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CAVOUR, CAMILLO BENSO, COUNT (1810–18...
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See also:CAVOUR, CAMILLO BENSO, See also:COUNT (1810–18.61) , See also:Italian statesman, was See also:born at See also:Turin on the 1st of See also:August 181o. The Bensos, who belonged to the old Piedmontese feudal See also:aristocracy, were a very See also:ancient See also:house, said to be descended from a Saxon See also:warrior who settled at Santena in the See also:lath See also:century and married a Piedmontese heiress; Camillo's See also:father, the See also:marquis Michele, married a See also:noble Genevese See also:lady, and both he and his wife held offices in the See also:household of See also:Prince See also:Borghese, the See also:governor of See also:Piedmont under See also:Napoleon, and See also:husband of the latter's See also:sister, Pauline See also:Bonaparte. Being a younger son (his See also:brother Gustavowas the eldest) Cavour was destined for the See also:army, • and when ten years old he entered the military See also:academy at Turin. On leaving the See also:college at the See also:age of sixteen he was first of his class, and received a See also:commission in the See also:engineers. He spent the next five years in the army, residing at See also:Ventimiglia, See also:Genoa, and various Alpine fortresses to superintend See also:defence See also:works; but he spent his leisure See also:hours in study, especially of the See also:English See also:language. He soon See also:developed strongly marked Liberal tendencies and an uncompromising dislike for See also:absolutism and clericalism, which, as he had not acquired the See also:art of reticence, made him a suspect in the eyes of the See also:police and of the reactionaries; at the same See also:time he does not seem to have joined any See also:secret society, for he was too loyal to conspire against the See also: He applied his knowledge of agriculture to the management of his father's See also:estate at Lai, which he greatly improved, he founded the Piedmontese Agricultural Society, and took the See also:lead in promoting the introduction of See also:steam See also:navigation, See also:railways and factories into the See also:country.
Thus his mind gradually evolved, and he began to See also:dream dreams of a See also:united See also:Italy See also:free of foreign See also:influence, but owing to the reactionary policy of the Piedmontese government he was unable to take any active See also:part in politics. In 1847, however, the psycho-logical moment seemed to have arrived, for the new See also:pope, See also:Pius IX., showed marked Liberal tendencies and seemed ready to lead all the forces of Italian patriotism against the See also:Austrian domination. The hopes of the Italian Liberals See also:rose high and the so-called neo-See also:Guelph party, represented by such men as Vincenzo See also:Gioberti and Cesare See also:Balbo, believed that an Italian See also:confederation might be formed under the See also:presidency of the pope. Cavour, although he realized that a really Liberal pope was an impossibility, saw the importance of the See also:movement and the See also:necessity of profiting by it. Together with Balbo, P. di See also:Santa See also:Rosa, and M. See also:Castelli, he founded a newspaper at Turin called Il Risorgimento, which advocated the ideas of constitutional reform in Piedmont, with a view to preparing that country for an important role in the upheaval which seemed imminent. In See also:January 1848 the revolution first See also:broke out in See also:Sicily. Cavour, in a speech before a delegation of journalists, declared that the king must take a decided See also:line and See also: When the See also:news of the revolt of the Milanese against the Austrians, known as the Five Days, reaC±ed Turin on the 19th of See also: After the See also:dissolution in January 1849, Cavour was not re-elected. The new parliament had to discuss, in the first instance, the all-important question of whether the See also:campaign should be continued now that the armistice was about to expire. The king decided on a last desperate throw, and recommenced hostilities. On the 23rd of March the Piedmontese were totally defeated at See also:Novara, a disaster which was followed immediately by the See also:abdication of Charles Albert in favour of his son See also:Victor See also:Emmanuel II. Although the new king was obliged to conclude See also:peace with Austria and the Italian revolution was crushed, Cavour nevertheless did not despair; he believed that so See also:long as the constitution was maintained in Piedmont, the Italian cause was safe. There were fresh elections in July, and this time Cavour was returned. He was still in the difficult position of a moderate Liberal at a time when there seemed to be See also:room for none but reactionaries and conspirators, but by his consummate ability he convinced men that his attitude was the right one, and he made it See also:triumph. His speech on the 7th of March 1850, in which he said that, "Piedmont, gathering to itself all the living forces of Italy, would be soon in a position to lead our See