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PEABODY

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Originally appearing in Volume V21, Page 7 of the 1911 Encyclopedia Britannica.
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PEABODY , a township of See also:

Essex See also:county, See also:Massachusetts, tration," declaring that " certain disputes, in particular those U.S.A., in the eastern See also:part of the See also:state, 2 M. N.W. of See also:Salem. See also:relating to the See also:interpretation and application of the provisions Pop. (1905) 13,098; (1910) 15,721. It is served by the See also:Boston & of See also:international agreements, are suitable (susceptible) to be See also:Maine railroad. The township covers an See also:area of 17 sq. m. Its submitted to compulsory See also:arbitration without any restriction." See also:principal See also:village is also known as Peabody. It contains the These declarations were obviously a concession to the wide-Peabody See also:institute (1852), a See also:gift of See also:George Peabody; in 1909 the spread feeling, among civilized nations, that See also:peace is an See also:object institute had a library of 43,200 vols., and in connexion with it is in itself, an international See also:political See also:condition requiring its See also:code of the Eben See also:Dale See also:Sutton reference library, containing 4100 vols. methods and See also:laws just as much as the domestic political conditions in 1909. In the institute is the portrait of See also:Queen See also:Victoria given of nations require their codes of methods and laws. In other by her to Mr Peabody. Among the places of See also:interest in the words peace among nations has now become, or is fast becoming, township are the birthplace of George Peabody, the See also:home of a See also:positive subject of international regulation, while See also:war is See also:Rufus See also:Choate (who lived here from 1823 to 1828), and the old 1 This has been incorrectly rendered in the See also:English See also:official transburying-ground, where many soldiers of the War of Indepen- lation as " the sincere See also:desire to See also:work for the See also:maintenance of See also:general dente are buried; and the See also:town has a See also:Lexington See also:monument, peace." coming, among progressive peoples, to be regarded merely as an accidental disturbance of that See also:harmony. and See also:concord among mankind which nations require for the fostering of their domestic welfare. Though the See also:idea of preserving peace by general international regulation has had several exponents in the course of ages, no deliberate See also:plan has ever yet been carried into effect. Indirectly, however, there have been'many agencies which have operated towards this end.

The earliest, known to See also:

history, is the Amphictyonic See also:Council (q.v.) which See also:grew out of the See also:common See also:worship of the Hellenes. It was not so much a political as a religious See also:body. " If it had any claim," says See also:Freeman,' " to the See also:title of a general council of See also:Greece, it was wholly in the sense in which we speak of general See also:councils in See also:modern See also:Europe. The Amphictyonic Council represented Greece as an ecclesiastical See also:synod represented western Christendom. Its See also:primary business was to regulate the concerns of the See also:temple of See also:Apollo at See also:Delphi. The Amphictyonic Council which met at Delphi was only the most famous of several bodies of the same See also:kind." " It is easy, however," adds Freeman, " to understand how the religious functions of such a body might assume a political See also:character. Thus the old Amphictyonic See also:oath forbade certain extreme See also:measures of hostility against any See also:city sharing in the common Amphictyonic worship, and it was forbidden to raze any Amphictyonic city or to cut off its See also:water. As the only deliberative body in which most See also:Greek communities were represented, its decisions were those of the bulk of the Hellenic See also:people. It sank eventually into a See also:mere political See also:tool in the hands first of See also:Thebes, and then under See also:Philip of See also:Macedonia." The so-called See also:pax See also:romana was merely peace within an See also:empire governed from a central authority, the constituent parts of which were held together by a network of centralized authority. The feudal See also:system again was a system of offence and See also:defence, and its object was efficiency for war, not the organized regulation of peace. Yet-it had elements of federation within the bonds of its See also:hierarchy. The spiritual See also:influence of the See also:Church again was exerted to preserve relative peace among feudal princes.

The " Truce of See also:

