PHILOLOGY , the generally accepted comprehensive name for the study of the word (Gr. X6'yos), or See also:

• LANGUAGES

Philology, in all its departments, began and See also:

• GREW, NEHEMIAH (1641-1712)

Man as we now see him Anthropo- is a twofold being: in part the See also:

• CHILD
• CHILD, FRANCIS JAMES (1825-1896)
• CHILD, L
• CHILD, LYDIA MARIA (1802-1880)
• CHILD, SIR FRANCIS (1642-1713)
• CHILD, SIR JOHN (d. 1690)
• CHILD, SIR JOSIAH (163o - 1699)

It is beyond all question, in the first See also:

• PLACE (through Fr. from Lat. platea, street; Gr. IrAar6s, wide)

As a solitary man now would never form even the beginnings of speech, as one separated from society unlearns his speech by disuse and becomes virtually dumb, so See also:

• EARLY
• EARLY, JUBAL ANDERSON (1816-1894)

So, by a true and instructive analogy, the beginnings of writing are rude depictions of visible objects; it is now thoroughly recognized that no See also:

• ALPHABET (see also WRITING)

It is altogether probable that gesture at first performed the principal part, even to such extent that theearliest human language may be said to have been a language of gesture signs; indeed, there exist at the present day such gesture-languages as those in use between roving tribes of different speech that from time to time meet one another (the most noted example is that of the gesture-language, of a very considerable degree of development, of the See also:

• PRAIRIE (adopted from the Fr. prairie, a meadow-tract. Late Lat. prataria, Lat. pratum, meadow)

The fundamental conditions of speech are man's grade of intellectual See also:

• POWER [WILLIAM GRATTAN] TYRONE (1797-1841)

So also the characteristic cry or act of anything outside ourselves, if even rudely imitated, is to us an effective reminder and awakener of conception. We have no reason to question that such were the suggestions of the beginnings of uttered expression. The same means have made their contributions to language even down to our own day; we call words so produced " onomatopoetic " (i.e. " name-making "), after the example of the Greeks, who could not conceive that actually new additions to language should be made in any other way. What and how wide the range of the imitative principle, and what amount of language-signs it was capable of yielding, is a subject for special investigation—or rather, of See also:

• SPECULATION

It would be highly interesting to find out just how near any come to it; and to this point ought to be especially directed the attention of those who are investigating the communication of the lower animals in its relation to human communication. Among the animals of highest intelligence that See also:

• ASSOCIATE (Lat. associates, from ad, to, and sociare to join)

There is just the same status existent in the difference between man's conventional speech and the natural communication of the lower races as in that between men's forms of society and the instinctive associations of the lower races; but it is no greater and no other; it 's neither more absolute and characteristic nor more difficult to explain. Hence those who put forward language as the distinction between man and the lower animals, and those who look upon our language as the same in kind with the means of communication of the lower animals, only much more complete and perfect, fail alike to comprehend the true nature of language, and are alike wrong in their arguments and conclusions. No addition to or multiplication of brute speech would make anything like human speech; the two are separated by a step which no animal below man has ever taken; and, on the other hand, language is only the most conspicuous among those institutions the development of which has constituted human progress, while their possession constitutes human culture. With the question of the origin of man, whether or not See also:

• DEVELOPED

It cannot be too absolutely laid down that differences of language, down to the possession of language at all, are differences only in respect to education and culture. How long man, after he came into such being as he now is, physically and intellectually, continued to communicate with imitative signs of See also:

• DIRECT

The See also:

• LAW
• LAW (0. Eng. lagu, M. Eng. lawe; from an old Teutonic root lag, " lie," what lies fixed or evenly; cf. Lat. lex, Fr. loi)
• LAW, JOHN (1671—1729)
• LAW, WILLIAM (1686-1761)

The name " articulate " belongs to this utterance, as distinguished from inarticulate human sounds and cries and from the sounds made by the lower animals. The word itself is Latin, by See also:

• TRANSLATION

There has never been any difficulty in providing for new knowledge and more refined thought by putting to new uses the earlier and grosser materials of speech. As a matter of course, whatever we now signify by our See also:

• SIMPLE

Nothing has a right to be admitted as a factor in language-growth of which the action is not demonstrable in recorded language. Our own family of languages is the one of whose development most is known, by observation and well-warranted inference; and it may be well here to See also:

