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ANTIQUE (Lat. antiquus, old)

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Originally appearing in Volume V02, Page 146 of the 1911 Encyclopedia Britannica.
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ANTIQUE (See also:Lat. antiquus, old) , a See also:term conventionally restricted to the remains of See also:ancient See also:art, such as sculptures, gems, medals, See also:seals, &c. In a limited sense it applies only to See also:Greek and See also:Roman art, and includes neither the See also:artistic remains of other ancient nations nor any product of classical art of a later date than the fall of the western See also:empire. See also:ANTI-SEMITISM. In the See also:political struggles of the concluding See also:quarter of the 19th See also:century an important See also:part was played by a religious, political and social agitation against the See also:Jews, known as " Anti-Semitism." The origins of this remarkable See also:movement already threaten to become obscured by See also:legend. The Jews contend that anti-Semitism is a See also:mere atavistic revival of the See also:Jew-hatred of the See also:middle ages. The extreme See also:section of the anti-Semites, who have given the movement its quasi-scientific name, declare that it is a racial struggle—an incident of the eternal conflict between See also:Europe and Asia—and that the anti-Semites are engaged in an effort to prevent what is called the See also:Aryan See also:race from being subjugated by a Semitic See also:immigration, and to See also:save Aryan ideals from being modified by an See also:alien and demoralizing See also:oriental Anschauung. There is no essential See also:foundation for either of these contentions. Religious prejudices reaching back to the See also:dawn of See also:history have been reawakened by the anti-Semitic agitation, but they did not originate it, and they have not entirely controlled it. The alleged racial divergence is, too, only a linguistic See also:hypothesis on the See also:physical See also:evidence of which anthropologists are not agreed (Topinard, Anthropologie, p. 444, See also:Taylor, Origins of See also:Aryans, cap. i.), and, even if it were proved, it has existed in Europe for so many centuries, and so many ethnic modifications have occurred on both sides, that it cannot be accepted as a See also:practical issue. It is true that the ethnographical histories of the Jews and the nations of Europe have proceeded on widely diverging lines, but these lines have more than once crossed each other and become interlaced. Thus Aryan elements are at the beginning of both; See also:European morals have been ineradicably semitized by See also:Christianity, and the Jews have been Europeans for over a thousand years; during which their See also:character has been modified and in some respects transformed by the ecclesiastical and See also:civil polities of the nations among whom they have made their permanent See also:home.

Anti-Semitism is then exclusively a question of European politics, and its origin is to be found, not in the See also:

long struggle between Europe and See also:Asia, or between the See also:Church and the See also:Synagogue, which filled so much of ancient and See also:medieval history, but in the social conditions resulting from the emancipation of the Jews in the middle of the 19th century. If the emancipated Jews were Europeans in virtue of the antiquity of their western settlements, and of the character impressed upon them by the circumstances of their European history, they none the less presented the See also:appearance of a See also:strange See also:people to their See also:Gentile See also:fellow-countrymen. They had been secluded in their ghettos for centuries, and had consequently acquired a physical and moral See also:physiognomy differentiating them in a measure from their former oppressors. This See also:peculiar physiognomy was, on its moral See also:side, not essentially Jewish or even Semitic. It was an advanced development of the See also:main attributes of civilized See also:life, to which Christendom in its transition from See also:feudalism had as yet only imperfectly adapted itself. The See also:ghetto, which had been designed as a sort of See also:quarantine to safe-guard Christendom against the Jewish See also:heresy, had in fact proved a storage chamber for a portion of the political and social forces which were destined to sweep away the last traces of feudalism from central Europe. In the ghetto, the See also:pastoral Semite, who had been made a wanderer by the destruction of his See also:nationality, was steadily trained, through centuries,, to become an See also:urban European, with all the parasitic activities of urban See also:economics, and all the democratic tendencies of occidental industrialism. Excluded from the See also:army, the See also:land, the See also:trade corporations and the See also:artisan See also:gilds, this quondam oriental See also:peasant was gradually transformed into a commercial middleman and a practised dealer in See also:money. Oppressed by the Church, and persecuted by the See also:State, his theocratic and monarchical traditions lost their hold on his daily life, and he became saturated with a passionate devotion to the ideals of democratic politics. Finally, this former bucolic victim of Phoenician exploitation had his wits preternaturally sharpened, partly by the stress of his struggle for life, and partly by his being compelled in his urban seclusion to seek for recreation in See also:literary exercises, chiefly the subtle dialectics of the Talmudists (Loeb, Juif de l'histoire; See also:Jellinek, Der Judische Stamm). Thus, the Jew who emerged from the ghetto was no longer a Palestinian Semite, but an essentially See also:modern European, who differed from his See also:Christian fellow-countrymen only in the circumstances that his See also:religion was of the older Semitic See also:form, and that his physical type had become sharply defined through a slightly more rigid exclusiveness in the See also:matter of marriages than that practised by Protestants and Roman Catholics (See also:Andree, Volkskunde der Juden, p. 58).

Unfortunately, these distinctive elements, though not very serious in themselves, became strongly accentuated by concentration. Had it been possible to distribute the emancipated Jews uniformly throughout Christian society, as was the See also:

case with other emancipated religious denominations, there would have been no revival of the Jewish question. The Jews, however, through no See also:fault of their own, belonged to only one class in European society—the See also:industrial bourgeoisie. Into that class all their strength was thrown, and owing to their ghetto preparation, they rapidly took a leading See also:place in it, politically and socially. When the See also:mid-century revolutions made the bourgeoisie the ruling See also:power in Europe, the semblance of a See also:Hebrew domination presented itself. It was the exaggeration of this apparent domination, not by the bourgeoisie itself, but by its enemies among the vanquished reactionaries on the one See also:hand, and by the extreme Radicals on the other, which created modern anti-Semitism as a political force. The movement took its rise in See also:Germany and See also:Austria. Here the concentration of the Jews in one class of the See also:population was aggravated by their excessive See also:numbers. While in See also:France the proportion to the See also:total population was, in the See also:early 'seventies, 0.14%, and in See also:Italy, o.12 %, it was 1.22 % in Germany, and 3'85 % in Austria-See also:Hungary; See also:Berlin had 4'36% of Jews, and See also:Vienna 6.62% (Andree, Volkskunde, pp. 287, 291, 294, 295). The activity of the Jews consequently manifested itself in a far more intense form in these countries than elsewhere. This was apparent even before the emancipations of 1848.

Towards the middle of the 18th century, a limited number of wealthy Jews had been tolerated as Schutz-Juden outside the ghettos, and their sons, educated as Germans under the See also:

influence of See also:Moses Mendelssohn and his school (see JEws), supplied a See also:majority of the leading See also:spirits of the revolutionary agitation. To this See also:period belong the formidable names of See also:Ludwig See also:Borne (1786–1837), Heinrich See also:Heine (1799–1854), See also:Edward Ganz (1798–1839), See also:Gabriel Riesser (1806–1863), See also:Ferdinand See also:Lassalle (1825–1864), Karl See also:Marx (1818–1883), Moses See also:Hess (1812-1875), Ignatz Kuranda (r855–5884), and Johann See also:Jacobi (1805–1877)• When the revolution was completed, and the Jews entered in a See also:body the See also:national life of Germany and Austria, they sustained this high See also:average in all the intellectual branches of middle-class activity. Here again, owing to the accidents of their history, a further concentration became apparent. Their activity was almost exclusively intellectual. The bulk of them flocked to the See also:financial and the distributive (as distinct from the productive) See also:fields of See also:industry to which they had been confined in the ghettos. The sharpened faculties of the younger See also:generation-at the same See also:time carried everything before them in the See also:schools, with the result that they soon crowded the professions, especially See also:medicine, See also:law and journalism (Nossig, Statistik See also:des Jiid. Stammes, pp. 33-37 ; See also:Jacobs, Jew: See also:Statistics, pp. 41-69). Thus the " Semitic domination," as it was afterwards called, became every See also:day more strongly accentuated. If it was a long time in exciting resentment and See also:jealousy, the See also:reason was that it was in no sense alien to the new conditions of the national life. The competition was a See also:fair one.

The Jews might be more successful than their Christian fellow-citizens, but it was in virtue of qualities which complied with the national See also:

standards of conduct. They were as Iaw-abiding and patriotic as they were intelligent. See also:Crime among them was far below the average (Nossig, p. 31). Their See also:complete assimilation of the national spirit was brilliantly illustrated by the achievements in See also:German literature, art and See also:science of such men as Heinrich Heine and Berthold See also:Auerbach (1812–1882), See also:Felix Mendelssohn (-Bartholdy) (18o9-1847), and See also:Jacob See also:Meyerbeer (1794-1864), Karl Gustav Jacobi the mathematician (1804–1851), Gabriel Gustav Valentin the physiologist (1810–1883), and See also:Moritz See also:Lazarus (1824–1903) and Heymann See also:Steinthal (1823–1899) the national psychologists. In politics, too, Edward See also:Lasker (1829–1884) and Ludwig See also:Bamberger (1823–1899) had shown how Jews could put their See also:country before party, when, at the turning-point of German imperial history in 5866, they led the See also:secession from the Fortschritts-Partei and founded the National Liberal party, which enabled See also:Prince See also:Bismarck to accomplish German unity. Even their financiers were not behind their Christian fellow-citizens in patriotism. Prince Bismarck himself confessed that the money for carrying on the 1866 See also:campaign was obtained from the Jewish banker Bleichroeder, in See also:face of the refusal of the money-See also:market to support the See also:war. Hence the See also:voice of the old Jew-hatred--for in a weak way it was still occasionally heard in obscurantist corners—was shamed into silence, and it was only in the European See also:twilight —in See also:Russia and Rumania—and in lands where medievalism still lingered, such as See also:northern See also:Africa and See also:Persia, that oppression and persecution continued to See also:dog the steps of the Jews. The See also:signal for the See also:change came in 1873, and was given unconsciously by one of the most distinguished Jews of his time, Edward Lasker, the gifted See also:lieutenant of See also:Bennigsen in the See also:leader-See also:ship of the National Liberal party. The unification of Germany in 1870, and the rapid See also:payment of the enormous See also:French war See also:indemnity, had given an unprecedented impulse to industrial and financial activity throughout the empire. Money became cheap and See also:speculation universal.