God " was established by the See also:clergy (originally in Guyenne in 1031) to take See also:advantage of See also:holy days and festivals for the purpose of restricting the See also:time available for bloodshed. The " See also:grand See also:design " of See also:Henry IV. (See also:France), which some historians regard merely as the fantastic idea of a visionary, was probably a See also:scheme of his See also:great See also:minister See also:Sully to avert by a federation the conflict which he probably foresaw would break out sooner or later between See also:Catholic and See also:Protestant Europe, and which, in fact, See also:broke out some fifteen years later in the See also:Thirty Years' War. The Holy See also:Roman Empire itself was in some respects an See also:agent for the preservation of peace among its constituent states. In the same way the federation of Swiss cantons, of the states of the See also:North See also:American See also:Union and of the See also:present See also:German Empire have served as means of reducing the number of possible parties to war, and consequently that of its possible occasions. Not only the number of possible war-making states but also the territorial area over which war can be made has been reduced in See also:recent times by the creation of neutralized states such as See also:Switzerland, See also:Belgium, See also:Luxemburg and See also:Norway, and areas such as the See also:Congo See also:basin, the American lakes and the See also:Suez See also:Canal. The " See also:balance of See also:power," which has played in the history of 'modern Europe such an important part, is inherent in the notion of the See also:independence and stability of states. Just as in See also:Italy the common weal of the different republics which were crowded within the limited area of the See also:peninsula required that no one of them should become so powerful as to threaten the independence of the others, so western Europe had a similar danger to counteract. France, See also:Spain and the Empire were competing with each other in power to the detriment of smaller states. Great See also:Britain and the See also:Netherlands, See also:Prussia and See also:Russia, 'History of Federal See also:Government in Greece and Italy (2nd ed., See also:London, 1893), p. 97.had interests in the preservation of the status quo, and See also:wars were waged and See also:treaties concluded to adjust the strength of states in the common interest of preventing any one of them from obtaining undue predominance. Then came the break up of what remained of feudal Europe and a readjustment under See also:Napoleon, which See also:left the western See also:world with five fairly balanced homogeneous nations.

These now took the See also:

place of the old heterogeneous areas, governed by their respective sovereigns without reference to any idea of See also:nationality or of See also:national See also:representation. The leading nations assumed the See also:hegemony of the See also:west, and in more recent times this See also:combination has become known as the " See also:concert of Europe." This concert of the great See also:powers, as its name implies, in contradistinction to the " balance of power," was essentially a See also:factor for the preservation of peace. For a See also:century back it has played the part of an upper council in the management of Europe. In all matters affecting the Near See also:East, it considers itself supreme. In matters of general interest it has frequently called conferences to which the See also:minor states have been invited, such as the West See also:African See also:Conference in See also:Berlin in 1885, and the See also:Anti-See also:Slavery Conference at See also:Brussels in 1889-189o, and the Conference of See also:Algeciras in 1906. Meanwhile the concert has admitted among its members first in 1856 See also:Turkey, later in 1878 at the See also:Congress of Berlin the See also:United States, and now undoubtedly See also:Japan will expect to be included as a great power in this controlling body. The essential feature of the concert has been recognition of the advantage to all the great powers of common See also:action in reference to territorial changes in the Near East, of See also:meeting together as a council, in preference to unconcerted negotiation by the powers acting severally. A departure of more recent origin has been the calling together of the smaller powers for the See also:settlement of matters of general administrative interest, conferences such as those which led to the conclusion of the conventions creating the Postal Union, the See also:Copyright and See also:Industrial See also:Property Unions, &c. These conferences of all the powers serve in practice as a sort of common council in the community of states, just as the concert of the great powers acts as a kind of See also:senate. We have thus the See also:nucleus of that international See also:parliament which idealist peacemakers have dreamt of since the time of Henry IV.'s " grand design." This brings us down to the greatest deliberate effort ever made to secure the peace of the world by a. general See also:convention. It was due to the initiative of the See also:young See also:tsar See also:Nicolas II., who, in his famous rescript of the 24th of See also:August 1898, stated that he thought that the then moment was " very favourable for seeking, by means of international discussion, the most effectual means of assuring to all peoples the benefits of a real and durable peace." " In the course of the last twenty years," added the rescript, " the preservation of peace had become an object of international policy." Economic crises, due in great part to the existing system of excessive armaments, were transforming armed peace into a crushing See also:burden, which peoples had more and more difficulty in bearing. He therefore proposed that there should be an international conference for the purpose of focusing the efforts of all states which were " sincerely seeking to make the great idea of universal peace See also:triumph over the elements of trouble and discord." The first conference was held in 1899, and another followed it in 1907: at the earlier one twenty-six powers were represented; at that of 1907 there were See also:forty-four, this time practically the whole world.

