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ORLEANISTS , a See also:French See also:political party which arose out of the Revolution, and ceased to have a See also:separate existence shortly after the See also:establishment of the third See also:republic in 1872. It took its name from the See also:- ORLEANS
- ORLEANS, CHARLES, DUKE OF (1391-1465)
- ORLEANS, DUKES OF
- ORLEANS, FERDINAND PHILIP LOUIS CHARLES HENRY, DUKE OF (1810-1842)
- ORLEANS, HENRI, PRINCE
- ORLEANS, HENRIETTA, DUCHESS
- ORLEANS, JEAN BAPTISTE GASTON, DUKE
- ORLEANS, LOUIS
- ORLEANS, LOUIS PHILIPPE JOSEPH
- ORLEANS, LOUIS PHILIPPE ROBERT, DUKE
- ORLEANS, LOUIS PHILIPPE, DUKE OF (1725–1785)
- ORLEANS, LOUIS, DUKE OF (1372–1407)
- ORLEANS, PHILIP I
- ORLEANS, PHILIP II
Orleans See also:branch of the See also:house of See also:Bourbon, the descendants of the See also:duke of Orleans, the younger See also:brother of See also:- LOUIS
- LOUIS (804–876)
- LOUIS (893–911)
- LOUIS, JOSEPH DOMINIQUE, BARON (1755-1837)
- LOUIS, or LEWIS (from the Frankish Chlodowich, Chlodwig, Latinized as Chlodowius, Lodhuwicus, Lodhuvicus, whence-in the Strassburg oath of 842-0. Fr. Lodhuwigs, then Chlovis, Loys and later Louis, whence Span. Luiz and—through the Angevin kings—Hungarian
Louis XIV., who were its chiefs. The political aim of the Orleanists may be said to have been to find a See also:common measure for the monarchical principle and the " rights of See also:man " as set forth by the revolutionary leaders in 1789. The articles on Philippe, nicknamed tgalite (see ORLEANS, L.P.J., duke of), and his son Lours PHILIPPE, See also:- KING
- KING (O. Eng. cyning, abbreviated into cyng, cing; cf. O. H. G. chun- kuning, chun- kunig, M.H.G. kiinic, kiinec, kiinc, Mod. Ger. Konig, O. Norse konungr, kongr, Swed. konung, kung)
- KING [OF OCKHAM], PETER KING, 1ST BARON (1669-1734)
- KING, CHARLES WILLIAM (1818-1888)
- KING, CLARENCE (1842–1901)
- KING, EDWARD (1612–1637)
- KING, EDWARD (1829–1910)
- KING, HENRY (1591-1669)
- KING, RUFUS (1755–1827)
- KING, THOMAS (1730–1805)
- KING, WILLIAM (1650-1729)
- KING, WILLIAM (1663–1712)
king of the French (183o-1848), will show the See also:process of events by which it came to pass that the Orleans princes became the more or less successful See also:advocates of this attempted See also:compromise between old and new. It may be noted here, however, that a certain attitude of opposition, and of patronage of " freedom," was traditional in this branch of the house of Bourbon. See also:Saint-See also:Simon tells us that the See also:regent Orleans who died in 1723 was in the See also:habit of avowing his admiration for See also:English See also:liberty—at least in safe See also:company and private conversation. tgalite, who had reasons to dislike King Louis XVI. and his See also:queen, See also:Marie Antoinette, stepped naturally into the position of spokesman of the liberal royalists of the See also:early revolutionary See also:- TIME (0. Eng. Lima, cf. Icel. timi, Swed. timme, hour, Dan. time; from the root also seen in " tide," properly the time of between the flow and ebb of the sea, cf. O. Eng. getidan, to happen, " even-tide," &c.; it is not directly related to Lat. tempus)
- TIME, MEASUREMENT OF
- TIME, STANDARD
time, and it was a See also:short step from that position to the attitude of liberal candidates for the See also:throne, as against the See also:elder branch of the royal house which claimed to reign by divine right. The elder branch as represented by Louis XVIII. was prepared to See also:- GRANT (from A.-Fr. graunter, O. Fr. greanter for creanter, popular Lat. creantare, for credentare, to entrust, Lat. credere, to believe, trust)
- GRANT, ANNE (1755-1838)
- GRANT, CHARLES (1746-1823)
- GRANT, GEORGE MONRO (1835–1902)
- GRANT, JAMES (1822–1887)
- GRANT, JAMES AUGUSTUS (1827–1892)
- GRANT, ROBERT (1814-1892)
- GRANT, SIR ALEXANDER
- GRANT, SIR FRANCIS (1803-1878)
- GRANT, SIR JAMES HOPE (1808–1895)
- GRANT, SIR PATRICK (1804-1895)
- GRANT, U
- GRANT, ULYSSES SIMPSON (1822-1885)