• SKETCH (directly adapted from Dutch schets, which was taken from Ital. schizzo, a rough draft, Lat. schedium, something hastily made, Gr. oxE&os, sudden, off-hand, axeb6v, near by; Ger. Skizze and Fr. esquisse are from the same source)

There was nothing at first to distinguish a compound like godly (godlike) from one like See also:

• STORM (in O. Eng..storm, and so in Du. and Low Ger.; in O. H. Ger. and mod. Ger. Sturm; the root is probably that seen in " stir," to rouse, move, disturb, cf. Ger. storen)
• STORM, THEODOR WOLDSEN (1817-1888)

Of the former there is evidently but small See also:

• CHANCE (through the O. Fr. cheance, from the Late Lat. cadentia, things happening, from cadere, to fall out, happen; cf. " case ")

The unity of human nature makes human speech alike in the character of its beginnings and in the general features of its after-history. Everywhere among men a certain See also:

• STORE (from O. Fr. estor or estoire, Late Lat. staurum or instaurum, stock, provisions, supply, from the late use of instaurare, to provide, properly to construct, renew, restore)

Phonetic convenience is economy of effort on the part of those organs; and to no other law than that of economy of utterance have any of the phenomena of phonetic change been found traceable (though it is also to be noted that some phenomena have not hitherto been successfully brought under it, and that the way of effecting this is still unclear). " Euphony," which used to be appealed to as explanation, is a false principle, except so far as the term may be made an idealized synonym of economy. The See also:

• EAR (common Teut.; O.E. are, Ger. Ohr, Du. oor, akin to Lat. auris, Gr. ovs)

It is thus that, in the most recent period, the distinction of led from lead and met from meet and so on has been made; the added auxiliary which originally made these preterites induced a shortening of the root-vowel, and this was left behind when the auxiliary disappeared by the usual process of abbrevia- tion. It is in the same way that the distinctions of men from man, of were from was, of set from sit, with all their analogues, were brought about: by a modification of vowel-sound (Ger. Umlaut) occasioned by the presence in the following syllable of an i-vowel, which in the older stages of the language is still to be seen there. And the distinctions of sing, sang, sung and See also:

• SONG

Indeed, the borrowing of forms in the highest sense, or forms of inflexion, is well-nigh or quite impossible; no example of it has been demonstrated in any of the historical periods of language, though it is some- times adventurously assumed as a part of prehistoric growth. How nearly it may be approached is instanced by the presence in English of such learned plurals as phenomena and strata. This extreme resistance to mixture in the department of inflexion is the ground on which some deny the possibility of mixture in language, and hence the existence of such a thing as a mixed language. The difference is mainly a verbal one; but it would seem about as reasonable to deny that a region is inundated so long as the tops of its highest mountains are above See also:

• WATER

To call such languages radical is by no means to maintain that they exhibit the primal roots of human speech, unchanged or only phonetically changed, or that they have known nothing of the combination of element with element. Of some of them the roots are in greater or less part dissyllabic; and we do not yet know that all .dissyllabism, and even that all complexity of syllable beyond a single consonant with following vowel, is not the result of combination or reduplication. But all combination is not form-making; it needs a whole class of combinations, with a recognized common element in them producing a recognized common modification of meaning, to make a form. The same elements which (in Latin, and even to some extent in English also) are of formal value in con-scant and pre-dict lack that character in cost and preach; the same like which makes adverbs in tru-ly and right-ly is present without any such value in such and which (from so-like and who-like); cost and preach, and such and which, are as purely radical in English as other words of which we do not happen to be able to demonstrate the composite character. And so a Chinese monosyllable or an See also:

• EGYPTIAN

It is not easy to define the distinction between such phrase-collocations and the beginnings of See also:

• AGGLUTINATION (Lat. ad, and gluten, glutinare, literally to fasten together with glue)

Outside the Semitic, at any rate, one should not speak of inflective and non-inflective languages, but only of languages more inflective and less inflective. To account for the great and striking differences of structure among human languages is beyond the power of the linguistic value of student, and will doubtless always continue so. We structure, are not likely to be able even to demonstrate a corre- lation of capacities, saying that a race which has done this and that in other departments 'of human activity might have been expected to form such and such a language. Every tongue represents the general outcome of the capacity of a race as exerted in this particular direction, under the influence of historical circumstances which we can have no See also:

