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EASTERN QUESTION, THE , the expression used in See also:diplomacy from about the See also:time of the See also:congress of See also:Verona (1822) to comprehend the See also:international problems involved in the decay of the See also:Turkish See also:empire and its supposed impending See also:dissolution. The essential' questions that are involved are so old that historians commonly speak of the " Eastern Question " in reference to events that happened See also:long before the actual phrase was coined. But, wherever used, it is always the Turkish Question, the 1 Quoted by Mr F. S. P. See also:Lely in The Times of See also:November 22, 1906. generic See also:term in which subsidiary issues, e.g. the See also:Greek, Armenian or Macedonian questions, are embraced. That a phrase of so wide and loose a nature should have been stereotyped in so narrow a sense is simply the outcome of the conditions under which it was invented. To the See also:European diplomatists of the first See also:half of the 19th See also:century the See also:Ottoman empire was still the only See also:East with which they were collectively brought into contact. The rivalry of See also:Great See also:Britain and See also:Russia in See also:Persia had not yet raised the question of the See also:Middle East; still less any ambitions of See also:Germany in the See also:Euphrates valley. The immense and incalculable problems involved in the rise of See also:Japan, the awakening of See also:China, and their relations to the European See also:powers and to America—known as the Far Eastern' Question—are comparatively but affairs of yesterday. The Eastern Question, though its roots are set far back in history—in the See also:ancient contest between the See also:political and intellectual ideals of See also:Greece and See also:Asia, and in the perennial rivalry of the powers for the See also:control of the great See also:trade routes to the East—dates in its See also:modern sense from the treaty of Kuchuk Kainarji in 1774, which marked the definitive See also:establishment of Russia as a See also:Black See also:Sea See also:power and formed the basis of her See also:special claims to interfere in the affairs of the Ottoman empire. The compact between See also:Napoleon and the See also:emperor See also: The See also:Crimean See also:War followed and in 1856 the treaty of See also:Paris, by which the powers hoped to See also:stem the See also:tide of Russian advance and establish the integrity of a reformed Ottoman state. Turkeywas now for the first time solemnly admitted to the European See also:concert. The next See also:critical phase was opened in 1871, when Russia took See also:advantage of the collapse of France to denounce the Black Sea clauses of the treaty of 1856. The renewal of an aggressive policy thus announced to the See also:world soon produced a new crisis in the Eastern Question, which had meanwhile become complicated by the growth of See also:Pan-Slav ideals in eastern Europe. In 1875 a rising in Herzegovina gave See also:evidence of a state of feeling in the See also:Balkan See also:peninsula which called for the intervention of Europe, if a disastrous war were to be prevented. But this intervention, embodied in the "See also:Andrassy See also:Note" (See also:December 1875) and the See also:Berlin memorandum (May 1876), met with the stubborn opposition of Turkey, where the " See also:young Turks " were beginning to oppose a Pan-Islamic to the Pan-Slav ideal. The Russo-Turkish War of 1877–78 followed, concluded by the treaty of See also:San Stefano, the terms of which were modified in Turkey's favour by the congress of Berlin (1878), which marks the beginning of the later phase of the Eastern Question. Between Russia and Turkey it interposed, in effect, a barrier of independent (See also:Rumania, See also:Servia) and quasi-independent (See also:Bulgaria) states, erected with the counsel and consent of collective Europe. It thus, while ostensibly weakening, actually tended to strengthen the Ottoman power of resistance. The See also:period following the treaty of Berlin is coincident with the reign of Sultan Abd-ul-Hamid II. The international position of the Ottoman empire was strengthened by the able, if Machiavellian, statecraft of the sultan; while the danger of disruption from within was lessened by the more effective central control made possible by See also:railways, telegraphs, and the other See also:mechanical improvements borrowed from western See also:civilization. With the spread of the Pan-Islamic See also:movement, moreover, the undefined authority of the sultan as See also:caliph of See also:Islam received a fresh importance even in countries beyond the See also:borders of the Ottoman empire, while in countries formerly, or nominally still, subject to it, it caused, and promised to cause, incalculable trouble. The Eastern Question thus See also:developed, in the latter years of the 19th century, from that of the problems raised by the impending break-up of a moribund empire, into the even more complex question of how to See also:deal with an empire which showed vigorous evidence of See also:life, but of a type of life which, though on all sides in See also:close See also:touch with modern European civilization, was incapable of being brought into See also:harmony with it. The belief in the imminent collapse of the Ottoman dominion was weakened almost to extinction; so was the belief, which inspired the treaty of 1856, in the capacity of Turkey to reform and develop itself on European lines. But the Ottoman empire remained, the See also:mistress of vast undeveloped See also:wealth. The remaining phase of the Eastern Question, if we except the concerted efforts to impose( See also:good See also:government on See also:Macedonia in the interests of European peace, or the See also:side issues in Egypt and See also:Arabia, was the rivalry of the progressive nations for the right to exploit this wealth. In this rivalry Germany, whose See also:interest in Turkey even so See also:late as the congress of Berlin had been wholly subordinate, took a leading part, unhampered by the traditional policies or the humanitarian considerations by which the interests of the older powers were prejudiced. The motives of See also:German intervention in the Eastern Question were ostensibly commercial; but the See also:Bagdad railway concession, postulating for its ultimate success the control of the trade route by way of the Euphrates valley, involved political issues of the highest moment and opened up a new and perilous phase of the question of the Middle East. This was the position when in 1908 an entirely new situation was created by the Turkish revolution. As the result of the patient and masterly organization of the " young Turks," combined with the universal discontent with the rule of the sultan and the See also:palace camarilla, the impossible seemed to be achieved, and the heterogeneous elements composing the Ottoman empire to be See also:united in the desire to establish a unified state on the constitutional See also:model of the See also:West. The result on the international situation was profound. Great Britain hastened to re-knit the bonds of her ancient friendship with Turkey; the powers, without exception, professed their sympathy with the new regime. The establishment of a united Turkey on a constitutional and nationalist basis was, however, not slow in producing a fresh complication in the Eastern Question. Sooner or later the issue was sure to be raised of the status of those countries, still nominally part of the Ottoman empire, but in effect independent, like Bulgaria, or subject to another state, like Bosnia and Herzegovina. The cutting of the See also:Gordian See also:knot by Austria's See also:annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and by the See also:proclamation of the See also:independence of Bulgaria, and of See also:Prince See also: Additional information and CommentsThere are no comments yet for this article.
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