The conventions See also:

drawn up at the second conference were a deliberate codification of many branches of international See also:law. By them a written law has been substituted for that unwritten law which nations had been wont to construe with a See also:latitude more or less corresponding to their power. At the conference of 1899, moreover, a See also:court of arbitration was instituted for the purpose of dealing judicially with such matters in dispute as the powers agreed to submit to it. In the See also:interval between the two See also:Hague Conferences, Great Britain and France concluded the first treaty applicable to future difficulties, as distinguished from the treaties which had preceded it, treaties which related in all cases to difficulties already existing and confined to them. This treaty made arbitration applicable to all matters not affecting " national See also:honour or vital interests." Since then a network of similar treaties, adopted by different nations with each other and based on the Anglo-See also:French See also:model, has made reference to the Hague Court of Arbitration practically compulsory for all matters which can be settled by an See also:award of See also:damages or do not affect any vital national interest. The third Hague Conference is timed to be held in 1917. Meanwhile a conference of the maritime powers was held in London in 1908-1909 for the elaboration of a code of international maritime law in time of war, to be applied in the international Court of See also:Prize, which had been proposed in a convention signed ad See also:referendum at the Hague Conference of 1907. A further development in the common efforts which have been made by different powers to assure the reign of See also:justice and judicial methods among the states of the world was the proposal of Secretary See also:Knox of the United States to insert in the See also:instrument of ratification of the International Prize Court Convention (adopted at the Hague in 1897) a clause stating that the International Prize Court shall be invested with the duties and functions of a court of arbitral justice, such as recommended by the first Voeu of the Final See also:Act of the conference. The object of this proposal was to give effect to the idea that the existing " permanent " court lacked the essential characteristics of national courts of justice in not being ready at all times to hear cases, and in needing to be specially constituted for every See also:case submitted to it. The new court would be permanently in session at the Hague, the full See also:panel of See also:judges to assemble in See also:ordinary or extraordinary session once a See also:year. Thus, while armaments are increasing, and wars are being fought out in the See also:press and in public discussion, the great powers are steadily working out a system of written law and establishing a judiciary to adjust their See also:differences in accordance with it.' The Current Grouping of Mankind and Nation-making.—In the consolidation of peace one of the most important factors is unquestionably the grouping of mankind in accordance with the final territorial and racial limitations of their apparent destiny. See also:Language has played a vital part in the formation of See also:Germany and Italy.

The language question still disturbs the tranquillity of. the Near East. The Hungarian government is regarded by the Slav, Ruman and German inhabitants of the See also:

monarchy as an oppressor for endeavouring to force every-body within the See also:realm to learn the Magyar language. The " Young See also:Turkish " government has problems to See also:face which will be equally difficult, if it insists on endeavouring to institute centralized government in Turkey on the French model. Whereas during the 19th century states were being cut out to suit the existing See also:distribution of language, in the loth the tendency seems to be to avoid further rearrangement of boundaries, and to See also:complete the homogeneity, thus far attained, by the artificial method of forcing reluctant populations to adopt the language of the predominant or governing See also:race. In the United States this artificial method has become a See also:necessity, to prevent the upgrowth of See also:alien communities, which might at some later date cause domestic trouble of a perilous character. For example, when a community of French Canadians, discontented with See also:British See also:rule, many years ago migrated and settled in Massachusetts, they found none of the tolerance they had been enjoying in See also:Canada for their French See also:schools and the French language they wished to preserve. In See also:Alsace-See also:Lorraine German-speaking immigrants are gradually displacing, under 1 Schemes of thinkers, like See also:William See also:Penn's See also:European Parliament (1693); the See also:Abbe St See also:Pierre's elaboration (c. 1700) of Henry 1V.'s ` grand design " (see supra) ; See also:Jeremy See also:Bentham's International Tribunal (1786–1789); See also:Kant's Permanent Congress of Nations and Perpetual Peace (1796); See also:John See also:Stuart See also:Mill's Federal Supreme Court; See also:Seeley's, See also:Bluntschli's, See also:David See also:Dudley See also:Field's, See also:Professor Leone See also:Levi's, See also:Sir See also:Edmund See also:Hornby's co-operative schemes for promoting law and See also:order among nations, have all contributed to popularizing in different countries the idea of a federation of mankind for the preservation of peace.government encouragement, the French-speaking See also:population. See also:Poland is another case of the difficulty of managing a population which speaks a language not that of the governing See also:majority, and Russia, in trying to solve one problem by absorbing See also:Finland into the national system, is burdening herself with another which may work out in centuries of unrest, if not in domestic violence. Not very See also:long ago See also:Pan-Germans were paying much See also:attention to the German settlers in 'the Brazilian See also:province of Rio Grande do Sul, where large villages spoke nothing but German, and German, as the only language known on the spot, had become the See also:tongue in which municipal business was transacted. The Brazilian government, in view of the danger to which such a state of things might give rise, followed the example of the United States in dealing with the language question. Thus while in the one case homogeneity of language within state boundaries seems to be one of the conditions making for peace, the avoidance of interference with a well-marked homogeneous area like Finland would seem to contribute equally to the same end.

