See also:

• AEGEAN

If, then, by " See also:

• GREEK
• GREEK, ETRUSCAN AND

It is no longer possible to ignore the contrast between the cults of the Minoan and Mycenaean ages, and the religious conceptions which they imply, and the cults and religious conceptions prevalent in the See also:

• HISTORICAL

Further, as opposed to " Minoan " it must be understood in a' more definite sense than that in which it has often been employed. It has come to be generally recognized that two different periods are to be distinguished in Schliemann's discoveries at Mycenae itself. There is an earlier period, to which belong the See also:

• OBJECTS

Dr Evans proposes to carry back this period as far as 2500 B.C. Even behind it there are traces of a still earlier civilization. Thus the Minoan age, even if limited to the middle and later periods, will See also:

• COVER (from the Fr. convert, from couvrir, to cover, Lat. cooperire)

The developed art, however, both in Crete and on the mainland, displays characteristics which are the very opposite of those which are commonly associated with the term " oriental." Egyptian work, even of the best period, is stiff and conventional; in the best Cretan work, and, in a less degree, in Mycenaean work, we find an originality and a freedom of treatment which remind one of the spirit of the Greek artists. The civilization is, in many respects, of an advanced type. The Cretan architects could See also:

• DESIGN (Fr. desiin, drawing; Lat. designare, to mark out)

In See also:

• NORTHERN

As late as the beginning of the 5th century B.c. Cyprus is still ruled by See also:

• KINGS, FIRST AND SECOND BOOKS OF

On one or two lines (e.g. architecture) it is even possible to establish some sort of connexion between them. But Greek art as a Whole cannot be evolved from Mycenaean art. We cannot See also:

• BRIDGE

At Cnossus the palace is sacked soon after this date, and the art, both in Crete and in the whole Aegean See also:

• AREA

The Mycenaean civilization he attributes to the See also:

• PELASGIANS

Nor is the Pelasgian part of the theory easy to reconcile with the Homeric evidence. If the Achaeans were a conquering class ruling over a Pelasgian population, we should expect to find this difference of race a prominent feature in Homeric society. We should, at least, expect to find a Pelasgian background to the Homeric picture. As a matter of fact, we find nothing of the sort. There is no consciousness in the Homeric poems of a distinction of race between the governing and the subject classes. There are, indeed, Pelasgians in Homer, but the references either to the people or the name are extraordinarily few. They appear as a people, presumably in Asia Minor, in See also:

• ALLIANCE

If, however, Professor Ridgeway has failed to prove that " Mycenaean " equals " Pelasgian," he has certainly proved that much that is Homeric is post-Mycenaean. It is possible 2 See T. W. See also:

• ALLEN, BOG OF
• ALLEN, ETHAN (1739–1789)
• ALLEN, GRANT CHARLES GRANT BLAIRFINDIEI, (1848–1899)
• ALLEN, JAMES LANE (1850– )
• ALLEN, JOHN (1476–1534)
• ALLEN, or ALLEYN, THOMAS (1542-1632)
• ALLEN, WILLIAM (1532-1594)
• ALLEN, WILLIAM FRANCIS (183o-1889)

The Achaeans may or may not have been Greek in blood. What is certain is that ,See also:

• ALE

In the See also:

• PERSON, OFFENCES AGAINST THE

The yfvor corresponds to the See also:

• ROMAN

The Greek race is no longer confined to the Greek peninsula. It occupies the islands of the Aegean, the western seaboard of Asia Minor, the coasts of See also:

• MACEDONIA

inhabit Crete. In the historical period the whole Peloponnese, with the exception of See also:

• ARCADIA

The improbability of the details affords, however, no ground for questioning the reality of the invasion.' The tradition can be traced back at Sparta to the 7th century B.C. (See also:

• TYRTAEUS

149 if. The Homeric state. contempt for the rest of the race, equally indigenous with itself, on account of a fictitious difference in origin? Finally, there is the archaeological evidence. The older civilization comes to an abrupt end, and it does so, on the mainland at least, at the very period to which tradition assigns the Dorian See also:

• MIGRATION

Of these three groups, the Ionian is incomparably the most important. The Ionians also occupy See also:

• EUBOEA (pronounced Evvia in the modern language)

It is less easy to account for the name Hellenes. The Greeks were profoundly conscious of their common See also:

• NATIONALITY

Not less obscure are the causes of the fall of monarchy. It cannot have been the immediate effect of the 1 History of Greece (Eng. trans., i. 32 ff.); cf. the same 'writer's See also:

• LONER

Sparta, See also:

• CYRENE [mod. Ain Shahat-Grenna]

An hereditary king, ruling for life, is replaced by three See also:

• ANNUAL

We hear little or nothing of the cases in which power was exercised wisely. Happy is the constitution which has no See also:

• ANNALS (Annales, from annus, a year)

The pioneers of Greek trade in the West are the pirates of See also:

• CUMAE (Gr. Kb/.m)

It is significant that of the twelve states engaged in the Egyptian trade in the 6th century See also:

• ALI

The See also:

• WOOL, WORSTED AND WOOLLEN MANUFACTURES

The period of colonization, in its narrower sense, extends from the middle of the cotonizs-8th to the middle of the 6th century. Greek coloniza- "on. tion is, however, merely a continuation of the process which at an earlier epoch had led to the See also:

• SETTLEMENT
• SETTLEMENT, ACT OF

Others again were due to ambition or the mere love of adventure (see Herod. v. 42 if., the career of Dorieus). But however various the causes, two conditions must always be presupposed—an expansion of commerce and. a growth of population. Within the narrow limits of the city-state there was a See also:

• CONSTANT, BENJAMIN (1845-1902)

The See also:

• CLERUCHY (Gr. KAripovXia, from KX'gpos, a lot, e'xav, to have)

themselves were in some cases on a similar level of culture. Where the natives were still backward or barbarous, they came of a stock either closely related to the Greek, or at least separated from it by no great See also:

• PHYSICAL

The Greek colonist, like the Greek trader, clung to the shore. He penetrated no farther inland than the sea-See also:

• BREEZE

Aristophilides of Tarentum, 136, or Telys of Sybaris, v. 44). But the distinction between the tyrant and the king of the Heroic Age is a valid one. It is not true that his See also:

• RULE

In Greece proper, before the ' At Syracuse the demos makes common cause with the Sicel serf-population against the nobles (Herod. vii. 155).4th century s.c., it is confined to a small group of states round the Corinthian and Saronic Gulfs. The greater part of the Peloponnese was exempt from it, and there is no See also:

• GOOD, JOHN MASON (1764-1827)

But with this exception, there is no period in which the tyrant is not to be found. The greatest of all the tyrannies, that of See also:

• DIONYSIUS
• DIONYSIUS (c. 432–367 B.C.)

At Athens the discontent is economic rather than political; Peisistratus is the champion of the Diacrii, the inhabitants of the poorest region of See also:

• ATTICA

And, secondly, at Rome both See also:

• JULIUS

It is frequently succeeded by an oligarchy, but it is an oligarchy in which the claim to exclusive power is based, not upon mere birth, but upon wealth, or the possession of land. It would be unfair to treat this service as one that was rendered unconsciously and unwillingly. Where the tyrant asserted the claims of an oppressed class, he consciously aimed at the destruction of See also:

• PRIVILEGE

Royal marriages have played a great part in the politics of Europe. In the comparison of Greek and modern history it has been too often forgotten how great a difference it makes, and how great a disadvantage it involves, to a See also:

• REPUBLIC (Lat. respublica, a commonweal or common-wealth)

by the state are the sacra of noble clans. The religious prerogatives of the nobles helped to confirm their political ones, and, as long as religion retained its aristocratic character, it was impossible for democracy to take See also:

• ROOT (late O.E. rot, adopted from Scand., cf. Norw. and Swed. rot, Dan. rod; the true O.E. word was wyrt, plant, represented in Ger. Wurz or Wurzel; the ultimate root is the same in both words, and is seen in Lat. radix)
• ROOT, ELIHU (1845– )

With the overthrow of this dynasty tyranny disappears from Greece proper for more than a century. During the century and a half which had elapsed since its first See also:

• APPEARANCE (from Lat. apparere, to appear)

See also:

• CRITICISM
• CRITICISM (from the Gr. KpiTrlS, a judge, Kpivew, to decide, to give an authoritative opinion)

Sybaris, in Magna Graecia, can have been its only rival outside Ionia. There were two respects, however, in which the comparison was in favour of the mother-country. In warfare, the superiority of the Spartan See also:

• INFANTRY

Croesus (560-546 B.C.) secures the throne, only to become the lavish patron of Greek sanctuaries and the ally of a Greek state. The history of See also:

• HELLENISM
• HELLENISM (from Or. EAXspiL'sty, to imitate the Greeks, who were known as "EAAi7ves, after "EAA17v, the son of Deucalion)

104) that the subjects of a despot are no match for the citizens of a See also:

• FREE

After Thermopylae, the whole of northern Greece, with the exception of Athens and a few minor states, was lost to the Greek cause. The supposed interests of the Peloponnesians, who formed the greater part of the national forces, conflicted with the supposed interests of the Athenians. A more impartial view than was possible to the generation for which Herodotus wrote suggests that Sparta performed her task with intelligence and patriotism. The claims of Athens and Sparta were about equally balanced. And in spite of her great superiority in numbers,' the military conditions were far from favourable to Persia. A land so mountainous as Greece is was unsuited to the operations of cavalry, the most efficient See also:

• ARM (a common Teutonic word; the Indo-European root is ar, to join or fit; cf. the Lat. armus, shoulder, and the plural word arma, weapons, Gr. apphs, joint, and the reduplicated apapilKSV, to join)

It gave the Greeks a heightened sense, both of their own national unity and of their superiority to the barbarian, while at the same time it helped to create the material conditions requisite alike for the See also:

• ARTISTIC

The tie of their tribal See also:

• UNION
• UNION (known locally as Union Hill and officially as Town of Union)

Nor can we say that the 5th century is, in all these aspects of Greek life, immature as compared with the 4th, or, on the other hand, that the 4th is decadent as compared with the 5th. On the political side, maturity is, in one sense, reached in the earlier century. There is nothing in the later century so great as the Athenian empire. In another sense, maturity is not reached till the 4th century. It is only in the later century that the tendency of the Greek constitutions to conform to a common type, democracy, is (at least approximately) realized, and it is only in this century that the principles upon which democracy is based are carried to their logical conclusion. In literature, if we confine our See also:

• ATTENTION (from Lat. ad-tendo, await, expect; the condition of being " stretched " or " tense ")

In the latter half of the 6th century Sparta had succeeded in combining the See also:

• MAJORITY (Fr. majorite; Med. Lat. majoritas; Lat. major, greater)

By the middle of, the century the Delian League has become the Athenian empire. Henceforward the imperial See also:

• IDEA (Gr. Ibia, connected with i&eiv, to see; cf. Lat. species from specere, to look at)

The ascendancy of Cimon and the Philolaconian party at Athens was favourable to a good understanding between the two states, and at Sparta in normal times the See also:

• BALANCE (derived through the Fr. from the Late Lat. bilantia, an apparatus for weighing, from bi, two, and lanx, a dish or scale)

As the war went on, the constitutional aspect tended to become more marked. At first there were democracies on the side of Sparta, and oligarchies on the side of Athens. In the last stage of the war, when See also:

• LYSANDER (Gr. Abcavdpos)

14, iii. to). An understanding existed between the democratic leaders in the subject-states and the democratic party at Athens. It has been denied by some writers (e.g. by A. H. J. Greenidge ) that Athens interfered with the constitutions of the subject-states. For the view put forward in the text, the following passages may be quoted: Aristotle, Politics 1307 b 20; Isocrates, Panepyicus, 105, 106, Panathenaicus, 54 and 68; Xenophon, Hellenica, iii. 4. 7; Ps.-Xen. Athen. Constit. i. 14, iii. to.

Charges were easily trumped up against See also:

• OBNOXIOUS (Lat. obnoxiosus, from ob, over, against, and noxa, harm)

Though the basis of its organization, like that of the Persian empire under Darius, was See also:

• FINANCIAL

In the Peloponnese it could See also:

• COUNT (Lat. comes, gen. comitis, Fr. comte, Ital. conte, Span. conde)

29. 3). We can trace a similar change of sentiment in Sicily. As compared with the extreme form of constitution adopted at Syracuse after the defeat of the Athenian expedition, the democracies established two generations earlier, on the fall of the tyrannis, appeared oligarchical. The changes by which the character of the Greek democracies was revolutionized were four in number: the substitution of sortition for See also:

• ELECTION
• ELECTION (from Lat. eligere, to pick out)

