Online Encyclopedia

Search over 40,000 articles from the original, classic Encyclopedia Britannica, 11th Edition.

MOAB

Online Encyclopedia
Originally appearing in Volume V18, Page 634 of the 1911 Encyclopedia Britannica.
Spread the word: del.icio.us del.icio.us it!

MOAB , the name of an See also:

ancient See also:people of See also:Palestine who inhabited a See also:district E. of the See also:Jordan and the Dead See also:Sea, lying N. of See also:Edom and S. of See also:Ammon (q.v.) and the Israelite Transjordanic districts. There is little material for its earlier See also:history outside the Old Testament, and the various references in the latter are often of disputed reference and date. The See also:national traditions of See also:Israel recognize a See also:close relationship between Moab and Ammon, "sons" of See also:Lot, and the "See also:brothers" See also:Esau (Edom) and See also:Jacob (Israel), and Moab is represented as already a powerful people when Israel fled from See also:Egypt (Exod. xv. 15). The detailed narratives, however, give conflicting views of the See also:exodus and the See also:conquest of Palestine. It was supposed that Moab, having expelled the aboriginal giants, was in turn displaced by the Amorite See also:king Sihon, who forced Moab See also:south of the Arnon (See also:Wadi Mojib, a natural boundary) and drove Ammon beyond the Jabbok. The Israelites at Kadesh, almost at the See also:gate of the promised See also:land, incurred the wrath of Yahweh, and, deterred by a defeat at Hormah from pursuing their See also:journey northwards, were obliged to choose another route (Num. xiv. 40-45; contrast xxi. 1-3). (See EXODUS, THE.) Messengers to Edom were repulsed (Num. xx. 14-18), or Israel was met by Edom with force (v. 1q seq.); consequently a See also:great detour was made from Kadesh See also:round by the south of Edom (Num. xiv.

25, xxi. 4; See also:

Judges xi. 18). At length the people safely reached Pisgah in Moab (Num. xxi. 16-2o; cf. Deut. iii. 27, xxxiv. 1), or, according to another view, passed outside Moab until they reached the border of Sihon's See also:kingdom (Num. xxi. 13, 26; Judges xi. 17 seq.). There are other details in Deut. ii., and the See also:late See also:list in Num. xxxiii. even seems to assume that the journey was made from Kadesh across the See also:northern end of Edom. Apparently no fixed or distinct tradition existed regarding the journeys, and it extremely probable that some of the most characteristic features belong to much later periods than the latter See also:half of the second See also:millennium B.C., the See also:age to which they are ascribed (e.g. the poem on the fall of Heshbon, Num. xxi.

27-30). The See also:

account of See also:Balaam (q.v.), the son of Beor, the soothsayer, of the See also:children of Ammon (xxii. 5, some See also:MSS.), or of See also:Aram or of Edom (see See also:Cheyne, Ency. Bib., See also:col. 3685 and below), is noteworthy for the prophecies of Israel's future supremacy; but he is passed over in the See also:historical See also:sketch, Deut. ii.; and even the allusion, ibid. See also:xxiii. 4 seq., belongs to a context which on See also:independent grounds appears to be a later insertion. Israel's See also:idolatry in Moab is supplemented by a later See also:story of the vengeance upon See also:Midian ()oxv. 6-18, xxxi.). In See also:Joshua xiii. 21 the latter is associated with both Sihon and Balaam, and in some obscure manner Midian and Moab are connected in Num. xxii. 4-7 (cf. See also:xxv. 18, xxxi.

8). An Edomite list of See also:

kings includes See also:Bela (cf. Bil'am, i.e. Balaam), son of Beor, and states that a See also:Hadad, son of Bedad, smote Midian in the See also:field of Moab (Gen.See also:xxxvi. 32, 35) ; these events, assigned to an See also:early age, have been connected with the See also:appearance of Moabite See also:power See also:west of the Jordan in the days of the ' See also:judge " See also:Ehud (q.v.). However, all that is recorded in Num. xxii. sqq., together with various legal and other See also:matter, now severs the accounts of the Israelite occupation of See also:east Jordan (Num. xxi. 33-35, xxxii. 39-42). For full details see G. B. See also:Gray, " See also:Numbers " (Internat. See also:Critical Comment.).

