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SABAEANS
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SABAEANS . The See also:ancient name of the See also:people of See also:Yemen (q.v.) was Saba (Saba' with final hemza); and the See also:oldest notices of them are in the See also:Hebrew Scriptures. The See also:list of the sons of Joktan in Gen. x. 26-29 contains in genealogical See also:form a See also:record of peoples of See also:South See also:Arabia which must See also:rest on See also:good See also:information from Yemen itself. Many of these names are found on the See also:inscriptions or in the Arabic geographers—Sheba (Saba'), Hazarmaveth (Iladramut), Abimael (Abime'athtar), Jobab (Yuhaibib, according to See also:Halevy), Jerah (Warah of the geographers), Joktan (Arab Qahtan; wagata=gahata). On the other See also:hand, the names of some famous nations mentioned on the inscriptions are lacking, from which it may be concluded that they did not rise to prominence till a later date. Saba' (Sheba) itself, which was in later times the See also:chief name, has in Gen. x. 28 a subordinate See also:place; it was perhaps only a collective name for the companies of merchants who conducted the South-Arabian export See also:trade (the See also:root saba' in the inscriptions meaning to make a trading See also:journey), and in that See also:case would be of such See also:late origin as to hold one of the last places in a list that has genealogical form. Two other accounts in See also:Genesis, originally See also:independent, give supplementary information See also:drawn from the Sabaean colonies, the stations and factories established to facilitate trade through the See also:desert. The inscriptions of Al-`Ola published by D. H. See also: Other South See also:Arabs, and especially the Sabaeans, doubtless also planted settlers on the See also:northern trade routes, who in See also:process of See also:time See also:united into one community with their North-Arab kinsmen and neighbours. Thus we can understand how in Gen. See also:xxv. 2-3 Sheba and Dedan appear among the North-Arab " sons of Keturah." Again, the Sabaeans had colonies in See also:Africa and there mingled with the See also:black Africans; and so in Gen. x. 7 Sheba and Dedan, the sons of Raamah (Raghma), appear in the See also:genealogy of the Cushites. With the Ethiopians Saba' means " men," a clear indication of their Sabaean descent.
The See also:queen of Sheba who visited See also:Solomon may have come with a See also:caravan trading to See also:Gaza, to see the See also:great See also: When the See also:prologue to Job speaks of plundering Sabaeans (and Chaldaeans) on the northern skirts of Arabia, these may be either colonists or caravans, which, like the old Phoenician and See also:Greek traders, combined on occasion See also:robbery with trade. The prologue may not be See also:historical; but it is to be presumed that it deals with historical possibilities, and is good See also:evidence thus far. The biblical picture of the Sabaean See also:kingdom is confirmed and supplemented by the See also:Assyrian inscriptions. Tiglath-Pileser II. (733 B.C.) tells us that Teima, Saba', and IJaipa (= Ephah, Gen. xxv. 4 and Isa. lx. 6) paid him See also:tribute of gold, See also:silver and much incense. Similarly See also:Sargon (715 B.C.) in his See also:Annals mentions the tribute of Shamsi, queen of Arabia, and of Itamara of the See also:land of Saba'—gold and fragrant spices, horses and camels. The earliest Greek accounts of the Sabaeans and other South-Arabian peoples are of the 3rd See also:century B.C. Eratosthenes (276-194 B.C.) in See also:Strabo (xv. 4. 2) says that the extreme south of Arabia, over against See also:Ethiopia, is inhabited by four great nations—the Minaeans (Mecvaioc, Mnvaioc; See also:Main of the inscriptions) on the Red Sea, whose chief See also:city is Carna; next to them the Sabaeans, whose See also:capital is Mariaba (Mariab of the inscriptions); then the Catabanes (Qataban of the inscriptions), near the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb, the seat of whose king is Tamna; fourthly, and farthest See also:east, the people of IJadramut (Chatramotitae), with their city Sabota. The Catabanes See also:pro-duce See also:frankincense and Vadramut See also:myrrh, and there is a trade in these and other spices with merchants who make the journey from Aelana (Elath, on the Gulf of 'See also:Akaba) to Minaea in seventy days; the Gabaeans (the Gaba'an of the inscriptions, See also:Pliny's Gebanitae) take See also:forty days to go to