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PHILISTINE . once arise in connexion with the two See also:series v.–viii., xxi.–See also:xxiv., and ix.-xx., since, apart from their earlier See also:literary growth as distinct See also:units, they have undergone some revision and alteration when compilers brought them into their See also:present See also:form. The See also:story of See also:David and Bathsheba, an incident placed in the See also:account of the Ammonite See also:campaign, upon which it now depends (x.–xii.; with x. 15-19 cf. viii. 3-8), connects itself through the prophecy in xii. 10-12 with the subsequent See also:family feuds, in particular with See also:Absalom's See also:rebellion (cf. xvi. 21 seq.), and again with i See also:Kings i., where See also:Adonijah's revolt rouses Bathsheba to persuade David to fulfil some promise of his to recognize her See also:young son See also:Solomon as his See also:heir (i. 13, 17, 21, 29 seq.). The See also:section is an admirable specimen of historiography. The whole is closely linked together for an ostensible purpose, a See also:chronological See also:scheme runs throughodt (xiii. 23, 38, xiv. 28 and xv. 7),' and the section concludes with an account both of David's See also:death and of Solomon's See also:accession (see further SOLOMON). But 2 Sam. xii. 10-12 is an insertion (See also:Wellhausen, Cornill, Kittel, &c.), even if xii. 1-15a itself be not of secondary origin (Winckler, Schwally, H. P. See also: 16-23, and in xvi. 1-4, xix. 24-30 respectively; the gloss xxi. 7 evidently See also:dates after the insertion of ix., while the opening words of ix. 1 point back, not to xxi. which is ignored, but rather to iv., from which it is now severed by the See also:miscellaneous See also:group of passages in v.–viii.? In view of a few recognized signs of diverse origin (contrast xiv. 27 with xviii. 18, and see Budde on xv. 24 sqq., xvii. 17), it is possible that xvi. 1-14, xix. 16-3o are also secondary. In any See also:case the new revolt of Sheba (xx. 1-22), can hardly be the See also:original sequel to Absalom's rebellion (Winckler, H. P. Smith, B. See also:Luther, E. See also:Meyer) ; there is no See also:historical prelude to i Kings i. (See also:note the opening See also:verse, David's old See also:age, and cf. 2 Sam. See also:xxiii. I) and the literary introduction to the story of Sheba is to be found in the closing See also:scene of xix., apparently at the point where David returns to the See also:Jordan on his way to See also:Gilgal (v. 40).8 It is to be noticed that the See also:murder of Amasa (xx. 8 sqq.) is parallel to that of Asahel (ii. 12 sqq.), and the two (now preceding the See also:separate See also:groups v.–viii. and xxi.–xxiv.) are closely associated in i Kings ii. 5. The miscellaneous groups, v.–viii., xxi.–xxiv., are also certainly not in their original form. The introduction in v. 1-3 is twofold (v. 3 and the incomplete v. i seq.), and the See also:list in iii. 2-5 (note the resuming See also:link v. 6 after v. i) is similar in See also:character to that in v. 13-16, and has probably been removed from the context of the latter (cf. I Chron. iii. 1-8). The presence of a See also:late See also:hand is also proved by the See also:psalm in xxii. (Ps. xviii.) and by David's " last words," which sever xxi. 15-22 and xxiii. 8 sqq. These in turn See also:part two related narratives in xxi. 1-14 and xxiv., and the latter (with which note the divergent features in i Chron. xxi.) shows several signs of later origin or re-See also:vision. See also:Chap. vii. is to be read in the See also:light of i Kings v. 3-5, viii. 14 sqq., all Deuteronomic passages, though not of one See also:stamp. Continuous warfare prevented the See also:building of the See also:temple (1 Kings v. 3-5, cf. 2 Sam. viii.), and David's proposal to erect a See also:house to Yahweh seems unnecessary after vi. 17 seq. ; but vii. 1, 9, in fact, presuppose ch. viii., and the See also:main See also:object of the narrative is to emphasize Yahweh's promise to build David's house, i.e. his See also:dynasty. vii. is connected with i Kings viii. but an important variation (v. 16 contrast 2 Sam. vii. 6-8) illustrates the complexity of the Deuteronomic See also:sources. It is important to See also:notice that, as in the account of the temple in the See also:history of Solomon, the introduction to it in these chapters (2 Sam. vi. seq.) divides miscellaneous though closely-related material (see KINGS). On their prelude in i Sam. vi. see below, § 6.