A See also:

company See also:mania set in which was favoured by the See also:government, who granted railway and other concessions with a prodigal hand. The inevitable result of this state of things was first indicated by Jewish politicians and economists. On the 14th of See also:January 1873, Edward Lasker called the See also:attention of the Prussian See also:diet to the dangers of the situation, while his colleague, Ludwig Bamberger, in an able See also:article in the Preussischen Jahrbiicher, condemned the policy which had permitted the milliards to glut the country instead of being paid on a See also:plan which would have facilitated their See also:gradual digestion by the economic machinery of the nation. Deeply impressed by the gravity of the impending crisis, Lasker instituted a searching inquiry, with the result that he discovered a See also:series of See also:grave company scandals in which financial promoters and aristocratic See also:directors were chiefly involved. Undeterred by the fact that the leading spirit in these abuses, See also:Bethel See also:Henry Strousberg (1823–1884), was a Jew, Lasker presented the results of his inquiry to the diet on the 7th of See also:February 1873, in a speech Germany. of See also:great power and full of sensational disclosures. The dramatic results of this speech need not be dwelt upon here (for details see See also:Blum, Das deutsche Reich zur Zeit Bismarcks, pp. 153-181). It must suffice to say that in the following May the great Vienna " Krach " occurred, and the See also:colossal bubble of speculation burst, bringing with it all the ruin foretold by Lasker and Bamberger. From the position occupied by the Jews in the commercial class, and especially in the financial section of that class, it was inevitable that a considerable number of them should figure in the scandals which followed. At this moment an obscure See also:Hamburg journalist, Wilhelm Marr, who as far back as 1862 had printed a still-See also:born See also:tract against the Jews (Judenspiegel), published a sensational pamphlet entitled Der Sieg des Juden-Chums uber dos Germanthum (" The Victory of Judaism over Germanism "). The See also:book See also:fell upon fruitful See also:soil.

It applied to the nascent controversy a theory of nationality which, under the great sponsorship of See also:

Hegel, had seized on the minds of the German youth, and to which the stirring events of 1870 had already given a deep practical significance. The state, according to the Hegelians, should be rational, and the nation should be a unit comprising individuals speaking the same See also:language and of the same racial origin. Heterogeneous elements might be absorbed, but if they could not be reduced to the national type they should be eliminated. This was the pseudo-scientific See also:note of the new anti-Semitism, the theory which differentiated it from the old religious Jew-hatred and sought to give it a rational place in modern thought. See also:Mary's pamphlet, which reviewed the facts of the Jewish social concentration without noticing their essentially transitional character, proved the See also:pioneer of this teaching. It was, however, in the passions of party politics that the new crusade found its See also:chief See also:sources of vitality. The enemies of the bourgeoisie at once saw that the movement was calculated to discredit and weaken the school of See also:Manchester Liberalism, then in the ascendant.' Agrarian capitalism, which had been dethroned by industrial capitalism in 1848, and had burnt its fingers in 1873, seized the opportunity of paying off old scores. The clericals, smarting under the Kulturkampf, which was supported by the whole body of Jewish liberalism, joined eagerly in the new cry. In 1876 another sensational pamphlet was published, See also:Otto See also:Glogau's See also:Die Borsen and Grundergeschwindel in Berlin (" The Bourses and the Company Swindles in Berlin "), dealing in detail with the Jewish participation in the scandals first revealed by Lasker. The agitation gradually swelled, its growth being helped by the sensitiveness and cacoethes scribendi of the Jews themselves, who contributed two See also:pamphlets and a much larger proportion of newspaper articles for every one supplied by their opponents (Jacobs, See also:Bibliog. Jew. Question, p. xi.).

Up' to .1879, however, it was more of a literary than a political agitation, and was generally regarded only as an ephemeral craze or a passing spasm of popular See also:

passion. Towards the end of 1879 it spread with sudden fury over the whole of, Germany. This outburst, at a moment when no new financial scandals or other illustrations of Semitic demoralization and domination were before the public, has never been fully explained. It is impossible to doubt, however, that the See also:secret springs of the new agitation were more or less directly supplied by Prince Bismarck himself. Since 1877 the relations between the See also:chancellor and the National Liberals had gradually become strained. The deficit in the See also:budget had compelled the government to think of new taxes, and in See also:order to carry them through the Reichstag the support of the National Liberals had been solicited. Until then the National Liberals had faithfully supported the chancellor in See also:nursing the consolidation of the new empire, but the great See also:dream of its leaders, especially of Lasker and Bamberger, who had learnt their politics in See also:England, was to obtain a constitutional and economic regime similar to that of the See also:British Isles. The organization of German unity was now completed, and they regarded the new overtures of Prince Bismarck as an opportunity for pressing their constitutional demands. These were refused, the Reichstag was dissolved and Prince Bismarck boldly came forward with a new fiscalpolicy, a See also:combination of See also:protection and state See also:socialism. Lasker and Bamberger thereupon led a powerful secession of National Liberals into opposition, and the chancellor was compelled to seek a new majority among the ultra-Conservatives and the Roman See also:Catholic Centre. This was the beginning of the famous See also:journey to See also:Canossa." Bismarck did not hide his See also:mortification. He began to recognize in anti-Semitism a means of dishing " the Judaized liberals, and to his creatures who assisted him in his See also:press See also:campaigns he dropped significant hints in this sense (See also:Busch, Bismarck, ii.

453-454, iii. 16). He even spoke of a new Kulturkampf against the Jews (ibid. ii. p. 484). How these hints were acted upon has not been revealed, but it is sufficiently instructive to See also:

notice that the final See also:breach with the National Liberals took place in See also:July 1879, and that it was immediately followed by a violent revival of the anti-Semitic agitation. Mary's pamphlet was reprinted, and within a few months ran through nine further See also:editions. The historian See also:Treitschke gave the See also:sanction of his great name to the movement. The Conservative and Ultramontane press rang with the sins of the Jews. In See also:October an anti-Semitic See also:league was founded in Berlin and See also:Dresden (for statutes of the league see Nineteenth Century, February t881, p. 344). The leadership of the agitation was now definitely assumed by a See also:man who combined with social influence, oratorical power and inexhaustible See also:energy, a definite See also:scheme of social regeneration and an organization for carrying it out. This man was Adolf Stocker (b.

1835), one of the See also:

court preachers. He had embraced the doctrines of Christian socialism which the Roman Catholics, under the guidance of See also:Archbishop See also:Ketteler, had adopted from the teachings of the Jew Lassalle (Nitti, Catholic Socialism, pp. 94-96, 122, 127), and he had formed a society called " The Christian Social Working-man's See also:Union." He was also a conspicuous member of the Prussian diet, where he sat and voted with the Conservatives. He found himself in strong sympathy with Prince Bismarck's new economic policy; which, although also of Lassallian origin (Kohut, Ferdinand Lassalle, pp. 144 et seq.), was claimed by its author as being essentially Christian (Busch, p. 483). Under his auspices the years r88o–1881 became a period of See also:bitter and' scandalous conflict with the Jews. The Conservatives supported him, partly to satisfy their old grudges against the Liberal bourgeoisie and partly because Christian Socialism, with its anti-Semitic See also:appeal to ignorant See also:prejudice, was likely to weaken the hold of the Social Democrats on the See also:lower classes. The Lutheran See also:clergy followed suit, in order to prevent the Roman Catholics from obtaining a See also:monopoly of Christian Socialism, while the Ultramontanes readily adopted anti-Semitism, partly to maintain their monopoly, and partly to avenge themselves on the Jewish and Liberal supporters of the Kulturkampf. In this way a formidable body of public See also:opinion was recruited for the anti-Semites. Violent debates took place in the Prussian diet. A See also:petition to exclude the, Jews from the national schools and See also:universities and to disable them from holding public appointments was presented to Prince Bismarck.

Jews were boycotted and insulted. Duels between Jews and anti-Semites, many of them fatal, became of daily occurrence. Even unruly demonstrations and See also:

street riots were reported. Pamphlets attacking every phase and aspect of Jewish life streamed by the See also:hundred from the See also:printing-press. On their side the Jews did not want for See also:friends, and it was owing to the strong attitude adopted by the Liberals that the agitation failed to secure' legislative fruition. The See also:crown prince (afterwards See also:Emperor See also:Frederick) and crown princess boldly set themselves at the See also:head of the party of protest. The crown prince publicly declared that the agitation was " a shame and a disgrace to Germany." A manifesto denouncing the movement as a blot on German culture, a danger to German unity and a flagrant injustice to the Jews themselves, was signed by a long See also:list of illustrious men, including Herr von Forckenbeck, Professors See also:Mommsen, See also:Gneist, See also:Droysen, See also:Virchow, and Dr See also:Werner See also:Siemens (Times, See also:November 18, 1880). ' During the Reichstag elections of 1881 the agitation played an active part, but without much effect, although Stocker was elected. This was due to the fact that the great Conservative parties, so far as their political organizations were concerned, still remained chary of publicly identifying themselves with a movement which, in its essence, was of socialistic tendency. Hence the electoral returns of that See also:year supplied no sure See also:guide to the strength of anti-Semitic opinion among the German people. The first severe See also:blow suffered by the German anti-Semites was in 1881, when, to the indignation of the whole civilized See also:world, the barbarous riots against the Jews in Russia and the revival of the medieval See also:Blood See also:Accusation in Hungary (see infra) illustrated the liability of unreasoning mobs to carry into violent practice the incendiary doctrines of the new Jew-haters. From this blow anti-Semitism might have recovered had it not been for the divisions and scandals in its own ranks, and the artificial forms it subsequently assumed through factitious alliances with political parties See also:bent less on persecuting the Jews than on profiting by the anti-Jewish agitation.

The divisions showed themselves at the first See also:

attempt to form a political party on an anti-Semitic basis.' Imperceptibly the See also:agitators had grouped themselves into two classes, economic and ethnological anti-Semites. The impracticable racial views of Marr and Treitschke had not found favour with Stocker and the Christian Socialists. They were disposed to leave the Jews in See also:peace so long as they behaved themselves properly, and although they carried on their agitation against Jewish malpractices in a comprehensive form which seemed superficially to identify them with the See also:root-and-See also:branch anti-Semites, they were in reality not inclined to accept the racial theory with its scheme of revived Jewish disabilities (Huret, La Question Sociale—interview with Stocker). This feeling was strengthened by a tendency on the part of an extreme wing of the racial anti-Semites to extend their campaign against Judaism to its offspring, Christianity. In 1879 See also:Professor Sepp, arguing that Jesus was of no human race, had proposed that Christianity should reject the Hebrew Scriptures and seek a fresh See also:historical basis in the See also:cuneiform See also:inscriptions. Later Dr Eugen Diihring, in several brochures, notably Die Judenfrage als Frage des Rassencharakters (r88r, 5th ed. Berlin, 19o1), had attacked Christianity as a manifestation of the Semitic spirit which was not compatible with the theological and ethical conceptions of the Scandinavian peoples. The philosopher See also:Friedrich See also:Nietzsche had also adopted the same view, without noticing that it was a reductio ad absurdum of the whole agitation, in his Menschliches, Allzumenschliches (1878), Jenseits von Gut and Bose (1886), Genealogic der Moral (1887). With these tendencies the Christian Socialists could have no sympathy, and the consequence was that when in See also:March 1881 a political organization of anti-Semitism was attempted, two See also:rival bodies were created, the " Deutsche Volksverein," under the Conservative auspices of Herr See also:Liebermann von Sonnenberg (b. 1848) and Herr See also:Forster, and the " Sociale Reichsverein," led by the racial and See also:Radical anti-Semites, See also:Ernst Henrici (b. 1854) and Otto Bockel (b. 18J9).