Although Moab and Ammon were " brothers," their history was usually associated with that of See also:

Judah and Israel respectively, and naturally depended to a considerable extent upon these two and their mutual relations. See also:Jephthah (q.v.), one of the Israelite " judges," delivered See also:Gilead from Ammon, who resumed the attack under its king Nahash, only to be repulsed by See also:Saul (q.v.). Ehud (q.v.) of See also:Benjamin or See also:Ephraim freed Israel from the Moabite oppression. To the first great kings, Saul and See also:David, are ascribed conquests over Moab, Ammon and Edom. The Judaean David, for his See also:part, sought to cultivate friendly relations with Ammon, and tradition connects him closely with Moab. His son See also:Solomon contracted marriages with See also:women of both states (r Kings xi. 5, 7), thus introducing into See also:Jerusalem cults which were not put down until almost at the close of the See also:monarchy (2 Kings xxiii. 13). In the 9th See also:century B.C. the two states appear in more historical surroundings, and the See also:discovery of a lengthy Moabite inscription lips thrown valuable See also:light upon contemporary conditions. This inscription, now in the Louvre, was found at Dhiban, the biblical Dibon, in 1868 by the Rev. F. See also:Klein, a representative of the See also:Church Missionary Society stationed at Jerusalem.

It contains a See also:

record of the successes gained by the Moabite king Mesha against Israel.' See also:Omri (q.v.) had previously seized a number of Moabite cities See also:north of the Arnon, and for See also:forty years the Moabite national See also:god Chemosh was angry with his land. At length he roused Mesha; and Moab, which had evidently retreated southwards towards Edom, now began to take See also:reprisals. " The men of See also:Gad had dwelt in the land of `Ataroth from of old; and the king of Israel built `Ataroth for himself." Mesha took the See also:city, slew its people in See also:honour of Chemosh, and dragged before the god the See also:altar-See also:hearth (or the priests?) of D-v-d-h (apparently a divine name, but curiously similar to David). Next Chemosh roused Mesha against the city of See also:Nebo. It See also:fell with its thousands, for the king had "devoted" it to the deity `Ashtar-Chemosh. Yahweh had been worshipped there, and his . . . (? vessels, or perhaps the same doubtful word as above) were dragged before the victorious Chemosh. With the help of these and other victories (at Jahaz, Aroer, &c.), Moab recovered its territory, fortified its cities, supplied them with cisterns, and Mesha built a great See also:sanctuary to his god. The inscription enumerates many places known elsewhere (Isa. xv.; Jer. xlviii.), but although it mentions the "men of Gad," makes no allusion to the Israelite tribe See also:Reuben, whose seat See also:lay in the district (Num. xxxii.; Josh. xiii. 15-23; see REUBEN). The revolt will have followed See also:Ahab's See also:death (see 2 Kings i.

1) and apparently led to the unsuccessful See also:

attempt by See also:Jehoram to recover the lost ground (ibid. iii.). The story of Jehoram in 2 Kings iii. now gives prominence to See also:Elisha, his wonders, his hostility to the ruling See also:dynasty and his regard for the aged See also:Jehoshaphat of Judah. Following other synchronisms, the See also:Septuagint (See also:Lucian's recension) names See also:Ahaziah of Judah; from 2 Kings i. 17, the reigning king could only have been Jehoram's namesake. The king of Edom appears as an ally of Israel and Judah (contrast 1 Kings xxii. 47; 2 Kings viii. 20), and hostile to Moab (comp. above, and the obscure allusion in See also:Amos ii, 1-2). But the king of Moab's attempt to break through unto him suggests that in the See also:original story (there are several signs of revision) Moab and Edom were in See also:alliance. In this See also:case the See also:object of Jehoram's See also:march round the south of the Dead Sea was to drive a See also:wedge between them, and the result hints at an Israelite disaster. Singularly enough, Jehoram of Judah suffered some defeat from Edom at Zair, an unknown name for which See also:Ewald suggested (the Moabite) Zoar (2 Kings viii. 21; see JEHORAM). Moab thus retained its See also:independence, even harrying Israel with marauding bands (2 Kings xiii.

20), while Ammon was ' See edition by M. Lidzbarski, Altsemitische Texte, Bd. I. (See also:

Giessen, 1907) ; also G. A. See also:Cooke, North Semitic Inscr.,'pp 1-14, and the articles on Moab " in Hasting's See also:Diet. See also:Bible (by W. H. See also:Bennett), and " Mesha " in Ency. Bib. (by S. R.