• HOPE, ANTHONY
• HOPE, THOMAS (c. 1770-1831)

Everything in language depends upon habit and analogy; and the formation of habit is a slow process, while the habit once formed exercises a constraining as well as a guiding influence. Hence the persistency of language-structure: when a certain sum and kind of expression is produced, and made to answer the purposes of expression, it remains the same by inertia; a shift of direction becomes of extreme difficulty. No other reason can at present be given why in historical time there has been no marked development out of one grade of structure into another; but the fact no more shakes the linguistic scholar's belief in the growth of structure than the See also:

• ABSENCE (Lat. absentia)

We must be content with demonstrating for those beginnings a unity of kind as alike a body of formless roots. But, on the other hand, since this unity is really demonstrated, since all structure is the result of growth, and no degree of difference of structure, any more than of difference of material, refuses explanation as the result of discordant growth from identical beginnings, it is equally inadmissible to claim that the diversities of language prove it to have had different beginnings. That is to say, the question of the unity of speech, and yet more that of the unity of the race, is beyond the reach of the student of language; the best view he can attain is the hypothetical one, that, if the race is one, the beginnings of speech were perhaps one—but probably not, even then. This negative conclusion is so clearly established as to leave no excuse for the still oft-repeated attempts to See also:

• PRESS (through Fr. presse from Lat. pressare, frequentative of premere, to crush, squeeze, press)

He simply satisfies his social needs of communication by means of it; and if he has anything to express that is different from what has been expressed before, he takes the shortest way to a See also:

• PROVISION (Lat. provisio)

It is this tendency on the part of the collective speakers of a language to approve or reject a proposed change according to its conformity with their already subsisting usages that we are accustomed to call by the fanciful name " the See also:

• GENIUS (from Lat. genere, gignere)

In applying this explanation of dialectic growth we have to allow for modifying circumstances of various nature, which alter not indeed the fact but the rate and kind of divarication. Some languages grow and change much more rapidly than others, with a corresponding effect upon divarication, since this is but a result of discordant growth. Usually, when there is division of a community, the parts get into different external circumstances, come in contact or mingle with different neighbouring communities, and the like; and this quickens and increases their divergence of speech. But the modifying factor of by far the highest importance here, as elsewhere in the history of language, is civilization. Civilization in its higher forms so multiplies the forces of communication as to render it possible that the widely-divided parts of one people, living in circumstances and under institutions of very different character, should yet maintain a substantial oneness of speech; of this there is no more striking example than the two great divisions of the English-speaking people on opposite sides of the See also:

• ATLANTIC

Dialectic resemblances point inevitably back to an earlier unity of speech, and hence of community; from what we know of the history of speech, they are not to be accounted for in any other way. The longer the separation that has produced the diversity, the greater its degree. With every generation the amount of accordance decreases and that of discordance increases the common origin of the dialects is at first palpable, then evident on examination, then to be made out by skilled See also:

• RESEARCH (O. Fr. recerche, from recercher, re- and cercer, mod. chercher, to search; Late Lat. circare, to go round in a circle, to explore)

In the second place, and yet more obviously, with this classification is connected all that language has to See also:

• TEACH [THATCH OR THACH], EDWARD (d. 1718)

Almost every possible phase of language-mixture is traceable in the history of the abundant words of Latin origin used by American negroes. What events of this character took place in prehistoric time we shall never be able to tell. If any one chooses to assert the possibility that even the completely isolated dialect of the little Basque community may have been derived by the Iberian race from an intrusive minority as small as that which made the Celts of Gaul speakers of Latin, we should have to admit it as a possibility—yet without detriment to the value of the dialect as indicating the isolated race-position of its speakers. In strictness, language is never a See also:

• PROOF (in M. Eng. preove, proeve, preve, &°c., from O. Fr . prueve, proeve, &c., mod. preuve, Late. Lat. proba, probate, to prove, to test the goodness of anything, probus, good)

These advantages have made Indo-European language the training-ground of comparative philology, and its study will always remain the leading branch of that science. Many matters of importance in its history have been brought up and used as illustrations in the preceding discussion; but as its constitution and ascertained development call for a fuller and more systematic exposition than they have found here, a special See also:

• SECTION
• SECTION (Lat. sectio, cutting, secare, to cut)

3. Hamitic Family.—The prominent importance of this family (see HAMITIC LANGUAGES) is due to a single one of its members, the Egyptian. It occupies the See also:

• NORTH
• NORTH, BARONS
• NORTH, MARIANNE (1830—1890)
• NORTH, ROGER (1653-1734)
• NORTH, SIR THOMAS (1535?-16o1?)