Iladramut. This See also:short but important and well-informed See also:notice is followed a little later by that of See also:Agatharchides (12o B.C.), who speaks in glowing terms of the wealth and greatness of the Sabaeans, but seems to have less exact information than Eratosthenes. He knows only the Sabaeans and thinks that Saba is the name of their capital. l;Ie mentions, however, the " happy islands " beyond the straits, the station of the See also:Indian trade (§ 103). See also:Artemidorus (roo B.C.), quoted by Strabo, gives a similar See also:account of the Sabaeans and their capital Mariaba, of their wealth and trade, adding the characteristic feature that each tribe receives the wares and passes them on to its neighbours as far as See also:Syria and See also:Mesopotamia. The accounts of the wealth of the Sabaeans brought back by traders and travellers excited the cupidity of See also:Rome, and See also:Augustus entrusted Aelius See also:Gallus with an expedition to South Arabia, of which we have an See also:authentic account in Strabo (xvi. 4. 22). He hoped for assistance from the friendly See also:Nabataeans; but, as they owed everything to their position as middlemen for the South-Arabian trade, which a See also:direct communication between Rome and the Sabaeans would have ruined, their See also:viceroy Syllaeus, who did not dare openly to refuse help, sought to frustrate the See also:emperor's See also:scheme by See also:craft. Instead of showing the See also:Romans the caravan route, he induced them to See also:sail from Cleopatris to Leucocome, and then led them by a circuitous way through waterless regions, so that they reached South Arabia too much weakened to effect anything. But the expedition brought back a considerable knowledge of the See also:country and its products, and the See also:Roman See also:leader seems to have perceived that the best entrance to South Arabia was from the havens on the See also:coast. So at least we may conclude when, a See also:hundred years later (A.D. 77, as See also:Dillmann has shown), in the Periplus of an See also:anonymous contemporary of Pliny (§ 23) we read that Charibael of Zafar, " the legitimate See also:sovereign of two nations, the Homerites and Sabaeans," maintained friendly relations with Rome by frequent embassies and gifts. Pliny's account of Yemen, too, must be largely drawn from the expedition of Gallus, though he also used itineraries of travellers to See also:India, like the Periplus Maria Erythraei just quoted. Nautical improvements, and the See also:discovery that the south-See also:west See also:monsoon (Hippalus) gave sure See also:navigation at certain seasons, increased the connexion of the West with South Arabia, but also wrought such a See also:change in the trade as involved a revolution in the See also:state of that country. The See also:hegemony of the Sabaeans now yields to that of a new people, the Homerites or IJimyar, and the king henceforth bears the See also:title " king of the Himyarites and Sabaeans." See also:Naval expeditions from See also:Berenice and Myoshormus to the Arabian ports brought back the information on which See also:Claudius See also:Ptolemy constructed his See also:map, which still surprises us by its wealth of See also:geographical names. r Sabaean colonies in Africa have been already mentioned. That See also:Abyssinia was peopled from South Arabia is proved by its See also:language and See also:writing; but the difference between the two See also:languages is such as to imply that the See also:settlement was very See also:early and that there were many centuries of separation, during which the Abyssinians were exposed to See also:foreign influences. New colonies, however, seem to have followed from time to time, and, according to the Periplus (§ 16), some parts of the See also:African coast were under the See also:suzerainty of the Sabaean See also:kings as late as the Sabaeo-Himyaritic See also:period; the See also:district of Azania was held for the Sabaean monarch by the See also:governor of Maphoritis (Ma'afir), and was exploited by a Sabaean See also:company. Naturally difficulties would arise between Abyssinia and the Sabaean See also:power. In the inscription of Adulis (2nd century) the king of Ethiopia claims to have made See also:war in Arabia from Leucocome to the land of the Sabaean king. And the Ethiopians were not without successes, for on the Greek inscription of Axum (c. the See also:middle of the 4th century) King Aeizanes calls himself " king of the Axumites, the Homerites, and Raidan, and of the Ethiopians, Sabaeans, and