Thus, the account of David's conflicts with See also:giant heroes and the See also:conquest of See also:Jerusalem and its See also:district seems to belong to a See also:cycle of Judaean tradition (cf. Num. xiii. 22, 28; 5. Narra-Josh. xi. 21, xv. 14), which has been almost superseded Ives of
by other traditions of the rise of the See also:Hebrew See also:monarchy sauiand and by the more popular narratives of See also:early relations David.
between the Judaean David and the (See also:north) Israelite See also: 7 we must read four for See also:forty (the See also:vow in this verse refers to Absalom's See also:exile some years previously). ' On this and on the character of the detailed narratives in See also:general, see B. Luther in E. Meyer, Israeliten u. ihre Nachbarstamme, pp. 184-199. See, generally, the studies by W. See also:Caspari, Aufkommen u. Krise d. See also:Israel. Konigtums unter David (1909) and Theol. See also:Stud. u. Krit. (1909), pp. 317 sqq., 619 sqq.; and also H. Gressmann (Literature, below). ' Chap. ix. belongs to the See also:joint traditions of David and See also:Saul (cf. H. 5-iv.); V. 13, which presupposes chap. v., appears to be an addition (see H. P. Smith, Dhorme). ' xix. 4o (all See also:Judah and See also:half Israel) resumes v. 15 (where Israel is not mentioned). For the view that Absalom's revolt originally concerned Judah alone, see the related section in DAVID. Dhorme, it may be observed, finds in ix.–xx. another source for x. 1-14, xii. 1-15a, xv. 1-6, 10, 24-26, 29, xvi. 5-14, xvii. 27-29, xix. 16-23 and xx. I-22. See also:people. The persistent emphasis upon such features as the rejection of Saul, his enmity towards David, the latter's See also:chivalry, and his friendship for See also:Jonathan, will partly account for the present literary intricacies; and, on general grounds, traditions of quite distinct origin (Calebite or Jerahmeelite; indigenous Judaean; North Israelite or Benjamite) are to be expected in a See also:work now in See also:post-exilic form.' David's history is handled independently of Saul in I Sam. See also:xxv.; and the narrative, now editorially connected with the context (v. 1, see See also:xxviii. 3, and v. 44, see 2 Sam. iii. 15), gives a valuable picture of his See also:life in the See also:south of See also:Palestine? With this notice his relations with south Judaean cities in See also:xxx. 26-31. His See also:flight northwards to the Philistine king of See also:Gath (See also:xxvii.) is hardly connected with the preceding situations in xxiv. 17-22, xxv. or See also:xxvi. 21-25, and his previous slaughter of the See also:Philistines at Keilah (xxiii. I-15) raises historical difficulties. This is not to mention his earlier successes over the same people, which are very explicitly ignored in See also:xxix. 5, although the famous See also:couplet there quoted now finds its only explanation in xviii. 7 after the death of See also:Goliath and the defeat of the Philistines. The traditions of varying relations between Judah and the Philistines attached to David (cf. xxvii. 5 seq.) are quite distinct from the popular stories of giants of Gath, and now form part of the joint history of David and Saul. The See also:independent narratives of the latter's See also:fate seem to represent one of those disastrous attacks upon the north which are See also:familiar in the later history of the See also:northern See also:kingdom (xxviii. 4, xxix; see See also:JEws: History, § 12). The See also:geographical data are confused by the stories of David (seer Sam. xxviii. 4, xxix. I, and the commentaries), and, while the " Philistines " for once See also: 7, cf. xiii. 6 seq.), and it is for David to See also:save the people of Israel out of their hands (2 Sam. iii. 18, cf. I Sam. ix. 16)3 The sequel to the joint history has another version of Saul's death (2 Sam. i. 6-1o, 13-16), and an Amalekite is the offender; contrast his death in i. 15 seq. with iv. lo seq. The See also:chapter explains the transference of the royal insignia from Israel to Judah. Here is quoted (from the " See also:Book of See also:Jashar ") the old poetical lament over the death of the valiant See also:friends Saul and Jonathan, describing their successful warlike career, the See also:wealth they brought the people, and the