Egyptian is limited to the See also:

• DELTA (from the shape of the Gr. letter A, delta, originally used of the mouth of the Nile)

The Chinese itself can be followed up, in contemporary records, to a period probably not far from 2000 B.C., and the language, the people, and their institutions, are then already in the main what they have ever since continued to be (see CHINA); the other leading tongues come into view much later, as they receive culture and See also:

• RELIGION
• RELIGION, FOLKLORE, CUSTOM

Ural-Altaic (Scythian, Turanian) Family.—China and Tibet are bordered on the north and west by the eastern branches of another immense family, which stretches through central arid northern Asia into Europe, overlapping the European border in See also:

• TURKEY

These are sometimes combined with the See also:

• ESKIMO, ESKIMOS

The principal one among them is the great Malay-Polynesian family. It falls into two principal divisions, Malayan and Polynesian. The Malayan includes, besides the Malay proper (see See also:

• MALAYS

They have been but imperfectly investigated, their imnortance, except to the professed student of language, being nothing; but they are not destitute of a rude agglutinative structure of their own. Still less known are the Papuan or Negrito languages, belonging to the black race with frizzled See also:

• HAIR (a word common to Teutonic languages)

Limited as it is in territory, it falls into a number of well-marked dialects, so that it also may not be refused the name of a " family." The only other case of the kind worth noting is that of the See also:

• ETRUSCAN

Those dialects which border on the See also:

• HOTTENTOTS

One group in the east (Oigob, &c.) has a gender distinction, involving that of sex, but really founded on relative power and dignity: things disparaged, including See also:

• WOMEN

Misteli (1893). See also handy summaries covering the same ground, but without bibliography, in F. N. See also:

• FINCK, FRIEDRICH AUGUST VON (1718-1766)
• FINCK, HEINRICH (d. c. 1519)
• FINCK, HERMANN (1527—1558)

As to the history of the study, see Lersch's Sprachphilosophie der See also:

• ALLEN, BOG OF
• ALLEN, ETHAN (1739–1789)
• ALLEN, GRANT CHARLES GRANT BLAIRFINDIEI, (1848–1899)
• ALLEN, JAMES LANE (1850– )
• ALLEN, JOHN (1476–1534)
• ALLEN, or ALLEYN, THOMAS (1542-1632)
• ALLEN, WILLIAM (1532-1594)
• ALLEN, WILLIAM FRANCIS (183o-1889)

Next to him See also:

• JACOB
• JACOB, JOHN (1812-1858)

He thus raised the hitherto neglected study of the development of sounds to an equal level with the study of grammatical forms, which had so far almost exclusively absorbed all the interest of linguistic research. Grimm's discovery of the so-called " Lautverschiebung," or Law of the Permutation of Consonants in the See also:

• TEUTONIC
• TEUTONIC (GERMANIC) LANGUAGES

The history of the meaning of words has a special periodical for itself, Worter and Saclten, now in its second volume. Besides those mentioned there are many See also:

• JOURNALS

D. See also:

• WHITNEY, ELI (1765-1825)
• WHITNEY, JOSIAH DWIGHT (1819-1896)
• WHITNEY, WILLIAM COLLINS (1841-1904)
• WHITNEY, WILLIAM DWIGHT (1827-1894)

Pronunciation—that is, the use of certain sounds in certain combinations—is perfectly unconscious in natural unstudied speech, and every speaker or generation of speakers hasonly one way of utterance for individual sounds or their combinations. If, therefore, a given sound was once changed into another under given circumstances, the new sound must necessarily and unconsciously replace its predecessor in every word that falls under the same rules, because the older sound ceases to be practised and therefore disappears from the language. Thus, for instance, the sound of the short so-called See also:

• ITALIAN

Moreover, the sweeping nature of the original generalizations has become so hedged in and contracted by limitations that a recent writer has been compelled once more to formulate the question whether phonetic laws actually exist. It must be admitted in the first place that the word law has been See also:

• ILL

This disappearance of original intervocalic s pervades all Greek dialects—the apparent exceptions come under the heading of analogical change; with a very few exceptions similarly explicable Latin intervocalic s has become r. But Latin was originally limited to a very small part even of Italy, and the next neighbours of the Latins on the east and south—the Sabines, Campanians and See also:

• SAMNITES

Belonging to an entirely different social stratum, and now equally obsolete, was the London pronunciation of the first half of the i9th century typified in Tony and Sam Weller's treatment of v and w in the Pickwick Papers. This, however, made a much nearer approach to being a genuine dialect peculiarity. It undoubtedly pervaded the pronunciation of the lower classes in London at one time; had it survived it might conceivably have spread over a wider and wider area until it embraced the whole population of England. A later change, that of the diphthong ai into ei (so that day, daily are pronounced dy, dyly), has spread from See also:

• ESSEX
• ESSEX, ARTHUR CAPEL
• ESSEX, EARLS OF
• ESSEX, KINGDOM OF
• ESSEX, ROBERT DEVEREUX
• ESSEX, ROBERT DEVEREUX, 2ND2 EARL OF (1566-1601)
• ESSEX, WALTER DEVEREUX, IST2 EARL OF (1541–1576)

If a large number of persons migrate in a body and continue to live in close intercourse with one another and but little in contact with the outside world, changes such as take place in the pronunciation of the individual emigrant do not occur. There can be no imitation of See also:

• ALIEN (Lat. alienus)

Yet the forms of the verb and substantive found in the Germanic languages leave no doubt that the forms without s- represent an extremely old form, for the English See also:

• THATCH (O.E. thaec; the word is common to many Teutonic languages in the sense of " roof," " cover "; cf. Du. dak, Ger. Dach; from Du. dekken comes " deck "; the Indo-European root is stag, whence Gr. or.yos, roof, Lat. tegere, to cover; the French equiva

The particular line of development which, e.g. French followed as compared with Spanish or with the language of the Rhaetian See also:

• ALPS

Now, while foot, feet and book are the regular modern phonetic equivalents of the old fot, See also:

• JET (Fr. jais, Ger. Gagat)

In Wiclif we find a similar plural to calf, calveren, but here calves has long replaced in the literary language both the earlier forms. (b) Let us now take another instance from the English verb. In Old English the different persons of the preterite indicative in the so-called strong (irregular) verbs were generally distinguished by different root-vowels; ridan, " to ride," and bindan, " to bind," for instance, form their preterities thus; ic r¢d, 817i ride, he See also:

• ROD (O.E. rodd, probably related to Norw. rudda, stick, rodda, stake)
• ROD, EDOUARD (1857-1910)

Of such natural mental combinations two classes deserve special notice: the mutual relationship in which the different, say inflexional, forms of the same word stand to each other, and the more abstract analogies between the inflexional system of word-groups bearing a similar character, as, for instance, the different declensions of nouns and pronouns, or the different conjugations of verbs. The instance of rode, bound may serve to illustrate the former See also:

• CATEGORY (Gr. Karrlyopia, " accusation ")

In Latin, adjectives of fullness, like other adjectives, no doubt originally were followed by the genitive case; participles, on the other hand, were followed by the instrumental ablative. Thus See also:

• PLAUTUS, TITUS MACCIUS (originally perhaps MACCUS; cf. Asin. Prol. 11)

Cf. Tottell's See also:

• MISCELLANY

One of the most difficult problems connected with syntax, but primarily, as it appears, a question of See also:

• MORPHOLOGY, (Gr. yopdsil, form)

Hence he failed to produce an immediate and lasting impression, and the merit of having introduced into the practice of modern comparative philology a strictly systematic See also:

• CONSIDERATION (from Lat. considerare, to look at closely, examine, generally taken to be from con-, and the base seen in sidus, sideris, a star, the word being supposed to be originally an astrological or astronomical term)

As this characteristic, like the others mentioned, goes back apparently to a time before the separation of the Indo-European languages, explanation can hardly pass beyond speculation. It is, however, to be noted that the neuter form of the nominative is phonetic-ally identical with the See also:

• ACCUSATIVE (Lat. accusativus, sc. casus, a translation of the Gr. aletartKI vrrwves, the case concerned with cause and effect, from atria, a cause)

I oo. 2 B. I. See also:

• WHEELER, JOSEPH (1836-1906)
• WHEELER, WILLIAM ALMON (1819-1887)