also:mother-country to the high destinies to which she is called," made a deep impression, for it struck the first See also:note of encouragement after the dark days of the preceding See also:year. He supported the ministry of which See also:Massimo d' See also:Azeglio was See also:president in its See also:work of reform and restoration, and in See also:October of the same year, on the See also:death of Santa Rosa, he himself was appointed See also:minister of agriculture, See also:industry and See also:commerce. In 1851 he also assumed the See also:portfolio of See also:finance, and devoted himself to the task of reorganizing the Piedmontese finances. By far the ablest See also:man in the See also:cabinet, he soon came to dominate it, and, in his anxiety to dominate the chamber as well, he negotiated the union of the Right Centre with the See also:Left Centre (a manoeuvre known as the connubio), and promoted the See also:election of Urbano Rattazzi to the presidency of the chamber. This, which he accomplished without d' Azeglio's knowledge,led to a split between that statesman and Cavour, and to the latter's resignation. Cavour has been blamed for not informing his colleagues of the compact, but for public reasons it was not desirable that the connubio should be discussed before it was consummated. D' Azeglio indeed See also:bore no malice, and remained Cavour's friend. Cavour made use of his freedom to visit England and France again, in order to See also:sound public opinion on the Italian question. In London he found the leaders of both parties friendly, and See also:Lord See also:Palmerston told him that if the constitutional experiment in Piedmont succeeded the Italian despots were doomed. At this time See also:Sir See also: Then followed the See also:Crimean War, in which Cavour first showed his extraordinary political insight and See also:diplomatic See also:genius. The first See also:suggestion of Piedmontese co-operation is usually believed to have come from England, who desired the Italian contingent, not only as material assistance, but also in order to reduce the overwhelming French preponderance. From the Piedmontese point of view there were several reasons why Cavour should See also:desire his country to participate in the campaign. Firstly, it was advisable to use every opportunity of making the Italian question an international one; secondly, by joining the See also:alliance Piedmont would See also:place the Western powers under an See also:obligation; thirdly, Cavour, like Balbo, believed that the Italian question was bound up with the Eastern problem, and as Austria was demanding the permission of the powers to occupy See also:Alessandria, as a See also:guarantee that Piedmont would not profit by the war in the See also:East to create trouble in Italy, Piedmontese participation would in itself prove the best guarantee; and finally, as he always looked to Italy and not merely to Piedmont, he felt that, having proved to See also:Europe that Italians could combine order with See also:liberty, it remained to show that they were capable of fighting as well. But there were serious difficulties in the way. Had Austria joined the See also:allies, as at one time seemed probable, See also:Sardinia's position fighting by her See also:side would have been an impossible one. On the other See also:hand, Piedmont could not demand definite promises of future aid from the Western powers as some politicians desired, because these would never have been given, lest Austria should be offended and driven into the arms of See also:Russia. Then, both the extreme Conservatives and the extreme Radicals were opposed to expenditure on foreign adventures for which they could see no use. In all these difficulties, however, Cavour was loyally supported by the king, who saw the advantages of Piedmontese participation, even if unattended by definite promises. See also:General Dabormida, the minister of foreign affairs, disapproved of this policy and resigned. The vacant portfolio was offered to d' Azeglio, who refused it; whereupon Cavour assumed it himself. On the same day (January ro, 1855) the treaty with France and England was signed, and shortly afterwards 15,000 Piedmontese troops under General La See also:Marmora were despatched to the See also:Crimea. Events at first seemed to justify the fears of Cavour's opponents. See also:Cholera attacked the Piedmontese soldiers, who for a long time had no occasion to distinguish themselves in See also:action; public opinion became despondent and began to blame Cavour, and even he himself lost See also:heart. Then came the news of the See also:battle of the Tchernaya, fought and won by the Italians, which turned sadness and doubt into jubilation. Joy was felt through-out Italy, especially at Milan, where the victory was the first sign of daylight amid the gloom caused by the return of the Austrians. Everyone realized that the Piedmontese contingent was fighting Italy's battles. But to Cavour the announcement that Russia had accepted Austrian See also:mediation (January 16, 1856) was a great disappointment. He had always hoped that if the war continued Austria would be forced to side with Russia in return for the aid given by the See