See also:

Driver). perpetrating cruelties upon Gilead (Am. i. 13 sqq.). But under See also:Jeroboam II. (q.v.) Israelite territory was extended to the Wadi of the 'Arabah or See also:wilderness (probably south end of the Dead Sea), and again Moab suffered. If Isa. xv. seq. is to be referred to this age, its people fled southwards and appealed for See also:protection to the overlord of Edom (see See also:UzzIAH). During the See also:Assyrian supremacy, its king Salamannu (probably not the Shalman of Hos. x. 14) paid See also:tribute to Tiglath-Pileser IV., but joined the See also:short-lived revolt with Judah and Philistia in 711. When See also:Sennacherib besieged Jerusalem in 701, Kamus(Chemosh)-nadab also submitted, and subsequently both Esarhaddon and Assurbani-See also:pal mention the Moabite king Muguri (" the See also:Egyptian," but cf. See also:MIZRAIM) among their tributaries. In fact, during the reign of See also:Assur-bani-pal Moab played the See also:vassal's part in helping to repulse the invasion of the Nabayati and nomads of Kedar, a See also:movement which made itself See also:felt from Edom nearly as far as See also:Damascus. It had its See also:root in the revolt of Samas-sumyukin (See also:Shamash-shun-ukin) of Babylonia, and coming at a See also:time immediately preceding the disintegration of the Assyrian See also:Empire, may have had most important consequences for Judah and the east of the Jordan.' (See PALESTINE: History.) Moab shares with Ammon and Edom in the See also:general obscurity which overhangs later events.

If it made inroads upon Judah (2 Kings See also:

xxiv. 2), it joined the See also:coalition against Babylonia (Jer. See also:xxvii. 3); if it is condemned for its untimely joy at the fall of Jerusalem (Isa. xxv. 9 seq.; Jer. xlviii.; Ezek. xxv. 8-11; Zeph. ii. 8-Io), it had offered a See also:harbour to fugitive See also:Jews (Jer. xl. II). The See also:dates of the most significant passages are unfortunately uncertain. If Sanballat the Horonite was really a native of the Moabite Horonaim, he finds an appropriate See also:place by the See also:side of Tobiah the Ammonite and Gashmu the Arabian among the strenuous opponents of See also:Nehemiah. Still later we find Moab part of the See also:province of See also:Arabia in the hands of fresh tribes from the Arabian See also:desert (Jos. See also:Ant. xiii. 13, 5); and, with the loss of its former independent power, the name survives merely as a type (See also:Dan. xi.

41). (See JEws; See also:

NABATAEANS.) A populous land commanding the See also:trade routes from Arabia to Damascus, See also:rich in agricultural and See also:pastoral See also:wealth, Moab, as Mesha's inscription proves, had already reached a high See also:state of See also:civilization by the 9th century B.C. Its See also:language differed only dialectically from See also:Hebrew; its ideas and See also:religion were very closely akin to the Israelite, and it may be assumed that they shared in See also:common many features of culture? The relation of Chemosh, the national god, to his " children " (Num. xxi. 29) was that of Yahweh to Israel (see especially Judges xi. 24). He had his priests ( Jer. xlviii. 7), and Mesha, perhaps himself a See also:priest-king, receives the oracles See also:direct or through the See also:medium of his prophets. The practice of devoting, banning or annihilating city or community was both Moabite and Israelite (cf. above, also Deut. ii. 34, iii. 6, xx. 10-2o; 2 Chron. xxv.

12, &c.), and human See also:

sacrifice, offered as an exceptional See also:gift to Chemosh in 2 Kings iii. 27, in Israel to Molech (q.v.), was a rite once less rare. Apart from the religious cult suggested in the name See also:Mount Nebo, there were See also:local cults of the See also:Baal of Peor and the Baal of Meon, and Mesha's allusion to 'Ashtar-Chemosh, a See also:compound deity, has been taken to point to a corresponding See also:consort whose existence might naturally be expected upon other grounds (see See also:ASTARTE). The fertility of Moab, the wealth of See also:wine and See also:corn, the temperate See also:climate and the enervating See also:heat See also:supply conditions which directed the See also:form of cult. Nature-See also:worship, as in Israel, lay at the See also:foundation, and the impure See also:rites of Shittim and Baal-Peor (Num. xxxi. 16; Ps. cvi. 28) would not materially differ from practices which Israelite prophets were called upon to condemn. Much valuable See also:evidence is to be obtained also from the survival of ancient forms of cult in Moab See G. See also:Smith, Ashurbanipal (p. 288, cyl. A. viii. 51, B. viii.

