university in about 1224), Robert Kilwardby and Roger Bacon in the 13th century were mainly concerned with ideas of music derived from Aristotle and Boethius. A further series of treatises of Oxford provenance dating from the 14th century to the 16th – including the Quatuor principalia musice, as ‘set forth at Oxford by a certain Friar Minor’ and surviving in an anonymous 14th-century manuscript attributed to John Tewkesbury, and the related compilation (c1500) by John Tucke of New College, copied in 1526 by William Chell (an Oxford BMus) – deal not only with traditional theoretical ideas but also with more practical matters, such as the ornamentation of plainsong and the structure of polyphony. The De musica of Boethius retained its position in the Oxford curriculum from at least 1431 (when it was specified in the statutes that candidates for the MA must have studied ‘musicam per terminum anni, videlicet Boecii’) through to the 16th century. In the 17th century, a new wave of scholarship was represented by Oxford mathematicians and philosophers involved in both the study of ancient music theory and the modern science of music: the work of Edmund Chilmead (canon of Christ Church, 1632–48), John Wallis (Savilian Professor of Geometry, 1649–1703) and John Wilkins (Warden of Wadham College, 1648–60) and their colleagues showed a particular preoccupation with acoustic theory. Wilkins's Oxford group formed the nucleus of the early Royal Society (founded 1660).

4. Music-making in the university and city.

City waits were documented from medieval times (and through to the 19th century). From the early period there are references to both private and sociable music-making within the university. It was written of Robert Grosseteste that:

He loved moche to here the Harpe,
For mans witte yt maketh sharpe.
Next hys chamber, besyde his study,
Hys Harper's chamber was fast the by.

And Chaucer's Nicholas, the poor ‘Clerk of Oxenford’, possessed (according to The Miller's Tale) a psaltery,

On which he made a nightes melodye
So swetely that all the chamber rang:
And Angelus ad virginem he sang.

In 1381 three harp makers were documented in Oxford; various musical instruments, including harps and lutes, appeared among 15th- and 16th-century inventories of goods of university members. Music as social recreation formed part of early college custom, whereby members of the colleges sang songs around the fire in hall after supper on festivals and special occasions. During the period of the Reformation, secular entertainments may have provided extra employment for the members of the choral establishments, whose liturgical activity had been curtailed. Richard Edwards's play with music Palaemon and Arcyte was performed for the royal visit to Oxford in 1566. During the Civil War, Charles I made Oxford his military headquarters from 1642, setting up his court at Christ Church and remaining until the city eventually surrendered to the Parliamentary forces in June 1646. At his Oxford court the King was served by such talented musicians as the lutenist John Wilson and the organist George Jeffreys. For the period of the Civil War and Interregnum, when the choral tradition was disrupted and organs destroyed or displaced, evidence suggests that Oxford flourished as a centre of musical activity, as documented by Anthony à Wood. Wood joined various musical societies in the 1650s, such as the music meetings of William Ellis (formerly organist of St John's College) at which both professional musicians and university graduates, including John Wilson and Edward Lowe, gathered regularly to play chamber music. Although Ellis's meetings lapsed after the Restoration, when the professionals left to return to their posts, a new focus for weekly music meetings was created by Narcissus Marsh at Exeter College (as fellow from 1658) and then at St Alban Hall (where he was principal from 1673). Henry Aldrich (Dean of Christ Church, 1689–1710) ‘had concerts and rehearsals at his apartments weekly’ (Burney).

In the late 17th century and the early 18th Oxford musical societies continued to flourish, attracting members of considerable musical and social distinction, such as Daniel Purcell (organist of Magdalen College, 1688–95) and James Brydges, later 1st Duke of Chandos. By the mid-18th century their performing activities and resources had outgrown their meeting-places in taverns and college rooms, and a subscription scheme was launched to finance a new venue. The Holywell Music Room (opened 1748), the earliest purpose-built public concert room in Europe, seating up to about 250, provided a permanent location for Oxford concerts (see illustration). Its acoustics make it ideally suitable for chamber music and for small choirs and orchestras. In the 18th century and the early 19th it was associated with a series of subscription concerts drawing together university and city under the auspices of the Musical Society, which maintained its own orchestra (the Holywell Band). The programmes typically presented a miscellany of vocal and instrumental items and featured both local and visiting performers. The Music Room was also the venue for performances of Handel oratorios: from 1754 it was customary to perform Messiah at least once annually (it received its first Oxford performance under William Hayes in 1749, for the opening of the Radcliffe Library). ‘Benefit concerts’ were performed periodically during the year at both the Music Room and the Town Hall (built 1751).