Silee." More serious was the conflict under Dhu-Nu'as (Dhu-N uwas of the Arab historians) in the beginning of the 6th century; it ended in the overthrow of the Hirnyarite king and the subjugation of Yemen, which was governed by a See also:deputy of the Axumite king, till (about 570) the conquerors were overthrown by a small See also:band of See also:Persian adventurers. With the exception of what the South-Arabian See also:Hamdani relates of his own observation or from authentic tradition, the See also:Mahommedan Arabic accounts of South Arabia and Sabaea are of little See also:worth. The great event they dwell on is the bursting of the See also:dam of Ma'See also:rib, which led to the See also:emigration northwards of the Yemenite tribes. We may be sure that this event was not the cause but the consequence of the decline of the country. When the inland trade See also:fell away and the See also:traffic of the coast towns took the sea route, the ancient See also:metropolis and the numerous inland See also:emporia came to ruin, while the many colonies in the north were broken up and their See also:population dispersed. To this the See also:Koran alludes in its oracular See also:style, when it speaks (xxxiv. 17) of well-known cities which See also:God appointed as trading stations between the Sabaeans and the cities He had blessed (See also:Egypt and Syria), and which He destroyed because of their sins.
Inscriptions.—This abstract of the See also:history of Yemen from ancient See also:sources can now be verified and supplemented from inscriptions. Doubts as to the greatness and importance of the Sabaean state, as attested by the ancients, and as to the existence of a See also:special Sabaean writing, called " Musnad," of which the Arabs tell, were still current when See also:Niebuhr, in the 18th century, brought to See also:Europe the first account of the existence of ancient inscriptions (not seen by him-self) in the neighbourhood of Yarim. Following this hint, See also:Seetzen, in 181o, was able to send to Europe, from See also:porphyry blocks near Yarim, the first copies of Sabaean inscriptions. They could not, however, be read. But the inscriptions found by Wellsted in 1834 at Hisn Ghorab were deciphered by Gesenius and Rodiger. Soon after this the courageous explorer See also:Arnaud discovered the ancient Mariab, the royal city of the Sabaeans, and at great See also:risk copied fifty-six inscriptions and took a See also:plan of the walls, the dam, and the See also:temple to the east of the city. These, with other inscriptions on See also: Langer and E. See also:Glaser have done most for See also:epigraphy, while See also:Manzoni is to be remembered for his excellent geographical See also:work. The See also:alphabet of the Sabaean inscriptions is most closely akin to the Ethiopic, but is purely consonantal, without the modifications in the consonantal forms which Ethiopic has devised to See also:express vowels. There are twenty-nine letters, one more than in Arabic, Samech and di, wing distinct forms, as in Hebrew. This alphabet, which is probably the See also:parent of the South-Indian See also:character, is undoubtedly derived from the so-called Phoenician alphabet, theconnecting See also:link being the forms of the Safa inscriptions and of the Thamudaean inscriptions found by Doughty and Euting. Of the latter we can determine twenty-six characters, while a twenty- seventh probably corresponds to Arabic ; (la). A sign for al also probably existed, but does not occur in the known inscriptions. In the Thamudaean and Sabaean alphabets the twenty-two See also:original Phoenician characters are mostly similar, and so are the differentiated forms fort and ,, while v, and probably also b and Jd, have been differentiated in many ways. This seems to imply that the two alphabets had a See also:common history up to a certain point, but parted company before they were fully See also:developed. The Thamudaean inscriptions are locally nearer to See also:Phoenicia, and the letters are more like the Phoenician; this chararcter therefore appears to be the link connecting Phoenician with Sabaean writing. It may be noticed that a Thamudaean See also:legend has been found on a Babylonian See also:cylinder of about woo n.c., and it is remarkable that the Sabaean See also:satara, " write," seems to be borrowed from Assyrian shatdru. The language of the inscriptions is South Semitic, forming a link between the North Arabic and the Ethiopic, but is much nearer the former than the latter. Of the two dialects commonly: called Sabaean and Minaean