Meanwhile the difficulties in the way of contemporary nation-making are fostered by many extraneous influences, as well as by dogged resistance of the races in question. Not the least important of these influences is the sentimental sympathy See also:

felt for those who are supposed to be deprived of the use of their See also:mother-tongue, and who are subjected to the hardship of learning an alien one. The hardship inflicted on those who have to learn a second language is very easily exaggerated, though it is to be regretted that in the case of See also:Hungary the second language is not one more useful for international purposes. Contemporary Statecraft.—Nation-making has hitherto been more or less unconscious—the outcome of necessity, a natural growth due to the See also:play of circumstance and events. But in our own See also:age conscious statecraft is also at work, as in Canada, where the See also:genius of statesmen is gradually endowing that dominion with all the attributes of independence and power. See also:Australia has not learnt the See also:lesson of Canada in vain. Whatever value may attach to the consolidation of the. British Empire itself as a factor in spreading the peace which reigns within it, it is also a great contribution to the peace of the world that the British race should have founded practically See also:independent states like the Dominion of Canada, the See also:Commonwealth of Australia, the See also:South African Union and the Dominion of New See also:Zealand. These self-governing colonies with their See also:spheres of influence, with vast areas still unpeopled, have a future before them which is dissociated from the methods of an over-peopled Europe, and among them the preservation of peace is the See also:direct object and condition of their progressive development. Like the United States, they have or will have their See also:Monroe See also:doctrine. Colonized by the steady industrial peoples of See also:northern Europe, there is no danger of the turbulence of the industrially indolent but more passionate peoples of Central and South See also:America. As in Europe, these northern peoples will hold the power which intelligent democracies are consciously absorbing, and the British See also:faculty for statecraft is gradually See also:welding new nations on the British model, without the obsolete traditions and without that human sediment which too frequently chokes the currents of national vitality in the older communities of Europe.

Militarism.—It is often stated, as if it were incontrovertible, that See also:

conscription and large See also:standing armies are a menace to peace, and yet, although throughout the civilized world, except in the British Empire and the United States, conscription is the system employed for the recruiting of the national forces of both defence and offence, few of these countries show any particular disposition to make war. The exceptional position of the United States, with a population about equal to that of the See also:rest of the American See also:continent, and of Great Britain, an See also:island state but little exposed to military invasion, places both beyond See also:absolute need of large standing armies, and renders an enlisting system feasible which would be quite inadequate for the recruitment of armies on the French or German See also:scale. Democratic progress on the Continent has, however, absorbed conscription as a feature in the equalization of the See also:citizen's rights and liabilities. Just as in Anglo-Saxon lands a national ideal is gradually materializing in the principle of the equalization of chances for all citizens,. so in See also:continental Europe, along with this equalization of chances, has still more rapidly See also:developed the ideal of an equalization of obligations, which in turn leads to the claim for an enlargement of political rights co-extensive with the obligations. Thus universal conscription and universal See also:suffrage tend to become in continental political development complementary conditions of the citizen's political being. In Germany, moreover, the military service is designed not only to make the recruit a See also:good soldier, but also to give him a healthy See also:physical, moral and See also:mental training. German statesmen, under the powerful stimulus of the See also:emperor William II., have, in the eyes of some critics, carried this secondary object of conscript training to such excess as to be detrimental to military efficiency. To put it shortly, the Germans have taught their soldiers to think, and not merely to obey. The French, who naturally looked to German methods for See also:inspiration, have come to apply them more particularly in the development of their See also:cavalry and See also:artillery, especially in that of the former, which has taken in the French See also:army an ever higher place as its observing and thinking See also:organ. Militarism on the Continent has thus become allied with the very factors which made for the reign of See also:reason. No agitation for the development of national defences, no beating of drums to awaken the military spirit, no anti-See also:foreign clamour or invasion panic, no parading of See also:uniforms and futile clash of arms, are necessary to entice the groundling and the bumpkin into the service. In Germany patriotic waving of the See also:flag, as a political method, is directed more especially to the strengthening of imperial, as distinguished from See also:local, patriotism.