also:emperor See also:Nicholas in suppressing the Hungarian revolt in 1849, and the Western powers would then have an opportunity of helping the Italian cause. He sent a memorandum, at Napoleon's See also:request, to Count See also:Walewski, the French minister of foreign affairs, setting forth a See also:kind of minimum See also:programme of Piedmont's claims. On the summoning of the See also:congress of Paris at the conclusion of the war, Cavour first proposed that d' Azeglio should represent Piedmont, and on the latter's refusal decided to go himself. After much discussion, and in spite of the opposition of Austria, who as mediator occupied a predominant position, behaving " as though she had taken See also:Sevastopol," Cavour obtained that Piedmont should be treated as one of the great powers. Although he did not expect that the congress would liberate Italy, yet by his marvellous diplomatic skill, far See also:superior to that of his colleagues, he first succeeded in isolating Austria, secondly in indirectly compromising Napoleon in the Italian question, and thirdly in getting the wretched conditions of Italy discussed by the representatives of the great powers, who declared that some remedy to that See also:state of things was necessary, not in the interests of Italy alone, but of all Europe. A See also:scheme of reform proposed by Count Walewski gave Cavour the opportunity to plead the Italian cause, and from that moment it was See also:manifest to all that the liberation of Italy was personified in him, the statesman who came to hold all the strings of See also:European politics in his hands. Cavour's See also:chief measure of See also:internal reform during this See also:period was a See also:bill for suppressing all monastic orders unconnected with See also:education, See also:preaching or charity; this aroused strong opposition from the extremists of both parties and also from the king, and led to the minister's resignation. But he was soon recalled, for the country could not do without him, and the bill was passed (May 29, 1855). Cavour now saw that war with Austria was merely a question of time, and he began to establish connexions with the revolutionists of all parts of Italy, largely by means of La See also:Farina; but it was necessary that this policy should not be advertised to Europe, and he strongly discountenanced Mazzini's abortive revolutionary attempts. He continued to strengthen Piedmont's military resources, and the army soon See also:grew too large for the country and was obviously destined for more than merely defensive purposes. But he well knew that although Piedmont must be made as efficient as possible from the military point of view, it could not defeat Austria single-handed. He would have preferred an alliance with Great See also:Britain, who would never demand territorial See also:compensation; but although British sympathies were wholly Italian, the government was desperately anxious to avoid war. From Napoleon more was to be hoped, for the emperor still preserved some of his revolutionary instincts, while the insecurity of his situation at See also:home made him eager to gain popularity by winning military See also:glory abroad; but he still hesitated, and Cavour devoted the whole of his ability to overcoming his doubts. In the midst of these negotiations came See also:Orsini's See also:attempt on Napoleon's See also:life (January 14, 1858), which threatened to alienate his Italian sympathiesand cause serious embarrassments to Piedmont. But after some remonstrances to Piedmont for not acting with sufficient energy against the revolutionists, the incident was settled; and Napoleon was, in fact, afraid that if he did not help the Italian cause See also:mare such attempts would be made. A See also:month after the Orsini See also:outrage he laid before Cavour a proposal for a Franco-Piedmontese alliance and the See also:marriage of Prince See also:Jerome Bonaparte with Princess Clothilde, the daughter of Victor Emmanuel. An " accidental " See also:meeting between Napoleon and Cavour was arranged and took place at Plombieres in July, and although no one knew what passed, the news of it fell like a bombshell on the diplomatic See also:world. No definite treaty was signed, but the basis of an agreement was laid, whereby France and Piedmont were to declare war against Austria with the object of expelling her from Italy, and a See also:north Italian state was to be formed; in See also:exchange for this help France was to receive See also:Savoy and possibly See also:Nice. But the emperor still hesitated, and refused to decide on war unless Austria attacked Piedmont; the British government, too, in its anxiety to preserve peace, was not very friendly to the Italian cause. Cavour saw that the only way to overcome all these obstacles was to force Austria's hand. Then there was the danger lest an Italy freed by French arms should be overwhelmed under French predominance; for this See also:reason Cavour was determined to secure the co-operation of See also:volunteers from other parts of Italy, and that the war should be accompanied by a See also:series of risings against Austria and the See also:local despots. It was also necessary that the