The pluperfect, where it has developed, seems to be a mixed form arising from the application of aorist endings to a perfect stem. Thus far the history of the verb system is tolerably clear. But when we attempt to define the original meaning of the moods and of the tenses we pass into a region where, in spite of assiduous investigation in many quarters during recent years, the scanty amount of light thrown on the problem has only served to make the darkness visible. As regards the tenses, at least, it has been shown that without doubt there is no difference in formation between present, future and aorist stems, while the earliest meaning cf the perfect was that of a special kind of present expressing either repeated or intensive action or a state. It has also been proved that the original meaning of the aorist is not past in time, and that in fact the only element whereby these languages could express remoteness in time was the See also:

• AUGMENT (Lat. augere, to increase)

The reduplicated present forms of the type seen in Sanskrit jigati, Greek bi&wµz, &c., he regards as expressing originally an action which consisted of repeated acts of the same nature (iterative), though this iterative meaning frequently passed into an intensive meaning. Presents of the type seen in Sanskrit tr'syati, " is thirsty," and Greek xaipw, " am glad " (for *xapi.w), where the i (y) of the suffix has modified the first syllable and disappeared, he regards as cursive—i.e. they express continuous action without reference to its beginning or end. Verbs which have regard to the beginning or end of the action he calls terminative, and finds them represented (a) in verbs with -n- suffixes, Sanskrit rnoti, 6pwvt, " sets in motion," Gywµ~, " break to pieces "; (b) in verbs with the suffix -sko-, Sanskrit gkchati, " goes " (to a definite destination), Greek /3fevew, &c. The roots he classifies as momentary (punktuel]) or non-momentary, according as they do or do not express an action which is begun and ended at once. This method of classification was no doubt suggested in the first instance by the characteristics of the Slavonic verb system. In this system a clear distinction is drawn in nearly all verbs between those which express a process (durative verbs) and those which express a completed action (perfective verbs). When perfective and durative verbs are formed from the same root, the perfective are distinguished from the durative forms (a) by having a preposition prefixed, or (b) by having a different stem formation. Thus in the Old Bulgarian (Old Ecclesiastical Slavonic) to. strike (See also:

• HIT

1o), Quid autem ad rem pertinet, quamdiu vites, quod evitare non possis? " What does it matter how long you go on avoiding [durative] what you cannot See also:

• ESCAPE (in mid. Eng. eschape or escape, from the O. Fr. eschapper, modern echapper, and escaper, low Lat. escapium, from ex, out of, and cappa, cape, cloak; cf. for the sense development the Gr. iichueoOat, literally to put off one's clothes, hence to sli

Here again the problem has not been solved, and it is doubtful how far any definite solution is likely to be arrived at, since there are so many gaps in our know-ledge of mood forms. These gaps, owing to the break-up of the system at so early a period, it is hardly probable we shall ever be able to fill. It is possible, however, to do a great deal more than has yet been done even in the most See also:

• FAMILIAR (through the Fr. familier, from Lat. familiaris, of or belonging to the familia, family)

In the development of meaning much more than in phonetics is this necessarily the case, In phonetics all speakers of the same dialect start with approximately the same sound. But the same combination of sounds which we call a word does not recall the same idea to all persons who use that word. The idea that the phrase railway station calls up in the mind of a Londoner is very different from that which occurs to the mind of a child acquainted only with a wayside station serving the wants of a country See also:

• VILLAGE

Thus in English we find dyke in use both for a ditch and for a See also:

• MOUND

The individual becomes collective as in See also:

• CORPS (pronounced as in French, from which it is taken, being a late spelling of tors, from Lat. corpus, a body; cf. " corpse ")

Resemblance as the basis of metaphor has a very widely extended influence on language. The most numerous and most varied forms of change in meaning depend, however, upon the law of contiguity. Perhaps the commonest of all forms of contiguity is that where the word indicating some accompanying feature or condition replaces the word for the object referred to. In the countries that border the Mediterranean the heat of midday is accompanied and intensified by the dying away of the See also:

• WIND
• WIND (a common Teut. word, cognate with Skt. vats, Lat. ventus, cf. " weather," to be of course distinguished from to " wind," to coil or twist, O.Eng. windan, cf. "wander," "wend," &c.)

Replacement of substantives by their accompanying adjectives is common in most languages. One of the most commcn methods of coining a name for a new See also:

• ARTICLE (from Lat. articulus, a joint)