With the Peloponnesian War a new epoch begins. The chief office, the strategia, is still, as a rule, held by men of See also:

• RANK (O.Fr. rant or rent, mod. rang, generally connected with the O.E. and O.H.G. bring, a ring)

The generals are professional soldiers, who aspire to no political influence in the state, and the statesmen devote themselves exclusively to politics, a career for which they have prepared themselves by a professional training in See also:

• ORATORY (Lat. oratorio, sc. ors; from orare, to speak or pray)

The question raised in modern political science, as to whether See also:

• SOVEREIGNTY

Hence it follows that the See also:

• ORDINARY (med. Lat. ordinarius, Fr. ordinaire)

The transition from the latter to the former was effected by enlarging the area of privilege and by altering its basis. In an oligarchical state citizenship ' For an estimate of the numbers annually engaged in the service of Athens, see Aristot. Ath. Pol. 24. 3.might be confined to ro % of the free population; under a democracy 5o% might enjoy it. In the former case the qualification might be wealth or land; in the latter case it might be, as it was at Athens, birth, i.e. descent, on both sides, from a citizen family. But, in both cases alike, the distinction between a privileged and an unprivileged body of free-See also:

• BORN, IGNAZ, EDLER VON (1742–1791)

In the democracies of the modern world See also:

• NATURALIZATION

Modern political theory has been profoundly affected by the conception of the dignity of labour; ancient political theory tended to regard labour as a disqualification for the exercise of political rights. Where slavery exists, the taint of it will inevitably cling to all labour that can be performed by the slave. In ancient Athens (which may be taken as typical of the Greek democracies) unskilled labour was almost entirely slave-labour, and skilled labour was largely so. The arts and crafts were, to some extent, exercised by citizens, but to a less extent in the 4th than in the 6th century. They were, however, chiefly left to aliens or slaves. The citizen-body of Athens in the age of Demosthenes has been stigmatized as consisting in great measure of salaried paupers. There is, doubtless, an exaggeration in this. It is, however, true, both that the system of state-pay-went a long way towards supplying the simple wants of a southern population, and that a large proportion of the citizens had time to spare for the service of the state. Had the life of the lower class of citizens been absorbed in a round of mechanical labours, as fully as is the life of our industrial classes, the working of an ancient democracy would have been impossible. In justice to the ancient democracies it must be conceded that, while popular government carried with it neither the enfranchisement of the alien nor the emancipation of the slave, the rights secured to both classes were more considerable in the democratic states than elsewhere. The lot of the slave, as well as that of the alien, was a peculiarly favourable one at Athens. The pseudo Xenophon in the 5th century (De rep.

Ath. r. 10-12) and Plato 2 Foreign is not used here as equivalent to non-Hellenic. It means " belonging to another state, whether Greek or barbarian." in the 4th (Republic, p. 563 B), prove that the spirit of liberty, bid for primacy she could not appeal, as Athens and Sparta with which Athenian life was permeated, was not without its influence upon the position of these classes. When we read that critics complained of the opulence of slaves, and of the liberties they took, and when we are told that the slave could not be distinguished from the poorer class of citizens either by his See also:

• DRESS (from the Fr. dresser, to set out, arrange, formed from Lat. directus, arranged, dirigere, to direct, arrange)

Athens had been compelled to acknowledge a dual system; Sparta sought to establish uniformity. The attempt failed from the first. Within a year of the surrender of Athens, Thebes and Corinth had drifted into an attitude of opposition, while Argos remained hostile. It was not long before the policy of Lysander succeeded in uniting against Sparta the very forces upon which she had relied when she entered on the Peloponnesian War. The Corinthian War (394—387 B.C.) was brought about by the alliance of all the second-class powers—Thebes, Athens, Corinth, Argos—against the one first-class power, Sparta. Though Sparta emerged successful from the war, it was with the loss of her maritime empire, and at the cost of recognizing the principle of autonomy as the basis of the Greek political system. It was already evident, thus early in the century, that the centrifugal forces were to prove stronger than the centripetal. Two further causes may be indicated which help to explain the failure of the Spartan empire. In the first place Spartan sea-power was an artificial creation. History seems to show that it is idle for a state to aspire to naval supremacy unless it possesses a great commercial marine. Athens had possessed such a marine; her naval supremacy was due not to the mere size of her fleet, but to the numbers and skill of her seafaring population. Sparta had no commerce.