The Sheldonian Theatre, designed by Christopher Wren and built between 1664 and 1667 with seating for about 2000, was from early in its history associated with musical performances in connection with university ceremonial. For the original Encaenia (dedication of the building) in 1669 (the annual commemoration of this event became connected with the bestowal of honorary degrees) an organ was borrowed from Gloucester Hall, forerunner of Worcester College. In 1671 the Sheldonian acquired its own ‘Father Smith’ organ (periodically replaced since); among the benefactions of Lord Crewe (Rector of Lincoln College from 1668, Bishop of Oxford from 1671, d 1721) to the university was an endowment for organ playing at Encaenia. The university's degree ceremonies (the ‘Act’) traditionally featured incidental music: during the period 1669–1710, when the Act (which had been transferred from the university church of St Mary to the Sheldonian Theatre) flourished, composers who contributed Act-Music included Locke and Blow. It was for the 1733 revival of the Oxford Act that the Vice-Chancellor invited Handel: in a series of performances at St Mary's, the Sheldonian Theatre and Christ Church, over a period of several days, Oxford audiences heard Athalia (its première) and other oratorios and shorter works by Handel under the composer's direction, and possibly his first public performances of organ concertos. During the later 18th century it became customary to mark the annual degree ceremonial and commemorative events with a three-day festival featuring a series of ‘grand concerts’. In 1791 the ‘three grand concerts in the Theatre’ were distinguished by the presence of Joseph Haydn, who received the (then uncommon) award of the honorary DMus and ‘expressed himself very handsomely … on the manner in which his Overture [i.e. Symphony no.92, the ‘Oxford’] was performed’.

19th- and early 20th-century concert life in Oxford was characterized by the growth of numerous college, university and civic musical societies. ‘Dr [Charles] Corfe's Motett and Madrigal Society’ (founded 1847) was perceived as providing the future clergymen trained by the university with useful skills in reading music and singing at sight. Institutions of lasting significance to Oxford's musical life that were established during this period included the Oxford Harmonic Society (an amateur choral society founded in 1921), the Oxford SO (founded 1902), the Oxford Chamber Music Society (founded in 1898 as the Oxford Ladies’ Musical Society), the Subscription Concerts (from 1920), and the Oxford Silver Band (founded in 1887 as the Headington Temperance Band). Among university societies which have survived are the Oxford University Musical Club and Union, formed in 1916 from an amalgamation of the Oxford University Musical Club (founded by Charles Harford Lloyd in 1872), and the Oxford University Musical Union (founded by J.H. Mee in 1884) and renamed in 1983 the Oxford University Musical Society. The Balliol Concerts (founded by John Farmer in 1885) have now passed their 1500th concert. Local patrons of music included the Deneke sisters, Helena and Margaret (choirmaster of Lady Margaret Hall), who were associated with Ernest Walker (organist and director of music at Balliol from 1901) and P.V.M. Benecke (fellow of Magdalen from 1891 and grandson of Mendelssohn).

The Oxford Bach Choir, continuing to unite ‘town and gown’, was founded by Basil Harwood in 1896. In 1905 it incorporated the Oxford Choral and Philharmonic Society, itself an amalgamation (1890) of the Oxford Choral Society founded by Crotch in 1819 and the Oxford Philharmonic Society founded by Stainer in 1865. Under Hugh Allen's conductorship (1901–26) the Oxford Bach Choir gave performances not only of large-scale choral works of Bach but also of works by contemporary British composers, culminating in the première of Vaughan Williams's Sancta civitas in 1926. The choir under Allen fostered a special connection with the music of Parry.