vivid sense of See also:national misfortune (i. 19-27). It is utilized for the history of David, to whom its authorship is attributed. In general, it appears that those narratives wherein the histories of Saul and David are combined—very much in the favour of the latter—were originally distinct from those where (a) Saul's figure is more in See also:accord with the old poem from the Book of Jashar, and (b) where David's victories over prehistoric giants and his See also:war-like movements to Jerusalem pave the way for the See also:foundation—from a particular Judaean standpoint—of his remarkably See also:long dynasty. The literary problems of the books of See also:Samuel are those of the See also:writing of the history of the monarchies from different points of 6. Liter view; and the intimate connexion of the books with 8~ 8er those that precede and follow shows that a careful See also:con- historical sideration of the See also:internal literary and historical features problems. of these also is necessary. The first step is the recognition of a specific Deuteronomic redaction in See also:Joshua—Kings, an intricate See also:process which extended into the post-exilic age.' Certain phenomena suggest that the first compilation was made outside Judah—in Israel, whereas others represent a Judaean and See also:anti-Israelite feeling. The See also:close interconnexion of Judg. x.– Sam. xii. is as See also:crucial as that of 2 Sam. v.–1 Kings ii. The (probably ' The late See also:genealogy of Saul in I Chron. viii. 29 sqq.; ix. 35 sqq., is See also:evidence for a keen See also:interest in the Saulidae in post-exilic times. a The chapter with the prophecy of See also:Abigail may be of Calebite origin. ' So also, David's See also:wars (2 Sam. viii.) See also:bear a certain resemblance to those of Saul (I Sam. xiv. 47). 6 See G. F. See also:Moore, Ency. Bib. " Historical Literature," § 6 seq. " Joshua," §§ 5, r 1; " See also:Judges," § 14. Deuteronomic) framework of Israelite history in Kings can be traced in Samuel, and it is a natural See also:assumption that it should have gone back beyond the See also:time of See also:Jeroboam'I. While the detailed history of Israelite kings and prophets in I Kings xvii.-2 Kings x. (See also:Ahab to See also:Jehu) finds more See also:developed See also:parallels in the narratives of Saul and Samuel, the See also:peculiar treatment of the lives of David and Solomon (Judaean kings over a See also:united Israel) and of the See also:division of the monarchy has complicated the present sources. Although the contents of 2 Sam. v.-viii., xxi.-xxiv., I Kings ii. I0-I2, iii. 2, appear to have been consecutive (in some form) at an earlier See also:stage, the connexion has been broken by ix.-xx., I Kings i. ii. 1-9, 13 sqq., and the further vicissitudes can scarcely be recovered; and while there are clear signs of more than one Deuteronomic hand in the former group, the latter shows in I Kings ii. 2-4 a Deuteronomic revision, either of independent origin or in the See also:combination of the sources in their present form. Moreover, Samuel's farewell address (I Sam. xii.) belongs to the Deuteronomic and later account of Saul's rise, and closes the See also:period of (a) the Israelite " judges " (see Judg. ii. 6–iii. 6, an extremely composite passage), and (b) the Ammonite and Philistine oppression (A,. x. 6 sgq.).6 The former follows upon Joshua's two concluding speeches, one given by a Deuteronomic writer in xxiii., and,the other incorporated by another though similar hand in xxiv. Although the pre-monarchical age is viewed as one of kinglike " judges," the chiefs are rather See also:local heroes (so See also:Ehud, See also:Gideon, See also:Jephthah), and the boisterous giant See also:Samson (Judg. xiii.-xvi.), and the religious leaders See also:Eli and Samuel are " judges " from other standpoints. Perplexity is caused, also, in the See also:oldest account of Saul's rise (I Sam. ix.) by the sudden introduction of a Philistine oppression which cannot be connected with vii. 2–viii., or even with I Sam. iv.–vii. 1.6 On the other hand, Judg. x. 6 sqq. refers to a Philistine oppression which has no sequel. It may be conjectured that there was an original literary connexion between the two which has been broken by the insertion of traditions See also:relating to Samuel and Saul.' This finds support (a) in the internal evidence for the later addition of Judg. xvii.