the latter might be better called Hadramitic, inasmuch as it is the See also:dialect of the inscriptions found.in•1fadramut, and the Minaeans seem undoubtedly to have entered the Jauf from Iladramut. The inscriptions not only give names of nations corresponding to those in the See also:Bible and in classical authors, but throw. a good See also:deal of fresh See also:light on the See also:political history of .Yemen. The inscriptions and coins give the names of more than forty-five Sabaean kings. The See also:chronology is still vague, since only, a few very late inscriptions are dated by an era and the era itself is not certain. But the rulers named can be assigned to three periods, according as they See also:bear the title " mukrab of Saba," " king of Saba," or " king of Saba and Raidan." The last, as we know from the Axum inscriptions, are the latest, and those with the title " mukrab must be the earliest. Four princes of the oldest period bear the name Yatha`amar, and one of these may, with the greatest See also:probability, be held to be the " Itamara Sabai " who paid tribute to Sargon of See also:Assyria. This See also:helps us to the See also:age of some buildings also. The famous dam of Ma'rib and its sluices were the work of this ancient. See also:prince—structures which Arnaud in the 19th century found in the same state in which Hamdani saw them a thousand years ago. The power of these old sovereigns extended far beyond Ma'rib, for their names are found on buildings and monuments in the Jauf. We cannot tell when the kings took the place of the mukrab, but the Sabaeo-Himyaritic period seems to begin with, or a little after, the expedition of Aelius Gallus. A fragmentary inscription of Ma'rib (Br. See also:Mus., 33) was made by " llsharh Yahclib and Ya'zil Bayyin, the two kings of Saba and Raidan, sons of Far'm Yanhab, king of Saba." If this Ilsharh is identical with the 'IMauapos of Strabo, king of Mariaba at the time of the Roman invasion, the inscription preserves a trace of the See also:influence of that event on the See also:union of the two kingdoms. The inscriptions of the latest period See also:present a See also:series of See also:dates—669, 640, 582, 573, 385—of an unknown era. See also:Reinaud thought of the Seleucid era, which is not impossible; but Halevy observes that the fortress of Mawiyyat (now IJisn Ghorab) bears the date 640, and is said to have been erected " when the Abyssinians overran the country and destroyed the king of Himyar and his princes." Referring this to the See also:death of Dina Nuwas (A.n. 525), Halevy fixes 115 B.C. as the See also:epoch of the Sabaean era. This ingenious See also:combination accords well with the circumstance that the oldest dated inscription, of the See also:year 385 (A.D. 270), mentions `Athtar, Shams and other See also:heathen deities, while the inscriptions of 582 (A.D. 467) and 573 (A.D. 4 8), so far as they can be read, contain no name of a heathen god, but do speak of a god Ralimanan—that is, the Hebrew Kalman, " the compassionate " (Arabic, al-Rabman), agreeably with the fact that Jewish and See also:Christian influences were powerful in Arabia in the 4th century. The only objections to Halevy's hypo-thesis are (1). that we know nothing of an epoch-making event in 115 B.C., and (2) that it is a little remarkable that the latest dated inscription, of the year 669 (A.D. 554), should be twenty-five years later than the Abyssinian See also:conquest. An inscription found by See also:Wrede at 'Obne is dated " in the year 120 of the See also:Lion in See also:Heaven, by which we must leave the astronomers to explain. The inscriptions throw considerable light not only on the Sabaeana but on other South-Arabian nations. The Minaeans, whose importance has been already indicated, appear in the inscriptions as only second to the Sabaeans, and with details which have put an end to much guesswork, e.g. to the See also:idea that they are connected with See also:Mina near See also:Mecca. Their capital, Ma'in, See also:lay in the See also:heart of the Sabaean country, forming a sort of See also:enclave on the right hand of the road. that leads northward from Ma'rib. South-west of Ma'in, on the west of the See also:mountain range and commanding the road from See also:San'a to the north, lies Baragish, anciently Yathil, which the inscriptions and Arabic geographers always mention with Main. The third Minaean fortress, probably identical with the Kapva of the Greeks, lies in the middle of the northern Jauf, and north of the other two. The three Minaean citadels See also:lie'nearlyin