In 1886, at an anti-Semitic See also:

congress held at See also:Cassel a See also:reunion was effected under the name of the "Deutsche antisemitische Verein," but this only lasted three years. In See also:June 1889 the anti-Semitic Christian Socialists under Stocker again seceded. Meanwhile racial anti-Semitism with its wholesale radical proposals had been making considerable progress among the ignorant lower classes. It adapted itself better to popular passions and inherited prejudice than the more See also:academic conceptions of the Christian Socialists. The latter, too, were largely Conservatives, and their points of contact with the See also:proletariat were at best artificial. Among the See also:Hessian peasantry the inflammatory appeals of Bockel secured many adherents. This paved the way for a new anti-Semitic leader, Herrmann Ahlwardt (b. 1846), who, towards the end of the 'eighties, eclipsed all the other anti-Semites by the See also:sensationalism and violence with which he prosecuted the campaign. Ahlwardt was a See also:person of evil notoriety. He was loaded with See also:debt. In the See also:Manche decoration scandals it was proved that he had acted first as a corrupt intermediary and afterwards as the betrayer of his confederates. His anti-Semitism was adopted originally as a means of See also:chantage, and it was only when it failed to yield profit in this form that he came out boldly as an agitator.

The wildness, unscrupulousness,and full-bloodedness of his propaganda enchanted the See also:

mob, and he bid fair to become a powerful democratic leader. His pamphlets, full of scandalous revelations of alleged malpractices of eminent Jews, were read with avidity. No fewer than ten of them were written and published during 1892. Over and over again he was prosecuted for See also:libel and convicted, but this seemed only to strengthen his influence with his followers. The Roman Catholic clergy and See also:newspapers helped to inflame the popular passions. The result was that anti-Jewish riots See also:broke out. At Neustettjn the Jewish synagogue was burnt, and at Xanten the Blood Accusation was revived, and a Jewish See also:butcher was tried on the ancient See also:charge of murdering a Christian See also:child for See also:ritual purposes. The man was, of course, acquitted, but the symptoms it revealed of reviving medievalism strongly stirred the liberal and cultured mind of Germany. All protest, however, seemed powerless, and the See also:barbarian movement appeared destined to carry everything before it. German politics at this moment were in a very intricate state. Prince Bismarck had retired, and See also:Count Caprivi, with a See also:pro-gramme of See also:general conciliation based on Liberal principles, was in power. Alarmed by the non-renewal of the anti-Socialist law, and by the conclusion of commercial See also:treaties which made great concessions to German industry, the landed gentry and the Conservative party became alienated from the new chancellor.

In January 1892 the split was completed by the withdrawal by the government of the See also:

Primary See also:Education See also:bill, which had been designed to place primary instruction on a religious basis. The Conservatives saw their opportunity of posing as the party of Christianity against the Liberals and Socialists, who had wrecked the bill, and they began to look towards Ahlwardt as a possible ally. He had the advantages over Stocker that he was not a Socialist, and that he was prepared to See also:lead his apparently large following to assist the agrarian movement and weaken the Social Democrats. The intrigue gradually came to See also:light. Towards the end of the year Herr See also:Liebknecht, the Social Democratic leader, denounced the Conservatives to the Reichstag as being concerned " in using the anti-Semitic movement as a See also:bastard edition of Socialism for the use of stupid people." (1st See also:December). Two days later the charge was confirmed. At a See also:meeting of the party held on the 3rd of December the following See also:plank was added to the Conservative See also:programme: " We combat the oppressive-and disintegrating Jewish influence on our national life; we demand for our Christian people a Christian magistracy and Christian teachers for Christian pupils; we repudiate the excesses of anti-Semitism." In pursuance of the See also:resolution Ahlwardt See also:waste-turned to the Reichstag at a by-See also:election by the Conservative See also:district of See also:Arnswalde-Friedeberg. The See also:coalition was, however, not yet completed. The intransigeant Conservatives, led by See also:Baron von Hammerstein, the editor of the I<reuz-Zeitung, justly See also:felt that the concluding See also:sentence of the resolution of the 3rd of December repudiating " the excesses of anti-Semitism " was calculated to hinder a full and loyal co-operation between the two parties. Accordingly on the 9th of December another meeting of the party was summoned. Twelve hundred members met at the See also:Tivoli See also:Hall in Berlin, and with only seven dissentients solemnly expunged the offending sentence from the resolution. The history of political parties may be searched in vain for a parallel to this discreditable transaction: The See also:capture of the Conservative party proved the high-See also:water See also:mark of German anti-Semitism.

From that moment the See also:

tide began to recede. All that was best in German national life was-scandalized by the cynical See also:tactics of the Conservatives. The emperor, strong Christian though he was, was shocked at the See also:idea of serving Christianity by a compact with unscrupulous demagogues and ignorant fanatics. Prince Bismarck growled out a stinging See also:sarcasm from his See also:retreat at See also:Friedrichsruh. Even Stocker raised his voice in protest against the " Ahlwardtismus and " Bockelianismus," and called upon his Conservative colleagues to distinguish between " respectable and disreputable anti-Semitism." As for the Liberals and Socialists, - they filled the See also:air with bitter See also:laughter, and declared from the housetops that the stupid party had at last been overwhelmed by its own stupidity. The Conservatives began to suspect that they had made a false step, and they were confirmed in this belief by the conduct of their new ally in the Reichstag. His debut in See also:parliament was the signal for a See also:succession of disgraceful scenes. His whole campaign of calumny was transferred to the See also:floor of the See also:house, and for some See also:weeks the Reichstag discussed little else than his so-called revelations. The Conservatives listened to his See also:wild charges in uncomfortable silence, and refused to support him. Stocker opposed him in a violent speech. The Radicals and Socialists, taking an accurate measure of the shallow vanity of the man, adopted the policy of giving him " enough rope." Shortly after his election he was condemned to five months' imprisonment for libel, and he would have been arrested but for the interposition of the Socialist party, including five Jews, who claimed for him the immunities of a member of parliament. When he moved for a See also:commission to inquire into his revelations, it was again the Socialist party which supported him, with the result that all his charges, without exception, were found to be absolutely baseless.

Ahlwardt was covered with ridicule, and when in May the Reichstag was dissolved, he was marched off to See also:

prison to undergo the sentence for libel from which his See also:parliamentary See also:privilege had up to that moment protected him. His hold on the anti-Semitic populace was, however, not diminished. On the contrary, the See also:action of the Conservatives at the Tivoli congress could not be at once eradicated from .the minds of the Conservative voters, and when the electoral campaign began it was found impossible to explain to them that the party leaders had changed their minds. The result was that Ahlwardt, although in prison, was elected by two constituencies. At Arnswalde-Friedeberg he was returned in the See also:teeth of the opposition of the See also:official Conservatives, and at Neustettin he defeated no less a person than his anti-Semitic opponent Stocker. Fifteen other anti-Semites, all of the Ahlwardtian school, were elected. This, however, represented little in the way of political influence; for henceforth the party had to stand alone as one of the many See also:minor factions in the Reichstag, avoided by all the great parties, and too weak to exercise any influence on the main course of affairs. During the subsequent seven years it became more and more discredited. The financial scandals connected with Forster's attempt to found a Christian Socialist See also:colony in See also:Paraguay, the conviction of Baron von Hammerstein, the anti-Semitic Conservativeleader,for See also:forgery and swindling (1895-1896), andseveral minor scandals of the same unsavoury character, covered the party with the very obloquy which it had attempted to attach to the Jews. At the same time the Christian Socialists who had remained with the Conservative party also suffered. After the elections of 1893, Stocker was dismissed from his See also:post of court preacher, and publicly reprimanded for speaking familiarly of the empress. Two years later the Christian Socialist, Pastor See also:Neumann, observing the tendency of the Conservatives to coalesce with the moderate Liberals in antagonism to Social See also:Democracy, declared against the Conservative party.

The following year the emperor publicly condemned Christian Socialism and the " political pastors," and Stocker was expelled from the Conservative party for refusing to modify the socialistic propanganda of his See also:

organ, Des See also:Volk. His fall was completed by a See also:quarrel with the Evangelical Social Union. He See also:left the Union and appealed to the Lutheran clergy to found a new church social organization, but met with no response. Another blow to anti-Semitism came from the Roman Catholics. They had become alarmed by the unbridled violence of the Ahlwardtians, and when in 1894 Forster declared in an address to the German anti-Semitic Union that anarchical outrages like the See also:murder of See also:President See also:Carnot were as much due to the " Anarchismus von ()See also:ben " as the " Anarchismus von unten,'- the IJltramontane Germania publicly washed its hands of the Jew-baiters (1st of July 1894). Thus gradually German anti-Semitism became stripped of every See also:adventitious See also:alliance; and at the general election of 1898 it only managed to return twelve members to the Reichstag, and in 1903 its party strength fell to nine. A remarkable revival in its for-tunes, however; took place between 1go5 and 19(7. Identifyingitself with the extreme Chauvinists and Anglophobes it profited by the anti-national errors of the Clericals and Socialists, and won no fewer than twelve by-elections. At the general election of 1907 its jingoism and aggressive Protestantism were rewarded with twenty-five seats. It is clear, however, from the figures of the second ballots that these successes owed far more to the tendencies of the party in the See also:field of general politics than to its anti-Semitism. Indeed the specifically anti-Semitic movement has shown little activity since 1893. The causes of the decline of German anti-Semitism are not difficult to determine.

While it remained a theory of nationality and a fad of the metaphysicians, it made considerable See also:

noise in the world, but without exercising much practical influence. When it attempted to See also:play an active part in politics it became sub-merged by the ignorant and superstitious voters, who could not understand its scientific See also:justification, but who were quite ready to declaim and See also:riot against the Jew bogey. It thus became a sort of See also:Jacquerie which, being exploited by unscrupulous demagogues, soon alienated all its respectable elements. Its moments of real importance have beep due not to inherent strength but to the uses made of it by other political parties for their own purposes. These coalitions are no longer of perilous significance so far as the Jews are concerned, chiefly because, in face of the menace of democratic socialism and its unholy alliance with the Roman Catholic Centrum, all supporters of the See also:present organization of society have found it necessary to sink their See also:differences. The new social struggle has eclipsed the racial theory of nationality. The Social Democrat became the enemy, and the new reaction counted on the support of the See also:rich Jews and the strongly individualist Jewish middle class to assist it in preserving the existing social structure. Hence in Prince Billow's " Bloc " (1908) anti-Semites figured side by side with Judeophil Radicals. More serious have been the effects of German anti-Semitic teachings on the political and social life of the countries adjacent to the empire—Russia, Austria and France. In Russia these effects were first seriously felt owing to Russia. the fury of autocratic reaction to which the tragic See also:death of the See also:tsar See also:Alexander II. gave rise. This, however, like the Strousberg Krach in Germany, was only the proximate cause of the out-break.