-xxi., and of certain portions of the opening chapters of r Samuel ; (b) in the See also:absence of any continuity in the intervening history; and (c) in the material relation-See also:ship between portions of the highly composite Judg. x. 6 sqq. and the rise of Saul. The literary processes thus involved find an See also:analogy in the original connexion between 2 Sam. v.-viii. and xxi.-xxiv., or between Exod. xxxiii. seq. and Num. x. 29-36, xi. (see SAUL). The section r Sam. iv.-vii. 1 forms the prelude to Samuel's See also:great victory and belongs to the history of See also:Shiloh and the priesthood of Eli. But the fall of this See also:sanctuary scarcely belongs to this remote age (I Ith See also:century) ; it was sufficiently See also:recent to serve as a warning to Jerusalem in the time of See also:Jeremiah (close of 7th century). This event of supreme importance to north Israel (cf. Judg. xviii. 30 seq.) is already connected with Samuel's prophecy in iii., but the latter is strengthened by the Deuteronomic passage, ii. 27-36, which links the disaster, not with the history of Samuel, but with the rise of the Zadokite See also:Levites of Jerusalem, and thus represents a specifically Judaean standpoint. This is analogous to the Judaean See also:adaptation of the prophetical treatment of Saul's life, and it also reflects certain priestly rivalries (see LEVITES). With the loss of Shiloh is explained the See also:appearance of the priests at See also:Nob outside Jerusalem (xxi. 1, xxii. 9), which is followed by their See also:massacre, the flight of See also:Abiathar (xxii.), and the transference of the sacred See also:ephod to David (xxiii. 6).8 Here, however, the emphasis laid upon the ephod brought by Abiathar, the survivor of the house of Eli (cf. ii. 28, xxi. 9), points away from what was once a See also:common object of cult to the late and post-exilic restriction of its use to the Aaronite high priests (see EPHOD). Moreover, according to 1 Kings ii. 26, Abiathar See also:bore the See also:ark, and while some traditions traced its history to Shiloh, or even found it at See also:Bethel (Judg. xx. 27 seq.), others apparently ran quite another course, associated it with See also:southern clans ultimately settled in Judah, and supposed that Jerusalem was its first resting-See also:place. The author of 2 Sam. vii. 6 (cf. also 1 Chron. xxiii. 25 sq.) can scarcely have known I Sam. i.-iii. with its temple at Shiloh, and although 2 Sam. vi. finds its present prelude in I Sam. vi. 17-vii. I, that passage actually brings the story of its fortunes to a close by relating the return of the ark from Philistine territory to the care of Abinadab and Eleazar at Kirjath-jearim (note the " Levitical " type of the names; Budde, Sam. p. 47). From Josh. ix. 17 (post-exilic source) it might indeed be argued that the district was not under Israelite See also:jurisdiction (see See also:Kennedy, Sam. p. 325 seq.), although to See also:judge from the older. With the length of See also:office in I Sam. iv. 18 (cf. vii. 15) compare the similar notices in Judg. x. 2 seq., xii. 7 sqq., xv. 20, xvi. 31, and with the length of oppression in vii. 2, cf. Judg. iii. 8, 14, iv. 3, vi. I, x. 8, xiii. 1. 6 Nowack, p. 39; Riedel, Theolog. Lit. Blatt (1904), No. 3, See also:col. 28. S. A. See also:Cook, See also:Critical Notes, p. 127 seq. (cf. Dhorme, Rev. Bibl., 1908, p. 436; Godbey, Amer. Journ. Theo'., 1909, p. 61o). 6 Although writers sought to explain Saul's disastrous end (cf. I Chron. x. 13), it is only See also:Josephus (See also:Ant. vi. 14, 9) who refers to the atrocity at Nob. The significance of the tradition is unknown ; some connexion with Saul's religious zeal at See also:Gibeon has been conjectured (2 Sam. xxi. 2). That the actual murderer was an Edomite may perhaps be associated with other traditions of Edomite hostility. traditions of Saul it was doubtless part of his kingdom. It may be that the narrative (which presupposes some account of the fall of Shiloh) is part of an See also:attempt to co-See also:ordinate different traditions of the great See also:palladium.' Consequently, the literary structure of the