risings should break out in the various provinces before the Piedmontese and French troops arrived, so that the latter should not appear as invaders and conquerors, but merely as liberators. The moment war was seen to be imminent, parties of Italians of all classes, especially Lombards, poured into Piedmont to enlist in the army. Cavour also had a secret interview with See also:Garibaldi, with whom he arranged to organize volunteer See also:corps so that the army should be not merely that of Piedmont, but of all Italy. Every day the situation grew more critical, and on the loth of January 1859 the king in his speech from the throne pronounced the memorable words " that he could not remain See also:deaf to the cry of See also:pain (il grido di dolore) that reached him from all parts of Italy "—words which, although actually suggested by Napoleon, rang like a See also:trumpet-See also:call throughout the See also:land. In the meanwhile the marriage negotiations were concluded, and during the emperor's visit to Turin a military See also:convention was signed between the two states, and Savoy and Nice were promised to France as a See also:reward for the See also:expulsion of the Austrians from Italy. But the British government was still unfavourable, and Napoleon, ever hesitating, again sought an excuse for backing out of his engagements; he jumped at the See also:Russian proposal to See also:settle the Italian question by means of his own favourite expedient, a congress. To this Austria agreed on See also:condition that Piedmont should disarm and should be excluded from the congress; England supported the scheme, but desired that all the Italian states should be represented. Cavour was in despair at the turn events were taking, and appealed to Napoleon, actually threatening to emigrate to See also:America and publish all his See also:correspondence with the emperor if the latter did not keep his engagements. He decided at last most reluctantly to accept the English proposal, lest Piedmont should be abandoned by all, but clung to the See also:hope that Austria would reject it. On the 19th of See also:April the Austrian emperor, on the See also:advice of the military party, did reject it; and on the 23rd, to Cavour's inexpressible joy, Austria sent an See also:ultimatum demanding the disarmament of Piedmont. Cavour replied that his government had agreed to the congress proposed by the powers and that it had nothing more to say. On quitting the chamber that day he said to a friend: " I am leaving the last sitting' of the last Piedmontese parliament "—the next would represent united Italy. France now allied herself definitely with Piedmont, and England, delighted at Cavour's acquiescence to her own proposal and enraged by Austria's ultimatum, became wholly friendly to the Italian cause. A few days later Austria declared war. As La Marmora now took the chief command of the army, Cavour added the ministry of war to the others he already held. His activity at this time was astounding, for he was virtually See also:dictator and controlled single-handed nearly all the chief offices of the state. The French troops entered Piedmont, where they were received with enthusiasm, and the allies marched into See also:Lombardy; the victory of See also:Magenta, which opened the See also:gates of Milan to them, was shortly followed by that of See also:Solferino. The people rose in arms at See also:Parma, See also:Modena, See also:Florence and See also:Bologna, which had been occupied by Austria for the pope since 1849; the local princes were expelled and provisional governments set up. Cavour sent See also:special commissioners to take See also:charge of the various provinces in Victor Emmanuel's name. But these events, together with See also:Prussia's menacing attitude, began to alarm Napoleon, who, although he wished to destroy Austrian influence in Italy, was afraid of a large and powerful Italian state. Consequently, after Solferino, he concluded an armistice with Austria at Villafranca on the 8th of July, without previously informing Cavour. When Cavour heard of it he was thunderstruck; he immediately interviewed the king at Monzambano, and in violent, almost disrespectful language implored him not to make peace until See also:Venice was free. But Victor Emmanuel saw that nothing was to be gained by a refusal, and much against his own inclination, signed the peace preliminaries at Villafranca, adding the phrase, " pour ce qui me concerne," which meant that he was not responsible for what the people of other parts of Italy might do (July 12). Lombardy was to be ceded to Piedmont, See also:Venetia to remain Austrian, the deposed princes to be reinstated, and the pope made president of an Italian confederation. The cabinet resigned the next day, but remained in See also:office provisionally, and Cavour privately advised the revolutionists of central Italy to resist the return of the princes, by force if necessary: " for we must now become conspirators ourselves," he said. His policy was thus continued after he left office, and Palmerston, who had meanwhile succeeded See also:Malmesbury as foreign minister, informed France and Austria that Great Britain would never tolerate their armed