37); L. B. See also:

Paton, See also:Syria and Palestine, p. 269 seq. ; R. F. Harper, See also:Ass. and Bab. Lit., pp. 118 sqq.; H. Winckler, Keilinschr. u. das alte Test., 3rd ed., p. 151. z Excavation alone can supplement the scanty See also:information which the See also:present evidence furnishes.

For a See also:

representation of a Moabite See also:warrior (-god ?), see G. See also:Perrot and C. Chipiez, See also:Art in See also:Phoenicia, ii. 45 seq.and east of the Jordan (e.g. sacrifices on the See also:house See also:roofs) and from a survey of epigraphical and other data from the See also:Greek, See also:Roman, and later periods, See also:allowance being made for contamination. The whole question deserves careful investigation in the light of See also:comparative religion' The relationship felt between Israel and the See also:external states (Moab, Edom, and Ammon) is entirely justified. It extends intermittently throughout the history, and certain complicated features in the traditions of the See also:southern tribes point to See also:affinities with Moab which find a parallel in the traditions of David (see See also:RUTH) and in the allusions to intercourse between Moab and Benjamin (1 Chron. viii. 8) or Judah (ibid. iv. 21 seq.). But the obscure historical background of the references makes it uncertain whether the exclusiveness of orthodox Judaism (Neh. xiii. 1-3; cf. Deut. xxiii. 3-6; See also:Ezra ix.

I, 12) was imposed upon an earlier catholicity, or represented only one aspect of religious spirit, or was succeeded by a more tolerant attitude. Evidence for the last-mentioned has been found in the difficult narrative in Josh. xxii. But Israel remained a great power in religious history while Moab disappeared. It is true that Moab was continuously hard pressed by desert hordes; the exposed See also:

condition of the land is emphasized by the chains of ruined forts and castles which even the See also:Romans were compelled to construct. The explanation of the comparative insignificance of Moab, however, is not to be found in purely topographical considerations. Nor can it be sought in See also:political history, since Israel and Judah suffered as much from external movements as Moab itself. The explanation is to be found within Israel itself, in factors which succeeded in re-shaping existing material and in imprinting upon it a durable See also:stamp, and these factors, as biblical tradition recognizes, are to be found in the See also:work of the prophets. See the articles on Moab in See also:Hastings's Dict. Bible (W. H. Bennett), Ency. Bib.

(G. A. Smith and See also:

Wellhausen), and Hauck's Realencyklo- rdie (F. Buhl) with their references; also the popular description W. Libbey and F. E. See also:Hoskins, Jordan Valley and See also:Petra (1905), and the very elaborate and scientific See also:works by R. E. Briinnow and A. von Domaszewski, See also:Die Provincia Arabia (1904-1905), and A. Musil, Arabia Pelraea (1907-1908). Mention should be made of the See also:mosaic See also:map of Palestine found at Medaba, dating perhaps from the 5th century A.D.; for this, see A. Jacoby, Das geograph.

Mosaik von M. (1905), and P. See also:

Palmer and Guthe (1906). For language and See also:epigraphy see NABATAEANS, SEMITIC See also:LANGUAGES; for See also:topography, &c., PALESTINE; and for the later history, JEWS. (S. A. C.) MO'ALLAKAT (MU'ALLAQAT or MU'ALLAQAT). Al-Mo'allagat is the See also:title of a See also:group of seven longish Arabic poems, which have come down to us from the time before See also:Islam. The name signifies " the suspended " (pl.), the traditional explanation being that these poems were hung up by the See also:Arabs on or in the Ka'ba at See also:Mecca. The See also:oldest passage known to the present writer where this is stated occurs in the 'Iqd of the See also:Spanish Arab, See also:Ibn 'Abd-Rabbihi (A.D. 860-940), Bulaq ed. of 1293 A.H. vol. iii. p. 116 seq.