There were other elements which had created a milieu peculiarly favourable to the transplantation of the German craze. In the first place the medieval anti-Semitism was still an integral part of the polity of the empire. The Jews were cooped up in one huge ghetto in the western provinces, " marked out to all their fellow-countrymen as aliens, and a See also:

pariah See also:caste set apart for See also:special and degrading treatment " (Persecution of the Jews in Russia, 1891, P.5). In the next place, owing to the emancipation of the See also:serfs which had See also:half ruined the landowners, while creating a See also:free but moneyless peasantry, the Jews, who could be neither nobles nor peasants, had found a vocation as money-lenders and as middlemen between the See also:grain producers, and the grain consumers and exporters. There is no evidence that this See also:function. was performed, as a See also:rule, in an exorbitant or oppressive way. On the contrary, the fall in the value of cereals on all the provincial markets, after the riots of 1881, shows that the Jewish competition had previously assured full prices to the farmers (Schwabacher, Denkschrift, 1882, p. 27). Nevertheless, the Jewish activity or " exploitation," as it was called, was resented, and the See also:ill-feeling it caused among landowners and farmers was shared by non-Jewish middlemen and merchants who had thereby been compelled to be satisfied with small profits. Still there was but little thought of seeking a remedy in an organized anti-Jewish movement. On the contrary, the abnormal situation aggravated by the disappointments and depression caused by the See also:Turkish war, had stimulated a widespread demand for constitutional changes which would enable the people to adopt a state-machinery more exactly suited to their needs. Among the peasantry this demand was promoted and fomented by the Nihilists, and among the landowners it was largely adopted as a means of checking what threatened to become a new Jacquerie (Walcker, Gegenwartige Lage Russlands, 1873 Innere Krisis Russlands, 1876): The tsar. Alexander II., strongly sympathized with this movement, and on the See also:advice of Count See also:Loris-Melikov and the See also:council of ministers a rudimentary scheme of parliamentary government had been drafted and actually signed when the emperor was assassinated.

Meanwhile a nationalist and reactionary agitation, originating like its German analogue in the Hegelianism of a section of the lettered public, had manifested itself in See also:

Moscow. After some early vicissitudes, it had been organized, under the auspices of See also:Alexis Kireiev, Chomyakov, Aksakov and Kochelev, into the Slavophil party, with a Romanticist programme of reforms based on the old traditions of the pre-Petrine See also:epoch. This party gave a great impetus to Slav nationalism. Its final possibilities were sanguinarily illustrated by See also:Muraviev's campaign in See also:Poland in 1863, and in the war against See also:Turkey in 1877, which was exclusively its handiwork (Statement by General Kireiev: Schutz, Das heutige Russland, p. 104). After the assassination of Alexander II. the Slavophil teaching, as expounded by See also:Ignatiev and See also:Pobedonostsev, became See also:paramount in the government, and the new tsar was persuaded to See also:cancel the constitutional project of his See also:father. The more liberal views of a section of the Slavophils under Aksakov, who had been in favour of representative institutions on traditional lines, were displaced by the reactionary See also:system of Pobedonostsev, who took his stand on See also:absolutism, orthodoxy and the racial unity of the See also:Russian people. This was the situation on the See also:eve of See also:Easter 1881. The hardening nationalism above, the increasing discontent below, the economic activity of the Hebrew heretics and aliens, and the echoes of anti-Semitism from over the western border were combining for an See also:explosion. A scuffle in a See also:tavern at Elisabethgrad in See also:Kherson sufficed to ignite this combustible material. The scuffle See also:grew into a riot, the tavern was sacked, and the drunken mob, hounded on by agitators who declared that the Jews were using Christian blood for the manufacture of their Easter See also:bread, attacked and looted the Jewish quarter. The outbreak spread rapidly.

On the 7th of May there was a similar riot at Smiela, near See also:

Cherkasy, and the following day there was a violent outbreak at See also:Kiev, which left 2000 Jews homeless. Within a few weeks the whole of western Russia, from the See also:Black See also:Sea to the Baltic, was smoking with the ruins of Jewish homes. Scores of Jewish See also:women were dishonoured, hundreds of men, women and See also:children were slaughtered, and tens of thousands were reduced to beggary and left without a shelter. Murderous riots or incendiary outrages took place in no fewer than 167 towns and villages, including See also:Warsaw, See also:Odessa and Kiev. Europe had witnessed no such scenes of mob savagery since the Black Death massacres in the 14th century. As the facts gradually filtered through to the western capitals they caused a thrill of horror everywhere. An indignation meeting held at the See also:Mansion House in See also:London, under the See also:presidency of the See also:lord See also:mayor, was the signal for a long series of popular demonstrations condemning the persecutions, held in most of the chief cities of England and the See also:continent. Except as stimulated by the Judeophobe revival in Germany the Russian outbreak in its earlier forms does not belong specifically to modern anti-Semitism. It was essentially a medieval uprising animated by the religious fanaticism, See also:gross superstition and predatory instincts of a people still in the medieval See also:stage of their development. This is proved by the fact that, although the Russian peasant was supposed to be a victim of unbearable Jewish " exploitation," he was not moved to riot until he had been brutalized by drink and excited by the old See also:fable of the Blood Accusation. The modern anti-Semitic See also:element came from above and followed closely on the heels of the riots. It has been freely charged against the Russian government that it promoted the riots in 1881 in order to distract popular attention from the Nihilist propaganda and from the political disappointments involved in the cancellation of the previous tsar's constitutional project (Lazare, L'Antisemitisme, p.

211). This seems to be true of General Ignatiev, then See also:

minister of the interior, and the secret See also:police (Semenoff, The Russian Government and the Massacres, pp. 17, 32, 241). It is certain that the See also:local authori- ties, both civil and military, favoured the outbreak, and took no steps to suppress' it, and that the feudal bureaucracy who had just escaped a great danger were not sorry to see the discontented populace venting their passions on the Jews. In the higher circles of the government, however, other views prevailed. The tsar himself was at first persuaded that the riots were the See also:work of Nihilists, and he publicly promised his protection to the Jews. On the other hand, his ministers, ardent Slavophils, thought they recognized in the outbreak an endorsement of the nationalist teaching of which they were the apostles, and, while reprobating the acts of violence, came to the conclusion that the most reason-able See also:solution was to aggravate the legal disabilities of the persecuted aliens and heretics. To this view the tsar was won over, partly by the clamorous indignation of western Europe, which had wounded his national amour propre to the See also:quick, and partly by the strongly See also:partisan See also:report of a commission appointed to inquire, not into the administrative complaisance which had allowed riot to run loose over the western and See also:southern provinces, but into the " exploitation " alleged against the Jews, the reasons why " the former-See also:laws limiting the rights of the Jews " had been mitigated, and how these laws could be altered so as " to stop the pernicious conduct of the Jews " (Rescript of the 3rd of See also:September 1881). The result of this report was the drafting of a Temporary Order concerning the Jews " by the minister of the interior, which received the assent of the tsar on the 3rd of May 1882. This order, which was so little temporary that it has not yet been repealed, had the effect of creating a number 'of fresh ghettos within the. See also:pale of Jewish See also:settlement. The Jews were cooped up within the towns, and their rural interests were arbitrarily confiscated. The doubtful incidence of the order gave rise to a number of judgments of the See also:senate, by which all its persecuting possibilities were brought out, with the result that the activities of the Jews were completely paralysed, and they became a See also:prey to unparalleled See also:cruelty.

As the gruesome effect of this legislation became known, a fresh outburst of horror and indignation swelled up from western Europe. It proved powerless. Count Ignatiev was dismissed owing to the protests of high-placed Russians, who were disgusted by the new Kulturkampf, but his work remained, and, under the influence of Pobedonostsev, the See also:

procurator of the See also:Holy See also:Synod, the policy of the " May Laws," as they were significantly called, was applied to every aspect of Jewish life with pitiless rigour. The See also:temper of the tsar may be judged by the fact that when an appeal for See also:mercy from an illustrious personage in England was conveyed to him at Fredensborg through the gracious See also:medium of the tsaritsa, he angrily exclaimed within the See also:hearing of an Englishman in the ante-See also:room who was the See also:bearer of the See also:message, " Never let me hear you mention the name of that people again!" The Russian May Laws are the most conspicuous legislative See also:monument achieved by modern anti-Semitism. It is true that they re-enacted regulations which resemble the oppressive statutes introduced into Poland through the influence of the See also:Jesuits in the 16th century (See also:Sternberg, Gesch. d. Juden in Polen, pp. 141 et seq.), but their Orthodox authors were as little conscious of this See also:irony of history as they were of the See also:Teutonic origins of the whole Slavophil movement. These laws are an experimental application of the political principles extracted by Marr and his German disciples from the See also:metaphysics of Hegel', and as such they afford a valuable means of testing the practical operation of modern anti-Semitism. Their result was a wide-spread commercial depression which was felt all over the empire. Even before the May Laws were definitely promulgated the See also:passport registers showed that the anti-Semitic movement had driven 67,900 Jews across the frontier, and it was estimated that they had taken with them 13,000,000 roubles, representing a minimum loss of 6o,o0o,000 roubles to the See also:annual turnover of the country's trade. Towards the end of 1882 it was calculated that the agitation had cost Russia as much as the whole Turkish war of 1877. Trade was everywhere paralysed.

The enormous increase of bankruptcies, the See also:

transfer of investments to See also:foreign funds, the consequent fall in the value of the rouble and the prices of Russian See also:stocks, the suspension of farming operations owing to advances on growing crops being no longer available, the rise in the prices of the necessaries of life, and lastly, the appearance of See also:famine, filled half the empire with gloom. See also:Banks closed their doors, and the great provincial fairs proved failures. When it was proposed to expel the Jews from Moscow there was a loud outcry all over the sacred See also:city, and even the Orthodox merchants, realizing that the measure would ruin their flourishing trade with the See also:south and See also:west, petitioned against it. The Moscow See also:Exhibition proved a failure. Nevertheless the government persisted with its harsh policy, and Jewish refugees streamed by tens of thousands across the western frontier to seek an See also:asylum in other lands. In 1891 the alarm caused by this See also:emigration led to further protests from abroad. The citizens of London again assembled at See also:Guildhall, and addressed a petition to the tsar on behalf of his Hebrew subjects. It was handed back to the lord mayor by the Russian See also:ambassador, with a curt intimation that the emperor declined to receive it. At the same time orders were defiantly given that the May Laws should be strictly enforced. Meanwhile the Russian minister of See also:finance was at his wits' ends for money. Negotiations for a large See also:loan had been entered upon with the house of See also:Rothschild, and a preliminary See also:contract had been signed, when, at the instance of the London See also:firm, M. Wyshnigradski, the finance minister, was informed that unless the persecutions of the Jews were stopped the great banking-house would be compelled to withdraw from the operation.