grant (octroyer), and did grant, a See also:charter of liberties. The See also:count of See also:Chambord, the last of the See also:line (the See also:Spanish Bourbons who descended directly from Louis XIV. were considered to be barred by the renunciation of See also:- PHILIP
- PHILIP (Gr.'FiXtrsro , fond of horses, from dn)^eiv, to love, and limos, horse; Lat. Philip pus, whence e.g. M. H. Ger. Philippes, Dutch Filips, and, with dropping of the final s, It. Filippo, Fr. Philippe, Ger. Philipp, Sp. Felipe)
- PHILIP, JOHN (1775-1851)
- PHILIP, KING (c. 1639-1676)
- PHILIP, LANOGRAVE OF HESSE (1504-1567)
Philip V. of See also:Spain), was equally ready to grant a constitution. But these princes claimed to See also:rule " in See also:chief of See also:God " and to confer constitutional rights on their subjects of their own See also:free will, and See also:mere See also:motion. This feudal See also:language and these mystic pretensions offended a See also:people so devoted to principles as the French, and so acute in See also:drawing deductions from premises, for they concluded, not unreasonably, that rights granted as a favour were always subject to revocation as a See also:punishment. Therefore those of them who considered a monarchical See also:government as more beneficial to See also:France than a republic, but who were not disposed to hold their freedom subject to the See also:pleasure of a king, were either Bonapartists who professed to rule by the choice of the nation, or supporters of the Orleans princes who were ready to reign by an " See also:original compact " and by the will of the people. The difference therefore between the supporters of the elder line, or See also:Legitimists, and the Orleanists was profound, for it went down to the very See also:foundations of government.
The first See also:generation of Orleanists, the immediate supporters of Philippe tgalite, were swamped in the turmoil of the See also:great revolution. Yet it has been justly pointed out by See also:Albert See also:Sorel in his L'See also:Europe et la revolution francaise, that they subsisted under the See also:Empire, and that they came naturally to the front when the revival of liberalism overthrew the restored legitimate See also:monarchy of Louis XVIII. and See also:Charles X. During the Restoration, 1815-183o, everything tended to identify the liberals with the Orleanists. Legitimism was incompatible with constitutional freedom. Bonapartism was in See also:eclipse, and was moreover essentially a Caesarism which in the hands of the great See also:Napoleon
had been a despotism, calling itself democratic for no better See also:reason than because it reduced all men to an equality of submission to a See also:master. Those rights of equality before the See also:law, and in social See also:life, which had been far dearer to Frenchmen of the revolutionary See also:epoch than political freedom, were secured. The next step was to obtain political freedom, and it was made under the guidance of men who were Orleanists because the Orleans princes seemed to them to offer the best See also:guarantee for such a government as they desired—a government which did not profess to stand above the people and to own it by virtue of a divine and legitimate hereditary right, nor one which, like the Bonapartists, implied a master relying on an See also:army, and the See also:general subjection of the nation. The liberals who were Orleanists had the See also:advantage of being very ably led by men eminent in letters and in See also:practical affairs—See also:Guizot, See also:Thiers, the Broglies, the banker See also:Laffitte and many others. When the unsurpassed folly of the legitimate rulers brought about the revolution of 1830, the Orleanists stepped into its See also:place, and they marked the See also:pro-found See also:change which had been made in the See also:character of the government by calling the king. " King of the French " and not " King of France and See also:Navarre." He was chief of the people by compact with the people, and not a territorial See also:lord holding, in feudal phrase, " in chief of God."