We read there: " The Arabs had such an See also:

interest in See also:poetry, and valued it so highly, that they took seven See also:long pieces selected from the ancient poetry, wrote them in See also:gold on pieces of Coptic See also:linen folded up, and hung them up ('allaqat) on the curtains which covered the Ka'ba. Hence we speak of `the See also:golden poem of Amra'al Qais,' `the golden poem of See also:Zuhair.' The number of the golden poems is seven; they are also called `the suspended' (al-Mo'allagat)." Similar statements are found in later Arabic works. But against this we have the testimony of a contemporary of Ibn 'Abd-Rabbihi, the grammarian Nahhas (d. A.D. 949), who says in his commentary on the Mo'allagat: "As for the assertion that they were hung up in [sic] the Ka'ba, it is not known to any of those who have handed down ancient poems. " 4 This cautious See also:scholar is unquestionably right in rejecting a story so utterly unauthenticated. The customs of the Arabs before See also:Mahomet ' See W. R. Smith, Religion of the Semites (2nd ed.), which may be supplemented by the scattered gleanings in Clermont-Ganneau's Recueil d'archeologie orientale; and more especially by P. Antonin Jaussin's valuable monograph, Coutumes See also:des Arabes an pays de Moab (See also:Paris, 1908). (See also HEBREW RELIGION.) See also:Ernst Frenkel, An-Nahhi s' Commentar zur Mu'allaga des Imruul-Qais (See also:Halle, 1876), p. viii. are See also:pretty accurately known to us; we have also a See also:mass of information about the affairs of Mecca at the time when the See also:Prophet arose; but no trace of this or anything like it is found in really See also:good and ancient authorities.

We hear, indeed, of a Meccan See also:

hanging up a spoil of See also:battle on the Ka'ba (Ibn Hisham, ed. Wustenfeld, p. 431). Less credible is the story of an important document being deposited in that sanctuary (ibid. p. 230), for this looks like an instance of later usages being transferred to pre-Islamic times. But at all events this is quite a different thing from the hanging up of poetical See also:manuscripts. To account for the disappearance of the Mo'allaqat from the Ka'ba we are told, in a passage of late origin (De Sacy, Chrestom. ii. 48o), that they were taken down at the See also:capture of Mecca by the Prophet. But in that case we should expect some hint of the occurrence in the circumstantial See also:biographies of the Prophet, and in the works on the history of Mecca; and we find no such thing. That a See also:series of long poems was written at all at that remote See also:period is improbable in the extreme. Up to a time when the art of See also:writing had become far more general than it was before the spread of Islam, poems were never—or very rarely—written, with the exception, perhaps, of epistles in poetic form. The See also:diffusion of poetry was exclusively committed to oral tradition.

Moreover, it is quite inconceivable that there should have been either a gild or a private individual of such acknowledged See also:

taste, or of such See also:influence, as to bring about a consensus of See also:opinion in favour of certain poems. Think of the mortal offence which the See also:canonization of one poet must have given to his rivals and their tribes. It was quite another thing for an individual to give his own private estimate of the respective merits of two poets who had appealed to him as See also:umpire, or for a number of poets to appear at large gatherings, such as the See also:fair of `Ogaz (Okad) as candidates for the place of honour in the estimation of the throng which listened to their recitations. No better is the modifications of the See also:legend, which we find, at a much later period, in the Moqaddima of Ibn Khaldun (A.D. 1332-1406), who tells us that the poets themselves hung up their poems on the Ka'ba (ed. Paris iii. 357)• In short, this legend, so often retailed by Arabs, and still more frequently by Europeans, must be entirely rejected.' The story is a pure fabrication based on the name " suspended." The word was taken in its literal sense; and as these poems were prized by many above all others in after times, the same opinion was attributed to " the [ancient] Arabs," who were supposed to have given effect to their See also:verdict in the way already described. A somewhat simpler version, also given by Nahhas in the passage already cited, is as follows: " Most of the Arabs were accustomed to meet at `Ogaz and recite verses; then, if the king was pleased with any poem, he said, ` Hang it up, and preserve it among my treasures.' " But, not to mention other difficulties, there was no king of all the Arabs; and it is hardly probable that any Arabian king attended the fair at `Ogaz. The story that the poems were written in gold has evidently originated in the name " the golden poems " (literally " the gilded "), a figurative expression for excellence. We may interpret the designation " suspended " on the same principle. It seems to mean those (poems) which have been raised, on account of their value, to a specially See also:honourable position. Another derivative of the same root is 'ilo, "See also:precious thing." A clearer significance attaches to another name some-times used for these poems—assumut, " the strings of pearls." The comparison of artificially elaborated poems to these strings is extremely See also:apt.