Deeply mortified by this attempt to See also:

deal with him de puissance a puissance, the tsar peremptorily broke off the negotiations, and ordered that overtures should be made to a non-Jewish French See also:syndicate. In this way anti-Semitism, which had already so profoundly influenced the domestic politics of Europe, set its mark on the See also:international relations of the See also:powers, for it was the urgent need of the Russian See also:treasury quite as much as the termination of Prince Bismarck's secret treaty of mutual See also:neutrality which brought about the Franco-Russian alliance (See also:Daudet, His& Dipl. de l'Alliance Franco-Russe,pp. 259 et. seq.). For nearly three years more the persecutions continued. Elated by the success of his crusade against the Jews, Pobedonostsev extended his persecuting policy to other non-Orthodox denominations. The legislation against the See also:Protestant Stundists became almost as unbearable as that imposed on the Jews. In the report of the Holy Synod, presented to the tsar towards the end of 1893, the procurator called for repressive See also:measures against Roman Catholics, Moslems and Buddhists, and denounced the rationalist tendency of the whole system of See also:secular education in the empire (Neue Freie Presse, 31st January 1894). A year later, however, the tsar died, and his successor, without repealing any of the persecuting laws, let it gradually be understood that their rigorous application might be mitigated. The country was tired and exhausted by the persecution, and the tolerant hints which came from high quarters were acted upon with significant alacrity. A new era of conflict dawned with the great constitutional struggle towards the end of the century. The conditions, however, were very different from those which prevailed in the 'eighties. The May Laws had avenged themselves with singular fitness.

By confining the Jews to the towns at the very moment that Count See also:

Witte's policy of protection was creating an enormous industrial proletariat they placed at the disposal of the disaffected masses an ally powerful in numbers and intelligence, and especially in its bitter sense of wrong, its reckless despair and its See also:cosmopolitan outlook and connexions.. As early, as 1885 the Jewish workmen assisted by Jewish university students led the way in the formation of trades unions. They also became the colporteurs of western European socialism, and they played an important part in the organization of the Russian Social Democratic Federation which their " Arbeiter Bund " joined in 1898 with no fewer than 3o,000 members. The Jewish element in the new democratic movement excited the resentment of the government, and under the minister of the interior, M. Sipiaguine, the persecuting laws were once more rigorously enforced. The " Bund " replied in 1901 by proclaiming itself frankly political and revolutionary, and at once took a leading place in the revolutionary movement. The reactionaries were not slow to profit by this circumstance. With the support of M. See also:Plehve, the new minister of the interior, and the whole of the bureaucratic class they denounced therevolution as a Jewish See also:conspiracy, engineered for exclusively Jewish purposes and designed to establish a Jewish domination over the Russian people. The government and even the intimates of the tsar became persuaded that only by the terrorization of the Jews could the revolutionary movement be effectually dealt with. For this purpose a so-called League of True Russians was formed. Under high patronage, and with the assistance of the secret police and a large number of the local authorities, it set itself to stirup the populace, chiefly the fanatics and the hooligans, against the Jews.

Incendiary proclamations were prepared and printed in the See also:

ministry of the interior itself, and were circulated by the provincial See also:governors and ,the police (Prince Urussov's speech in the Duma, June'-8 (21), 1906). The result was another series of massacres which began at See also:Kishinev in 1903 and culminated in wholesale butchery at Odessa and Bielostek in October 1905. An attempt was made to picture and excuse these outbreaks as a national upheaval against the Jew-made revolution but it failed. They only embittered the revolutionists and " intellectuals " throughout the country, and won for them a great deal of outspoken sympathy abroad. The artificiality of the anti-Jewish outbreak was illustrated by the first Duma elections. Thirteen Jews were elected and every See also:constituency which had been the See also:scene of a pogrom returned a liberal member, Unfortunately the Jews benefited little by the new parliamentary constitution. The privileges of voting for members of the Duma and of sitting in the new See also:assembly were granted them, but all their civil and religious disabilities were maintained. Both the first and the second Duma proposed to emancipate them, but they were dissolved before any action could he taken. By the modification of the electoral law under which the third Duma was elected the voting power of the Jews was diminished and further restrictions were imposed upon them through official intimidation during the elections. The result was that only two Jews were elected, while the reactionary tendency of the new electorate virtually removed the question of their emancipation from the field of practical politics. The only other country in Europe in which a legalized anti-Semitism exists is See also:Rumania. The conditions are very similar to those which obtain in Russia, with the important Rumania. difference that Rumania is a constitutional country, and that the Jewish persecutions are the work of the elected deputies of the . nation.

Like the See also:

Bourgeois Gentilhomme who wrote See also:prose all his life without knowing it, the Rumanians practised the nationalist doctrines of the Hegelian anti-Semites unconsciously long before they were formulated in .Germany. In the old days of Turkish domination the See also:lot of the Rumanian Jews was not conspicuously unhappy. It was only when the nation began to be emancipated, and the struggle in the See also:East assumed the form of a crusade against See also:Islam that the Jews were persecuted, Rumanian politicians preached a nationalism limited exclusively to indigenous Christians, and they were strongly supported by all who felt the commercialcompetition of the Jews.. Thus, al-though the Jews had been settled in the land for many centuries, they were by law declared aliens. This was done in See also:defiance of the treaty of See also:Paris of 1856 and the See also:convention of 1858 which declared all Rumans to be equal before the law. Under the influence of this distinction the Jews became persecuted, and sanguinary riots were of frequent occurrence. The realization of a Jewish question led to legislation imposing disabilities on the Jews. In 1878 the congress of Berlin agreed to recognize the See also:independence of Rumania on See also:condition that all religious disabilities were removed. Rumania agreed to this condition, but ultimately persuaded the powers to allow her to carry out the emancipation of the Jews gradually. Persecutions, however, continued, and in 1902 they led to a great See also:exodus of Jews. The See also:United States addressed a strong remonstrance to the Rumanian government, but the condition of the Jews was in no way improved. Their emancipation was in 1908 as far off as ever, and their disabilities heavier than those of their brethren in Russia.

For this state of things the example of the anti-Semites in Germany, Russia, Austria and France was largely to blame, since it had justified the intolerance of the Rumans. Owing, also, to the fact that of See also:

late years Rumania had become a sort of annexe of the Triple Alliance, it was found impossible to induce the signatories of the treaty of Berlin to take action to compel the state to fulfil its obligations under that treaty. In Austria-Hungary the anti-Semitic impulses came almost simultaneously from the See also:North and East. Already in the 'seventies the doctrinaire anti-Semitism of Berlin had found an See also:echo in See also:Budapest. Two members of the diet, See also:Victor Istoczy and Geza Onody, together with a publicist named Georg Marczianyi, busied themselves in making known the See also:doctrine of Marr in Hungary. Marczianyi, who translated the German Judeophobe pamphlets into Magyar, and the Magyar See also:works of Onody into German, was the chief medium between the northern and southern schools. In x88o Istoczy tried to establish a " Nichtjuden Bund " in Hungary, with statutes literally translated from those of the German anti- Semitic league: The movement, however, made no progress, owing to the stalwart Liberalism of the predominant political parties, and of the national principles inherited from the revolu- tion of 1848. The large part played by the Jews in that struggle, and the fruitful patriotism with which they had worked for the political and economic progress of the country, had created, too, a strong claim on the gratitude of the best elements in the nation. Nevertheless, among the ultramontane clergy, the higher See also:aristo- cracy, the ill-paid minor officials, and the ignorant peasantry, the seeds of a tacit anti-Semitism were latent. It was probably the aversion of the See also:nobility from anything in the nature of a demagogic agitation which for a time prevented these seeds from germinating. The See also:news of the uprising in Russia and the appearance of Jewish refugees on the frontier, had the effect of giving a certain prominence to the agitation of Istoczy and Onody and of exciting the rural communities, but it did not succeed in impressing the public with the pseudo-scientific doctrines of the new anti-Semitism. It was not until the agitators resorted to the Blood Accusation—that never-failing See also:decoy of obscurantism and superstition—that Hungary took a definite place in the anti- Semitic movement.

The outbreak was See also:

short and fortunately blood- less, but while it lasted its scandals shocked the whole of Europe. Dr See also:August Rohling, professor of Hebrew at the university of See also:Prague, a Roman Catholic theologian of high position but dubious learning, had for some years assisted the Hungarian anti-Semites with rechaufes of Eisenmenger's Entdeckles Juden- Chum (Frankfurt a/1\1. 1700). In 1881 he made a See also:solemn deposition before the Supreme Court accusing the Jews of being See also:bound by their law to work the moral and physical ruin of non-Jews. He followed this up with an offer to depose on See also:oath that the murder of Christians for ritual purposes was a doctrine secretly taught among Jews. Professor See also:Delitzsch and other eminent Hebraists, both Christian and Jewish, exposed and denounced the See also:ignorance and malevolence of Rohling, but were unable to See also:stem the See also:mischief he was causing. In See also:April 1882 a Christian girl named See also:Esther Sobymossi was missed from the Hungarian See also:village of See also:Tisza Eszlar, where a small community of Jews were settled. The rumour got abroad that she had been kidnapped and murdered by the Jews, but it remained the See also:burden of idle See also:gossip, and gave rise to neither judicial complaint nor public disorders. At this moment the question of the Bosnian Pacification credits was before the diet. The unpopularity of the task assumed by Austria-Hungary, under the treaty of Berlin, which was calcu- lated to strengthen the disaffected Croat element in the empire, had reduced the government majority to very small proportions, and all the reactionary factions in the country were accordingly in arms. The government was violently and unscrupulously attacked on all sides. On the 23rd of May there was a debate in the diet when M.

Onody, in an incendiary harangue, told the See also:

story of the missing girl at Tisza Eszlar, and accused ministers of criminal See also:indulgence to races alien to the national spirit. In the then excited state of the public mind on the Croat question, the manoeuvre was adroitly conceived. The government fell into the See also:trap, and treated the story with lofty, disdain. There- upon the anti-Semites set to work on the case, and M. See also:Joseph Bary, the See also:magistrate at See also:Nyiregyhaza, and a noted anti-Semite, was induced to go to Tisza Eszlar and See also:institute an inquiry. All the anti-liberal elements in the country now became banded together in this effort to discredit the liberal government, and for the first time the Hungarian anti-Semites found themselves at the head of a powerful party. Fifteen Jews were arrested and thrown into prison. No pains were spared in preparing the case for trial. See also:Perjury and even forgery were freely resorted to. The son of one of the accused, a boy of fourteen, was taken into custody by the police, and by threats and cajoleries prevailed upon to give evidence for the See also:prosecution. He was elaborately coached for the terrible role he was to play. The trial opened at Nyiregyhaza on the 19th of June, and lasted till the 3rd of August.