Book of Samuel is throughout involved with a careful See also:criticism of the historical tradi- 7. Sum- tions ascribed to the I I th and beginning of the loth century See also:mary B.C. The See also:perspective of the past has often been lost, earlier views have been subordinated to later ones, conflicting standpoints have been incorporated. The intricacy of the Deuteronomic redactions still awaits See also:solution, and the late insertion of earlier narratives (which have had their own vicissitudes) complicates the literary evidence. Greater care than usual was taken to weave into the canonical See also:representation of history sources of diverse origin, and it is scarcely possible at present to do more than indicate some of the more important features in the See also:composition of a book, one of the most important of all for the critical study of biblical history and See also:theology. The Hebrew See also:text is often corrupt but can frequently be corrected with the help of the See also:Septuagint. The parallel portions in See also:Chronicles also sometimes preserve better readings, but must be used with caution as they may represent other recensions or the result of rewriting and reshaping. As a whole, Chronicles presents the period from a later ecclesiastical standpoint, presupposing (in contrast to Samuel) the fully developed " See also:Mosaic " See also:ritual (see CHRONICLES). After tribal and priestly lists (1 Chron. i.-ix.), Saul's end is suddenly introduced (x., note v. 13 seq.). David appears no less abruptly, the sequence being 2 Sam. v. 1-3, 6-lo, xxiii. 8-39 (with additions, xi. 41-47, and a list of his supporters at Ziklag and See also:Hebron). To 2 Sam. vi. 2-11 there is a " Levitical " prelude (xiii. 1-5), then follow V. 11-25, and vi. 12-19, which is embedded in novel material. Next, 2 Sam. vii. seq., x., xi. I, xii. 30 seq., xxi. 18-22, and finally xxiv. (Chron. xxi.). The last is the prelude to an account of the preparation for the temple and the future See also:sovereignty of Solomon, and ends' with David's See also:army and See also:government (Chron. xxvii.), and his concluding acts (xxviii. seq.). The compiler was not ignorant of other sources (see x. 13, xii. 19, 21, 23), and, in general, carries out, though from a later standpoint, tendencies already See also:manifest in Samuel. The latter in fact is no less the result of editorial processes and since it is now in post-exilic form, this is the starting-point for fresh criticism. The representation of the remote past in Samuel most be viewed, there-fore, in the light of that age when, after a series of vital internal and See also:external vicissitudes in Judah and See also:Benjamin, Judaism established itself in opposition to See also:rival sects and renounced the See also:Samaritans who had inherited the traditions of their See also:land. See further JEWS, §§ 6-8, 20-23, PALESTINE: Old Test. History, pp. 614-616. W. Nowack, K. Budde (1902); H. P. Smith in the See also:International Critical Commentary (1899), with his Old Testament History, pp. 107-155, and the small but well-annotated edition of A. R. S. Kennedy in the Century See also:Bible (1905). All these give See also:fuller See also:bibliographical See also:information, for which see also S. R. See also:Driver, Introduction to Literature of Old Testament, and the articles by J. Stenning in See also:Hastings's See also:Dictionary and B. See also:Stade in Ency. Bib. For the text, see especially J. Wellhausen's See also:model Text-See also:Bucher Sam. (1871); S. R. Driver, Text of Samuel (1890); K. Budde's edition in See also:Haupt's Sacred Books of the Old Testament (1894); P. Dhorme, Livres de Samuel (1910). Of See also:special value for the psychological character of the various narratives is H. Gressmann's Schriften d. A. T. in Auswahl, i.-iii. (See also:Gottingen, 19o9-1910). In so far as the present See also:article takes other views of the results of literary See also:analysis in the light of historical criticism, see S. A. Cook, See also:American Journ. of Sem. See also:Lang. (1900), pp. 145 sqq.; and Critical Notes on Old Testament History (1907) (passim). (S. A. Additional information and CommentsThere are no comments yet for this article.
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