this position (...), with old Sabaean settlements (Raiam) all See also:round them, and even with some Sabaean places (e.g. Nask and Kamna) within the triangle they form. The dialect of the. Minaeans is sharply distinguished from the Sabaeans (see above). The inscriptions hate yielded the names of twenty-seven Minaean kings, who were quite independent, and, as it would seem, not always See also:friends of the Sabaeans, for neither See also:dynasty mentions the other on its inscriptions, while See also:minor kings and kingdoms are freely mentioned by both,'presumably when they stood under the See also:protection of the one or the other respectively. The Minaeans were evidently active rivals of the Sabaean influence, and a war between the two., is once mentioned. In l adramut they disputed the hegemony with one another, the See also:government there being at one time under a Minaean, at another under a Sabaean prince, while the language shows now the one and now the other influence. The religions also of the two See also:powers present many points of agreement, with some notable See also:differences. Thus, puzzling as the fact appears, it is clear that the Minaeans formed a sort of political and linguistic See also:island in the Sabaean country. The origin of the Minaeans from Iladramut is rendered probable-by the pre-dominance of their dialect in the inscriptions of that country (except in that of Hisn Ghorab), by the See also:rule, already mentioned, of a Minaean prince in See also:Hadramut, and by,Pliny s statement (H N. xii. 63) that frankincense was collected at Sabota (the capital of Hach-emit; inscr. env), but exported only through the Gebanites, whose kings received See also:custom dues on it, compared with xii. 69, where he speaks of Minaean myrrh " in qua et Atramitica est et Gebbanitica et Ausaritis febbanitarum regno," &c., implying that Minaean myrrh was really a Hadramite and Gebanite product. All this suggests a See also:close connexion between the Minaeans and Hadramut; and from the A'linaean inscriptions we know that the Gebanites were at one time a Minaean See also:race, and stood in high favour with the queen of Ma'in. Thus we are led to conclude that the Minaeans were a Hadramite settlement in the Jauf, whose See also:object was to secure the northern trade road for their products. We cannot but see that their fortified posts in the north of the Sabaean kingdom had a strategical purpose; and so Pliny (xii. 54) says, " Attingunt et Minaei, pagus alius, per quos evehitur uno tramite anguste [from Hadramut]. Hi primi commercium turis fecere maximeque ester-cent, a quibus et Minaeum dictum est." Besides this road, they had the sea-route, for, according to Pliny, their See also:allies, the Gebanites, held the See also:port of Ocelis. If the Minaeans were later immigrants from Hadramut, we can understand how they are not mentioned in Gen. x. In later times, as is proved by the Minaean See also:colony in Al-'Ola, which Euting has revealed to us, they superseded the Sabaeans in some parts of the north. In the 'Ola inscriptions we read the names of Minaean kings and gods. Notable also is the mention in t Chron. iv.. 41 of the Bedouin encampments (e'Sne) and the Ma'inim " smitten by. the Simeonites, which may possibly refer to the destruction of a Minaean caravan protected by these See also:Bedouins. The LXX. at least renders Ma'inim by Mi.vatoes. It seems bold to conjecture that'the'Minaeans were in See also:accord with theiRomans under Aelius Gallus, yet it, is noteworthy that no Minaean See also:town is named among the cities which that See also:general destroyed, though See also:rain fell on Nask and Kamna, which lie inside the Minaean territory, The inscriptions seem to indicate that the monarchies of South Arabia were hereditary, the son generally following the' See also:father, though not seldom the See also:brother of the deceased came between, apparently on the principle of seniority, which we find also in North Arabia. Eratosthenes (in Strabo xvi. 4, 3) says that the first See also:child See also:born to one of the magnates after a king came to the See also:throne was his designated successor; the wives of the magnates who were pregnant at the ,king's See also:accession were carefully watched, and the first child born was brought up as See also:heir to the kingdom. There seems to be a See also:mistake in the first See also:part of this statement; what Eratosthenes will have said is that the oldest prince after the king was the designated successor. This See also:law of See also:succession explains how we repeatedly