Hence it became so popular that, even in See also:

ordinary See also:prose, to speak in rhythmical form is called simply naym—" to See also:string pearls." The selection of these seven poems can scarcely have been ' Doubts had already been expressed by various scholars, when See also:Hengstenberg—rigid conservative as he was in See also:theology—openly challenged it, and See also:Sprenger (Das Leben des Mohammad, i. 14, See also:Berlin, 1861) declared it a See also:fable. Since then it has been controverted at length, in See also:Noldeke's Beitrage zur Kenntniss der Poesie der See also:alten Araber (See also:Hanover, 1864), p. xvii. sqq. Ahlwardt concurs in this conclusion; see his Bemerkungen 'fiber die Aechtheit der See also:alien arabischen Gedichte (1872), pp. 25 seq.the work of the ancient Arabs at all. It is much more likely that we owe it to some connoisseur of a later date. Now Nahhas says expressly in the same passage: " The true view of the matter is this: when Ilammad ar-Rawiya (Ilammad the See also:Rhapsodist) saw how little men cared for poetry, he collected these seven pieces, urged people to study them, and said to them: ` These are the [poems] of renown.' " And this agrees with all our other information. Ilammad (who lived in the first three quarters of the 8th century A.D.) was perhaps of all men the one who knew most Arabic poetry by See also:heart. The recitation of poems was his profession. To such a rhapsodist the task of selection is in every way appropriate; and it may be assumed that he is responsible also for the somewhat fantastic title of " the suspended." There is another fact which seems to speak in favour of Ilammad as the compiler of this work. He was a See also:Persian by descent, but a client of the Arab tribe, Bakr ibn Wail. For this See also:reason, we may suppose, he not only received into the collection a poem of the famous poet See also:Tarafa, of the tribe of Bakr, but also that of another Bakrite, IIarith, who, though not accounted a See also:bard of the highest See also:rank, had been a prominent chieftain; while his poem could serve as a counterpoise to another also received—the celebrated verses of {larith's See also:con-temporary `Amr, See also:chief of the Taghlib, the See also:rival brethren of the Bakr.

`Amr praises the Taghlib in glowing terms: IIarith, in a similar vein, extolls the Bakr—ancestors of Ilammad's patrons. The collection of Ilammad appears to have consisted of the same seven poems which are found in our See also:

modern See also:editions, composed respectively by Amra'al-Qais, Tarafa, Zuhair, See also:Labid, 'Antara ibn Shaddad, `Amr ibn Kulthum, and Ilarith ibn Ijilliza. These are enumerated both by Ibn `Abd-Rabbihi, and, on the authority of the older philologists, by Nahhas; and all subsequent comTentators seem to follow them. We have, however, evidence of the existence, at a very early period, of a slightly different arrangement. Certainly we cannot now say, on the testimony of the Jamharat ash `dr al `Arab, that two of the most competent ancient authorities on Arabic poetry, Mofadelal (d. c. 790) and See also:Abu `Ubaida (d. A.D. 824, at a great age), had already assigned to the " Seven " (viz. " the seven Mo'allaqat ") a poem each of Nabigha and A'sha in place of those of `Antara and Harith. For meanwhile it has been discovered that the compiler of the above-mentioned work—who, in See also:order to deceive the reader, issued it under a false name—is absolutely untrustworthy. But the learned Ibn Qotaiba (9th century A.D.), in his See also:book Of Poetry and Poets, mentions as belonging to the " Seven " not only the poem of `Amr, which has invariably been reckoned among the Mo'allaqat (ed. de See also:Goeje, p. 120), but also a poem of `Abid ibn Abras (ibid.

144). In place of which poem he read this we do not know; and we are equally ignorant as to whether he counted other pieces than those indicated above among the seven. Now Nabigha and A`sha enjoyed greater celebrity than any of the poets represented in the Mo'allaqat, with the exception of Amra'al-Qais, and it is therefore not surprising that scholars, of a somewhat later date, appended a poem by each of these to the Mo'allaqat, without intending by this to make them an integral part of that work. This is clear, for instance, from the See also:

introductory words of Tibrizi (d. A.D. 1109) to his commentary on the Mo'allaqat. Appended to this he gives a commentary to a poem of Nabigha, to one of A`sha, and moreover one to that poem of `Abid which, as we have just seen, Ibn Qotaiba had counted among the seven. It is a pure misunderstanding when Ibn Khaldun (loc. cit.) speaks of nine Mo`allagat; and we ought hardly to lay any stress on the fact that he mentions not only Nabigha and A`sha, but also `Algama, as Mo'allaqapoets. He was probably led to this by a delusive recollection of the Collection of the " Six Poets," in which were included these three, together with the three Mo`See also:aliaga-poets, Amra'al-Qais, Zuhair and Tarafa. The lives of these poets were spread over a period of more than a See also:hundred years. The earliest of the seven was AMRA'ALQAls (q.v.), regarded by many as the most illustrious of Arabian poets. His exact date cannot be determined; but probably the best part of his career fell within the midst of the 6th century.