The Oxford University Opera Club was formed in 1926 following a production of Monteverdi's Orfeo ‘by members of the University and Friends' in 1925. It gave annual productions from 1926 to 1934, resuming in 1947. Under Westrup's conductorship (1947–62) it presented works ranging from A. Scarlatti's Il Mitridate Eupatore (1961) to Wellesz's Incognita (1951), many of them in their British premières. The Oxford University Orchestra grew out of the orchestra formed, from 1947, for the Opera Club performances: it was constituted as an independent concert orchestra in 1954. University-based choral activity was expanded by László Heltay's founding of the Kodaly Choir (1957) and the Schola Cantorum of Oxford (1960), originally the Collegium Musicum Oxoniense. The Oxford Pro Musica was formed in 1965 as a small professional orchestra. Principal concert venues are still the Holywell Music Room (restored to primarily musical use in 1901 after a hiatus), the Sheldonian Theatre and the Town Hall (rebuilt 1893–7), as well as the cathedral, the university church and numerous college chapels and halls. Touring opera and ballet companies regularly appear at the Apollo (formerly the New) Theatre, which opened in 1836. Local customs include the celebration of May morning with singing by the choristers from the top of Magdalen College tower and folk-dancing by Morris dancers. Morris dancing is an old tradition in Oxfordshire: it was Cecil Sharp's meeting with William Kimber and his team at Headington in 1899 that led eventually to the foundation of the English Folk Dance Society in 1911. In the 18th century J.B. Malchair, leader of the Holywell Band, collected local folksongs and dances, including the tune known as ‘Magpie Lane’, from which the modern performing group of that name is derived.

A series of festivals, conferences and exhibitions has marked Oxford's commemoration of musical anniversaries (of Haydn in 1932 and 1991, the latter for the bicentenary of his Oxford visit; of Bach and Handel in 1935; of Parry in 1948; of Wellesz in 1985) and of the Heather Professorship (1926 and 1976). The English Bach Festival was originally formed in Oxford in 1963; an annual ‘Handel in Oxford’ festival was founded in 1985; and an annual Oxford Contemporary Music Festival began in 1994.

5. Academic tradition.

Degrees in music (BMus and DMus, as distinct from BA and MA, awarded after four, then a further three, years' study of the liberal arts) are documented from the late 15th century. Among the 29 candidates awarded musical degrees in the period up to 1535 were Hugh Aston (1510) and Robert Fayrfax (incorporated DMus from Cambridge in 1511, the earliest recorded mention of the doctorate). Candidates normally supplicated for the BMus after many years' study (which could be external to the university) and on condition that they composed a mass, or mass and antiphon, customarily performed during the degree ceremony. The formal request, first documented in 1507, was ‘to be admitted to lecture on the musical books of Boethius’. Supplicants for the BMus in the later 16th century and the early 17th included Nathaniel Giles (1585), John Bull and John Munday (1586), Thomas Morley and John Dowland (1588), Giles Farnaby (1592), Francis Pilkington (1595), Robert Jones (1597), Thomas Weelkes (1602), Thomas Tomkins (1607) and Richard Dering (1611). The DMus was granted to, among others, John Marbecke (1550) and John Sheppard (1554), informator at Magdalen College; Christopher Tye (1548) and John Bull (1592) incorporated DMus from Cambridge. In 1622 William Heather took the BMus and DMus degrees simultaneously. The Laudian Statutes of 1636 codified the formula whereby candidates where required to have spent seven years in the study or practice of music for the BMus and a further five years for the DMus, and to submit a composition (‘Canticum’) of five parts for the BMus, and of six or eight parts for the DMus, to be performed publicly in the School of Music ‘tam vocibus quam instrumentis etiam musicis’. The School of Music, situated among the several schools of the various disciplines clustered around the Bodleian quadrangle (built 1613–24), where the inscription ‘Schola Musicae’ still stands over the doorway, was presided over by the Heather Professor of Music and housed Heather's collection of music books and instruments; it was periodically refurbished and the collection supplemented.

When William Heather endowed the professorship of music at Oxford in 1626, he acknowledged the dichotomy of theory and practice by providing for the appointment of a choragus (by the 18th century called ‘professor’) to hold weekly music practices in term-time, and a lecturer in the science of music (the latter post fell into disuse in the course of the 17th century, although it was absorbed into the music lecture or ‘music speech’ delivered as part of the university Act). In the 19th century the duties and posts of professor and choragus became separated (from 1848) as they still are today, and a new post of coryphaeus was added (1856), but later allowed to lapse. The Heather professorship has been held since its foundation by Richard Nicholson (1626–39), Arthur Phillips (1639–56), John Wilson (1656–61), Edward Lowe (1661–82), Richard Goodson sr (1682–1718), Richard Goodson jr (1718–41), William Hayes (1741–77), his son Philip Hayes (1777–97), William Crotch (1797–1847), Henry Rowley Bishop (1848–55), F.A. Gore Ouseley (1855–89), John Stainer (1889–99), C. Hubert H. Parry (1900–08), Walter Parratt (1908–18), Hugh Percy Allen (1918–46), Jack Westrup (1947–71), Joseph Kerman (1972–4), Denis Arnold (1975–86), Brian Trowell (1988–96) and Reinhard Strohm (from 1996). Until the mid-19th century the professorship was usually held concurrently with one or more college organistships, and frequently also with the post of university organist at St Mary's. Oxford musical graduates in the 18th and 19th centuries were most characteristically church and cathedral organists, among them William Croft (DMus 1713), John Stanley (BMus 1729), Charles Burney (DMus 1769) and Samuel Sebastian Wesley (BMus and DMus 1839).