find two kings named together among the Sabaeans, and almost always find two amcng the Minaeans; the second king is, the heir. The principle of seniority, as we know from North Arabian history, gives rise to intrigues and See also:palace revolutions, and was probably often violated in favour of the direct heir. On the other hand, it readily leads to a limited power of See also:election by the magnates, and in fact good Arabian sources speak of seven electoral princes. Some inscriptions name, besides the king, an eponymus, whose See also:office seems to have been priestly, his titles being dhu harif, eponymus and rashiiiw, " sacrificer." All royal inscriptions are signed by him at the beginning and the end, and he appears with the king on coins. See also:Religion.—In spite of the many ruins of temples and inscriptions, the religion of the Sabaeans is obscure. Most of the many names of gods are See also:mere names that appear and vanish again in particular districts and temples: Of the great See also:national gods of the Sabaeans and Minaeans we know a little more. The See also:worship of the heavenly bodies, for which there is Arabic evidence, had really a great place in Yemen. See also:Sun-worship seems to have been See also:peculiar to the Sabaeans and Hamdanites; and, if the Sabis of Sabota (Pliny) was in fact the sun deity Shams, this must be ascribed to Sabaean influence. The Sabaean Shams was a goddess, while the chief divinity of the Minaeans was the god 'Athtar, a male figure, worshipped under several forms, of which the commonest are the Eastern 'Athtar and'Athtar Dhu Kabd..Wadd and Nikrah, the gods of love and hate, are possibly only. other forms of the two 'Athtars. The Sabaeans also recognize 'Athtar; but with-them he is superseded by Almaqah, who, according to Hamdani, is the See also:planet See also:Venus, and therefore is identical with 'Athtar. The See also:moon-god See also:Sin appears on an inscription of Shabwat; but, according to 'Hamdani, Haubas, the drier, was the Sabaean moon-god. On the Shabwat inscription 'Athtar is the father of Sin, and it is noteworthy that these two deities also appear as nearly related in the Babylonian legend of 'See also:Ishtar's descent to Hades, where 'Ishtar is conversely the daughter of the god Sin. The See also:mother of 'Athtar on another inscription is probably the sun. We find also the common Semitic Il (El)and a Dhu Samai answering to the northern Ba'al Shamayim. Three gods of the inscriptions are named in the Koran—Wadd, Yaghuth and Nasr. In the god-name' Ta'lab there may be an indication of See also:tree-worship. The many minor deities may be passed over; but we must mention the See also:sanctuary of Riyam, with its images of the sun and moon, and, according to tradition, an See also:oracle. In conformity with old Semitic usage, pilgrimages were made at definite seasons to certain deities, and the Sabaean See also:pilgrim See also:month, Dhu Hijjatan, is the northern Dhf'l-Ilijja. The outlines, and little more, of a few of the many temples can still be traced. Noteworthy are the elliptic form of the chief temples in Ma'rib and Sirwah, and the See also:castle of Naqab-al-Hajar with • its entrances north and south.
Sacrifices and incense were offered .to the gods. The names for See also:altar (midhbah) and See also:sacrifice (dhibh) are common Semitic words, and the altar of incense has among other names that of mihiar, as in Hebrew. A variety of spices—the wealth of the land—are named on these altars, as See also:rand, ladanum, costus, 'arum, &c. Frankincense appears as lubdn, and there are other names not yet understood. The gods received See also:tithes of the produce of trade and of the See also: According to Philostorgius, the Flomerites. were converted under See also:Constantius II. by the Indian See also:Theophilus, whp built churches in Zafar and See also:Aden. Another account places their See also:conversion in the reign of See also:Anastasius (491–518): In Nejran Syrian missionaries seem to have introduced Christianity (Noldekg): ,But, as the religion of the hostile Ethiopians, Christianity found political obstacles to its See also:adoption in Yemen; and, as heathenism had quite lost its power, it is intelligible that Dhu Nuwas, who was at war with ,Ethiopia before the last fatal struggle, became a See also:Jew. 'His expedition against Christian Nejran had therefore political as well as religious motives. The Ethiopian conquest rather hurt than helped Christianity. The famous qalis (ucsalria) 'of Abraha in San'a seems to have been looked on as a sign of foreign dominion; and See also:Islam found it easy to supersede Christianity in Yemen. Coins.