He was a See also:

scion of the royal house of the tribe Kinda, which lost its power at the death of King Harith ibn `Amr in the See also:year 529.1 The poet's royal See also:father, Hojr, by some accounts a son of this Harith, was killed by a Bedouin tribe, the Banu Asad. The son led an adventurous See also:life as a refugee, now with one tribe, now with another, and appears to have died See also:young. The anecdotes related of him—which, however, are very untrustworthy in detail—as well as his poems, imply that the glorious memory of his house and the hatred it inspired were still comparatively fresh, and therefore See also:recent. A contemporary of Amra'al-Qais was `ABID IBN ABRAs, one poem of whose, as we have seen, is by some authorities reckoned among the collection. He belonged to the Banu Asad, and is fond of vaunting the heroic dead of his tribe—the See also:murder of Hojr— in opposition to the victim's son, the great poet. The Mo'allaqa of `AMR hurls See also:defiance against the king of See also:Hira, `Amr son of Mundhir, who reigned from the summer of 554 till 568 or 569, and was afterwards slain by our poet.2 This See also:prince is also addressed by HARITH in his Mo'allaqa. Of TARAFA, who is said to have attained no great age, a few satirical verses have been preserved, directed against this same king. This agrees with the fact that a See also:grandson of the Qais ibn Khalid, mentioned as a rich and influential See also:man in Taraf a's Mo'allaqa (v. 8o or 81), figured at the time of the battle of Dhu-Qar, in which the tribe Bakr routed a Persian See also:army. This battle falls between A.D. 604 and 61o.3 The Mo'allaqa of `ANTARA and that of ZUIIAIR contain allusions to the feuds of the kindred tribes `Abs and Dhobyan. Famous as these contests were, their time cannot accurately be ascertained.

But the date of the two poets can be approximately determined from other data. Ka'b, son of Zuhair, composed first a See also:

satire, and then, in the year 63o, a eulogy on the Prophet; another son, Bujair, had begun, somewhat sooner, to celebrate Mahomet. `Antara killed the grandfather of Ahnaf ibn Qais, who died at an advanced age in A.D. 686 or 687; he outlived `Abdallah ibn Simma, whose See also:brother Duraid was a very old man when he fell in battle against the Prophet (early in A.D. 63o); and he had communications with See also:Ward, whose son, the poet `Orwa, may perhaps have survived the See also:flight of Mahomet to See also:Medina. From. all these indications we may place the productive period of both poets in the end of the 6th century. The historical background of `Antara's Mo'allaqa lies somewhat earlier than that of Zuhair's. To the same period appears to belong the poem of `ALQAMA, which, as we have seen, Ibn Khaldun reckons amongst the Mo 'allaqat. This too is certainly the date of NABIGHA, who was one of the most distinguished of Arabic poets. For in the poem often reckoned as a Mo'allaqa, as in many others, he addresses himself to No`man, king of Hira, who reigned in the two last decades of the 6th century. The same king is mentioned as a contemporary in one of 'Alqama's poems. The poem of A`SHA, sometimes added to the Mo'allaqat, contains an allusion to the battle of Dhu Qar (under the name " Battle of Ilinw," v.

62). This poet, not less famous than Nabigha, lived to compose a poem in honour of Mahomet, and died not long before A.D. 630.

End of Article: MOAB

Additional information and Comments

There are no comments yet for this article.
» Add information or comments to this article.
Please link directly to this article:
Highlight the code below, right click, and select "copy." Then paste it into your website, email, or other HTML.
Site content, images, and layout Copyright © 2006 - Net Industries, worldwide.
Do not copy, download, transfer, or otherwise replicate the site content in whole or in part.

Links to articles and home page are always encouraged.

[back]
MOA
[next]
MOAT