She could build fleets more easily than she could man them. A single defeat (at Cnidus, 391 B.c.) sufficed for the ruin of her sea-power. The second cause is to be found in the financial weakness of the Spartan state. The Spartan See also:

• TREASURY

Unlike Athens and Sparta, she had not the advantage of being identified with a political cause. As the enemy of Athens in the 5th century, she was on the side of oligarchy; as the rival of Sparta in the 4th, she was on the side of democracy; but in her could, to a great political tradition, nor had she behind her, as they had, the moral force of a great political principle. Her position, too, in See also:

• BOEOTIA

It succeeded in destroying the supremacy of Sparta in the Peloponnese; it failed to unite the Peloponnese on a new basis. It failed still more signally to unite Greece north of the Isthmus. It left Greece weaker and more divided than it found it (see the concluding words of Xenophon's Hellenics). It would be difficult to overestimate the importance of his policy as a destructive force; as a constructive force it effected nothing.' The Peloponnesian system which Epaminondas overthrew had lasted two hundred years. Under Spartan leadership the Peloponnese had enjoyed almost complete See also:

• IMMUNITY (from Lat. immunis, not subject to a munus or public service)

The question remains, Why did the city-state fail to save Greece from conquest by Macedon? Was this result due to the inherent weakness either of the city-state itself, or of one particular form of it, democracy? It is clear, in The rise any case, that the triumph of Macedon was the effect Macedon. of causes which had long been at work. If neither Philip nor Alexander had appeared on the scene, Greece might have maintained her See also:

• INDEPENDENCE
• INDEPENDENCE, DECLARATION OF
• INDEPENDENCE, WAR OF

At the epoch of Philip's It failed even to create a united Arcadia or a strong Messenia. See also:

• ACCESSION (from Lat. accedere, to go to, to approach)

It is probable that both ante-See also:

• NATAL

It is to moral causes, however, rather than to political or economic ones, that the failure of Greece in the conflict with Macedon is attributed by the most famous Greek statesmen of that age. Demosthenes is never weary of insisting upon the decay of patriotism among the citizens and upon the decay of probity among their leaders. Venality had always been the besetting See also:

• SIN
• SIN (O. Eng. syn: a common Teutonic word, cf. Dutch zonde, Ger. Siinde)

Corruption was certainly not confined to the Macedonian party. The best that can be said in defence of the patriots, as well as of their opponents, is that they honestly believed that the policy which they were bribed to See also:

• ADVOCATE (Lat. advocatus, from advocare, to summon, especially in law to call in the aid of a counsel or witness, and so generally to summon to one's assistance)

It had come to mean prolonged operations against a distant enemy.' Athens was at war, e.g. with Philip, for eleven years continuously (357–346 B.C.). If See also:

• WINTER, JOHN STRANGE
• WINTER, PETER (c. 1755-1825)

Federation, indeed, was no novelty in Greece. Federal unions had existed in Thessaly, in Boeotia and elsewhere, and the Boeotian league can be traced back at least to the 6th century. Two newly-founded federations, the Chalcidian and the Arcadian, See also:

• PLAY

Both had existed in the 4th century, but the latter, which had been dissolved shortly before the beginning of the 3rd century, becomes important only after its restoration in 28o B.C., about which date the former, too, first begins to attract See also:

• NOTICE

Greece had produced See also:

• PERSONAL

But after all deductions have been made, the great fact remains that for many centuries after Alexander's death Greek was the language of literature and religion, of commerce and of administration throughout the Nearer East. Alexander had created a universal empire as well as a universal culture. His empire perished at his death, but its central idea survived—that of the municipal freedom of the Greek polis within the framework of an imperial system. Hellenistic civilization may appear degenerate when compared with Hellenic; when compared with the civilizations which it superseded in non-Hellenic lands, it marks an unquestionable advance. (For the history of Greek civilization in the East, seeHELLENISM.) Greece left her mark upon the civilization of the West as well as upon that of the East, but the process by which her influence was diffused was essentially different. In the East Hellenism came in the See also:

• TRAIN (M. Eng. trayn or trayne, derived through Fr. from Late Lat. trahinare, to drag, draw, Lat. trahere, cf. trail, trace, ultimately from the same source)