It was one of the most dramatic causes celebres of the century. Under the brilliant See also:

cross-examination of the See also:advocates for the See also:defence the whole of the shocking conspiracy was gradually exposed. The public prosecutor thereupon withdrew from the case, and the four judges—the chief of whom held strong anti-Semitic opinions—unanimously acquitted all the prisoners. The case proved the death-blow of Hungarian anti-Semitism. Although another phase of the Jewish question, which will be referred to presently, had still to occupy the public mind, the shame brought on the nation by the Tisza Eszlar conspiracy effectually prevented the anti-Semites from raising their voices with any effect again. Meanwhile a more formidable and complicated outburst was preparing in Austria itself. Here the lines of the German agitation were closely followed, but with far more dramatic results. It was exclusively political—that is to say, it appealed to anti-Jewish prejudices for party purposes while it sought to re-habilitate them on a pseudo-scientific basis, racial and economic. At first it was confined to sporadic pamphleteers. By their side there gradually grew up a school of Christian Socialists, recruited from the ultra-Clericals, for the study and application of the doctrines preached at See also:Mainz by Archbishop Ketteler. This constituted a complete See also:Austrian analogue to the Evangelical-Socialist movement started in Germany by Herr Stocker. For some years the two movements remained distinct, but signs of approximation were early visible.

Thus one of the first complaints of the anti-Semites was that the Jews were becoming masters of the soil. This found an echo in the agrarian principles of the Christian Socialists, as expounded by See also:

Rudolph See also:Meyer, in which See also:individualism in landed See also:property was admitted on the condition that the landowners were " the families of the nation " and not " cosmopolitan financiers." A further indication of anti-Semitism is found in a speech delivered in 1878 by Prince Alois von See also:Liechtenstein (b. 1846), the most prominent See also:disciple of Rudolph. Meyer, who denounced the national debt as a See also:tribute paid by the state to cosmopolitan rentiers (Nitti, Catholic Social-ism, pp. 200, 201, 211, 216). The growing disorder in parliament, due to the bitter struggle between the German and See also:Czech parties, served to. bring anti-Semitism into the field of practical politics. Since 1867 the German Liberals had been in power. They had made enemies of the Clericals by tampering with the See also:concordat, and they had split up their own party by the federalist policy adopted by Count See also:Taaffe. The Radical secessionists in their turn found it difficult to agree, and an ultra-national German wing formed itself into a See also:separate party under the leadership of See also:Ritter von SchOnerer (b. 1842), a Radical nationalist of the most violent type. In 188.2 two anti-Semitic leagues had been founded in Vienna, and to these the Radical nationalists now appealed for support. The growing importance of the party led the premier, Count Taaffe, to See also:angle for the support of the Clericals by accepting a portion of the Christian Socialist programme.

The hostility this excited in the liberal press, largely written by Jews, served to bring the feudal Christian Socialists and Radical anti-Semites together. In 1891 these strangely assorted factions became consolidated, and during the elections of that year Prince Liechtenstein came forward as an anti-Semitic See also:

candidate and the acknowledged leader of the party. The elections resulted in the return of fifteen anti-Semites to the Reichsrath, chiefly from Vienna. Although Prince Liechtenstein and the bulk of the Christian Austria-Hungary. Socialists had joined the anti-Semites with the support of the Clerical organ, the Vaterland, the Clerical party as a whole still held aloof from the Jew-baiters. The events of 1892—1895 put an end to their hesitation. The Hungarian government, in compliance with long-See also:standing pledges to the liberal party, introduced into the diet a series of ecclesiastical reform bills providing for civil See also:marriage, freedom of See also:worship, and the legal recognition of Judasim on an equality with other denominations. These proposals, which synchronized with Ahlwardt's turbulent agitation in Germany, gave a great impulse to antisSemitism and served to drive into its ranks a large number of Clericals. The agitation was taken in hand by the Roman Catholic clergy, and the pulpits resounded with denunciations of the Jews. One clergyman, Father Deckert, was prosecuted for See also:preaching the Blood Accusation and convicted (1894). See also:Cardinal Schlauch, See also:bishop of Grosswardein, declared in the Hungarian House of Magnates that the Liberals were in league with " cosmopolitans " for the ruin of the country. In October 1894 the magnates adopted two of the ecclesiastical bills with amendments, but threw out the Jewish bill by a- majority of six.

The crown sided with the magnates, and the ministry resigned, although it had a majority in the Lower House. An effort was made to form a Clerical See also:

cabinet, but it failed. Baron See also:Banffy was then entrusted with the construction of a fresh Liberal ministry. The announcement that he would persist with the ecclesiastical. bills lashed the Clericals and anti-Semites . into a fury, and the agitation broke out afresh. The See also:pope addressed a See also:letter to Count Zichy encouraging the magnates to resist, and once more two of the bills were amended, and the third rejected. The papal See also:nuncio, Mgr. See also:Agliardi, now thought proper to pay a visit to Budapest, where he allowed himself to be interviewed on the crisis. This interference in the domestic concerns of Hungary was deeply resented by the Liberals, and Baron Banffy requested Count See also:Kalnoky, the imperial minister of foreign affairs, to protest against it at the Vatican. Count Kalnoky refused arid tendered his resignation to the emperor. Clerical sympathies were pre-dominant in Vienna, and the emperor was induced for a moment to decline the count's resignation. It soon became clear, how-ever, that the Hungarians were resolved to see the crisis out, and that in the end Vienna would be compelled to give way. The emperor accordingly retraced his steps, Count Kalnoky's resignation was accepted, the papal nuncio was recalled, a batch of new magnates were created, and the Hungarian ecclesiastical bills passed.

Simultaneously with this crisis another startling phase of the anti-Semitic See also:

drama was being enacted in Vienna itself. Encouraged by the support of the Clericals the anti-Semites resolved to make an effort to carry the Vienna municipal elections. So far the alliance of the Clericals with the anti-Semites had been unofficial, but on the eve of the elections (January 1895) the pope, influenced partly by the Hungarian crisis andpartly by an idea of Cardinal See also:Rampolla that the best antidote to democratic socialism would be a clerically controlled See also:fusion of the Christian Socialists and anti-Semites, sent his blessing to Prince Liechtenstein and his followers. This action alarmed the government and a considerable body of the higher episcopate, who felt assured that any permanent encouragement given to the anti-Semites would in the end strengthen the parties of See also:sedition and disorder. Cardinal SchOnborn was despatched in haste to See also:Rome to ex-postulate with the pontiff, and his representations were strongly supported by the French and Belgian bishops. The mischief was however, done, and although the pope sent a verbal message to Prince Liechtenstein excluding the anti-Semites from his blessing, the elections resulted in a great See also:triumph for the Jew-haters. The municipal council was immediately dissolved by the government, and new elections were ordered, but these only strengthened the position of the anti-Semites, who carried 92 seats out of a total of 138. A cabinet crisis followed, and the premiership was entrusted to the Statthalter of See also:Galicia, Count Badeni, who assumed See also:office with a See also:pledge of war to the See also:knife against anti-Semitism. In October the new municipal council elected as burgomaster of Vienna Dr Karl Lueger (b. 1844), a 1 who has formerly been in the employ of the Rothschilds, vehement anti-Semite, who had displaced Prince Liechtenstein as leader of the party. The emperor declined to sanction the election, but the council repeated it in face of the imperial displeasure. Once more a See also:dissolution was ordered, and for three months the city was governed by administrative commissioners.

In February 1896 elections were again held, and the anti-Semites were returned with an increased majority. The emperor then capitulated, and after a temporary arrangement, by which for one year Dr Lueger acted as See also:

vice-burgomaster and handed over the burgomastership to an inoffensive nominee, permitted the municipal council to have its way. The growing anarchy in parliament at this moment served still further to strengthen the anti-Semites, and their See also:conquest of Vienna was speedily followed by a not less striking conquest of the Landtag of Lower Austria (November 1896). Since then a reaction of sanity has slowly but surely asserted itself. In 1908 the anti-Semites had governed Vienna twelve years, and, although they had accomplished much mischief, the See also:millennium of which they were supposed to be the heralds had not dawned. On the contrary, the commercial interests of the city had suffered and the rates had beett enormously increased (Neue Freie Presse, 29th March 1901), while the predatory hopes which secured them office had only been realized on a small and select See also:scale. The spectacle of a Clerico-anti-Semitic tammany in Vienna had strengthened the resistance of the better elements in the country. Time had also shown that Christian Socialism is only a disguise for high Toryism, and that the German Radicals who were originally induced to join the anti-Semites had been victimized by the Clericals. The fruits of this disillusion began to show themselves in the general elections of 1900-1901, when the anti-Semites lost six seats in the Reichsrath. The elections were followed (26th January 1901) by a papal encyclical on Christian democracy, in which Christian Socialism was declared to be a term unacceptable to the Church, and the faithful were adjured to abstain from agitation of a demagogic and revolutionary character, and " to respect the rights of others." Nevertheless, in 1907 the Christian Socialists trebled their See also:representation in the Reichsrath. This, however, was due more to their alliance with the German national parties than to any large increase of anti-Semitism in the electorate. The last country in Europe to make use of the teachings of German anti-Semitism in its party politics was France.

The fact that the movement should have struck root in a France. republican country, where the ideals of democratic freedom have been so passionately cultivated, has been regarded as one of the paradoxes of our latter-day history. As a matter of fact, it is more surprising that it was not adopted earlier. All the social and political conditions which produced anti-Semitism in Germany were present in France, but in an aggravated form due primarily to the very republican regime which at first sight seemed to be a See also:

guarantee against it. In the monarchical states the dominance of the bourgeoisie was tempered in a measure by the power of the crown and the political activity of the See also:aristocracy, which carried with them a very real restraining influence in the matter of political See also:honour and morality. In France these restraining influences were driven out of public life by the re-public. The nobility both of the ancien regime and the empire stood aloof, and politics were abandoned for the most part to professional adventurers, while the bourgeoisie assumed the form of a#omnipotent See also:plutocracy. This naturally attracted to France all the financial adventurers in Europe, and in the See also:train of the immigration came not a few German Jews, alienated from their own country by the agitation of Marr and' Stocker. Thus the bourgeoisie was not only more powerful in France than in other countries, but the obnoxiousness of its Jewish element was accentuated by a tinge of the national enemy. The anti-clericalism of the bourgeois See also:republic and its unexampled series of financial scandals, culminating in the See also:Panama " Krach," thus sufficed to give anti-Semitism a strong hold on the public mind. Nevertheless, it was not until 1882 that the anti-Jewish movement was seriously heard of in France. See also:Paul Bontoux (b. 1820x), but had been obliged to leave the firm in consequence of his disastrous speculations, had joined the Legitimist party, and had started the Union Generale with funds obtained from his new See also:allies.