intervention in favour of the central Italian despots. The new Piedmontese ministry, of which La Marmora was the president, but Rattazzi the leading spirit, hesitated between annexing central Italy and agreeing to the terms of peace, but on the loth of November peace was signed at See also:Zurich. Napoleon proposed a new congress, which never met, and on the fall of the Rattazzi-La Marmora cabinet the king, in spite of the See also:quarrel at 1b4onzambano, asked Cavour to take office again. By January he was once more premier, as well as minister for foreign affairs and of the interior. His first act was to invite the people of Italy to declare their own wishes with regard to See also:annexation to Piedmont; but Napoleon still refused to consent to the union of See also:Tuscany with Piedmont, for he contemplated placing one of his own relatives on the throne of the See also:grand-duchy. Cavour now saw that Napoleon might be ready to See also:deal, and, although the bargain of the preceding year had not been exactly fulfilled, as the Austrians were still in Venice, he again brought forward the question of Nice and Savoy. To Cavour no less than to the king the loss of these two provinces was a cruel wrench, but it was a choice between them and central Italy. The plebiscites in the latter region had unanimously declared in favour of union with Piedmont, and Napoleon became more pressing, going so far as to threaten that unless the cession were made, the French troops would leave Lombardy at the See also:mercy of Austria and occupy Bologna and Florence. On the 24th of March the treaty was signed and the emperor's opposition to the annexation of central Italy withdrawn. On the 2nd of April the parliament representing Piedmont, the duchies of Parma and Modena, Tuscany and Romagna, met, and Cavour had the difficult and ungrateful task of explaining the cession of Nice and Savoy. In spite of some opposition, the agreement was ratified by a large See also:majority. The situation in the See also:kingdom of See also:Naples was now becoming critical, but there seemed as yet little See also:chance of union with upper Italy, for the See also:Bourbon government was a more or less See also:regular one, and, although risings had broken out, there was nogeneral revolution. Cavour therefore had to follow a somewhat See also:double-faced policy, on the one hand negotiating with the Bourbon king (See also:Francis II.), suggesting a See also:division of Italy between him and Victor Emmanuel, and on the other secretly backing up the revolutionary agitation. Having now learnt that Garibaldi was planning an expedition to Sicily with his volunteers, he decided, after some hesitation, not to oppose its departure; on the 5th of May it sailed from See also:Quarto near Genoa, and Cavour was only deterred from declaring war on Naples by the fear of foreign complications. Garibaldi with his immortal Thousand landed at See also:Marsala, and the whole rotten fabric of the Bourbon government collapsed. At See also:Palermo they were welcomed by the Piedmontese See also:admiral Persano, and soon the whole See also:island was occupied and Garibaldi proclaimed dictator. The general now proposed to See also:cross over to the mainland, and this placed Cavour in a serious See also:dilemma; Russia and Austria protested against the expedition, France and Prussia were unfriendly, Great Britain alone remained warmly See also:pro-Italian. He still hoped for a revolution in Naples, so that King Victor's authority might be established before Garibaldi's arrival, but this proved impossible. When Garibaldi crossed the straits of See also:Messina the Neapolitan government fell, and he entered Naples in triumph. But there was still danger that he might be subsequently defeated, for the Neapolitan army was still a force in being, and Cavour feared, moreover, that, although Garibaldi himself had always loyally acted in the king of Italy's name, the red republicans around him might lead him to commit some imprudence and plunge the country into anarchy. The cession of Nice, Garibaldi's birthplace, had made an impassable gulf between the two men, and neither quite trusted the other. Cavour also feared that Garibaldi might invade the papal states, which would have led to further international complications. In any See also:case, See also:Rome must not be touched for the See also:present, since Napoleon was pledged to protect the pope; but as the latter had made large armaments, and his forces, consisting largely of brigands and foreigners under the French general See also:Lamoriciere, were in a menacing attitude on the frontier, Cavour decided on the momentous step of annexing the papal states with the exception of the See also:Roman See also:province. The Italian army crossed the frontier from Romagna on the 1rth of See also:September, whereupon every power, except Great Britain and See also:Sweden, withdrew its minister from Turin. But the troops advanced and were everywhere received with open arms by the people; See also:Ancona was taken, Lamoriciere was defeated and captured at the battle of Castelfidardo, and on the 2oth King Victor marched into the Neapolitan kingdom. On the 1st of October Garibaldi defeated the