—In older times and in many, districts coins were not used, and trade was carried on mainly by See also:barter. Nor have 'there been many great finds of coins; indeed most of the pieces in European collections probably come from the same hoard. At the same,tiine the coins throw a general light on the relations of ancient Yemen. The oldest known pieces are imitations of the Athenian mintage of the 4th, century B.C., with the legend AAE,and the See also:owl See also:standing on an overturned See also:amphora. The See also:reverse has the See also:head of See also:Pallas with a Sabaean N. Of younger coins the first series has a king's head on the reverse, and the old obverse is enriched with two Sabaean monograms, which have been interpreted as'meaning " See also:majesty" and eponymus " respectively. Ina secpnd series the Greek legend has disappeared, and, instead of the two Sabaean mono-grams, we have the names of the king and the eponymus. A"third series shows Roman influence and must be later than the expedition of Gallus. As the See also:standard of the coins of See also:Attic type is not Attic but Babylonian, we must not think of direct Athenian influence. The type must have been introduced either from See also:Persia or from Phoenicia (Gaza). One remarkable tetradrachm with the Sabaean legend Abyath'a is imitated from an See also: Arabiens (1873); D. H. Muller, Siidarabische Studien (See also:Vienna, 1877) ; Id., See also:Die Burgen u. See also:Schlosser Siidarabiens (2 parts, Vienna, 1879–1881) (especially for chronology and antiquities); Mordtmann and Muller, Sabazsche Denkmdler (Vienna, 1883); See also:Derenbourg, Etudes sur l'e'pigraphze du Yemen (See also:Paris, 1884); Id., Nouv. Etud. (1885); Glaser, Mittezlungen caber . . . sab. Inschr. (1886); Hamdanf, Geogr. d. arab. Halbinsel, ed. D. H. Muller, vol. i. (See also:Leiden, 1884). See also papers by Osiander, Z.D.M.G. xix.-xx. (1864-1865); Halevy, Journ. As. (1872-1874); D. H. Muller, Z.D.M.G. See also:xxix.-xxxi., See also:xxxvii.; Prideaux, Tr. See also:Soc. Bibl. See also:Arch. (1873); Derenbourg, Bab. and Or. Record (London, 1887). Later See also:works are: D. H. Muller, Epigraphische Denkmdler aus A rabien (Vienna, 1889) ; E. Glaser, Skizze der Geschichte and Geographie Arabiens &c., i Heft (See also:Munich, 1889), vol. ii. (See also:Berlin, 189o) ; Corpus inscriptionum Semiticarum..., iv., Paris. vol. i. fast. 1 (1889), 2 (1892), i.(1900), 4(1908) ; Fr.Hommel,A ufsdtze and Abhandlungen(1892 sqq.) ; r. Hommel, Sudarabische Chrestomathie (Munich, 1893) ; J. H. Mordtmann, Himjarische Inschriften and Altertumer in den kgl. Museen zu Berlin (Berlin, 1893); H. Winckler, Altorientalische Forschungen (" das Land Musri ") ; D. H. Muller, Epigraphische Denkmaler aus Abessinien (Vienna, 1894) ; E. Glaser, Die Abessinier in Arabien and Afrika (Munich,i895); J.H.Mordtmann, Musee Imperial See also:Ottoman, &c. .(See also:Constantinople, 1895) ; D. H. Muller, " Arabia " in Pauly-Wissowa, Realencyclopadie See also:des klassischen Altertums, i. 344-359 (1897); J. H. Mordtmann, Beilrage zur mindischen Epigraphik (See also:Weimar, 1897) ; E. Glaser, Zwei Inschriften caber den Dambruch von Mtirib; D. H. Muller, Sudarabische Altertumer See also:im kunsthistorischen Hofmuseum (Vienna, 1899); M. Lidzbarski in See also:Ephemeris (1901 sqq.); O. See also:Weber, Studien zur sudarabischen Altertumskunde, i.-iii. (1901–1908); H. Grimme, " Verschiedene Aufsatze " in O.L.Z., &c.; D. Nielsen, Die allarabische Mondreligion (1904); D. Nielsen, Neue Katabanische Inschriften (1906) ; E. Glaser, Altjemenische Nachrichten, vol. i. (1906); M. Hartman, " Sudarabisches," i.-viii., in O.L.Z. (1907—19o8); Melanges H. Derenbourg (Paris, 1909) ; M. Hartman, Die erabische Frage mit einem Versuche der Archaologie Jemens (Halle, 1908) ; D. Nielsen, Der szidarabische Gott Ilmekeh (1909) ; O. Weber, " Gottes Symbole auf sudarabischen Denkmalern " in the Hilprecht-See also:Buch (19o9), 269-280; cf. also ARABIA, AxuM. The lexical material, in so far as it touches the Hebrew, was incorporated by D. H. Muller in the Ioth-12th edition of the Gesenius See also:Lexicon and is now incorporated by O. Weber in the 15th edition of the Gesenius-Buhl Lexicon. For collected literature see: up to 1892, F. Hommel's Sudarabische Chrestomathie; from 1892 to 1907, O. Weber's Studien zur siidarabischen Altertumskvnde, iii. (D. H. Additional information and CommentsThere are no comments yet for this article.
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