The events of the eighteen years of Orleanist rule cannot be detailed here. They were on the whole profitable to France. That they ended in another " general overturn " in 1848 was due no doubt in See also:part to errors of conduct in individual princes and politicians, but mainly to the fact that the Orleanigt conception of what was meant by the word " people " led them to offend the See also:long-See also:standing and deeply-rooted love of the French for equality. It had been inevitable that the Orleanists, in their dislike of " divine right " on the one See also:hand, and their fear of democratic Caesarism on the other, should turn for examples of a free government to See also:England, and in England itself to the Whigs, both the old Whigs of the Revolution See also:Settlement of 1689, and the new Whigs who extorted political franchises for the See also:middle classes by the Reform See also:Bill. They saw there a monarchy based on a See also:parliamentary See also:title, governing constitutionally and supported by the middle classes, and they endeavoured to establish the like in France under the name of a juste-milieu, a via See also:media between See also:absolutism by divine right, and a See also:democracy which they were convinced would See also:lead to Caesarism. The French See also:equivalent for the English middle-class constituencies was to be a pays legal of about a See also:quarter of a million of voters by whom all the See also:rest of the See also:country was to be " virtually represented." The See also:doctrine was expounded and was acted upon by Guizot with uncompromising rigour. The Orleanist monarchy became so thoroughly middle-class that the nation outside of- the pays legal ended by thinking that it was being governed by a privileged class less offensive, but also a great See also:deal less brilliant, than the See also:aristocracy of the old monarchy. _
The revolution of 1848 swept the Orleanist party from See also:power for ever. The Orleanists indeed continued throughout the Second Republic and the Empire (1848-187o) to enjoy a marked social and See also:literary See also:prestige, on the strength of the See also:wealth and capacity of some of their members, their See also:influence in the French See also:Academy and the ability of their See also:organs in the See also:press—particularly the Revue See also:des deux mondes, the See also:Journal des debats, and the papers directed by E. Herve. During the Empire the discreet opposition of the Orleanists, exercised for the most part with See also:infinite dexterity and tact, by reticences, omissions, and See also:historical studies in which the Empire was attacked under See also:foreign or See also:ancient names, was a perpetual See also:thorn in the See also:side of Napoleon III. Yet they possessed little hold on the country and outside of a cultivated liberal circle in See also:Paris. Their weakness was demonstrated when the second empire was swept away by the See also:German See also:War of 1870-71. The country in its disgust at the Bonapartists and its fear of the Republicans, See also:chose a great many royalists to represent it in the See also:Assembly which met in See also:Bordeaux on the 12th of See also:February 1872. In this See also:body the Orleanists again exercised a See also:kind of leadership by virtue of individual capacity, but they were counterbalanced by the Legitimists. The most effective-ORLEANS, DUKE OF
See also:- PROOF (in M. Eng. preove, proeve, preve, &°c., from O. Fr . prueve, proeve, &c., mod. preuve, Late. Lat. proba, probate, to prove, to test the goodness of anything, probus, good)
proof of power they gave was to render possible the See also:expulsion from power of Thiers on the 24th of May 1873, as punishment for his dexterous See also:imposition of the Republic on the unwilling See also:majority of the Assembly. Their real occupation was to endeavour to bring about a See also:fusion between themselves and the Legitimists which should unite the two royalist parties for the confusion of the Bonapartists and Republicans. - The belief that a fusion would strengthen the royalists was natural and was not new. As far back as 185o Guizot had proposed, or had thought of proposing, one, but it was on the See also:condition that the See also:comte de Chambord would resign his divine pretentions. When a fusion was arranged in 1873 it was on quite another footing. After much_exchange of notes and many agitated conferences in See also:committee rooms and drawing-rooms, the comte de Paris, the representative of the Orleanists, sought an interview with the comte de Chambord at Frohsdorff, and obtained it by giving a written engagement that he came not only to pay his respects to the See also:head of his house, but also to " accept his principle." It has been somewhat artlessly pleaded by the Orleanists that this engagement was given with See also:mental reservations. But there were no mental reservations on the part of the comte de Chambord, and the country showed its belief that the liberal royalists had been fused by absorption in the divine right royalists. It returned republicans at by-elections till it transformed the Assembly. The Orleanist princes had still a part to See also:play, more particularly after the See also:death of the comte de Chambord in 1883 See also:left them heads of the house of France, but the Orleanist party ceased to exist as an See also:independent political organization.
AuTHoRITIEs.—The Orleanists are necessarily more or less dealt with in all histories of France since 1789, and in most political See also:memoirs, but their principles can be learnt and their fortunes followed from the following: A. Sorel, L'Europe et la revolution francaise (Paris, 1885–1904); F. Guizot, Histoire parlementaire de la France (Paris, 1819–1848) and Memoires pour servir a l'histoire de mon temps (Paris, 1858–1867) ; P. de la Gorce, Histoire du second empire (Paris, 1894–1904) ; and G. See also:Hanotaux, Histoire de la France contemporaine (Paris, 1903, &c.). (D.
End of Article: ORLEANISTS
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