Neapolitan troops on the See also:Volturno, and See also:Gaeta alone, where King Francis of Naples had retired, still held out. New difficulties with Garibaldi arose, for he would not resign his dictatorship of the See also:southern provinces, and wished to march on Rome. Cavour had to use all his tact to restrain him and at the same time not to appear ungrateful. He refused to act despotically, but he summoned parliament to See also:vote on the annexation, which it did on the 11th. Two days later Garibaldi magnanimously gave in to the nation's will and handed his See also:con-quests over to King Victor as a free See also:gift. Gaeta was invested, and after a See also:siege prolonged through the action of Napoleon, who for some reason unknown kept his See also:fleet before the See also:town, preventing any attack by See also:sea until England induced him to withdraw it, the See also:garrison surrendered on the 13th of February, and King Francis retired to Rome. Parliament was dissolved once more; the new chamber showed an overwhelming majority in favour of Cavour, and Victor Emmanuel was proclaimed king of Italy. The last question with which Cavour had to deal was that of Rome. For some years past the pope had only been able to maintain his authority by the help of foreign troops, and Cavour saw that as long as this state of things lasted there could be no united Italy. In October he declared in parliament that Rome must be the See also:capital of Italy, for no other See also:city was recognized as such by the whole country, and in January 1861 a See also:resolution to that effect was passed. But owing to Napoleon's attitude he had to proceed warily, and made no attempt for the present to
carry out the nation's wishes. At the same time he was anxious that the See also: He is undoubtedly the greatest figure of the Risorgimento, and although other men and other forces co-operated in the movement, it was Cavour who organized it and skilfully conducted the negotiations which overcame all, apparently insuperable, obstacles. " That which in See also:Alfieri and Gioberti was lacking," wrote T. Artom, his private secretary, " a deep and lively sense of reality, Cavour possessed to a supreme degree. He was not a litterateur; he was never a political dreamer. His views broadened progressively; at each See also:stage he discovered a new See also:horizon, and he followed his path without ever seeking anything save what was real and possible." He was gifted with pronounced political genius and with an astounding power of foresight. In his ideas he was always a moderate Liberal, and although he disapproved of republicanism, he was an ardent constitutionalist, ever refusing to resort to arbitrary methods, for he felt that, the Italian See also:character being what it is, Italian unity could not last if unsupported by popular feeling. In meeting opposition he could not, like See also:Bismarck, rely on a great military power, for the Piedmontese army was a small one; Austria must first be isolated and then an alliance had to be obtained with some other power. Some of his acts, especially his policy towards the Neapolitan kingdom, have been criticized as politically immoral; but apart from the fact that few revolutions—and Cavour, after all, was a revolutionist—can be conducted without attacking vested rights, it is hard to see that any policy which led to the destruction of a government, rightly described as the " negation of See also:God on See also:earth," could be deemed immoral. He has been accused of changing his views, but what statesman has not? Moreover, in the extremely complicated and difficult diplomatic situations which he had to face, what was impossible or dangerous one day became possible and desirable the next. This was particularly the case with the Neapolitan question. Cavour's one absorbing See also:passion was the liberation and regeneration of Italy, and to this he devoted his whole life and See also:talent. BInL1oGRAPHY.—G. Buzziconi, Bibliografia Cavouriana (Turin, 1898) ; Countess See also:Evelyn Martinengo Cesaresco, Cavour (London, 1898), an excellent and handy little monograph which brings out the chief points of Cavour's life in the right See also:light; G. Massari, II See also:Conte di Cavour (Turin, 1873) ; W. de la Rive, Le See also:Comte de Cavour (Paris, 1862), interesting and valuable as the work of a contemporary and intimate friend of Cavour; L. Chiala, Lettere edite ed indite del Conte di Cavour (7 vols., Turin, 1883–1887) ; D. Zanichelli, Gli Scritti del Conte di Cavour (Bologna, 1892), and Cavour (Florence, 1905) ; H. von See also:Treitschke, "Cavour," in his Historische and olitische Aufsatze (See also:Leipzig, 1871); E. See also:Dicey, A Memoir of Cavour (London, 1861); Conte C. di Cavour, Discorsi parlamentari (8 vols., Turin, 1863-1872), Opere politico-economiche (See also:Cuneo, 1855); F. X. Krauss, Cavour (See also:Mainz, 1902) ; E. Artom, L'Opere politica del Senatore T. Artom nel Risorgimento Italiano (Bologna, 1906), a See also:biography of Cavour's devoted private secretary, containing new material. ( L. Additional information and CommentsThere are no comments yet for this article.
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