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SMITH, GOLDWIN (1823-191o)

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Originally appearing in Volume V25, Page 262 of the 1911 Encyclopedia Britannica.
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SMITH, GOLDWIN (1823-191o) , See also:British historian and publicist, was See also:born at See also:Reading on the 13th of See also:August 1823. He was educated at See also:Eton and Magdalen See also:College, See also:Oxford, and after an undergraduate career of exceptional brilliancy was elected to a fellowship at University College. He threw his keen See also:intellect and trenchant See also:style into the cause of university reform, the leading See also:champion of which was another See also:fellow of University College, See also:Arthur See also:Penrhyn See also:Stanley. On the Royal See also:Commission of 185o to inquire into the reform of the university, of which Stanley was secretary, he served as assistant-secretary; and he was secretary to the commissioners appointed by the See also:act of 18J4. His position as an authority on educational reform was further recognized by a seat on the Popular See also:Education Commission of 1858. In 1868, when the question of reform at Oxford was again growing acute, he published a brilliant pamphlet, entitled The Reorganization of the University of Oxford. Besides the abolition of tests, effected by the act of 187r, many of the reforms there suggested, such as the revival of the faculties, the reorganization of the professoriate, the abolition of See also:celibacy as a See also:condition of the See also:tenure of fellowships, and the See also:combination of the colleges for lecturing purposes, were incorporated in the act of 1877, or subsequently adopted by the university. He gave the counsel of perfection that " pass " See also:examinations ought to cease; but he recognized that this See also:change " must wait on the reorganization of the educational institutions immediately below the university, at which a passman ought to finish his career." His aspiration that colonists and Americans should be attracted to Oxford has been realized by Mr See also:Rhodes's will. On what is perhaps the vital problem of See also:modern education, the question of See also:ancient versus modern See also:languages, he pronounced that the latter " are indispensable accomplishments, but they do not See also:form a high See also:mental training "—an See also:opinion entitled to See also:peculiar respect as coming from a See also:president of the Modern See also:Language Association. The same conspicuous openness of mind appears in his See also:judgment, delivered after he had held the regius professorship of Modern See also:History at Oxford from 1858 to 1866; that " ancient history, besides the still unequalled excellence of the writers, is the best See also:instrument for cultivating the See also:historical sense." As a historian, indeed, he See also:left no abiding See also:work; the multiplicity of his interests prevented him from concentrating on any one subject. His See also:chief historical writings—The See also:United See also:Kingdom: a See also:Political History (1899), and The United States: an Outline of Political History (1893)—though based on thorough familiarity with their subject, make no claim to See also:original See also:research, but are remarkable examples of terse and brilliant narrative. The outbreak of the See also:American See also:Civil See also:War proved a turning-point in his See also:life.

Unlike most men of the ruling classes in See also:

England, he warmly championed the cause of the See also:North, and his See also:pamphlets, especially one entitled Does the See also:Bible See also:sanction American See also:Slavery? (1863), played a prominent See also:part in converting See also:English opinion. Visiting See also:America on a lecture tour in 1864, he received an enthusiastic welcome, and was entertained at apublic• banquet in New See also:York. In 1868 he threw up his career in England and settled in the United States, where he held the professorship of English and Constitutional History at Cornell University till 1871. In that See also:year he removed to See also:Toronto, where he edited the See also:Canadian Monthly, and subsequently founded the See also:Week and the Bystander. He did not, however, cease to take an active See also:interest in English politics. He had been a strong sup-See also:porter of Irish Disestablishment, but he refused to follow Glad-See also:stone in accepting See also:Home See also:Rule. He expressly stated that " if he ever had a political See also:leader, his leader was See also:John See also:Bright, not Mr See also:Gladstone." Speaking in 1886, he referred to his " See also:standing by the See also:side of John Bright against the dismemberment of the See also:great Anglo-Saxon community of the See also:West, as I now stand against the dismemberment of the great Anglo-Saxon community of the See also:East." These words form the See also:key to his views of the future of the British See also:Empire. He always maintained that See also:Canada, separated by great barriers, See also:running north and See also:south, into four zones, each having unimpeded communication with the adjoining portions of the United States, was destined by its natural configuration to enter into a commercial See also:union with them, which would result in her breaking away from the British empire, and in the union of the Anglo-See also:Saxons of the American See also:continent into one great nation. These views are most fully stated in his Canada and the Canadian Question (1891). Though describing himself as " See also:anti-Imperialistic to the core," he was yet deeply penetrated with a sense of the greatness of the British See also:race. Of the British empire in See also:India he said that " it is the noblest the See also:world has seen.

. . . Never had there been such an See also:

attempt to make See also:conquest the servant of See also:civilization. About keeping India there is no question. England has a real See also:duty there." His fear was that England would become a nation of factory-workers, thinking more of their See also:trade-union than of their See also:country. These forebodings were intensified in his See also:Common-See also:wealth or Empire? (1902)—a warning to the United States against the See also:assumption of imperial responsibilities. Among other causes that he powerfully attacked were liquor See also:prohibition, See also:female See also:suffrage and See also:State See also:Socialism. All these are discussed in his Essays on Questions of the See also:Day (revised edition, 1894). He also published sympathetic monographs on See also:Cowper and Jane See also:Austen, and attempted See also:verse in See also:Bay Leaves and Specimens of See also:Greek Tragedy. In his Guesses at the Riddle of Existence (1897), he abandons the faith in See also:Christianity expressed in his lecture of 1861 on Historical Progress (where he forecast the speedy See also:reunion of Christendom on the " basis of See also:free conviction "), and writes in a spirit " not of See also:Agnosticism, if Agnosticism imports despair of spiritual truth, but of free and hopeful inquiry, the way for which it is necessary to clear by removing the See also:wreck of that upon which we can found our faith no more." In his later years he expressed his views in a weekly See also:journal; The See also:Farmer's See also:Sun, and published in 1904 My Memory of Gladstone, while occasional letters to the Spectator showed that he had lost neither his interest in English politics and social questions nor his remarkable gifts of style. He died at his See also:residence, The See also:Grange, Toronto, on the 7th of See also:June 1910. Goldwin Smith left in See also:manuscript a See also:book of reminiscences, which was edited by Mr See also:Arnold Haultain, his private secretary.

End of Article: SMITH, GOLDWIN (1823-191o)

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