During the 19th century the trend towards increasing involvement in musical scholarship was reflected in the work of the professors. In the 18th century Philip Hayes's termly ‘lectures’ consisted of performances, usually of choral works, in the Music School. Crotch's Oxford lectures (1800–04) encompassed a series of scholarly investigations. The ‘opening’ of the new organ in the Sheldonian Theatre in 1877 was marked by Ouseley's lecture on ‘The History and Construction of the Organ’. Stainer (with W.H. Hadow) strove to provide systematic instruction in music history. Among publications in music history and theory produced from Oxford at this period were Ouseley's edition of the translation of Naumann's History of Music, Ouseley's treatises on harmony and counterpoint, Stainer's Dufay and his Contemporaries and Early Bodleian Music, and the Oxford History of Music (1901–5). The academic content of the music degrees gathered increasing weight during the same period. Ouseley's reforms (initiated in 1856) added a written examination to the statutory requirements. Until then the degrees were awarded solely on the basis of the ‘exercise’ in composition submitted for the professor's approval. (The public performance of the BMus exercise was abolished in 1870, and of the DMus exercise in 1891.) Those who took the Oxford examinations under the new conditions during the late 19th century and the early 20th included Donald Francis Tovey, Leopold Stokowski, Edmund Fellowes and Adrian Boult. The first two women who in 1892 ‘distinguished themselves by taking the degree’ (of BMus) would have been unable to receive it formally; it was not until 1920 that the university began conferring degrees on women.

In 1911 a new Board of Studies in Music was formed to regulate the degrees, which were still open to external candidates. Residence requirements eventually came into force after 1918. In 1944 the modern Faculty of Music was instituted, with premises in Holywell Street (next to the Music Room, with which it has been traditionally linked) until 1981, when it moved to the Linacre College building in St Aldate's. The Honour School of Music was set up in 1950: Westrup, together with colleagues such as Frank Harrison (from 1952), Frederick Sternfeld (from 1956) and Egon Wellesz, presided over the teaching and examining of a new BA syllabus requiring a wider knowledge of musical scholarship. Postgraduate research degrees in music were instituted; the BMus now became a postgraduate degree in composition, the DMus being awarded to composers more advanced in their careers. From 1879 the honorary DMus has been regularly awarded; early recipients included Sullivan (1879), Elgar (1905), Grieg (1906) and Vaughan Williams (1919, on the 250th anniversary of the Sheldonian Theatre), while more recent performers and composers honoured have included Janet Baker (1975), Alfred Brendel (1983), Andrés Segovia (1972) and Michael Tippett (1967). Composers on the faculty have included Egon Wellesz, Edmund Rubbra, Kenneth Leighton and Robert Sherlaw Johnson. Other 20th-century composers who have resided or studied in Oxford include Lennox Berkeley, George Butterworth, Geoffrey Bush, Gordon Crosse, Bill Hopkins, Joseph Horovitz, Nicola LeFanu, Stephen Oliver, Nigel Osborne and William Walton.

6. Libraries and collections.

World-famous collections of manuscript and printed music (incorporating the old Music School collection) are held by the Bodleian Library, which is one of the national deposit libraries. Foremost for music among the college libraries is that of Christ Church (to which Aldrich's and Goodson sr's collections were bequeathed). The Music Faculty Library is one of the most substantial university music libraries in the country, comprising a wide-ranging collection of books, scores and periodicals as well as recorded music and rare reference materials. The Faculty of Music also houses a fine collection of musicians' portraits, dating from the 17th to the 19th centuries and originally built up as part of the Music School collections. Important collections of musical instruments are housed in the Music Faculty's Bate Collection of Historical Instruments, the Ashmolean Museum (the Hill collection of string instruments) and the Pitt-Rivers Museum (mainly ethnic instruments).

7. Printing and publishing.

Books on music were printed at Oxford from the late 16th century; printed music appeared from 1659 with John Wilson's Cheerful Ayres or Ballads. The Oxford University Press (housed at first in the Sheldonian Theatre from 1669, although the origins of printing in Oxford go back much further) is one of the leading publishers of music and music books.