Bontoux promised to break up the alleged financial monopoly of the Jews and Protestants and to found a new plutocracy in its See also:

stead, which should be mainly Roman Catholic and aristocratic. The bait was eagerly swallowed. For five years the Union Generale, with the blessing of the pope, pursued an apparently prosperous career. Immense schemes were undertaken, and the 125-fr. shares See also:rose gradually to 3200 francs. The whole structure, however, rested on a basis of audacious speculation, and in January 1882 the Union Generale failed, with liabilities amounting to 212,000,000 francs. The cry was at once raised that the collapse was due to the manoeuvres of the Jews, and a strong anti-Semitic feeling manifested itself in clerical and aristocratic circles. In 1886 violent expression was given to this feeling in a book since become famous, La France juive, by Edouard Drumont (b. 1844). The author illustrated the theories of German anti-Semitism with a chronique scandaleuse full of piquant personalities, in which the corruption of French national life under Jewish influences was painted in alarming See also:colours. The book was read with avidity by the public, who welcomed its explanations of the obviously growing debauchery. The See also:Wilson scandals and the suspension of the Panama Company in the following year, while not bearing out Drumont's anti-Semitism, fully justified his view of the prevailing corruption. Out of this condition of things rose the Boulangist movement, which rallied all the disaffected elements in the country, including Drumont's following of anti-Semites.

It was not, however, until the See also:

flight of General See also:Boulanger and the ruin of his party that anti-Semitism cameforward as a politicalmovement. The chief author of the rout of Boulangism was a Jewish politician and journalist, Joseph See also:Reinach (b. 1856), formerly private secretary to See also:Gambetta, and one of the ablest men in France. He was a Frenchman by See also:birth and education, but his father and uncles were Germans, who had founded an important banking See also:establishment in Paris. Hence he was held to personify the alien Jewish domination in France, and the ex-Boulangists turned against him and his co-religionists with fury. The Boulangist agitation had for a second time involved the See also:Legitimists in heavy pecuniary losses, and under the leadership of the See also:marquis de Mores they now threw all their influence on the side of Drumont. An anti-Semitic league was established, and with Royalist assistance branches were organized all over the country. The Franco-Russian alliance in 1891, when the persecutions of the Jews by Pobedonostsev were attracting the attention of Europe, served to invest Drumont's agitation with a fashionable and patriotic character. It was a sign of the spiritual approximation of the two peoples. In 1892 Drumont founded a daily anti-Semitic newspaper, La Libre See also:Parole. With the organization of this See also:journal a See also:regular campaign for the See also:discovery of scandals was instituted. At the same time a body of aristocratic swashbucklers, with the marquis de Mores and the See also:comte de Lamase at their head, set themselves to terrorize the Jews and provoke them to duels.

At a meeting held at Neuilly in 1891, Jules See also:

Guerin, one of the marquis de Mores's lieutenants, had demanded rhetorically un cadavre de Juif. He had not long to wait. Anti-Semitism was most powerful in the army, which was the only branch of the public service in which the reactionary classes were fully represented. The republican law compelling the seminarists to serve their term in the army had strengthened its Clerical and Royalist elements, and the result was a movement against the Jewish See also:officers, of whom 500 held commissions. A series of articles in the Libre Parole attacking these officers led to a number of ferocious duels, and these culminated in 1892 in the death of an amiable and popular Jewish officer, See also:Captain Armand See also:Mayer, of the See also:Engineers, who fell, pierced through the lungs by the marquis de Mores. This tragedy, rendered all the more painful by the discovery that Captain Mayer had chivalrously fought to See also:shield a friend, aroused a great deal of popular indignation against the anti-Semites, and for a moment it was believed that the agitation had been killed with its victim. 143 Towards the end of 1892, the discovery of the widespread corruption practised by the Panama Company gave a fresh impulse to anti-Semitism. The revelations were in a large measure due to the industry of the Libre Parole; and they were all the more welcome to the readers of that journal since it was discovered that three Jews were implicated in the scandals, one of whom, baron de Reinach, was See also:uncle and father-in-law to the hated destroyer of Boulangism. The See also:escape of the other two, Dr See also:Cornelius Herz and M. Arton, and the difficulties experienced in obtaining their See also:extradition, deepened the popular conviction that the authorities were implicated in the scandals, and kept the public See also:eye for a long time absorbed by the otherwise restricted Jewish aspects of the scandals. In 1894 the military side of the agitation was revived by the See also:arrest of a prominent Jewish See also:staff officer, Captain See also:Alfred See also:Dreyfus, on a charge of See also:treason. From the beginning the hand of the anti-Semite was flagrant in the new sensation.

The first hint of the arrest appeared in the Libre Parole; and before the facts had been officially communicated to the public that journal was busy with a campaign against the war minister, based on the See also:

apprehension that, in conspiracy with the Juiverie and his republican colleagues, he might exert himself to shield the traitor. Anti-Semitic feeling was now thoroughly aroused. Panama had prepared the people to believe anything: and when it was announced that a court-See also:martial, sitting in secret, had convicted Dreyfus, there was a howl of execration against the Jews from one end of the country to the other, although the alleged crime of the convict and the evidence by which it was supported were quite unknown. Dreyfus was degraded and transported for life amid unparalleled scenes of public excitement. The Dreyfus Case registers the See also:climax not only of French, but of European anti-Semitism. It was the most ambitious and most unscrupulous attempt yet made to prove the nationalist hypothesis of the anti-Semites, and in its failure it afforded the most striking See also:illustration of the dangers of the whole movement by bringing France to the See also:verge of revolution. For a few months after the Dreyfus court-martial there was a See also:comparative See also:lull; but the highly strung condition of popular passion was illustrated by a violent debate on " The Jewish Peril " in the Chamber of Deputies (25th April 1895), and by two outrages with See also:explosives at the Rothschild See also:bank in Paris. Meanwhile the See also:family of Dreyfus, absolutely convinced of his innocence, were casting about for the means of clearing his character and securing his liberation. They were wealthy, and their activity unsettled the public mind and aroused the apprehensions of the conspirators. Had the latter known how to preserve silence, the See also:mystery would perhaps have been yet unsolved; but in their anxiety to allay all suspicions they made one false step, which proved the beginning of their ruin. Through their friends in the press they secured the publication of a facsimile of a document known as the Bordereau—a list of documents supposed to be in Dreyfus's See also:handwriting and addressed apparently to the military attache of a foreign power, which was alleged to constitute the chief evidence against the convict. It was hoped by this publication to put an end to the doubts of the so-called Dreyfusards.

The result, how-ever, was only to give them a See also:

clue on which they worked with remarkable ingenuity. To prove that the Bordereau was not in Dreyfus's handwriting was not difficult. Indeed, its authorship was recognized almost on the day of publication; but the Dreyfusards held their hands in order to make assurance doubly sure by further evidence. Meanwhile one of the officers of the general staff, See also:Colonel Picquart, had convinced himself by an examination of the dossier of the trial that a gross See also:miscarriage of See also:justice had taken place. On mentioning his doubts to his superiors, who were animated partly by anti-Semitic feeling and partly by reluctance to confess to a See also:mistake, he was ordered to the Tunisian See also:hinterland on a dangerous expedition. Before leaving Paris, however, he took the precaution to confide his discovery to his legal adviser. Harassed by their anxieties, the conspirators made further communications to the newspapers; and the government, questioned and badgered in parliament, added to the revelations. The new disclosures, so far from stopping the Dreyfusards,proved to them,among other things, that the conviction had been partially based on documents which had not been communicated to the counsel for the defence, and hence that the See also:judges had been tampered with by the ministry of war behind the prisoner's back. So far, too, as these documents related to See also:correspondence with foreign military attaches, it was soon ascertained that they were forgeries. In this way a terrible See also:indictment was gradually See also:drawn up against the ministry of war. The first step was taken towards the end of 1897 by a See also:brother of Captain Dreyfus, who, in a letter to the minister of war, denounced See also:Major Esterhazy as the real author of the Bordereau. The authorities, supported by parliament, declined to reopen the Dreyfus Case, but they ordered a court-martial on Esterhazy, which was held with closed doors and resulted in his acquittal.

It now became clear that nothing short of an appeal to public opinion and a full exposure of all the iniquities that had been perpetrated would secure justice at the hands of the military chiefs. On behalf of Dreyfus, Emile See also:

Zola, the eminent novelist, formulated the case against the general staff of the army in an open letter to the president of the republic, which by its dramatic accusations startled the whole world. The letter was denounced as wild and fantastic even by those who were in favour of revision. Zola was prosecuted for libel and convicted, and had to See also:fly the country; but the agitation he had started was taken in hand by others, notably M. See also:Clemenceau, M. Reinach and M. Yves See also:Guyot. In August 1898 their efforts found their first See also:reward. A re-examination of the documents in the case by M. See also:Cavaignac, then minister of war, showed that one was undoubtedly forged. Colonel Henry, of the intelligence See also:department of the war office, then confessed that he had fabricated the document, and, on being sent to Mont Valerien under arrest, cut his See also:throat. In spite of this damaging discovery the war office still persisted in believing Dreyfus guilty, and opposed a fresh inquiry.

It was supported by three successive ministers of war, and apparently an overwhelming body of public opinion. By this time the question of the See also:

guilt or innocence of Dreyfus had become an altogether subsidiary issue. As in Germany and Austria, the anti-Semitic crusade had passed into the hands of the political parties. On the one hand the Radicals and Socialists, recognizing the anti-republican aims of the agitators and alarmed by the clerical predominance in the army, had thrown in their lot with the Dreyfusards; on the other the reactionaries, anxious to secure the support of the army, took the opposite view, denounced their opponents as sans patrie, and declared that they were conspiring to weaken and degrade the army in the face of the national enemy. The controversy was, consequently, no longer for or against Dreyfus, but for or against the army, and behind it was a life-or-death struggle between the republic and its enemies. The situation became alarming. Rumours of military plots filled the air. Powerful leagues for working up public feeling were formed and organized; attempts to discredit the republic and intimidate the government were made. The president was insulted; there were tumults in the streets, and an attempt was made by M. See also:Deroulede to induce the military to march on the Elysee and upset the republic. In this See also:critical situation France, to her eternal honour, found men with sufficient courage to do the right. The Socialists, by rallying to the Radicals against the reactionaries, secured a majority for the defence of the republic in parliament.