Where conscription has existed for any appreciable time it has sunk into the national See also:

economy, and men do their military service with as little concern as if it were a See also:civil See also:apprenticeship. As implied above, military training under conscription does not by any means necessarily tend to the promotion of the military spirit. In France, so far from taking this direction, it has resulted, under democratic government and universal suffrage, in a widespread abhorrence of war, and, in fact, has converted the French people from being the most militant into being the most pacific nation in Europe. The fact that every See also:family throughout the See also:land is a contributory to the military forces of the See also:country has made peace a family, and hence a national, ideal. Paradoxical as it may seem, it is the logical conclusion of such comparisons that militarism only exists in countries where there are no citizen armies, and that, where there are citizen armies, they are one of the elements which make for permanent peace. Normal Nature of Peace.—America has been the See also:pioneer of the view that peace is the normal condition of mankind, and that, when the causes of war are eliminated, war ceases to have a raison d'etre. The See also:objects and causes of war are of many kinds. War for fighting's See also:sake, although in the popular mind there may be, during most wars, only the excitement and the emotion of a great gamble, has no conscious place among the motives of those who determine the destinies of peoples. Apart, however, from self-defence, the See also:main causes of war are four: (I) The desire for territorial expansion, due to the overgrowth of population, and insufficiency of the available See also:food-See also:supply; if the necessary territory cannot be obtained by negotiation, See also:conquest becomes the only alternative to See also:emigration to foreign lands. (2) The prompting of national ambition or a desire to wipe out the See also:record of a humiliating defeat. (3) Ambitious potentates again may seek to deflect popular tendencies into channels more satisfactory for their See also:dynasty. (4) Nations, on the other See also:hand, may grow jealous of each other's commercial success or material power.

In many cases the apparent cause may be of a nobler character, but historians have seldom been content to accept the allegations of those who have claimed to carry on war from disinterested motives. On the American continent South and Central Americanstates have had many wars, and the disastrous effects of them not only in retarding their own development, but in impairing their national See also:

credit, have led to See also:earnest endeavours on the part of their leading statesmen to arrive at such an under-standing as will banish from their international polity all excuses for resorting to armed conflicts. In 1881 Mr See also:Blaine, then U.S. secretary of state, addressed an instruction to the ministers of the United States of America accredited to the various Central and South American nations, directing them to invite the governments of these countries to participate in a congress, to be held at See also:Washington in 1882, " for the purpose of considering and discussing the methods of preventing war between the nations of America." Owing to different circumstances the conference was delayed till the autumn of 1889. At this conference a plan of arbitration was drawn up, under which arbitration was made obligatory in all controversies whatever their origin, with the single exception that it should not apply where, in the See also:judgment of any one of the nations involved in the controversy, its national independence was imperilled, and even in this case arbitration, though optional for the nation so judging, was to be obligatory for the adversary power. At the second International Conference of American States, which sat in the city of See also:Mexico from the 22nd of See also:October 1901 to the 31st of See also:January 1902, the same subject was again discussed, and a scheme was finally adopted as a See also:compromise which conferred authority on the government of Mexico to ascertain the views of the different governments represented in the conference, regarding the most advanced See also:form in which a general arbitration convention could be drawn up that would meet with the approval and secure ratification by all the countries represented, and afterwards to prepare a plan for such a general treaty. The third Pan-American Conference was held in the months of See also:July and August 1906, and was attended by the United States, See also:Argentina, See also:Bolivia, See also:Brazil, See also:Chile, See also:Colombia, See also:Costa Rica, See also:Cuba, the Dominican See also:Republic, See also:Ecuador, See also:Guatemala, See also:Honduras, Mexico, See also:Nicaragua, See also:Panama, See also:Paraguay, See also:Peru, See also:Salvador and See also:Uruguay. Only See also:Haiti and See also:Venezuela were absent. The conference, being held only a year before the time fixed for the second Hague Conference, applied itself mainly to the question of the extent to which force might be used for the collection of pecuniary claims against defaulting governments, and the forwarding of the principle of arbitration under the Hague Conventions. The possible causes of war on the American continent had meanwhile been considerably reduced. Different states had adjusted their frontiers, Great Britain in British See also:Guiana had settled an out-standing question with Venezuela, France in French Guiana another with Brazil, Great Britain in See also:Newfoundland. had re-moved time-honoured grievances with France, Great Britain in Canada others with the United States of America, and now the most difficult kind of international questions which can arise, so far as the American continent is concerned, have been removed from among existing dangers to peace. Among the See also:Southern Republics Argentina and Chile concluded in 1902 a treaty of arbitration, for the settlement of all difficulties without distinction, combined with a disarmament agreement of the same date, to which more ample reference will be made hereafter.

End of Article: PEABODY

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PEABODY, ANDREW PRESTON (1811–1893)