See also:

Brisson's cabinet transmitted to the court of cassation an application for the revision of the case against Dreyfus; and that tribunal, after an elaborate inquiry, which fully justified Zola's famous letter, quashed and annulled the proceedings of the court-martial, and remitted the accused to another court-martial, to be held at See also:Rennes. Throughout these proceedings the military party fought tooth and See also:nail to impede the course of justice; and although the innocence of Dreyfus had been completely established, it concentrated all its efforts to secure a fresh condemnation of the prisoner at Rennes. Popular passion was at See also:fever See also:heat, and it manifested itself in an attack on M. Labori, one of the counsel for the defence, who was shot and wounded on the eve of his cross-examination of the witnesses for the prosecution. To the amazement and indignation of thewhole world outside France, the Rennes court-martial again found the prisoner guilty; but all reliance on the conscientiousness of the See also:verdict was removed by a rider, which found "extenuating circumstances," and by a reduction of the See also:punishment to ten years' imprisonment, to which was added a recommendation to mercy. The verdict was evidently an attempt at a See also:compromise, and the government resolved to advise the president of the republic to See also:pardon Dreyfus. This lame conclusion did not satisfy the. accused; but his innocence had been so clearly proved, and on political grounds there were such urgent reasons for desiring a termination of the affair, that it was accepted without protest by the majority of moderate men. The rehabilitation of Dreyfus, however, did not pass without another effort on the part of the reactionaries to turn the popular passions excited by the case to their own See also:advantage. After the failure of Deroulede's attempt to overturn the republic, the various Royalist and Boulangist leagues, with the assistance of the anti-Semites, organized another See also:plot. This was discovered by the government, and the leaders were arrested. Jules Guerin, secretary of the anti-Semitic league, shut himself up in the league offices in the See also:rue Chabrol, Paris, which had been fortified and garrisoned by a number of his friends, armed with rifles. - For more than a See also:month these anti-Semites held the authorities at See also:bay, and some 5000 troops were employed in the See also:siege.

The conspirators were all tried by the senate, sitting as a high court, and Guerin was sentenced to ten years' imprisonment. The evidence showed that the anti-Semitic organization had taken an active part in the anti-republican plot (see the report of the Commission d'Instruction in the See also:

Petit Temps, 1st November 1899). The government now resolved to strike at the root of the mischief by limiting the power of the religious orders, and with this view a drastic Association bill was introduced into the See also:chambers. This . anti-clerical move provoked the wildest passions of the, reactionaries, but it found an overwhelming support in the elections of 1902 and the bill became law. The war thus definitely reopened soon led to a revival of the Dreyfus controversy. The nationalists flooded the country with incendiary defamations of " the government of national treason," and Dreyfus on his part loudly demanded a fresh trial. It was clear that conciliation and compromise were useless. Early in -1905 M. See also:Jaures urged upon the chamber that the demand of the Jewish officer should be granted if only to tranquillize the country. The necessary faits nouveaux were speedily found by the minister of war, General See also:Andre, and having been examined by a special commission of revision were ordered to be -transmitted to the court of cassation for final See also:adjudication. On the lzth of July 1906, the court, all chambers united, gave its See also:judgment. After a lengthy See also:review of the case it declared unanimously that the whole accusation against Dreyfus had been disproved, and it quashed the judgment of the Rennes court-martial sans renvoi.

The explanation of the whole case is that Esterhazy and Henry. were the real culprits; that they had made a trade of supplying the German government with military documents; and that once the Bordereau was discovered they availed themselves of the anti-Jewish agitation to throw suspicion on Dreyfus. Thus ended this famous case, to the See also:

relief of the whole country and with the approval of the great majority of French citizens. Except a See also:knot of anti-Semitic monomaniacs all parties bowed loyally to the judgment of the court of cassation. The government gave the fullest effect- to the judgment. Dreyfus and Picquart were restored to the active list of the army with the ranks respectively of major and general of See also:brigade. Dreyfus was also created a See also:knight of the See also:Legion of Honour, and received the decoration in public in the See also:artillery See also:pavilion of the military school. Zola, to whose efforts the triumph of truth was chiefly due, had not been spared to See also:witness the final scene, but the chambers decided to give his remains a last resting-place in the See also:Pantheon. When three months later M. Clemenceau formed his first cabinet he appointed General Picquart minister of war. Nothing indeed was left undone to repair the terrible series of wrongs which had grown out of the Dreyfus case. Nevertheless its destructive work could not be wholly healed. For over ten years it had been a nightmare to France, and it now modified the whole course of French history.

In the ruin of the French Church, which owed its disestablishment very largely to the Dreyfus conspiracy, may be read the most eloquent warning against the demoralizing madness of anti-Semitism. In sympathy with the agitation in France there has been a similar movement in See also:

Algeria, where the European population have long resented the See also:admission of the native Jews to the rights of French citizenship. The agitation has been marked by much violence, and most of the anti-Semitic deputies in the French parliament, including M. Drumont, have found constituencies in Algeria. As the local anti-Semites are largely Spaniards and Levantine riff-See also:raff, the agitation has not the peculiar nationalist See also:bias which characterizes See also:continental anti-Semitism. Before the energy of the authorities it has lately shown signs of subsiding. While the main activity of anti-Semitism has manifested itself in Germany, Russia, Rumania, Austria-Hungary and France, its vibratory influences have been felt in other countries Great when conditions favourable to its See also:extension have See also:Britain, Presented themselves. In England more than one Qc. attempt to acclimatize the doctrines of Marr and Treitschke has been made. The circumstance that at the time of the rise of German anti-Semitism a premier of Hebrew race, Lord See also:Beaconsfield, was in power first suggested the Jewish bogey to See also:English political extremists. The Eastern crisis of 1876–1878, which was regarded by the Liberal party as primarily a struggle between Christianity, as represented by Russia, and a degrading Semitism, as represented by Turkey, accentuated the anti-Jewish feeling, owing to the anti-Russian attitude adopted by the government. Violent expression to the ancient prejudices against the Jews was given by See also:Sir J.

G. See also:

Tollemache See also:Sinclair (A Defence of Russia, 1877). Mr T. P. O'See also:Connor, in a life of Lord Beaconsfield (1878), pictured him as the See also:instrument of the Jewish people, " moulding the whole policy of Christendom to Jewish aims." Professor Goldwin See also:Smith, in several articles in the Nineteenth Century (1878, 1881 and 1882), sought to synthetize the growing anti-Jewish feeling by adopting the nationalist theories of the German anti-Semites. This movement did not fail to find an equivocal response in the speeches of some of the leading Liberal statesmen; but on the country generally it produced no effect. It was revived when the persecutions in Russia threatened England with a great influx of See also:Polish Jews, whose mode of life was calculated to lower the See also:standard of living in the See also:industries in which they were employed, and it has left its trace in the anti-alien legislation of 1905. In 1883 Stocker visited London, but received a very unflattering reception. Abortive attempts to acclimatize anti-Semitism have also been made in See also:Switzerland, See also:Belgium, See also:Greece and the United States. Anti-Semitism made a great deal of history during the See also:thirty years up to 1908, but has left no permanent mark of a constructive See also:kind on the social and political See also:evolution of Europe. It is the See also:fruit of a great ethnographic and political See also:error, and it has spent itself in political intrigues of transparent dishonesty. Its racial doctrine is at best a crude hypothesis: its nationalist theory has only served to throw into striking relief the essentially economic bases of modern society, while its political activity has revealed the vulgarity and ignorance which constitute its main sources of strength.

So far from injuring the Jews, it has really given Jewish racial separatism a new See also:

lease of life. Its extravagant accusations, as in the Tisza Eszlar and Dreyfus cases, have resulted in the vindication of the Jewish character. Its agitation generally, coinciding with the revival of See also:interest in Jewish history, has helped to transfer Jewish solidarity from a religious to a racial basis. The See also:bond of a See also:common race, vitalized by a new See also:pride in Hebrew history and spurred on to resistance by the insults of the anti-Semites, has given a new spirit and a new source of strength to Judaism at a moment when the approximation of ethical systems and the revolt against See also:dogma were sapping its essentially religious See also:foundations. In the whole history of Judaism, perhaps, there have been no more numerous or remark-able instances of reversions to the faith than in the period in question. The reply of the Jews to anti-Semitism has takentwo interesting practical forms. In the first place there is the so-called Zionist movement, which is a kind of Jewish nationalism and is vitiated by the same errors that distinguish its anti-Semitic analogue (see See also:ZIONISM). In the second place, there is a movement represented by the Maccabaeans' Society in London, which seeks to unite the Jewish people in an effort to raise the Jewish character and to promote a higher consciousness of the dignity of the race. It See also:lays no stress on orthodoxy, but welcomes all who strive to render Jewish conduct an adequate reply to the theories of the anti-Semites. Both these movements are elements of fresh vitality to Judaism, and they are probably destined to produce important fruit in future years. A splendid spirit of generosity has also been displayed by the Jewish community in assisting and relieving the victims of the Jew-haters. Besides countless funds raised by public subscription, Baron de See also:Hirsch founded a colossal scheme for transplanting persecuted Jews to new countries under new conditions of life, and endowed it with no less a sum than £9,000,000 (see HIRSCH, See also:MAURICE DE).

Though anti-Semitism has been unmasked and discredited, it is to be feared that its history is not yet at an end. While there remain in Russia and Rumania over six millions of Jews who are being systematically degraded, and who periodically overflow the western frontier, there must continue to be a Jewish question in Europe; and while there are weak governments, and ignorant and superstitious elements in the enfranchized classes of the countries affected, that question will seek to play a part in politics. and other works; the other side by Isidor Loeb, See also:

Bernard Lazare, Leone Reynaud, &c. Of the Dreyfus Case there is an enormous literature: see especially the reports of the Zola and Picquart trials, the revision case before the Court of Cassation, the proceedings of the Rennes court-martial, and the final judgment of the Court of Cassation printed in full in the See also:Figaro, July 15, 1906; also Reinach, Histoire de l'affaire Dreyfus (Paris, 1908, 6 vols.), and the valuable series of volumes by Captain Paul Marin, MM. Clemenceau, Lazare, Yves Guyot, See also:Paschal Grousset, Urbain See also:Gohier, de Haime, de See also:Pressense, and the remarkable letters of Dreyfus (Lettres d'un See also:innocent). An English history of the case was published by F. C. See also:Conybeare (1898), whose articles and those of Sir See also:Godfrey Lushington and L. J. \-laxse in the National Review, 1897-1900, will be found invaluable by the student. On the Algerian question, see M. Wahl in the Revue des etudes juives; L.

See also:

Forest, Naturalisation des Israelites algeriens; and E. Audinet in the Revue genirale de See also:droit inter-national publique. 1897, No. 4. On the history of the anti-Semitic movement generally, see the annual reports of the Alliance Israelite of Paris and the Anglo-Jewish Association of London, also the annual summaries published at the end of the Jewish year by the Jewish See also:Chronicle of London. The connexion of the movement with general party politics must be followed in the newspapers. The present writer has worked with a collection of newspaper cuttings numbering several thousands and ranging over thirty years. (L.

End of Article: ANTIQUE (Lat. antiquus, old)

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